diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/55075-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/55075-0.txt | 21903 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 21903 deletions
diff --git a/old/55075-0.txt b/old/55075-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 26972ab..0000000 --- a/old/55075-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,21903 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. VI. -(of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. VI. (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private - -Author: Thomas Jefferson - -Editor: H. A. Washington - -Release Date: July 8, 2017 [EBook #55075] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS--THOMAS JEFFERSON--VOL 6 *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_, and Old English text by - +plus marks+. - - The [bracketed] footnotes are as in the original. - - Inconsistent or incorrect accents and spelling in passages in French, - Latin and Italian have been left unchanged. - - ς (final form sigma) in the middle of a word has been normalized to σ. - Greek diacritics were normalized to be all present or all missing, - according to their preponderance in the quotation. - - - The following possible inconsistencies/printer errors/archaic - spellings/different names for different entities were identified - but left as printed: - - Vanderkemp and Vander Kemp - Mellish and Melish - Rochefaucault, Rochefoucauld, Rochfaucauld - De Tutt, Destutt, Dustutt Tracy - Machiavilian and Machiavelian - ascendancy and ascendency. - - M. DE LOMERIE omitted from the table of contents. - - Page 76: "orders of council have been repeated" should possibly be - "orders of council have been repealed" - - Page 155: "Tries's" most outrageous riot and rescue should possibly - be "Fries's". - - Page 159: Hallicarnassensis should possibly be Halicarnassus. - - Page 163: Shaise's rebellion should possibly be Shay's rebellion. - - Page 186: There is a possible punctuation error in the entry for "herb" - in the list under the heading "Adj." - - Page 357: Pythagonic should possibly be Pythagoric. - - Page 359: "The refractory siston" should possibly be "The refractory - system". - - Page 402: Pretorian should possibly be Preætorian. - - Page 505: homony should possibly be hominy. - - Table of Contents references Putty, but text references Pully. - - - The formulas for calculating an annuity on page 200 were possibly - printed incorrectly. - - - - - THE - WRITINGS - OF - THOMAS JEFFERSON: - BEING HIS - AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES, - ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL - AND PRIVATE. - - - PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE - LIBRARY, FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, - DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE. - - - WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX - TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE, - BY THE EDITOR - H. A. WASHINGTON. - - - VOL. VI. - - - NEW YORK: - H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY. - 1861. - - - - - Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by - TAYLOR & MAURY, - In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of - Columbia. - - - STEREOTYPED BY - THOMAS B. SMITH, - 32 & 84 Beekman Street. - - - - -CONTENTS TO VOL. VI. - - - - -BOOK II. - - PART III.--CONTINUED.--LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED - STATES DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH.--(1790-1826,)--3. - - - Adams, John, letters written to, 35, 48, 59, 85, 120, 125, 142, - 191, 217, 231, 302, 352, 488, 458, 523, 575. - - Armstrong, General, letter written to, 103. - - Astor, John Jacob, letters written to, 55, 247. - - Austin, Benjamin, letters written to, 520, 553. - - - Bailey, General, letter written to, 100. - - Barrow, Mr., letter written to, 456. - - Barbour, Governor, letter written to, 38. - - Bentley, William, letter written to, 503. - - Burnside, Samuel M., letter written to, 290. - - Burwell, W. A., letter written to, 5. - - - Cabell, Joseph C., letters written to, 299, 309, 389, 537, 540. - - Cains, Clement, letter written to, 13. - - Canby, Wm., letter written to, 210. - - Carr, Mathew, letter written to, 132. - - Carr, Dabney, letter written to, 527. - - Christian, Charles, letter written to, 44. - - Clay, Mr., letter written to, 7. - - Clarke, John, letter written to, 307. - - Clas, Charles, letter written to, 412. - - Cook, Amos, J., letter written to, 531. - - Cooper, Thomas, letters written to, 71, 311, 371, 375, 389. - - Cooper, Dr. Thomas, letter written to, 290. - - Correa, Mr., letter written to, 480. - - Crawford, Mr., letter written to, 417. - - Crawford, Dr., letter written to, 32. - - - Dearborne, H. A. S., letter written to, 27. - - Dearborne, General, letter written to, 450. - - Delaplaine, Mr., letters written to, 343, 373. - - Duane, Colonel Wm., letters written to, 75, 79, 98, 109, 211. - - Dufief, M., letter written to, 339. - - - Edwards, James L., letter written to, 8. - - Eppes, Mr., letter written to, 15. - - Eppes, John W., letters written to, 136, 194, 228. - - Evans, Oliver, letter written to, 297. - - - Fleming, George, letter written to, 504. - - Flourney, Thomas C., letter written to, 82. - - - Gallatin, Albert, letter written to, 498. - - Galloway, Benjamin, letter written to, 41. - - Gerry, Eldridge, letter written to, 62. - - Girardin, Mr., letters written to, 335, 411, 439, 455. - - Gray, Francis C., letter written to, 436. - - Granger, Gideon, letter written to, 329. - - Green, Nathaniel, letter written to, 71. - - Greenhow, Samuel, letter written to, 308. - - - Humboldt, Baron de, letter written to, 267. - - - Jones, Dr. Walter, letter written to, 284. - - - King, Miles, letter written to, 387. - - Kosciusko, General, letters written to, 67, 77. - - - La Fayette, Marquis de, letter written to, 421. - - Latrobe, Mr., letter written to, 74. - - Law, Thomas, letter written to, 348. - - Leiper, Thomas, letters written to, 281, 463. - - Letre, Thomas, letter written to, 79. - - Lincoln, Levi, letter written to, 7. - - Logan, Dr., letters written to, 215, 497. - - Lyon, James, letter written to, 10. - - - Macon, Nathaniel, letter written to, 534. - - Manners, Dr. John, letter written to, 319. - - Martin, James, letter written to, 213. - - Maury, James, letter written to, 51. - - Maury, Mr., letters written to, 467, 469. - - Maury, Thomas W., letter written to, 548. - - Mellish, Mr., letters written to, 93, 403. - - McMatron, Thomas Paine, letter written to, 107. - - McPherson, Isaac, letter written to, 42. - - Middleton, Henry, letter written to, 90. - - Milligan, Joseph, letter written to, 568. - - Mitchell, Andrew, letters written to, 6, 483. - - Mole, Baron de, letter written to, 363. - - Monroe, James, letters written to, 34, 123, 130, 394, 407, 550. - - Morrell, Dr., letter written to, 99. - - - Nash, Melatiah, letter written to, 29. - - Nelson, Hon. Mr., letter written to, 46. - - Nemours, Dupont de, letters written to, 428, 457, 507, 589. - - Nicholas, Governor, letters written to, 560, 578. - - - Onis, Chevalier de, letter written to, 341. - - - Patterson, Dr. R. M., letters written to, 10, 17, 26, 83, 301, 396, - 397. - - Partridge, Captain, letters written to, 495, 510. - - Peale, Mr., letter written to, 6. - - Pintard, John, letter written to, 289. - - Plumer, Governor, letter written to, 414. - - President of the United States, letters written to, 47, 57, 58, 70, - 77, 101, 111, 133, 385, 391, 452. - - Putty, Thomas, letter written to, 34. - - - Ritchie, Thomas, letter written to, 532. - - Roane, Judge, letter written to, 493. - - Rodman, Mr., letter written to, 54. - - Ronaldson, Mr., letter written to, 91. - - Rodney, Cæsar A., letter written to, 448. - - - Sargeant, Ezra, letter written to, 42. - - Say, Jean Baptiste, letter written to, 430. - - Shecut, John, letter written to, 153. - - Short, Wm., letters written to, 127, 398. - - Serra, Correa de., letters written to, 405, 595. - - Small, Abraham, letter written to, 346. - - Smith, Samuel H., letter written to, 383. - - Spafford, Horatio G., letter written to, 334. - - Stael, Madame de, letter written to, 481. - - - Taylor, John, letter written to, 604. - - Tessé, Madame de, letter written to, 271. - - Thompson, Charles, letter written to, 518. - - Todd, Paine, letter written to, 16. - - Torrence, W. H., letter written to, 460. - - Tyler, Judge, letter written to, 65. - - - Valentin, Don de Toronda Coruna, letter written to, 273 - - Vander Kemp, Mr., letters written to, 44, 593. - - Vaughan, John, letter written to, 416. - - - Watson, John F., letter written to, 345. - - Wendover, Mr., letter written to, 444. - - Wheaton, Dr., letter written to, 43. - - Wilson, John, letter written to, 190. - - Wilson, Dr. Peter, letter written to, 529. - - Wirt, William, letters written to, 364, 483. - - Worcester, Rev. Mr., letter written to, 538. - - Wright, Hon. Mr., letter written to, 78. - - - Yancey, Colonel, letter written to, 514. - - - Address lost, letters written to, 129, 260, 391, 557. - - - Adams, John, letters written by, 146, 150, 154, 204, 208, 249, - 251, 254, 263, 316, 324, 357, 473, 474, 491, 500, 545, 554, - 598, 601. - - - - -PART III.--CONTINUED. - -LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS -DEATH. - -1790-1826. - - -TO DR. RUSH. - - POPLAR FOREST, August 17, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I write to you from a place ninety miles from Monticello, -near the New London of this State, which I visit three or four times a -year, and stay from a fortnight to a month at a time. I have fixed myself -comfortably, keep some books here, bring others occasionally, am in the -solitude of a hermit, and quite at leisure to attend to my absent friends. -I note this to show that I am not in a situation to examine the dates of -our letters, whether I have overgone the annual period of asking how you -do? I know that within that time I have received one or more letters from -you, accompanied by a volume of your introductory lectures, for which -accept my thanks. I have read them with pleasure and edification, for I -acknowledge facts in medicine as far as they go, distrusting only their -extension by theory. Having to conduct my grandson through his course of -mathematics, I have resumed that study with great avidity. It was ever -my favorite one. We have no theories there, no uncertainties remain on -the mind; all is demonstration and satisfaction. I have forgotten much, -and recover it with more difficulty than when in the vigor of my mind -I originally acquired it. It is wonderful to me that old men should not -be sensible that their minds keep pace with their bodies in the progress -of decay. Our old revolutionary friend Clinton, for example, who was a -hero, but never a man of mind, is wonderfully jealous on this head. He -tells eternally the stories of his younger days to prove his memory, as -if memory and reason were the same faculty. Nothing betrays imbecility so -much as the being insensible of it. Had not a conviction of the danger -to which an unlimited occupation of the executive chair would expose -the republican constitution of our government, made it conscientiously -a duty to retire when I did, the fear of becoming a dotard and of being -insensible of it, would of itself have resisted all solicitations to -remain. I have had a long attack of rheumatism, without fever and without -pain while I keep myself still. A total prostration of the muscles of the -back, hips and thighs, deprived me of the power of walking, and leaves it -still in a very impaired state. A pain when I walk, seems to have fixed -itself in the hip, and to threaten permanence. I take moderate rides, -without much fatigue; but my journey to this place, in a hard-going gig, -gave me great sufferings which I expect will be renewed on my return as -soon as I am able. The loss of the power of taking exercise would be a -sore affliction to me. It has been the delight of my retirement to be in -constant bodily activity, looking after my affairs. It was never damped -as the pleasures of reading are, by the question of _cui bono?_ for -what object? I hope your health of body continues firm. Your works show -that of your mind. The habits of exercise which your calling has given -to both, will tend long to preserve them. The sedentary character of my -public occupations sapped a constitution naturally sound and vigorous, -and draws it to an earlier close. But it will still last quite as long -as I wish it. There is a fulness of time when men should go, and not -occupy too long the ground to which others have a right to advance. We -must continue while here to exchange occasionally our mutual good wishes. -I find friendship to be like wine, raw when new, ripened with age, the -true old man's milk and restorative cordial. God bless you and preserve -you through a long and healthy old age. - - -TO WM. A. BURWELL, ESQ. - - POPLAR FOREST, August 19, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I am here after a long absence, having been confined at home -a month by rheumatism. I thought myself equal to the journey when I set -out, but I have suffered much coming, staying, and shall, returning. -If I am not better after a little rest at home, I shall set out for -the warm springs. The object of this letter is to inform Mrs. Burwell -that a ring, which she left where she washed the morning of leaving -Fludd's, is safe and will be delivered to her order or to herself when -she passes. I have not seen the President since he came home, nor do I -know what has passed with Foster from the fountain head; but through a -channel in which I have confidence, I learn he has delivered a formal -note in the name of his government, declaring that the circumstances -of the war oblige them to take possession of the ocean, and permit no -commerce on it but through their ports. Thus their purpose is at length -avowed. They cannot from their own resources maintain the navy necessary -to retain the dominion of the ocean, and mean that other nations shall -be assessed to maintain their own chains. Should the king die, as is -probable, although the ministry which would come in stand so committed -to repeal the orders of Council, I doubt if the nation will permit it. -For the usurpation of the sea has become a national disease. This state -of things annihilates the culture of tobacco, except of about 15,000 -hhds. on the prime lands. Wheat and Flour keep up. Wheat was at 9s. 6d. -at Richmond ten days ago. I have sold mine here at the Richmond price, -abating 2s., but 8s. a bushel has been offered for machined wheat. Present -me respectfully to Mrs. Burwell, and accept assurances of affectionate -respect and esteem. - - -TO MR. PEALE. - - POPLAR FOREST, August 20, 1811. - -It is long, my dear Sir, since we have exchanged a letter. Our former -correspondence had always some little matter of business interspersed; -but this being at an end, I shall still be anxious to hear from you -sometimes, and to know that you are well and happy. I know indeed that -your system is that of contentment under any situation. I have heard that -you have retired from the city to a farm, and that you give your whole -time to that. Does not the museum suffer? And is the farm as interesting? -Here, as you know, we are all farmers, but not in a pleasing style. We -have so little labor in proportion to our land that, although perhaps we -make more profit from the same labor, we cannot give to our grounds that -style of beauty which satisfies the eye of the amateur. Our rotations are -corn, wheat, and clover, or corn, wheat, clover and clover, or wheat, -corn, wheat, clover and clover; preceding the clover by a plastering. -But some, instead of clover substitute mere rest, and all are slovenly -enough. We are adding the care of Merino sheep. I have often thought -that if heaven had given me choice of my position and calling, it should -have been on a rich spot of earth, well watered, and near a good market -for the productions of the garden. No occupation is so delightful to me -as the culture of the earth, and no culture comparable to that of the -garden. Such a variety of subjects, some one always coming to perfection, -the failure of one thing repaired by the success of another, and instead -of one harvest a continued one through the year. Under a total want of -demand except for our family table, I am still devoted to the garden. -But though an old man, I am but a young gardener. - -Your application to whatever you are engaged in I know to be incessant. -But Sundays and rainy days are always days of writing for the farmer. -Think of me sometimes when you have your pen in hand, and give me -information of your health and occupations; and be always assured of my -great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. CLAY. - - POPLAR FOREST, August 23, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--While here, and much confined to the house by my rheumatism, -I have amused myself with calculating the hour lines of an horizontal -dial for the latitude of this place, which I find to be 37° 22´ 26´´. -The calculations are for every five minutes of time, and are always -exact to within less than half a second of a degree. As I do not know -that any body here has taken this trouble before, I have supposed a copy -would be acceptable to you. It may be a good exercise for Master Cyrus -to make you a dial by them. He will need nothing but a protractor, or a -line of chords and dividers. A dial of size, say of from twelve inches to -two feet square, is the cheapest and most accurate measure of time for -general use, and would I suppose be more common if every one possessed -the proper horary lines for his own latitude. Williamsburg being very -nearly in the parallel of Poplar Forest, the calculations now sent would -serve for all the counties in the line between that place and this, for -your own place, New London, and Lynchburg in this neighborhood. Slate, -as being less affected by the sun, is preferable to wood or metal, and -needs but a saw and plane to prepare it, and a knife point to mark the -lines and figures. If worth the trouble, you will of course use the -paper enclosed; if not, some of your neighbors may wish to do it, and -the effect to be of some use to you will strengthen the assurances of -my great esteem and respect. - - -TO LEVI LINCOLN, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, August 25, 1811. - -It is long, my good friend, since we have exchanged a letter; and yet -I demur to all prescription against it. I cannot relinquish the right -of correspondence with those I have learnt to esteem. If the extension -of common acquaintance in public life be an inconvenience, that with -select worth is more than a counterpoise. Be assured your place is high -among those whose remembrance I have brought with me into retirement, -and cherish with warmth. I was overjoyed when I heard you were appointed -to the supreme bench of national justice, and as much mortified when I -heard you had declined it. You are too young to be entitled to withdraw -your services from your country. You cannot yet number the _quadraginta -stipendia_ of the veteran. Our friends, whom we left behind, have ceased -to be friends among themselves. I am sorry for it, on their account -and on my own, for I have sincere affection for them all. I hope it -will produce no schisms among us, no desertions from our ranks; that no -Essex man will find matter of triumph in it. The secret treasons of his -heart, and open rebellions on his tongue, will still be punished, while -_in fieri_, by the detestation of his country, and by its vengeance in -the overt act. What a pity that history furnishes so many abuses of the -punishment by exile, the most rational of all punishments for meditated -treason. Their great king beyond the water would doubtless receive them as -kindly as his Asiatic prototype did the fugitive aristocracy of Greece. -But let us turn to good-humored things. How do you do? What are you -doing? Does the farm or the study occupy your time, or each by turns? Do -you read law or divinity? And which affords the most curious and cunning -learning? Which is most disinterested? And which was it that crucified -its Saviour? Or were the two professions united among the Jews? In that -case, what must their Caiaphases have been? Answer me these questions, -or any others you like better, but let me hear from you and know that -you are well and happy. That you may long continue so is the prayer of -yours affectionately. - - -TO MR. JAMES L. EDWARDS. - - MONTICELLO, September 5, 1811. - -SIR,--Your letter of August 20th has truly surprised me. In this it is -said that, _for certain services performed_ by Mr. James Lyon and Mr. -Samuel Morse, formerly editors of the Savannah Republican, I promised -them the sum of one thousand dollars. This, Sir, is totally unfounded. I -never promised to any printer on earth the sum of one thousand dollars, -nor any other sum, for certain services performed, or for any services -which that expression would imply. I have had no accounts with printers -but for their newspapers, for which I have paid always the ordinary price -and no more. I have occasionally joined in moderate contributions to -printers, as I have done to other descriptions of persons, distressed or -persecuted, not by promise, but the actual payment of what I contributed. -When Mr. Morse went to Savannah, he called on me and told me he meant to -publish a paper there, for which I subscribed, and paid him the year in -advance. I continued to take it from his successors, Everett & McLean, -and Everett & Evans, and paid for it at different epochs up to December -31, 1808, when I withdrew my subscription. You say McLean informed you -"he had some expectation of getting the money, as he had received a -letter from me on the subject." If such a letter exists under my name, -it is a forgery. I never wrote but a single letter to him, that was of -the 28th of January, 1810, and was on the subject of the last payment -made for his newspaper, and on no other subject; and I have two receipts -of his, (the last dated March 9, 1809,) of payments for his paper, both -stating to be _in full of all demands_, and a letter of the 17th of April, -1810, in reply to mine, manifestly showing he had no demand against me -of any other nature. The promise is said to have been made to Morse & -Lyon. Were Mr. Morse living, I should appeal to him with confidence, as -I believe him to have been a very honest man. Mr. Lyon I suppose to be -living, and will, I am sure, acquit me of any such transaction as that -alleged. The truth, then, being that I never made the promise suggested, -nor any one of a like nature to any printer or other person whatever, -every principle of justice and of self-respect requires that I should -not listen to any such demand. - - -TO MR. JAMES LYON. - - MONTICELLO, September 5, 1811. - -SIR,--I enclose you the copy of a letter I have received from a James -L. Edwards, of Boston. You will perceive at once its swindling object. -It appeals to two dead men, and one, (yourself,) whom he supposes I -cannot get at. I have written him an answer which may perhaps prevent -his persevering in the attempt, for the whole face of his letter betrays -a consciousness of its guilt. But perhaps he may expect that I would -sacrifice a sum of money rather than be disturbed with encountering a bold -falsehood. In this he is mistaken; and to prepare to meet him, should -he repeat his demand, and considering that he has presumed to implicate -your name in this attempt, I take the liberty of requesting a letter -from you bearing testimony to the truth of my never having made to you, -or within your knowledge or information, any such promise to yourself, -your partner Morse, or any other. My confidence in your character leaves -me without a doubt of your honest aid in repelling this base and bold -attempt to fix on me practices to which no honors or powers in this world -would ever have induced me to stoop. I have solicited none, intrigued -for none. Those which my country has thought proper to confide to me -have been of their own mere motion, unasked by me. Such practices as -this letter-writer imputes to me, would have proved me unworthy of their -confidence. - -It is long since I have known anything of your situation or pursuits. I -hope they have been successful, and tender you my best wishes that they -may continue so, and for your own health and happiness. - - -TO DOCTOR PATTERSON. - - MONTICELLO, September 11, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed work came to me without a scrip of a pen -other than what you see in the title-page--"A Monsieur le President -de la Société." From this I conclude it intended for the Philosophical -Society, and for them I now enclose it to you. You will find the notes -really of value. They embody and ascertain to us all the scraps of -new discoveries which we have learned in detached articles from less -authentic publications. M. Goudin has generally expressed his measures -according to the old as well as the new standard, which is a convenience -to me, as I do not make a point of retaining the last in my memory. -I confess, indeed, I do not like the new system of French measures, -because not the best, and adapted to a standard accessible to themselves -exclusively, and to be obtained by other nations only from them. For, on -examining the map of the earth, you will find no meridian on it but the -one passing through their country, offering the extent of land on both -sides of the 45th degree, and terminating at both ends in a portion of -the ocean which the conditions of the problem for an universal standard -of measures require. Were all nations to agree therefore to adopt this -standard, they must go to Paris to ask it; and they might as well long -ago have all agreed to adopt the French foot, the standard of which they -could equally have obtained from Paris. Whereas the pendulum is equally -fixed by the laws of nature, is in possession of every nation, may be -verified everywhere and by every person, and at an expense within every -one's means. I am not therefore without a hope that the other nations -of the world will still concur, some day, in making the pendulum the -basis of a common system of measures, weights and coins, which applied -to the present metrical systems of France and of other countries, will -render them all intelligible to one another. England and this country -may give it a beginning, notwithstanding the war they are entering -into. The republic of letters is unaffected by the wars of geographical -divisions of the earth. France, by her power and science, now bears down -everything. But that power has its measure in time by the life of one -man. The day cannot be distant in the history of human revolutions, when -the indignation of mankind will burst forth, and an insurrection of the -universe against the political tyranny of France will overwhelm all her -arrogations. Whatever is most opposite to them will be most popular, and -what is reasonable therefore in itself, cannot fail to be adopted the -sooner from that motive. But why leave this adoption to the tardy will -of governments who are always, in their stock of information, a century -or two behind the intelligent part of mankind, and who have interests -against touching ancient institutions? Why should not the college of the -literary societies of the world adopt the second pendulum as the unit -of measure on the authorities of reason, convenience and common consent? -And why should not our society open the proposition by a circular letter -to the other learned institutions of the earth? If men of science, -in their publications, would express measures always in multiples and -decimals of the pendulum, annexing their value in municipal measures as -botanists add the popular to the botanical names of plants, they would -soon become familiar to all men of instruction, and prepare the way for -legal adoptions. At any rate, it would render the writers of every nation -intelligible to the readers of every other, when expressing the measures -of things. The French, I believe, have given up their Decada Calendar, -but it does not appear that they retire from the centesimal division of -the quadrant. On the contrary, M. Borda has calculated according to that -division, new trigonometrical tables not yet, I believe, printed. In the -excellent tables of Callet, lately published by Didot, in stereotype, -he has given a table of Logarithmic lines and tangents for the hundred -degrees of the quadrant, abridged from Borda's manuscript. But he has -given others for the sexagesimal division, which being for every 10´´ -through the whole table, are more convenient than Hutton's, Scherwin's, -or any of their predecessors. It cannot be denied that the centesimal -division would facilitate our arithmetic, and that it might have been -preferable had it been originally adopted, as a numeration by eighths -would have been more convenient than by tens. But the advantages would -not now compensate the embarrassments of a change. - -I extremely regret the not being provided with a time-piece equal to the -observations of the approaching eclipse of the sun. Can you tell me what -would be the cost in Philadelphia of a clock, the time-keeping part of -which should be perfect? And what the difference of cost between a wooden -and gridiron pendulum? To be of course without a striking apparatus, as -it would be wanted for astronomical purposes only. Accept assurances of -affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO CLEMENT CAINE, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 16, 1811. - -SIR,--Your favor of April 2d was not received till the 23d of June -last, with the volume accompanying it, for which be pleased to accept -my thanks. I have read it with great satisfaction, and received from -it information, the more acceptable as coming from a source which could -be relied on. The retort on European censors, of their own practices on -the liberties of man, the inculcation on the master of the moral duties -which he owes to the slave, in return for the benefits of his service, -that is to say, of food, clothing, care in sickness, and maintenance -under age and disability, so as to make him in fact as comfortable and -more secure than the laboring man in most parts of the world; and the -idea suggested of substituting free whites in all household occupations -and manual arts, thus lessening the call for the other kind of labor, -while it would increase the public security, give great merit to the -work, and will, I have no doubt, produce wholesome impressions. The -habitual violation of the equal rights of the colonist by the dominant -(for I will not call them the mother) countries of Europe, the invariable -sacrifice of their highest interests to the minor advantages of any -individual trade or calling at home, are as immoral in principle as the -continuance of them is unwise in practice, after the lessons they have -received. What, in short, is the whole system of Europe towards America -but an atrocious and insulting tyranny? One hemisphere of the earth, -separated from the other by wide seas on both sides, having a different -system of interests flowing from different climates, different soils, -different productions, different modes of existence, and its own local -relations and duties is made subservient to all the petty interests of -the other, to _their_ laws, _their_ regulations, _their_ passions and -wars, and interdicted from social intercourse, from the interchange of -mutual duties and comforts with their neighbors, enjoined on all men by -the laws of nature. Happily these abuses of human rights are drawing -to a close on both our continents, and are not likely to survive the -present mad contest of the lions and tigers of the other. Nor does it -seem certain that the insular colonies will not soon have to take care -of themselves, and to enter into the general system of independence -and free intercourse with their neighboring and natural friends. The -acknowledged depreciation of the paper circulation of England, with the -known laws of its rapid progression to bankruptcy, will leave that nation -shortly without revenue, and without the means of supporting the naval -power necessary to maintain dominion over the rights and interests of -different nations. The intention too, which they now formally avow, of -taking possession of the ocean as their exclusive domain, and of suffering -no commerce on it but through their ports, makes it the interest of -all mankind to contribute their efforts to bring such usurpations to an -end. We have hitherto been able to avoid professed war, and to continue -to our industry a more salutary direction. But the determination to -take all our vessels bound to any other than her ports, amounting to -all the war she can make (for we fear no invasion), it would be folly -in us to let that war be all on one side only, and to make no effort -towards indemnification and retaliation by reprisal. That a contest -thus forced on us by a nation a thousand leagues from us both, should -place your country and mine in relations of hostility, who have not a -single motive or interest but of mutual friendship and interchange of -comforts, shows the monstrous character of the system under which we -live. But however, in the event of war, greedy individuals on both sides, -availing themselves of its laws, may commit depredations on each other, -I trust that our quiet inhabitants, conscious that no cause exists but -for neighborly good will, and the furtherance of common interests, will -feel only those brotherly affections which nature has ordained to be -those of our situation. - -A letter of thanks for a good book has thus run away from its subject -into fields of speculation into which discretion perhaps should have -forbidden me to enter, and for which an apology is due. I trust that -the reflections I hazard will be considered as no more than what they -really are, those of a private individual, withdrawn from the councils -of his country, uncommunicating with them, and responsible alone for any -errors of fact or opinion expressed; as the reveries, in short, of an -old man, who, looking beyond the present day, looks into times not his -own, and as evidences of confidence in the liberal mind of the person -to whom they are so freely addressed. Permit me, however, to add to them -my best wishes for his personal happiness, and assurances of the highest -consideration and respect. - - -TO MR. EPPES. - - MONTICELLO, September 29, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter came under cover to me without any -indication from what quarter it came. - -Our latest arrival brings information of the death of the king of England. -Its coming from Ireland and not direct from England would make it little -worthy of notice, were not the event so probable. On the 26th of July the -English papers say he was expected hourly to expire. This vessel sailed -from Ireland the 4th of August, and says an express brought notice the -day before to the government that he died on the 1st; but whether on -that day or not, we may be certain he is dead, and entertain, therefore, -a hope that a change of ministers will produce that revocation of the -orders of council for which they stand so committed. In this event we -may still remain at peace, and that probably concluded between the other -powers. I am so far, in that case, from believing that our reputation -will be tarnished by our not having mixed in the mad contests of the rest -of the world that, setting aside the ravings of pepper-pot politicians, -of whom there are enough in every age and country, I believe it will -place us high in the scale of wisdom, to have preserved our country -tranquil and prosperous during a contest which prostrated the honor, -power, independence, laws and property of every country on the other -side of the Atlantic. Which of them have better preserved their honor? -Has Spain, has Portugal, Italy, Switzerland, Holland, Prussia, Austria, -the other German powers, Sweden, Denmark, or even Russia? And would we -accept of the infamy of France or England in exchange for our honest -reputation, or of the result of their enormities, despotism to the -one, and bankruptcy and prostration to the other, in exchange for the -prosperity, the freedom and independence which we have preserved safely -through the wreck? The bottom of my page warns me it is time to present -my homage to Mrs. Eppes, and to yourself and Francis my affectionate -adieux. - - -TO MR. PAINE TODD. - - MONTICELLO, October 10, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--According to promise I send you our observations of the solar -eclipse of September 17th. We had, you know, a perfect observation of -the passage of the sun over the meridian, and the eclipse began so soon -after as to leave little room for error from the time-piece. Her rate -of going, however, was ascertained by ten days' subsequent observation -and comparison with the sun, and the times, as I now give them to you, -are corrected by these. I have no confidence in the times of the first -and ultimate contacts, because you know we were not early enough on the -watch, deceived by our time-piece which was too slow. The impression on -the sun was too sensible when we first observed it, to be considered -as the moment of commencement, and the largeness of our conjectural -correction (18´´) shows that that part of the observation should be -considered as nothing. The last contact was well enough observed, but -it is on the forming and breaking of the annulus that I rely with entire -confidence. I am certain there was not an error of an instant of time in -either. I would be governed, therefore, solely by them, and not suffer -their result to be affected by the others. I have not yet entered on -the calculation of our longitude from them. They will enable you to do -it as a college exercise. Affectionately yours. - - First contact, 0h. 13´ 54´´ - Annulus formed, 1h. 53´ 0´´ }central time of }central time of - Annulus broken, 1h. 59´ 25´´}annulus, }the two contacts, - Ultimate contact, 3h. 29´ 2´´ 1h. 56´ 12½´ 1h. 51´ 28´´ - Latitude of - Monticello, 38° 8´ - - -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. - - MONTICELLO, November 10, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of September 23d came to hand in due time, and I -thank you for the nautical almanac it covered for the year 1813. I learn -with pleasure that the Philosophical Society has concluded to take into -consideration the subject of a fixed standard of measures, weights and -coins, and you ask my ideas on it; insulated as my situation is, I am -sure I can offer nothing but what will occur to the committee engaged -on it, with the advantage on their part of correction by an interchange -of sentiments and observations among themselves. I will, however, hazard -some general ideas because you desire it, and if a single one be useful, -the labor will not be lost. - -The subject to be referred to as a standard, whether it be matter -or motion, should be fixed by nature, invariable and accessible to -all nations, independently of others, and with a convenience not -disproportioned to its utility. What subject in nature fulfils best these -conditions? What system shall we propose on this, embracing measures, -weights and coins? and in what form shall we present it to the world? -These are the questions before the committee. - -Some other subjects have, at different times, been proposed as -standards, but two only have divided the opinions of men: first, a -direct admeasurement of a line on the earth's surface, or second, a -measure derived from its motion on its axis. To measure directly such -a portion of the earth as would furnish an element of measure, which -might be found again with certainty in all future times, would be too -far beyond the competence of our means to be taken into consideration. -I am free, at the same time, to say that if these were within our power -in the most ample degree, this element would not meet my preference. -The admeasurement would of course be of a portion of some great circle -of the earth. If of the equator, the countries over which that passes, -their character and remoteness, render the undertaking arduous, and -we may say impracticable for most nations. If of some meridian, the -varying measures of its degrees from the equator to the pole, require -a mean to be sought, of which some aliquot part may furnish what is -desired. For this purpose the 45th degree has been recurred to, and -such a length of line on both sides of it terminating at each end in -the ocean, as may furnish a satisfactory law for a deduction of the -unmeasured part of the quadrant. The portion resorted to by the French -philosophers, (and there is no other on the globe under circumstances -equally satisfactory,) is the meridian passing through their country and -a portion of Spain, from Dunkirk to Barcelona. The objections to such -an admeasurement as an element of measure, are the labor, the time, the -number of highly-qualified agents, and the great expense required. All -this, too, is to be repeated whenever any accident shall have destroyed -the standard derived from it, or impaired its dimensions. This portion -of that particular meridian is accessible of right to no one nation on -earth. France, indeed, availing herself of a moment of peculiar relation -between Spain and herself, has executed such an admeasurement. But how -would it be at this moment, as to either France or Spain? and how is it at -all times as to other nations, in point either of right or of practice? -Must these go through the same operation, or take their measures from -the standard prepared by France? Neither case bears that character of -independence which the problem requires, and which neither the equality -nor convenience of nations can dispense with. How would it now be, were -England the deposit of a standard for the world? At war with all the -world, the standard would be inaccessible to all other nations. Against -this, too, are the inaccuracies of admeasurements over hills and valleys, -mountains and waters, inaccuracies often unobserved by the agent himself, -and always unknown to the world. The various results of the different -measures heretofore attempted, sufficiently prove the inadequacy of -human means to make such an admeasurement with the exactness requisite. - -Let us now see under what circumstances the pendulum offers itself as an -element of measure. The motion of the earth on its axis from noon to noon -of a mean solar day, has been divided from time immemorial, and by very -general consent, into 86,400 portions of time called seconds. The length -of a pendulum vibrating in one of these portions, is determined by the -laws of nature, is invariable under the same parallel, and accessible -independently to all men. Like a degree of the meridian, indeed, it -varies in its length from the equator to the pole, and like it, too, -requires to be reduced to a mean. In seeking a mean in the first case, -the 45th degree occurs with unrivalled preferences. It is the mid-way -of the celestial ark from the equator to the pole. It is a mean between -the two extreme degrees of the terrestrial ark, or between any two -equi-distant from it, and it is also a mean value of all its degrees. In -like manner, when seeking a mean for the pendulum, the same 45th degree -offers itself on the same grounds, its increments being governed by the -same laws which determine those of the different degrees of the meridian. - -In a pendulum loaded with a Bob, some difficulty occurs in finding -the centre of oscillation; and consequently the distance between that -and the point of suspension. To lessen this, it has been proposed to -substitute for the pendulum, a cylindrical rod of small diameter, in -which the displacement of the centre of oscillation would be lessened. -It has also been proposed to prolong the suspending wire of the pendulum -below the Bob, until their centres of oscillation shall coincide. But -these propositions not appearing to have received general approbation, -we recur to the pendulum, suspended and charged as has been usual. And -the rather as the laws which determine the centre of oscillation leave -no room for error in finding it, other than that minimum in practice to -which all operations are subject in their execution. The other sources of -inaccuracy in the length of the pendulum need not be mentioned, because -easily guarded against. But the great and decisive superiority of the -pendulum, as a standard of measure, is in its accessibility to all men, -at all times and in all places. To obtain the second pendulum for 45° -it is not necessary to go actually to that latitude. Having ascertained -its length in our own parallel, both theory and observation give us -a law for ascertaining the difference between that and the pendulum -of any other. To make a new measure therefore, or verify an old one, -nothing is necessary in any place but a well-regulated time-piece, or a -good meridian, and such a knowledge of the subject as is common in all -civilized nations. - -Those indeed who have preferred the other element, do justice to the -certainty, as well as superior facilities of the pendulum, by proposing -to recur to one of the length of their standard, and to ascertain its -number of vibrations in a day. These being once known, if any accident -impair their standard it is to be recovered by means of a pendulum -which shall make the requisite number of vibrations in a day. And among -the several commissions established by the Academy of Sciences for the -execution of the several branches of their work on measures and weights, -that respecting the pendulum was assigned to Messrs. Borda, Coulomb & -Cassini, the result of whose labors, however, I have not learned. - -Let our unit of measures then be a pendulum of such length as in the -latitude of 45°, in the level of the ocean, and in a given temperature, -shall perform its vibrations, in small and equal arcs, in one second of -mean time. - -What ratio shall we adopt for the parts and multiples of this unit? -The decimal without a doubt. Our arithmetic being founded in a decimal -numeration, the same numeration in a system of measures, weights and -coins, tallies at once with that. On this question, I believe, there -has been no difference of opinion. - -In measures of length, then, the pendulum is our unit. It is a little -more than our yard, and less than the ell. Its tenth or dime, will not -be quite 4 inches. Its hundredth, or cent, not quite .4 of an inch; its -thousandth, or mill, not quite .04 of an inch, and so on. The traveller -will count his road by a longer measure. 1,000 units, or a kiliad, will -not be quite two-thirds of our present mile, and more nearly a thousand -paces than that. - -For measures of surface, the square unit, equal to about ten square feet, -or one-ninth more than a square yard, will be generally convenient. But -for those of lands a larger measure will be wanted. A kiliad would be -not quite a rood, or quarter of an acre; a myriad not quite 2½ acres. - -For measures of capacity, wet and dry, - - The cubic Unit = .1 would be about .35 cubic feet, .28 bushels - dry, or ⅞ of a ton liquid. - Dime = .1 would be about 3.5 cubic feet, 2.8 bushels, - or about ⅞ of a barrel liquid. - Cent = .01 about 50 cubic inches, or ⅞ of a quart. - Mill = .001 = .5 of a cubic inch, or ⅔ of a gill. - -To incorporate into the same system our weights and coins, we must recur -to some natural substance, to be found everywhere, and of a composition -sufficiently uniform. Water has been considered as the most eligible -substance, and rain-water more nearly uniform than any other kind found -in nature. That circumstance renders it preferable to distilled water, -and its variations in weight may be called insensible. - -The cubic unit of this = .1 would weigh about 2,165 lbs. or a ton between -the long and short. - - The Dime = .1 a little more than 2. kentals. - Cent = .01 a little more than 20 lb. - Mill = .001 a little more than 2 lb. - Decimmil = .0001 about 3½ oz. avoirdupois. - Centimmil = .00001 a little more than 6 dwt. - Millionth = .000001 about 15 grains. - Decimmillionth = .0000001 about 1½ grains. - Centimmillionth = .00000001 about .14 of a grain. - Billionth = .000000001 about .014 of a grain. - -With respect to our coins, the pure silver in a dollar being fixed by -law at 347¼ grains, and all debts and contracts being bottomed on that -value, we can only state the pure silver in the dollar, which would be -very nearly 23 millionths. - -I have used loose and round numbers (the exact unit being yet -undetermined) merely to give a general idea of the measures and weights -proposed, when compared with those we now use. And in the names of the -subdivisions I have followed the metrology of the ordinance of Congress -of 1786, which for their series below unit adopted the Roman numerals. -For that above unit the Grecian is convenient, and has been adopted in -the new French system. - -We come now to our last question, in what form shall we offer this -metrical system to the world? In some one which shall be altogether -unassuming; which shall not have the appearance of taking the lead among -our sister institutions in making a general proposition. So jealous is -the spirit of equality in the republic of letters, that the smallest -excitement of that would mar our views, however salutary for all. -We are in habits of correspondence with some of these institutions, -and identity of character and of object, authorize our entering into -correspondence with all. Let us then mature our system as far as can be -done at present, by ascertaining the length of the second pendulum of 45° -by forming two tables, one of which shall give the equivalent of every -different denomination of measures, weights and coins in these States, -in the unit of that pendulum, its decimals and multiples; and the other -stating the equivalent of all the decimal parts and multiples of that -pendulum, in the several denominations of measures, weights and coins -of our existing system. This done, we might communicate to one or more -of these institutions in every civilized country a copy of those tables, -stating as our motive, the difficulty we had experienced, and often the -impossibility of ascertaining the value of the measures, weights and -coins of other countries, expressed in any standard which we possess; that -desirous of being relieved from this, and of obtaining information which -could be relied on for the purposes of science, as well as of business, -we had concluded to ask it from the learned societies of other nations, -who are especially qualified to give it with the requisite accuracy; that -in making this request we had thought it our duty first to do ourselves, -and to offer to others, what we meant to ask from them, by stating the -value of our own measures, weights and coins, in some unit of measure -already possessed, or easily obtainable, by all nations; that the pendulum -vibrating seconds of mean time, presents itself as such an unit; its -length being determined by the laws of nature, and easily ascertainable -at all times and places; that we have thought that of 45° would be the -most unexceptionable, as being a mean of all other parallels, and open -to actual trial in both hemispheres. In this, therefore, as an unit, -and in its parts and multiples in the decimal ratio, we have expressed, -in the tables communicated, the value of all the measures, weights and -coins used in the United States, and we ask in return from their body -a table of the weights, measures and coins in use within their country, -expressed in the parts and multiples of the same unit. Having requested -the same favor from the learned societies of other nations, our object is, -with their assistance, to place within the reach of our fellow citizens -at large a perfect knowledge of the measures, weights and coins of the -countries with which they have commercial or friendly intercourse; and -should the societies of other countries interchange their respective -tables, the learned will be in possession of an uniform language in -measures, weights and coins, which may with time become useful to other -descriptions of their citizens, and even to their governments. This, -however, will rest with their pleasure, not presuming, in the present -proposition, to extend our views beyond the limits of our own nation. -I offer this sketch merely as the outline of the kind of communication -which I should hope would excite no jealousy or repugnance. - -Peculiar circumstances, however, would require letters of a more special -character to the Institute of France, and the Royal Society of England. -The magnificent work which France has executed in the admeasurement of -so large a portion of the meridian, has a claim to great respect in our -reference to it. We should only ask a communication of their metrical -system, expressed in equivalent values of the second pendulum of 45° as -ascertained by Messrs. Borda, Coulomb and Cassini, adding, perhaps, the -request of an actual rod of the length of that pendulum. - -With England, our explanations will be much more delicate. They are -the older country, the mother country, more advanced in the arts and -sciences, possessing more wealth and leisure for their improvement, -and animated by a pride more than laudable.[1] It is their measures, -too, which we undertake to ascertain and communicate to themselves. The -subject should therefore be opened to them with infinite tenderness and -respect, and in some way which might give them due place in its agency. -The parallel of 45° being within our latitude and not within theirs, the -actual experiments under that would be of course assignable to us. But -as a corrective, I would propose that they should ascertain the length -of the pendulum vibrating seconds in the city of London, or at the -observatory of Greenwich, while we should do the same in an equidistant -parallel to the south of 45°, suppose in 38° 29´. We might ask of them, -too, as they are in possession of the standards of Guildhall, of which -we can have but an unauthentic account, to make the actual application -of those standards to the pendulum when ascertained. The operation we -should undertake under the 45th parallel, (about Passamaquoddy,) would -give us a happy occasion, too, of engaging our sister society of Boston in -our views, by referring to them the execution of that part of the work. -For that of 38° 29´ we should be at a loss. It crosses the tide waters -of the Potomac, about Dumfries, and I do not know what our resources -there would be unless we borrow them from Washington, where there are -competent persons. - -Although I have not mentioned Philadelphia in these operations, I by no -means propose to relinquish the benefit of observations to be made there. -Her science and perfection in the arts would be a valuable corrective -to the less perfect state of them in the other places of observation. -Indeed, it is to be wished that Philadelphia could be made the point of -observation south of 45°, and that the Royal Society would undertake -the counterpoint on the north, which would be somewhere between the -Lizard and Falmouth. The actual pendulums from both of our points of -observation, and not merely the measures of them, should be delivered to -the Philosophical Society, to be measured under their eye and direction. - -As this is really a work of common and equal interest to England and -the United States, perhaps it would be still more respectful to make our -proposition to her Royal Society in the outset, and to agree with them -on a partition of the work. In this case, any commencement of actual -experiments on our part should be provisional only, and preparatory to -the ultimate results. We might, in the meantime, provisionally also, form -a table adapted to the length of the pendulum of 45°, according to the -most approved estimates, including those of the French commissioners. This -would serve to introduce the subject to the foreign societies, in the -way before proposed, reserving to ourselves the charge of communicating -to them a more perfect one, when that shall have been completed. - -We may even go a step further, and make a general table of the measures, -weights and coins of all nations, taking their value hypothetically -for the present, from the tables in the commercial dictionary of the -encyclopedia methodique, which are very extensive, and have the appearance -of being made with great labor and exactness. To these I expect we must -in the end recur, as a supplement for the measures which we may fail -to obtain from other countries directly. Their reference is to the foot -or inch of Paris, as a standard, which we may convert into parts of the -second pendulum of 45°. - -I have thus, my dear sir, committed to writing my general ideas on this -subject, the more freely as they are intended merely as suggestions for -consideration. It is not probable they offer anything which would not -have occurred to the committee itself. My apology on offering them must -be found in your request. My confidence in the committee, of which I -take for granted you are one, is too entire to have intruded a single -idea but on that ground. - -Be assured of my affectionate and high esteem and respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [1] We are all occupied in industrious pursuits. They abound - with persons living on the industry of their fathers, or on the - earnings of their fellow citizens, given away by their rulers - in sinecures and pensions. Some of these, desirous of laudable - distinction, devote their time and means to the pursuits of - science, and become profitable members of society by an industry - of a higher order. - - -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. - - MONTICELLO, November 10, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--I write this letter separate, because you may perhaps think -something in the other of the same date, worth communicating to the -committee. - -I accept, willingly, Mr. Voigt's offer to make me a time-piece, and with -the kind of pendulum he proposes. I wish it to be as good as hands can -make it, in everything useful, but no unnecessary labor to be spent on -mere ornament. A plain but neat mahogany case will be preferred. - -I have a curiosity to try the length of the pendulum vibrating seconds -here, and would wish Mr. Voigt to prepare one which could be substituted -for that of the clock occasionally, without requiring anything more than -unhanging the one and hanging the other in its place. The bob should be -spherical, of lead, and its radius, I presume, about one inch. As I should -not have the convenience of a room of uniform temperature, the suspending -rod should be such as not to be affected by heat or cold, nor yet so heavy -as to effect too sensibly the centre of oscillation. Would not a rod of -wood not larger than a large wire, answer this double view? I remember -Mr. Rittenhouse told me he had made experiments on some occasion, on the -expansibility of wood lengthwise by heat, which satisfied him it was as -good as the gridiron for a suspender of the bob. By the experiments on -the strength of wood and iron in supporting weights appended to them, -iron has been found but about six times as strong as wood, while its -specific gravity is eight times as great. Consequently, a rod of it of -equal strength, will weigh but three-fourths of one of iron, and disturb -the centre of oscillation less in proportion. A rod of wood of white oak, -e. g. not larger than a seine twine, would probably support a spherical -bob of lead of one inch radius. It might be worked down to that size -I suppose, by the cabinet-makers, who are in the practice of preparing -smaller threads of wood for inlaying. The difficulty would be in making -it fast to the bob at one end, and scapement at the other, so as to -regulate the length with ease and accuracy. This Mr. Voigt's ingenuity -can supply, and in all things I would submit the whole matter to your -direction to him, and be thankful to you to give it. Yours affectionately. - - -TO MR. H. A. S. DEARBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, November 15, 1811. - -SIR,--Your favor of October 14 was duly received, and with it Mr. -Bowditch's observations on the comet, for which I pray you to accept my -thanks, and be so good as to present them to Mr. Bowditch also. I am much -pleased to find that we have so able a person engaged in observing the -path of this great phenomenon; and hope that from his observations and -those of others of our philosophical citizens, on its orbit, we shall -have ascertained, on this side of the Atlantic, whether it be one of -those which have heretofore visited us. On the other side of the water -they have great advantages in their well-established observatories, the -magnificent instruments provided for them, and the leisure and information -of their scientific men. The acquirements of Mr. Bowditch in solitude -and unaided by these advantages, do him great honor. - -With respect to the eclipse of September 17. I know of no observations -made in this State but my own, although I had no doubt that others had -observed it. I used myself an equatorial telescope, and was aided by a -friend who happened to be with me, and observed through an achromatic -telescope of Dollard's. Two others attended the time-pieces. I had a -perfect observation of the passage of the sun over the meridian, and the -eclipse commencing but a few minutes after, left little room for error -in our time. This little was corrected by the known rate of going of the -clock. But we as good as lost the first appulse by a want of sufficiently -early attention to be at our places, and composed. I have no confidence, -therefore, by several seconds, in the time noted. The last oscillation -of the two luminaries was better observed. Yet even there was a certain -term of uncertainty as to the precise moment at which the indenture on -the limb of the sun entirely vanished. It is therefore the forming of -the annulus, and its breaking, which alone possess my entire and complete -confidence. I am certain there was not an error of an instant of time in -the observation of either of them. Their result therefore should not be -suffered to be affected by either of the others. The four observations -were as follows: - - The 1st. appulse, 0h. 13´ 54´´ - Annulus formed, 1h. 53´ 0´´} central time of } central time of the - Annulus broken, 1h. 59´25´´} annulus } two contacts - Last oscillation, 3h. 29´ 2´´ 1h. 56´12½´´ 1h. 51´28´´ - Latitude of Monticello, 38° 8´ - -I have thus given you, Sir, my observations, with a candid statement of -their imperfections. If they can be of any use to Mr. Bowditch, it will -be more than was in view when they were made; and should I hear of any -other observations made in this State, I shall not fail to procure and -send him a copy of them. Be so good as to present me affectionately to -your much-esteemed father, and to accept the tender of my respect. - - -TO MELATIAH NASH. - - MONTICELLO, November 15, 1811. - -SIR,--I duly received your letter of October 24 on the publication of -an Ephemeris. I have long thought it desirable that something of that -kind should be published in the United States, holding a middle station -between the nautical and the common popular almanacs. It would certainly -be acceptable to a numerous and respectable description of our fellow -citizens, who, without undertaking the higher astronomical operations, -for which the former is calculated, yet occasionally wish for information -beyond the scope of the common almanacs. What you propose to insert in -your Ephemeris is very well so far. But I think you might give it more -of the character desired by the addition of some other articles, which -would not enlarge it more than a leaf or two. For instance, the equation -of time is essential to the regulation of our clocks and watches, and -would only add a narrow column to your 2d page. The sun's declination -is often desirable, and would add but another narrow column to the same -page. This last would be the more useful as an element for obtaining the -rising and setting of the sun, in every part of the United States; for -your Ephemeris will, I suppose, give it only for a particular parallel, -as of New York, which would in a great measure restrain its circulation -to that parallel. But the sun's declination would enable every one to -calculate sunrise for himself, with scarcely more trouble than taking it -from an Almanac. If you would add at the end of the work a formula for -that calculation, as, for example, that for Delalande, § 1026, a little -altered. Thus, to the Logarithmic tangent of the latitude (a constant -number) add the Log. tangent of the sun's declination; taking 10 from -the Index, the remainder is the line of an arch which, turned into time -and added to 6 hours, gives sunrise for the winter half and sunset for -the summer half of the year, to which may be added 3 lines only from -the table of refractions, § 1028, or, to save even this trouble, and -give the calculation ready made for every parallel, print a table of -semi-diurnal arches, ranging the latitudes from 35° to 45° in a line -at top and the degrees of declination in a vertical line on the left, -and stating, in the line of the declination, the semi-diurnal arch for -each degree of latitude, so that every one knowing the latitude of his -place and the declination of the day, would find his sunrise or his -sunset where their horizontal and vertical lines meet. This table is -to be found in many astronomical books, as, for instance, in Wakeley's -Mariner's Compass Rectified, and more accurately in the Connoissance des -tems, for 1788. It would not occupy more than two pages at the end of -the work, and would render it an almanac for every part of the United -States. - -To give novelty, and increase the appetite for continuing to buy your -Ephemeris annually, you might every year select some one or two useful -tables which many would wish to possess and preserve. These are to be -found in the requisite tables, the Connoissance des tems for different -years, and many in Pike's arithmetic. - -I have given these hints because you requested my opinion. They may extend -the plan of your Ephemeris beyond your view, which will be sufficient -reason for not regarding them. In any event I shall willingly become a -subscriber to it, if you should have any place of deposit for them in -Virginia where the price can be paid. Accept the tender of my respects. - - -TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. - - POPLAR FOREST, December 5, 1811. - -DEAR SIR,--While at Monticello I am so much engrossed by business or -society, that I can only write on matters of strong urgency. Here I have -leisure, as I have everywhere the disposition to think of my friends. -I recur, therefore, to the subject of your kind letters relating to Mr. -Adams and myself, which a late occurrence has again presented to me. I -communicated to you the correspondence which had parted Mrs. Adams and -myself, in proof that I could not give friendship in exchange for such -sentiments as she had recently taken up towards myself, and avowed and -maintained in her letters to me. Nothing but a total renunciation of -these could admit a reconciliation, and that could be cordial only in -proportion as the return to ancient opinions was believed sincere. In -these jaundiced sentiments of hers I had associated Mr. Adams, knowing -the weight which her opinions had with him, and notwithstanding she -declared in her letters that they were not communicated to him. A late -incident has satisfied me that I wronged him as well as her, in not -yielding entire confidence to this assurance on her part. Two of the Mr. -* * * * *, my neighbors and friends, took a tour to the northward during -the last summer. In Boston they fell into company with Mr. Adams, and -by his invitation passed a day with him at Braintree. He spoke out to -them everything which came uppermost, and as it occurred to his mind, -without any reserve; and seemed most disposed to dwell on those things -which happened during his own administration. He spoke of his _masters_, -as he called his Heads of departments, as acting above his control, -and often against his opinions. Among many other topics, he adverted to -the unprincipled licentiousness of the press against myself, adding, "I -always loved Jefferson, and still love him." - -This is enough for me. I only needed this knowledge to revive towards him -all the affections of the most cordial moments of our lives. Changing a -single word only in Dr. Franklin's character of him, I knew him to be -always an honest man, often a great one, but sometimes incorrect and -precipitate in his judgments; and it is known to those who have ever -heard me speak of Mr. Adams, that I have ever done him justice myself, -and defended him when assailed by others, with the single exception as -to political opinions. But with a man possessing so many other estimable -qualities, why should we be dissocialized by mere differences of opinion -in politics, in religion, in philosophy, or anything else. His opinions -are as honestly formed as my own. Our different views of the same subject -are the result of a difference in our organization and experience. I -never withdrew from the society of any man on this account, although -many have done it from me; much less should I do it from one with whom -I had gone through, with hand and heart, so many trying scenes. I wish, -therefore, but for an apposite occasion to express to Mr. Adams my -unchanged affections for him. There is an awkwardness which hangs over -the resuming a correspondence so long discontinued, unless something -could arise which should call for a letter. Time and chance may perhaps -generate such an occasion, of which I shall not be wanting in promptitude -to avail myself. From this fusion of mutual affections, Mrs. Adams is -of course separated. It will only be necessary that I never name her. -In your letters to Mr. Adams, you can, perhaps, suggest my continued -cordiality towards him, and knowing this, should an occasion of writing -first present itself to him, he will perhaps avail himself of it, as I -certainly will, should it first occur to me. No ground for jealousy now -existing, he will certainly give fair play to the natural warmth of his -heart. Perhaps I may open the way in some letter to my old friend Gerry, -who I know is in habits of the greatest intimacy with him. - -I have thus, my friend, laid open my heart to you, because you were so -kind as to take an interest in healing again revolutionary affections, -which have ceased in expression only, but not in their existence. God -ever bless you, and preserve you in life and health. - - -TO DOCTOR CRAWFORD. - - MONTICELLO, January 2, 1812. - -SIR,--Your favor of December 17th, has been duly received, and with -it the pamphlet on the cause, seat and cure of diseases, for which be -pleased to accept my thanks. The commencement which you propose by the -natural history of the diseases of the human body, is a very interesting -one, and will certainly be the best foundation for whatever relates to -their cure. While surgery is seated in the temple of the exact sciences, -medicine has scarcely entered its threshold. Her theories have passed in -such rapid succession as to prove the insufficiency of all, and their -fatal errors are recorded in the necrology of man. For some forms of -disease, well known and well defined, she has found substances which will -restore order to the human system, and it is to be hoped that observation -and experience will add to their number. But a great mass of diseases -remain undistinguished and unknown, exposed to the random shot of the -theory of the day. If on this chaos you can throw such a beam of light -as your celebrated brother has done on the sources of animal heat, you -will, like him, render great service to mankind. - -The fate of England, I think with you, is nearly decided, and the -present form of her existence is drawing to a close. The ground, the -houses, the men will remain; but in what new form they will revive and -stand among nations, is beyond the reach of human foresight. We hope -it may be one of which the predatory principle may not be the essential -characteristic. If her transformation shall replace her under the laws -of moral order, it is for the general interest that she should still be -a sensible and independent weight in the scale of nations, and be able -to contribute, when a favorable moment presents itself, to reduce under -the same order, her great rival in flagitiousness. We especially ought to -pray that the powers of Europe may be so poised and counterpoised among -themselves, that their own safety may require the presence of all their -force at home, leaving the other quarters of the globe in undisturbed -tranquillity. When our strength will permit us to give the law of our -hemisphere, it should be that the meridian of the mid-Atlantic should -be the line of demarkation between war and peace, on this side of which -no act of hostility should be committed, and the lion and the lamb lie -down in peace together. - -I am particularly thankful for the kind expressions of your letter towards -myself, and tender you in return my best wishes and the assurances of -my great respect and esteem. - - -TO MR. THOMAS PULLY. - - MONTICELLO, January 8, 1812. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of December 22d, informing me -that the society of artists of the United States had made me an honorary -member of their society. I am very justly sensible of the honor they have -done me, and I pray you to return them my thanks for this mark of their -distinction. I fear that I can be but a very useless associate. Time, -which withers the fancy, as the other faculties of the mind and body, -presses on me with a heavy hand, and distance intercepts all personal -intercourse. I can offer, therefore, but my zealous good wishes for the -success of the institution, and that, embellishing with taste a country -already overflowing with the useful productions, it may be able to give an -innocent and pleasing direction to accumulations of wealth, which would -otherwise be employed in the nourishment of coarse and vicious habits. -With these I tender to the society and to yourself the assurances of my -high respect and consideration. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, January 11, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your letter of the 6th. It is a proof of your -friendship, and of the sincere interest you take in whatever concerns -me. Of this I have never had a moment's doubt, and have ever valued it -as a precious treasure. The question indeed whether I knew or approved -of General Wilkinson's endeavors to prevent the restoration of the -right of deposit at New Orleans, could never require a second of time -to answer. But it requires some time for the mind to recover from the -astonishment excited by the boldness of the suggestion. Indeed, it is -with difficulty I can believe he has really made such an appeal; and -the rather as the expression in your letter is that you have "casually -heard it," without stating the degree of reliance which you have in the -source of information. I think his understanding is above an expedient -so momentary and so finally overwhelming. Were Dearborne and myself dead, -it might find credit with some. But the world at large, even then, would -weigh for themselves the dilemma, whether it was more probable that, in -the situation I then was, clothed with the confidence and power of my -country, I should descend to so unmeaning an act of treason, or that he, -in the wreck now threatening him, should wildly lay hold of any plank. -They would weigh his motives and views against those of Dearborne and -myself, the tenor of his life against that of ours, his Spanish mysteries -against my open cherishment of the Western interests; and, living as we -are, and ready to purge ourselves by any ordeal, they must now weigh, in -addition, our testimony against his. All this makes me believe he will -never seek this refuge. I have ever and carefully restrained myself from -the expression of any opinion respecting General Wilkinson, except in -the case of Burr's conspiracy, wherein, after he had got over his first -agitations, we believed his decision firm, and his conduct zealous for -the defeat of the conspiracy, and although injudicious, yet meriting, -from sound intentions, the support of the nation. As to the rest of his -life, I have left it to his friends and his enemies, to whom it furnishes -matter enough for disputation. I classed myself with neither, and least -of all in this time of his distresses, should I be disposed to add to -their pressure. I hope, therefore, he has not been so imprudent as to -write our names in the pannel of his witnesses. - -Accept the assurances of my constant affections. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, January 21, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you before hand (for they are not yet arrived) for -the specimens of homespun you have been so kind as to forward me by -post. I doubt not their excellence, knowing how far you are advanced in -these things in your quarter. Here we do little in the fine way, but in -coarse and middling goods a great deal. Every family in the country is -a manufactory within itself, and is very generally able to make within -itself all the stouter and middling stuffs for its own clothing and -household use. We consider a sheep for every person in the family as -sufficient to clothe it, in addition to the cotton, hemp and flax which -we raise ourselves. For fine stuff we shall depend on your northern -manufactories. Of these, that is to say, of company establishments, we -have none. We use little machinery. The spinning jenny, and loom with the -flying shuttle, can be managed in a family; but nothing more complicated. -The economy and thriftiness resulting from our household manufactures are -such that they will never again be laid aside; and nothing more salutary -for us has ever happened than the British obstructions to our demands -for their manufactures. Restore free intercourse when they will, their -commerce with us will have totally changed its form, and the articles -we shall in future want from them will not exceed their own consumption -of our produce. - -A letter from you calls up recollections very dear to my mind. It carries -me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and dangers, we were -fellow-laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable -to man, his right of self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, -with some wave ever ahead, threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing -harmless under our bark, we knew not how we rode through the storm -with heart and hand, and made a happy port. Still we did not expect -to be without rubs and difficulties; and we have had them. First, the -detention of the western posts, then the coalition of Pilnitz, outlawing -our commerce with France, and the British enforcement of the outlawry. -In your day, French depredations; in mine, English, and the Berlin and -Milan decrees; now, the English orders of council, and the piracies they -authorize. When these shall be over, it will be the impressment of our -seamen or something else; and so we have gone on, and so we shall go -on, puzzled and prospering beyond example in the history of man. And I -do believe we shall continue to growl, to multiply and prosper until we -exhibit an association, powerful, wise and happy, beyond what has yet -been seen by men. As for France and England, with all their preëminence -in science, the one is a den of robbers, and the other of pirates. -And if science produces no better fruits than tyranny, murder, rapine -and destitution of national morality, I would rather wish our country -to be ignorant, honest and estimable, as our neighboring savages are. -But whither is senile garrulity leading me? Into politics, of which -I have taken final leave. I think little of them and say less. I have -given up newspapers in exchange for Tacitus and Thucydides, for Newton -and Euclid, and I find myself much the happier. Sometimes, indeed, -I look back to former occurrences, in remembrance of our old friends -and fellow-laborers, who have fallen before us. Of the signers of the -Declaration of Independence, I see now living not more than half a dozen -on your side of the Potomac, and on this side, myself alone. You and I -have been wonderfully spared, and myself with remarkable health, and a -considerable activity of body and mind. I am on horseback three or four -hours of every day; visit three or four times a year a possession I -have ninety miles distant, performing the winter journey on horseback. -I walk little, however, a single mile being too much for me, and I live -in the midst of my grand children, one of whom has lately promoted me -to be a great grandfather. I have heard with pleasure that you also -retain good health, and a greater power of exercise in walking than I -do. But I would rather have heard this from yourself, and that, writing -a letter like mine, full of egotisms, and of details of your health, -your habits, occupations and enjoyments, I should have the pleasure -of knowing that in the race of life, you do not keep, in its physical -decline, the same distance ahead of me which you have done in political -honors and achievements. No circumstances have lessened the interest I -feel in these particulars respecting yourself; none have suspended for -one moment my sincere esteem for you, and I now salute you with unchanged -affection and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR BARBOUR. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 14th has been duly received, and I sincerely -congratulate you, or rather my country, on the just testimony of -confidence which it has lately manifested to you. In your hands I know -that its affairs will be ably and honestly administered. - -In answer to your inquiry whether, in the early times of our government, -where the council was divided, the practice was for the Governor to give -the deciding vote? I must observe that, correctly speaking, the Governor -not being a counsellor, his vote could make no part of an advice of -council. That would be to place an advice on their journals which they -did not give, and could not give because of their equal division. But -he did what was equivalent in effect. While I was in the administration, -no doubt was ever suggested that where the council, divided in opinion, -could give no advice, the Governor was free and bound to act on his -own opinion and his own responsibility. Had this been a change of the -practice of my predecessor, Mr. Henry, the first governor, it would have -produced some discussion, which it never did. Hence, I conclude it was -the opinion and practice from the first institution of the government. -During Arnold's and Cornwallis' invasion, the council dispersed to their -several homes, to take care of their families. Before their separation, -I obtained from them a capitulary of standing advices for my government -in such cases as ordinarily occur: such as the appointment of militia -officers, justices, inspectors, &c., on the recommendations of the -courts; but in the numerous and extraordinary occurrences of an invasion, -which could not be foreseen, I had to act on my own judgment and my -own responsibility. The vote of general approbation, at the session -of the succeeding winter, manifested the opinion of the Legislature, -that my proceedings had been correct. General Nelson, my successor, -staid mostly, I think, with the army; and I do not believe his council -followed the camp, although my memory does not enable me to affirm the -fact. Some petitions against him for impressment of property without -authority of law, brought his proceedings before the next Legislature; -the questions necessarily involved were whether necessity, without -express law, could justify the impressment, and if it could, whether he -could order it without the advice of council. The approbation of the -Legislature amounted to a decision of both questions. I remember this -case the more especially, because I was then a member of the Legislature, -and was one of those who supported the Governor's proceedings, and I -think there was no division of the House on the question. I believe the -doubt was first suggested in Governor Harrison's time, by some member of -the council, on an equal division. Harrison, in his dry way, observed -that instead of one governor and eight counsellors, there would then -be eight governors and one counsellor, and continued, as I understood, -the practice of his predecessors. Indeed, it is difficult to suppose it -could be the intention of those who framed the constitution, that when -the council should be divided the government should stand still; and -the more difficult as to a constitution formed during a war, and for -the purpose of carrying on that war, that so high an officer as their -Governor should be created and salaried, merely to act as the clerk and -authenticator of the votes of the council. No doubt it was intended that -the advice of the council should control the governor. But the action of -the controlling power being withdrawn, his would be left free to proceed -on its own responsibility. Where from division, absence, sickness or -other obstacle, no advice could be given, they could not mean that their -Governor, the person of their peculiar choice and confidence, should stand -by, an inactive spectator, and let their government tumble to pieces for -want of a will to direct it. In executive cases, where promptitude and -decision are all important, an adherence to the letter of a law against -its probable intentions, (for every law must intend that itself shall be -executed,) would be fraught with incalculable danger. Judges may await -further legislative explanations, but a delay of executive action might -produce irretrievable ruin. The State is invaded, militia to be called -out, an army marched, arms and provisions to be issued from the public -magazines, the Legislature to be convened, and the council is divided. -Can it be believed to have been the intention of the framers of the -constitution, that the constitution itself and their constituents with -it should be destroyed for want of a will to direct the resources they -had provided for its preservation? Before such possible consequences -all verbal scruples must vanish; construction must be made _secundum -arbitrium boni viri_, and the constitution be rendered a practicable -thing. That exposition of it must be vicious, which would leave the -nation under the most dangerous emergencies without a directing will. -The cautious maxims of the bench, to seek the will of the legislator and -his words only, are proper and safer for judicial government. They act -ever on an individual case only, the evil of which is partial, and gives -time for correction. But an instant of delay in executive proceedings -may be fatal to the whole nation. They must not, therefore, be laced up -in the rules of the judiciary department. They must seek the intention -of the legislator in all the circumstances which may indicate it in the -history of the day, in the public discussions, in the general opinion and -understanding, in reason and in practice. The three great departments -having distinct functions to perform, must have distinct rules adapted -to them. Each must act under its own rules, those of no one having -any obligation on either of the others. When the opinion first begun -that a governor could not act when his council could not or would not -advise, I am uninformed. Probably not till after the war; for, had it -prevailed then, no militia could have been opposed to Cornwallis, nor -necessaries furnished to the opposing army of Lafayette. These, Sir, are -my recollections and thoughts on the subject of your inquiry, to which -I will only add the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO BENJAMIN GALLOWAY, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, February 2, 1812. - -SIR,--I duly received your favor of the 1st inst., together with the -volume accompanying it, for which I pray you to accept my thanks, and -to be so kind as to convey them to Mrs. Debutts also, to whose obliging -care I am indebted for its transmission. But especially my thanks are -due to the author himself for the honorable mention he has made of me. -With the exception of two or three characters of greater eminence in the -revolution, we formed a group of fellow laborers in the common cause, -animated by a common zeal, and claiming no distinction of one over -another. - -The spirit of freedom, breathed through the whole of Mr. Northmore's -composition, is really worthy of the purest times of Greece and Rome. It -would have been received in England, in the days of Hampden and Sidney, -with more favor than at this time. It marks a high and independent mind -in the author, one capable of rising above the partialities of country, -to have seen in the adversary cause that of justice and freedom, and to -have estimated fairly the motives and actions of those engaged in its -support. I hope and firmly believe that the whole world will, sooner -later, feel benefit from the issue of our assertion of the rights of man. -Although the horrors of the French revolution have damped for awhile the -ardor of the patriots in every country, yet it is not extinguished--it -will never die. The sense of right has been excited in every breast, and -the spark will be rekindled by the very oppressions of that detestable -tyranny employed to quench it. The errors of the honest patriots of -France, and the crimes of her Dantons and Robespierres, will be forgotten -in the more encouraging contemplation of our sober example, and steady -march to our object. Hope will strengthen the presumption that what has -been done once may be done again. As you have been the channel of my -receiving this mark of attention from Mr. Northmore, I must pray you -to be that of conveying to him my thanks, and an assurance of the high -sense I have of the merit of his work, and of its tendency to cherish -the noblest virtues of the human character. - -On the political events of the day I have nothing to communicate. I have -retired from them, and given up newspapers for more classical reading. -I add, therefore, only the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. EZRA SARGEANT. - - MONTICELLO, February 3, 1812. - -SIR,--Observing that you edit the Edinburgh Review, reprinted in New -York, and presuming that your occupations in that line are not confined -to that single work, I take the liberty of addressing the present letter -to you. If I am mistaken, the obviousness of the inference will be my -apology. Mr. Edward Livingston brought an action against me for having -removed his intrusion on the beach of the river Mississippi opposite -to New Orleans. At the request of my counsel I made a statement of the -facts of the case, and of the law applicable to them, so as to form a -full argument of justification. The case has been dismissed from court -for want of jurisdiction, and the public remain uninformed whether I -had really abused the powers entrusted to me, as he alleged. I wish -to convey to them this information by publishing the justification. -The questions arising in the case are mostly under the civil law, the -laws of Spain and of France, which are of course couched in French, in -Spanish, in Latin, and some in Greek; and the books being in few hands -in this country, I was obliged to make very long extracts from them. The -correctness with which your edition of the Edinburgh Review is printed, -and of the passages quoted in those languages, induces me to propose to -you the publication of the case I speak of. It will fill about 65 or 70 -pages of the type and size of paper of the Edinburgh Review. The MS. is -in the handwriting of this letter, entirely fair and correct. It will -take between four and five sheets of paper, of sixteen pages each. I -should want 250 copies struck off for myself, intended principally for -the members of Congress, and the printer would be at liberty to print -as many more as he pleased for sale, but without any copyright, which -I should not propose to have taken out. It is right that I should add, -that the work is not at all for popular reading. It is merely a law -argument, and a very dry one; having been intended merely for the eye of -my counsel. It may be in some demand perhaps with lawyers, and persons -engaged in the public affairs, but very little beyond that. Will you -be so good as to inform me if you will undertake to edit this, and what -would be the terms on which you can furnish me with 250 copies? I should -want it to be done with as little delay as possible, so that Congress -might receive it before they separate; and I should add as a condition, -that not a copy should be sold until I could receive my number, and have -time to lay them on the desks of the members. This would require a month -from the time they should leave New York by the stage. In hopes of an -early answer I tender you the assurances of my respect. - - - MONTICELLO, February 14, 1812. - -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Dr. Wheaton, and his thanks -for the address he was so kind as to enclose him on the advancement in -Medicine. Having little confidence in the theories of that art, which -change in their fashion with the ladies' caps and gowns, he has much in -the facts it has established by observation. The experience of physicians -has proved that in certain forms of disease, certain substances will -restore order to the human system; and he doubts not that continued -observation will enlarge the catalogue, and give relief to our posterity -in cases wherein we are without it. The extirpation of the small pox -by vaccination, is an encouraging proof that the condition of man is -susceptible of amelioration, although we are not able to fix its extent. -He salutes Dr. Wheaton with esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. CHARLES CHRISTIAN. - - MONTICELLO, March 21, 1812. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 10th inst. proposing to -me to join in a contribution for the support of the family of the late -Mr. Cheetham of New York. Private charities, as well as contributions -to public purposes in proportion to every one's circumstances, are -certainly among the duties we owe to society, and I have never felt a -wish to withdraw from my portion of them. The general relation in which -I, some time since, stood to the citizens of all our States, drew on me -such multitudes of these applications as exceeded all resource. Nor have -they much abated since my retirement to the limited duties of a private -citizen, and the more limited resources of a private fortune. They have -obliged me to lay down as a law of conduct for myself, to restrain my -contributions for public institutions to the circle of my own State, -and for private charities to that which is under my own observation; -and these calls I find more than sufficient for everything I can spare. -Nor was there anything in the case of the late Mr. Cheetham, which could -claim with me to be taken out of a general rule. On these considerations -I must decline the contribution you propose, not doubting that the -efforts of the family, aided by those who stand in the relation to them -of neighbors and friends, in so great a mart for industry as they are -placed in, will save them from all danger of want or suffering. With -this apology for returning the paper sent me, unsubscribed, be pleased -to accept the tender of my respect. - - -TO MR. VANDER KEMP. - - MONTICELLO, March 22, 1812. - -SIR,--I am indebted to you for the communication of the prospectus of -a work embracing the history of civilized man, political and moral, -from the great change produced in his condition by the extension of -the feudal system over Europe through all the successive effects of the -revival of letters, the invention of printing, that of the compass, the -enlargement of science, and the revolutionary spirit, religious and civil, -generated by that. It presents a vast anatomy of fact and reflection, -which if duly filled up would offer to the human mind a wonderful mass -for contemplation. - -Your letter does not ascertain whether this work is already executed, -or only meditated; but it excites a great desire to see it completed, -and a confidence that the author of the analysis is best able to develop -the profound views there only sketched. It would be a library in itself, -and to our country particularly desirable and valuable, if executed in -the genuine republican principles of our constitution. The only orthodox -object of the institution of government is to secure the greatest -degree of happiness possible to the general mass of those associated -under it. The events which this work proposes to embrace will establish -the fact that unless the mass retains sufficient control over those -intrusted with the powers of their government, these will be perverted -to their own oppression, and to the perpetuation of wealth and power in -the individuals and their families selected for the trust. Whether our -constitution has hit on the exact degree of control necessary, is yet -under experiment; and it is a most encouraging reflection that distance -and other difficulties securing us against the brigand governments of -Europe, in the safe enjoyment of our farms and firesides, the experiment -stands a better chance of being satisfactorily made here than on any -occasion yet presented by history. To promote, therefore, unanimity and -perseverance in this great enterprise, to disdain despair, encourage -trial, and nourish hope, are the worthiest objects of every political -and philanthropic work; and that this would be the necessary result -of that which you have delineated, the facts it will review, and the -just reflections arising out of them, will sufficiently answer. I hope, -therefore, that it is not _in petto_ merely, but already completed; and -that my fellow citizens, warned in it of the rocks and shoals on which -other political associations have been wrecked, will be able to direct -theirs with a better knowledge of the dangers in its way. - -The enlargement of your observations on the subjects of natural history, -alluded to in your letter, cannot fail to add to our lights respecting -them, and will therefore ever be a welcome present to every friend of -science. Accept, I pray you, the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE HONORABLE MR. NELSON. - - MONTICELLO, April 2d, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of March 22d has been duly received. By this time -a printed copy of my MS. respecting the Batture has I hope been laid -on your desk, by which you will perceive that the MS. itself has been -received long enough to have been sent to New York, printed and returned -to Washington. - -On the subject of the omission of the officers of the Virginia State -line, in the provisions and reservations of the cession of Congress, -my memory enables me to say nothing more than that it was not through -inattention, as I believe, but the result of compromise. But of this -the President, who was in Congress when the arrangement was settled, can -give the best account. I had nothing to do but execute a deed according -to that arrangement, made previous to my being a member. Colonel Monroe -being a member with me, is more likely to remember what passed at that -time; but the best resource for explanation of everything we did, is in -our weekly correspondence with the Governor of Virginia, which I suppose -is still among the Executive records. We made it a point to write a -letter to him every week, either jointly, or individually by turns. - -You request me to state the public sentiment of our part of the country -as to war and the taxes. You know I do not go out much. My own house -and our court yard are the only places where I see my fellow citizens. -As far as I can judge in this limited sphere, I think all regret that -there is cause for war, but all consider it as now necessary, and would, -I think, disapprove of a much longer delay of the declaration of it. -As to the taxes, they expect to meet them, would be unwilling to have -them postponed, and are only dissatisfied with some of the subjects of -taxation; that is to say the stamp tax and excise. To the former I have -not seen a man who is not totally irreconcilable. If the latter could be -collected from those who buy to sell again, so as to prevent domiciliary -visits by the officers, I think it would be acceptable, and I am sure a -wholesome tax. I am persuaded the Secretary of the Treasury is mistaken -in supposing so immense a deduction from the duties on imports. We shall -make little less to sell than we do now, for no one will let his hands -be idle; and consequently we shall export not much less, and expect -returns. Some part will be taken on the export and some on the import. -But taking into account the advance of prices, that revenue will not -fall so far short as he thinks; and I have no doubt might be counted -on to make good the entire suppression of the stamp tax. Yet, although -a very disgusting pill, I think there can be no question the people -will swallow it, if their representatives determine on it. I get their -sentiments mostly from those who are most in the habit of intercourse -with the people than I am myself. Accept the assurance of my great esteem -and respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, April 17, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed papers will explain themselves. Their coming to -me is the only thing not sufficiently explained. - -Your favor of the 3d came duly to hand. Although something of the kind -had been apprehended, the embargo found the farmers and planters only -getting their produce to market, and selling as fast as they could get it -there. I think it caught them in this part of the State with one-third of -their flour or wheat and three-quarters of their tobacco undisposed of. -If we may suppose the rest of the middle country in the same situation, -and that the upper and lower country may be judged by that as a mean, -these will perhaps be the proportions of produce remaining in the hands -of the producers. Supposing the objects of the government were merely to -keep our vessels and men out of harm's way, and that there is no idea -that the want of our flour will starve Great Britain, the sale of the -remaining produce will be rather desirable, and what would be desired -even in war, and even to our enemies. For I am favorable to the opinion -which has been urged by others, sometimes acted on, and now partly so by -France and Great Britain, that commerce, under certain restrictions and -licenses, may be indulged between enemies mutually advantageous to the -individuals, and not to their injury as belligerents. The capitulation -of Amelia Island, if confirmed, might favor this object, and at any rate -get off our produce now on hand. I think a people would go through a -war with much less impatience if they could dispose of their produce, -and that unless a vent can be provided for them, they will soon become -querulous and clamor for peace. They appear at present to receive the -embargo with perfect acquiescence and without a murmur, seeing the -necessity of taking care of our vessels and seamen. Yet they would be -glad to dispose of their produce in any way not endangering them, as by -letting it go from a neutral place in British vessels. In this way we -lose the carriage only; but better that than both carriage and cargo. -The rising of the price of flour, since the first panic is passed away, -indicates some prospects in the merchants of disposing of it. Our wheat -had greatly suffered by the winter, but is as remarkably recovered by -the favorable weather of the spring. Ever affectionately yours. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, April 20, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I have it now in my power to send you a piece of homespun in -return for that I received from you. Not of the fine texture, or delicate -character of yours, or, to drop our metaphor, not filled as that was -with that display of imagination which constitutes excellence in Belles -Lettres, but a mere sober, dry and formal piece of logic. _Ornari res -ipsa negat._ Yet you may have enough left of your old taste for law -reading, to cast an eye over some of the questions it discusses. At any -rate, accept it as the offering of esteem and friendship. - -You wish to know something of the Richmond and Wabash prophets. Of Nimrod -Hews I never heard before. Christopher Macpherson I have known for twenty -years. He is a man of color, brought up as a book-keeper by a merchant, -his master, and afterwards enfranchized. He had understanding enough to -post up his ledger from his journal, but not enough to bear up against -hypochondriac affections, and the gloomy forebodings they inspire. He -became crazy, foggy, his head always in the clouds, and rhapsodizing -what neither himself nor any one else could understand. I think he told -me he had visited you personally while you were in the administration, -and wrote you letters, which you have probably forgotten in the mass -of the correspondences of that crazy class, of whose complaints, and -terrors, and mysticisms, the several Presidents have been the regular -depositories. Macpherson was too honest to be molested by anybody, and -too inoffensive to be a subject for the mad-house; although, I believe, -we are told in the old book, that "every man that is mad, and maketh -himself a prophet, thou shouldst put him in prison and in the stocks." - -The Wabash prophet is a very different character, more rogue than fool, -if to be a rogue is not the greatest of all follies. He arose to notice -while I was in the administration, and became, of course, a proper subject -of inquiry for me. The inquiry was made with diligence. His declared -object was the reformation of his red brethren, and their return to their -pristine manner of living. He pretended to be in constant communication -with the Great Spirit; that he was instructed by him to make known to -the Indians that they were created by him distinct from the whites, of -different natures, for different purposes, and placed under different -circumstances, adapted to their nature and destinies; that they must -return from all the ways of the whites to the habits and opinions of -their forefathers; they must not eat the flesh of hogs, of bullocks, -of sheep, &c., the deer and buffalo having been created for their food; -they must not make bread of wheat but of Indian corn; they must not wear -linen nor woollen, but dress like their fathers in the skins and furs -of animals; they must not drink ardent spirits, and I do not remember -whether he extended his inhibitions to the gun and gunpowder, in favor of -the bow and arrow. I concluded from all this, that he was a visionary, -enveloped in the clouds of their antiquities, and vainly endeavoring to -lead back his brethren to the fancied beatitudes of their golden age. I -thought there was little danger of his making many proselytes from the -habits and comfort they had learned from the whites, to the hardships -and privations of savagism, and no great harm if he did. We let him go -on, therefore, unmolested. But his followers increased till the English -thought him worth corruption and found him corruptible. I suppose his -views were then changed; but his proceedings in consequence of them were -after I left the administration, and are, therefore, unknown to me; nor -have I ever been informed what were the particular acts on his part, -which produced an actual commencement of hostilities on ours. I have -no doubt, however, that his subsequent proceedings are but a chapter -apart, like that of Henry and Lord Liverpool, in the book of the kings -of England. - -Of this mission of Henry, your son had got wind in the time of the -embargo, and communicated it to me. But he had learned nothing of the -particular agent, although, of his workings, the information he had -obtained appears now to have been correct. He stated a particular which -Henry has not distinctly brought forward, which was that the Eastern -States were not to be required to make a formal act of separation from -the Union, and to take a part in the war against it; a measure deemed -much too strong for their people; but to declare themselves in a state of -neutrality, in consideration of which they were to have peace and free -commerce, the lure most likely to insure popular acquiescence. Having -no indications of Henry as the intermediate in this negotiation of the -Essex junto, suspicions fell on Pickering, and his nephew Williams, in -London. If he was wronged in this, the ground of the suspicion is to -be found in his known practices and avowed opinions, as that of his -accomplices in the sameness of sentiment and of language with Henry, -and subsequently by the fluttering of the wounded pigeons. - -This letter, with what it encloses, has given you enough, I presume, of -law and the prophets. I will only add to it, therefore, the homage of my -respects to Mrs. Adams, and to yourself the assurances of affectionate -esteem and respect. - - -TO JAMES MAURY. - - MONTICELLO, April 25, 1812. - -MY DEAR AND ANCIENT FRIEND AND CLASSMATE,--Often has my heart smote me -for delaying acknowledgments to you, receiving, as I do, such frequent -proofs of your kind recollection in the transmission of papers to me. But -instead of acting on the good old maxim of not putting off to to-morrow -what we can do to-day, we are too apt to reverse it, and not to do to-day -what we can put off to-morrow. But this duty can be no longer put off. -To-day we are at peace; to-morrow, war. The curtain of separation is -drawing between us, and probably will not be withdrawn till one, if not -both of us, will be at rest with our fathers. Let me now, then, while -I may, renew to you the declarations of my warm attachment, which in no -period of life has ever been weakened, and seems to become stronger as -the remaining objects of our youthful affections are fewer. - -Our two countries are to be at war, but not you and I. And why should -our two countries be at war, when by peace we can be so much more useful -to one another? Surely the world will acquit our government from having -sought it. Never before has there been an instance of a nation's bearing -so much as we have borne. Two items alone in our catalogue of wrongs -will forever acquit us of being the aggressors: the impressment of our -seamen, and the excluding us from the ocean. The first foundations of -the social compact would be broken up, were we definitively to refuse -to its members the protection of their persons and property, while in -their lawful pursuits. I think the war will not be short, because the -object of England, long obvious, is to claim the ocean as her domain, -and to exact transit duties from every vessel traversing it. This is -the sum of her orders of council, which were only a step in this bold -experiment, never meant to be retracted if it could be permanently -maintained. And this object must continue her in war with all the world. -To this I see no termination, until her exaggerated efforts, so much -beyond her natural strength and resources, shall have exhausted her -to bankruptcy. The approach of this crisis is, I think, visible in the -departure of her precious metals, and depreciation of her paper medium. -We, who have gone through that operation, know its symptoms, its course, -and consequences. In England they will be more serious than elsewhere, -because half the wealth of her people is now in that medium, the private -revenue of her money-holders, or rather of her paper-holders, being, -I believe, greater than that of her land-holders. Such a proportion of -property, imaginary and baseless as it is, cannot be reduced to vapor -but with great explosion. She will rise out of its ruins, however, -because her lands, her houses, her arts will remain, and the greater -part of her men. And these will give her again that place among nations -which is proportioned to her natural means, and which we all wish her -to hold. We believe that the just standing of all nations is the health -and security of all. We consider the overwhelming power of England on -the ocean, and of France on the land, as destructive of the prosperity -and happiness of the world, and wish both to be reduced only to the -necessity of observing moral duties. We believe no more in Bonaparte's -fighting merely for the liberty of the seas, than in Great Britain's -fighting for the liberties of mankind. The object of both is the same, -to draw to themselves the power, the wealth and the resources of other -nations. We resist the enterprises of England first, because they first -come vitally home to us. And our feelings repel the logic of bearing the -lash of George the III. for fear of that of Bonaparte at some future -day. When the wrongs of France shall reach us with equal effect, we -shall resist them also. But one at a time is enough; and having offered -a choice to the champions, England first takes up the gauntlet. - -The English newspapers suppose me the personal enemy of their nation. I -am not so. I am an enemy to its injuries, as I am to those of France. -If I could permit myself to have national partialities, and if the -conduct of England would have permitted them to be directed towards -her, they would have been so. I thought that in the administration of -Mr. Addington, I discovered some dispositions toward justice, and even -friendship and respect for us, and began to pave the way for cherishing -these dispositions, and improving them into ties of mutual good will. -But we had then a federal minister there, whose dispositions to believe -himself, and to inspire others with a belief in our sincerity, his -subsequent conduct has brought into doubt; and poor Merry, the English -minister here, had learned nothing of diplomacy but its suspicions, -without head enough to distinguish when they were misplaced. Mr. Addington -and Mr. Fox passed away too soon to avail the two countries of their -dispositions. Had I been personally hostile to England, and biased in -favor of either the character or views of her great antagonist, the -affair of the Chesapeake put war into my hand. I had only to open it -and let havoc loose. But if ever I was gratified with the possession of -power, and of the confidence of those who had entrusted me with it, it -was on that occasion when I was enabled to use both for the prevention -of war, towards which the torrent of passion here was directed almost -irresistibly, and when not another person in the United States, less -supported by authority and favor, could have resisted it. And now that a -definitive adherence to her impressments and orders of council renders -war no longer avoidable, my earnest prayer is that our government may -enter into no compact of common cause with the other belligerent, but -keep us free to make a separate peace, whenever England will separately -give us peace and future security. But Lord Liverpool is our witness -that this can never be but by her removal from our neighborhood. - -I have thus, for a moment, taken a range into the field of politics, -to possess you with the view we take of things here. But in the scenes -which are to ensue, I am to be but a spectator. I have withdrawn myself -from all political intermeddlings, to indulge the evening of my life -with what have been the passions of every portion of it, books, science, -my farms, my family and friends. To these every hour of the day is now -devoted. I retain a good activity of mind, not quite as much of body, -but uninterrupted health. Still the hand of age is upon me. All my old -friends are nearly gone. Of those in my neighborhood, Mr. Divers and Mr. -Lindsay alone remain. If you could make it a partie quarrée, it would -be a comfort indeed. We would beguile our lingering hours with talking -over our youthful exploits, our hunts on Peter's mountain, with a long -train of _et cetera_, in addition, and feel, by recollection at least, a -momentary flash of youth. Reviewing the course of a long and sufficiently -successful life, I find in no portion of it happier moments than those -were. I think the old hulk in which you are, is near her wreck, and that -like a prudent rat, you should escape in time. However, here, there, and -everywhere, in peace or in war, you will have my sincere affections and -prayers for your life, health and happiness. - - -TO MR. RODMAN. - - MONTICELLO, April 25, 1812. - -Thomas Jefferson presents his complements to Mr. Rodman, and his thanks -for the translation of Montgalliard's work which he has been so kind -as to send him. It certainly presents some new and true views of the -situation of England. It is a subject of deep regret to see a great -nation reduced from an unexampled height of prosperity to an abyss of -ruin, by the long-continued rule of a single chief. All we ought to wish -as to both belligerent parties is to see them forced to disgorge what -their ravenous appetites have taken from others, and reduced to the -necessity of observing moral duties in future. If we read with regret -what concerns England, the fulsome adulation of the author towards his -own chief excites nausea and disgust at the state of degradation to -which the mind of man is reduced by subjection to the inordinate power -of another. He salutes Mr. Rodman with great respect. - - -TO MR. JOHN JACOB ASTOR. - - MONTICELLO, May 24, 1812. - -SIR,--Your letter of March 14th lingered much on the road, and a long -journey before I could answer it, has delayed its acknowledgment till -now. I am sorry your enterprise for establishing a factory on the -Columbia river, and a commerce through the line of that river and the -Missouri, should meet with the difficulties stated in your letter. -I remember well having invited your proposition on that subject, and -encouraged it with the assurance of every facility and protection which -the government could properly afford. I considered as a great public -acquisition the commencement of a settlement on that point of the Western -coast of America, and looked forward with gratification to the time -when its descendants should have spread themselves through the whole -length of that coast, covering it with free and independent Americans, -unconnected with us but by the ties of blood and interest, and employing -like us the rights of self-government. I hope the obstacles you state -are not insurmountable; that they will not endanger, or even delay the -accomplishment of so great a public purpose. In the present state of -affairs between Great Britain and us, the government is justly jealous of -contraventions of those commercial restrictions which have been deemed -necessary to exclude the use of British manufactures in these States, -and to promote the establishment of similar ones among ourselves. The -interests too of the revenue require particular watchfulness. But in -the non-importation of British manufactures, and the revenue raised on -foreign goods, the legislature could only have in view the consumption -of our own citizens, and the revenue to be levied on that. We certainly -did not mean to interfere with the consumption of nations foreign to us, -as the Indians of the Columbia and Missouri are, or to assume a right -of levying an impost on that consumption; and if the words of the laws -take in their supplies in either view, it was probably unintentional, and -because their case not being under the contemplation of the legislature, -has been inadvertently embraced by it. The question with them would be -not what manufactures these nations should use, or what taxes they should -pay us on them, but whether we should give a transit for them through -our country. We have a right to say we will not let the British exercise -that transit. But it is our interest as well as a neighborly duty to -allow it when exercised by our own citizens only. To guard against any -surreptitious introduction of British influence among those nations, -we may justifiably require that no Englishman be permitted to go with -the trading parties, and necessary precautions should also be taken to -prevent this covering the contravention of our own laws and views. But -these once securely guarded, our interest would permit the transit free -of duty. And I do presume that if the subject were fully presented to -the legislature, they would provide that the laws intended to guard our -own concerns only, should not assume the regulation of those of foreign -and independent nations; still less that they should stand in the way -of so interesting an object as that of planting the germ of an American -population on the shores of the Pacific. From meddling however with -these subjects it is my duty as well as my inclination to abstain. They -are in hands perfectly qualified to direct them, and who knowing better -the present state of things, are better able to decide what is right; -and whatever they decide on a full view of the case, I shall implicitly -confide has been rightly decided. Accept my best wishes for your success, -and the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT. - - MONTICELLO, May 30, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--Another _communication_ is enclosed, and the letter of the -applicant is the only information I have of his qualifications. I barely -remember such a person as the secretary of Mr. Adams, and messenger to -the Senate while I was of that body. It enlarges the sphere of choice by -adding to it a strong federalist. The triangular war must be the idea -of the Anglomen and malcontents, in other words, the federalists and -quids. Yet it would reconcile neither. It would only change the topic of -abuse with the former, and not cure the mental disease of the latter. -It would prevent our eastern capitalists and seamen from employment in -privateering, take away the only chance of conciliating them, and keep -them at home, idle, to swell the discontents; it would completely disarm -us of the most powerful weapon we can employ against Great Britain, -by shutting every port to our prizes, and yet would not add a single -vessel to their number; it would shut every market to our agricultural -productions, and engender impatience and discontent with that class which, -in fact, composes the nation; it would insulate us in general negotiations -for peace, making all the parties our opposers, and very indifferent -about peace with us, if they have it with the rest of the world, and -would exhibit a solecism worthy of Don Quixotte only, that of a choice -to fight two enemies at a time, rather than to take them by succession. -And the only motive for all this is a sublimated impartiality, at which -the world will laugh, and our own people will turn upon us in mass as -soon as it is explained to them, as it will be by the very persons who -are now laying that snare. These are the hasty views of one who rarely -thinks on these subjects. Your own will be better, and I pray to them -every success, and to yourself every felicity. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, June 6, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I have taken the liberty of drawing the attention of the -Secretary at War to a small depôt of military stores at New London, and -leave the letter open for your perusal. Be so good as to seal it before -delivery. I really thought that General Dearborne had removed them to -Lynchburg, undoubtedly a safer and more convenient deposit. - -Our county is the only one I have heard of which has required a draught; -this proceeded from a mistake of the colonel, who thought he could not -receive individual offers, but that the whole quota, 241, must present -themselves at once. Every one, however, manifests the utmost alacrity; of -the 241 there having been but ten absentees at the first muster called. A -further proof is that Captain Carr's company of volunteer cavalry being -specifically called for by the Governor, though consisting of but 28 -when called on, has got up to 50 by new engagements since their call was -known. The only inquiry they make is whether they are to go to Canada or -Florida? Not a man, as far as I have learned, entertains any of those -doubts which puzzle the lawyers of Congress and astonish common sense, -whether it is lawful for them to pursue a retreating enemy across the -boundary line of the Union? - -I hope Barlow's correspondence has satisfied all our Quixottes who thought -we should undertake nothing less than to fight all Europe at once. I -enclose you a letter from Dr. Bruff, a mighty good and very ingenious -man. His method of manufacturing bullets and shot, has the merit of -increasing their specific gravity greatly, (being made by composition,) -and rendering them as much heavier and better than the common leaden -bullet, as that is than an iron one. It is a pity he should not have -the benefit of furnishing the public when it would be equally to their -benefit also. God bless you. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, June 11, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--By our post preceding that which brought your letter of May -21st, I had received one from Mr. Malcolm on the same subject with -yours, and by the return of the post had stated to the President my -recollections of him. But both your letters were probably too late; as -the appointment had been already made, if we may credit the newspapers. - -You ask if there is any book that pretends to give any account of the -traditions of the Indians, or how one can acquire an idea of them? Some -scanty accounts of their traditions, but fuller of their customs and -characters, are given us by most of the early travellers among them; these -you know were mostly French. Lafitan, among them, and Adair an Englishman, -have written on this subject; the former two volumes, the latter one, -all in 4to. But unluckily Lafitan had in his head a preconceived theory -on the mythology, manners, institutions and government of the ancient -nations of Europe, Asia and Africa, and seems to have entered on those -of America only to fit them into the same frame, and to draw from them -a confirmation of his general theory. He keeps up a perpetual parallel, -in all those articles, between the Indians of America and the ancients -of the other quarters of the globe. He selects, therefore, all the facts -and adopts all the falsehoods which favor his theory, and very gravely -retails such absurdities as zeal for a theory could alone swallow. He -was a man of much classical and scriptural reading, and has rendered -his book not unentertaining. He resided five years among the Northern -Indians, as a Missionary, but collects his matter much more from the -writings of others, than from his own observation. - -Adair too had his kink. He believed all the Indians of America to be -descended from the Jews; the same laws, usages, rites and ceremonies, -the same sacrifices, priests, prophets, fasts and festivals, almost -the same religion, and that they all spoke Hebrew. For, although he -writes particularly of the Southern Indians only, the Catawbas, Creeks, -Cherokees, Chickasaws and Chocktaws, with whom alone he was personally -acquainted, yet he generalizes whatever he found among them, and brings -himself to believe that the hundred languages of America, differing -fundamentally every one from every other, as much as Greek from Gothic, -yet have all one common prototype. He was a trader, a man of learning, -a self-taught Hebraist, a strong religionist, and of as sound a mind -as Don Quixotte in whatever did not touch his religious chivalry. His -book contains a great deal of real instruction on its subject, only -requiring the reader to be constantly on his guard against the wonderful -obliquities of his theory. - -The scope of your inquiry would scarcely, I suppose, take in the three -folio volumes of Latin of De Bry. In these, facts and fable are mingled -together, without regard to any favorite system. They are less suspicious, -therefore, in their complexion, more original and authentic, than those -of Lafitan and Adair. This is a work of great curiosity, extremely rare, -so as never to be bought in Europe, but on the breaking up and selling -some ancient library. On one of these occasions a bookseller procured me -a copy, which, unless you have one, is probably the only one in America. - -You ask further, if the Indians have any order of priesthood among them, -like the Druids, Bards or Minstrels of the Celtic nations? Adair alone, -determined to see what he wished to see in every object, metamorphoses -their Conjurers into an order of priests, and describes their sorceries -as if they were the great religious ceremonies of the nation. Lafitan -called them by their proper names, Jongleurs, Devins, Sortileges; De Bry -praestigiatores; Adair himself sometimes Magi, Archimagi, cunning men, -Seers, rain makers; and the modern Indian interpreters call them conjurers -and witches. They are persons pretending to have communications with -the devil and other evil spirits, to foretell future events, bring down -rain, find stolen goods, raise the dead, destroy some and heal others -by enchantment, lay spells, &c. And Adair, without departing from his -parallel of the Jews and Indians, might have found their counterpart -much more aptly, among the soothsayers, sorcerers and wizards of the -Jews, their Gannes and Gambres, their Simon Magus, Witch of Endor, and -the young damsel whose sorceries disturbed Paul so much; instead of -placing them in a line with their high-priest, their chief priests, and -their magnificent hierarchy generally. In the solemn ceremonies of the -Indians, the persons who direct or officiate, are their chiefs, elders -and warriors, in civil ceremonies or in those of war; it is the head -of the cabin in their private or particular feasts or ceremonies; and -sometimes the matrons, as in their corn feasts. And even here, Adair -might have kept up his parallel, with ennobling his conjurers. For the -ancient patriarchs, the Noahs, the Abrahams, Isaacs and Jacobs, and even -after the consecration of Aaron, the Samuels and Elijahs, and we may say -further, every one for himself offered sacrifices on the altars. The -true line of distinction seems to be, that solemn ceremonies, whether -public or private, addressed to the Great Spirit, are conducted by the -worthies of the nation, men or matrons, while conjurers are resorted -to only for the invocation of evil spirits. The present state of the -several Indian tribes, without any public order of priests, is proof -sufficient that they never had such an order. Their steady habits permit -no innovations, not even those which the progress of science offers -to increase the comforts, enlarge the understanding, and improve the -morality of mankind. Indeed, so little idea have they of a regular order -of priests, that they mistake ours for their conjurers, and call them -by that name. - -So much in answer to your inquiries concerning Indians, a people with -whom, in the early part of my life, I was very familiar, and acquired -impressions of attachment and commiseration for them which have never -been obliterated. Before the revolution, they were in the habit of -coming often and in great numbers to the seat of government, where I was -very much with them. I knew much the great Ontassetè, the warrior and -orator of the Cherokees; he was always the guest of my father, on his -journeys to and from Williamsburg. I was in his camp when he made his -great farewell oration to his people the evening before his departure for -England. The moon was in full splendor, and to her he seemed to address -himself in his prayers for his own safety on the voyage, and that of his -people during his absence; his sounding voice, distinct articulation, -animated action, and the solemn silence of his people at their several -fires, filled me with awe and veneration, although I did not understand -a word he uttered. That nation, consisting now of about 2,000 warriors, -and the Creeks of about 3,000 are far advanced in civilization. They -have good cabins, enclosed fields, large herds of cattle and hogs, spin -and weave their own clothes of cotton, have smiths and other of the most -necessary tradesmen, write and read, are on the increase in numbers, -and a branch of Cherokees is now instituting a regular representative -government. Some other tribes are advancing in the same line. On those -who have made any progress, English seductions will have no effect. But -the backward will yield, and be thrown further back. Those will relapse -into barbarism and misery, lose numbers by war and want, and we shall -be obliged to drive them with the beasts of the forest into the stony -mountains. They will be conquered, however, in Canada. The possession of -that country secures our women and children forever from the tomahawk -and scalping knife, by removing those who excite them; and for this -possession orders, I presume, are issued by this time; taking for granted -that the doors of Congress will re-open with a declaration of war. That -this may end in indemnity for the past, security for the future, and -complete emancipation from Anglomany, Gallomany, and all the manias of -demoralized Europe, and that you may live in health and happiness to -see all this, is the sincere prayer of yours affectionately. - - -TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. - - MONTICELLO, June 11, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--It has given me great pleasure to receive a letter from you. -It seems as if, our ancient friends dying off, the whole mass of the -affections of the heart survives undiminished to the few who remain. -I think our acquaintance commenced in 1764, both then just of age. We -happened to take lodgings in the same house in New York. Our next meeting -was in the Congress of 1775, and at various times afterwards in the -exercise of that and other public functions, until your mission to Europe. -Since we have ceased to meet, we have still thought and acted together, -"_et idem velle, atque idem nolle, ea demum amicitia est_." Of this -harmony of principle, the papers you enclosed me are proof sufficient. I -do not condole with you on your release from your government. The vote -of your opponents is the most honorable mark by which the soundness of -your conduct could be stamped. I claim the same honorable testimonial. -There was but a single act of my whole administration of which that party -approved. That was the proclamation on the attack of the Chesapeake. And -when I found they approved of it, I confess I began strongly to apprehend -I had done wrong, and to exclaim with the Psalmist, "Lord, what have I -done that the wicked should praise me!" - -What, then, does this English faction with you mean? Their newspapers -say rebellion, and that they will not remain united with us unless we -will permit them to govern the majority. If this be their purpose, their -anti-republican spirit, it ought to be met at once. But a government -like ours should be slow in believing this, should put forth its whole -might when necessary to suppress it, and promptly return to the paths -of reconciliation. The extent of our country secures it, I hope, from -the vindictive passions of the petty incorporations of Greece. I rather -suspect that the principal office of the other seventeen States will be -to moderate and restrain the local excitement of our friends with you, -when they (with the aid of their brethren of the other States, if they -need it) shall have brought the rebellious to their feet. They count on -British aid. But what can that avail them by land? They would separate -from their friends, who alone furnish employment for their navigation, -to unite with their only rival for that employment. When interdicted -the harbors of their quondam brethren, they will go, I suppose to ask -a share in the carrying trade of their rivals, and a dispensation with -their navigation act. They think they will be happier in an association -under the rulers of Ireland, the East and West Indies, than in an -independent government, where they are obliged to put up with their -proportional share only in the direction of its affairs. But I trust -that such perverseness will not be that of the honest and well-meaning -mass of the federalists of Massachusetts; and that when the questions of -separation and rebellion shall be nakedly proposed to them, the Gores -and the Pickerings will find their levees crowded with silk stocking -gentry, but no yeomanry; an army of officers without soldiers. I hope, -then, all will still end well; the Anglomen will consent to make peace -with their bread and butter, and you and I shall sink to rest, without -having been actors or spectators in another civil war. - -How many children have you? You beat me, I expect, in that count, but I -you in that of our grand-children. We have not timed these things well -together, or we might have begun a re-alliance between Massachusetts -and the Old Dominion, faithful companions in the war of Independence, -peculiarly tallied in interests, by each wanting exactly what the other -has to spare; and estranged to each other in latter times, only by the -practices of a third nation, the common enemy of both. Let us live only -to see this re-union, and I will say with old Simeon, "Lord, now lettest -thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." -In that peace may you long remain, my friend, and depart only in the -fulness of years, all passed in health and prosperity. God bless you. - -P. S. June 13. I did not condole with you on the reprobation of your -opponents, because it proved your orthodoxy. Yesterday's post brought -me the resolution of the republicans of Congress, to propose you as -Vice President. On this I sincerely congratulate you. It is a stamp of -double proof. It is a notification to the factionaries that their nay is -the yea of truth, and its best test. We shall be almost within striking -distance of each other. Who knows but you may fill up some short recess -of Congress with a visit to Monticello, where a numerous family will -hail you with a hearty country welcome. - - -TO JUDGE TYLER. - - MONTICELLO, June 17, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -On the other subject of your letter, the application of the common law to -our present situation, I deride with you the ordinary doctrine, that we -brought with us from England the _common law rights_. This narrow notion -was a favorite in the first moment of rallying to our rights against Great -Britain. But it was that of men who felt their rights before they had -thought of their explanation. The truth is, that we brought with us the -_rights of men_; of expatriated men. On our arrival here, the question -would at once arise, by what law will we govern ourselves? The resolution -seems to have been, by that system with which we are familiar, to be -altered by ourselves occasionally, and adapted to our new situation. -The proofs of this resolution are to be found in the form of the oaths -of the judges, 1. Hening's Stat. 169. 187; of the Governor, ib. 504; in -the act for a provisional government, ib. 372; in the preamble to the -laws of 1661-2; the uniform current of opinions and decisions, and in -the general recognition of all our statutes, framed on that basis. But -the state of the English law at the date of our emigration, constituted -the system adopted here. We may doubt, therefore, the propriety of -quoting in our courts English authorities subsequent to that adoption; -still more, the admission of authorities posterior to the Declaration of -Independence, or rather to the accession of that King, whose reign, _ab -initio_, was the very tissue of wrongs which rendered the Declaration -at length necessary. The reason for it had inception at least as far -back as the commencement of his reign. This relation to the beginning of -his reign, would add the advantage of getting us rid of all Mansfield's -innovations, or civilizations of the common law. For however I admit the -superiority of the civil over the common law code, as a system of perfect -justice, yet an incorporation of the two would be like Nebuchadnezzar's -image of metals and clay, a thing without cohesion of parts. The only -natural improvement of the common law, is through its homogeneous ally, -the chancery, in which new principles are to be examined, concocted and -digested. But when, by repeated decisions and modifications, they are -rendered pure and certain, they should be transferred by statute to the -courts of common law, and placed within the pale of juries. The exclusion -from the courts of the malign influence of all authorities after the -_Georgium sidus_ became ascendant, would uncanonize Blackstone, whose -book, although the most elegant and best digested of our law catalogue, -has been perverted more than all others, to the degeneracy of legal -science. A student finds there a smattering of everything, and his -indolence easily persuades him that if he understands that book, he is -master of the whole body of the law. The distinction between these, and -those who have drawn their stores from the deep and rich mines of Coke -Littleton, seems well understood even by the unlettered common people, -who apply the appellation of Blackstone lawyers to these ephemeral -insects of the law. - -Whether we should undertake to reduce the common law, our own, and so -much of the English statutes as we have adopted, to a text, is a question -of transcendent difficulty. It was discussed at the first meeting of the -committee of the revised code, in 1776, and decided in the negative, by -the opinions of Wythe, Mason and myself, against Pendleton and Thomas Lee. -Pendleton proposed to take Blackstone for that text, only purging him -of what was inapplicable or unsuitable to us. In that case, the meaning -of every word of Blackstone would have become a source of litigation, -until it had been settled by repeated legal decisions. And to come at -that meaning, we should have had produced, on all occasions, that very -pile of authorities from which it would be said he drew his conclusion, -and which, of course, would explain it, and the terms in which it is -couched. Thus we should have retained the same chaos of law-lore from -which we wished to be emancipated, added to the evils of the uncertainty -which a new text and new phrases would have generated. An example of this -may be found in the old statutes, and commentaries on them, in Coke's -second institute, but more remarkably in the institute of Justinian, -and the vast masses explanatory or supplementary of that which fill the -libraries of the civilians. We were deterred from the attempt by these -considerations, added to which, the bustle of the times did not admit -leisure for such an undertaking. - -Your request of my opinion on this subject has given you the trouble -of these observations. If your firmer mind in encountering difficulties -would have added your vote to the minority of the committee, you would -have had on your side one of the greatest men of our age, and like him, -have detracted nothing from the sentiments of esteem and respect which -I bore to him, and tender with sincerity the assurance of to yourself. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - MONTICELLO, June 28, 1812. - -Nous voila donc, mon cher ami, en guerre avec l'Angleterre. This was -declared on the 18th instant, thirty years after the signature of our -peace in 1782. Within these thirty years what a vast course of growth and -prosperity we have had! It is not ten years since Great Britain began -a series of insults and injuries which would have been met with war in -the threshold by any European power. This course has been unremittingly -followed up by increasing wrongs, with glimmerings indeed of peaceable -redress, just sufficient to keep us quiet, till she has had the impudence -at length to extinguish even these glimmerings by open avowal. This would -not have been borne so long, but that France has kept pace with England -in iniquity of principle, although not in the power of inflicting wrongs -on us. The difficulty of selecting a foe between them has spared us -many years of war, and enabled us to enter into it with less debt, more -strength and preparation. Our present enemy will have the sea to herself, -while we shall be equally predominant at land, and shall strip her of -all her possessions on this continent. She may burn New York, indeed, by -her ships and congreve rockets, in which case we must burn the city of -London by hired incendiaries, of which her starving manufacturers will -furnish abundance. A people in such desperation as to demand of their -government _aut parcem, aut furcam_, either bread or the gallows, will -not reject the same alternative when offered by a foreign hand. Hunger -will make them brave every risk for bread. The partisans of England -here have endeavored much to goad us into the folly of choosing the -ocean instead of the land, for the theatre of war. That would be to meet -their strength with our own weakness, instead of their weakness with -our strength. I hope we shall confine ourselves to the conquest of their -possessions, and defence of our harbors, leaving the war on the ocean to -our privateers. These will immediately swarm in every sea, and do more -injury to British commerce than the regular fleets of all Europe would -do. The government of France may discontinue their license trade. Our -privateers will furnish them much more abundantly with colonial produce, -and whatever the license trade has given them. Some have apprehended we -should be overwhelmed by the new improvements of war, which have not yet -reached us. But the British possess them very imperfectly, and what are -these improvements? Chiefly in the management of artillery, of which our -country admits little use. We have nothing to fear from their armies, -and shall put nothing in prize to their fleets. Upon the whole, I have -known no war entered into under more favorable auspices. - -Our manufacturers are now very nearly on a footing with those of England. -She has not a single improvement which we do not possess, and many of -them better adapted by ourselves to our ordinary use. We have reduced -the large and expensive machinery for most things to the compass of a -private family, and every family of any size is now getting machines -on a small scale for their household purposes. Quoting myself as an -example, and I am much behind many others in this business, my household -manufactures are just getting into operation on the scale of a carding -machine costing $60 only, which may be worked by a girl of twelve years -old, a spinning machine, which may be made for $10, carrying 6 spindles -for wool, to be worked by a girl also, another which can be made for -$25, carrying 12 spindles for cotton, and a loom, with a flying shuttle, -weaving its twenty yards a day. I need 2,000 yards of linen, cotton and -woollen yearly, to clothe my family, which this machinery, costing $150 -only, and worked by two women and two girls, will more than furnish. -For fine goods there are numerous establishments at work in the large -cities, and many more daily growing up; and of merinos we have some -thousands, and these multiplying fast. We consider a sheep for every -person as sufficient for their woollen clothing, and this State and all -to the north have fully that, and those to the south and west will soon -be up to it. In other articles we are equally advanced, so that nothing -is more certain than that, come peace when it will, we shall never again -go to England for a shilling where we have gone for a dollar's worth. -Instead of applying to her manufacturers there, they must starve or come -here to be employed. I give you these details of peaceable operations, -because they are within my present sphere. Those of war are in better -hands, who know how to keep their own secrets. Because, too, although -a soldier yourself, I am sure you contemplate the peaceable employment -of man in the improvement of his condition, with more pleasure than his -murders, rapine and devastations. - -Mr. Barnes, some time ago, forwarded you a bill of exchange for 5,500 -francs, of which the enclosed is a duplicate. Apprehending that a war -with England would subject the remittances to you to more casualties, -I proposed to Mr. Morson, of Bordeaux, to become the intermediate for -making remittances to you, which he readily acceded to on liberal ideas -arising from his personal esteem for you, and his desire to be useful -to you. If you approve of this medium I am in hopes it will shield you -from the effect of the accidents to which the increased dangers of the -seas may give birth. It would give me great pleasure to hear from you -oftener. I feel great interest in your health and happiness. I know -your feelings on the present state of the world, and hope they will be -cheered by the successful course of our war, and the addition of Canada -to our confederacy. The infamous intrigues of Great Britain to destroy -our government (of which Henry's is but one sample), and with the Indians -to tomahawk our women and children, prove that the cession of Canada, -their fulcrum for these Machiavelian levers, must be a _sine qua non_ at -a treaty of peace. God bless you, and give you to see all these things, -and many and long years of health and happiness. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, June 29, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I duly received your favor of the 22d covering the declaration -of war. It is entirely popular here, the only opinion being that it should -have been issued the moment the season admitted the militia to enter -Canada. * * * * * To continue the war popular, two things are necessary -mainly. 1. To stop Indian barbarities. The conquest of Canada will do -this. 2. To furnish markets for our produce, say indeed for our flour, -for tobacco is already given up, and seemingly without reluctance. The -great profits of the wheat crop have allured every one to it; and never -was such a crop on the ground as that which we generally begin to cut -this day. It would be mortifying to the farmer to see such an one rot -in his barn. It would soon sicken him to war. Nor can this be a matter -of wonder or of blame on him. Ours is the only country on earth where -war is an instantaneous and total suspension of all the objects of his -industry and support. For carrying our produce to foreign markets our -own ships, neutral ships, and even enemy ships under neutral flag, which -I would wink at, will probably suffice. But the coasting trade is of -double importance, because both seller and buyer are disappointed, and -both are our own citizens. You will remember that in this trade our -greatest distress in the last war was produced by our own pilot boats -taken by the British and kept as tenders to their larger vessels. These -being the swiftest vessels on the ocean, they took them and selected the -swiftest from the whole mass. Filled with men they scoured everything -along shore, and completely cut up that coasting business which might -otherwise have been carried on within the range of vessels of force and -draught. Why should not we then line our coast with vessels of pilot-boat -construction, filled with men, armed with cannonades, and only so much -larger as to assure the mastery of the pilot boat? The British cannot -counter-work us by building similar ones, because, the fact is, however -unaccountable, that our builders alone understand that construction. -It is on our own pilot boats the British will depend, which our larger -vessels may thus retake. These, however, are the ideas of a landsman -only, Mr. Hamilton's judgment will test their soundness. - -Our militia are much afraid of being called to Norfolk at this season. -They all declare a preference of a march to Canada. I trust however -that Governor Barbour will attend to circumstances, and so apportion the -service among the counties, that those acclimated by birth or residence -may perform the summer tour, and the winter service be allotted to the -upper counties. - -I trouble you with a letter for General Kosciusko. It covers a bill of -exchange from Mr. Barnes for him, and is therefore of great importance -to him. Hoping you will have the goodness so far to befriend the General -as to give it your safest conveyance, I commit it to you, with the -assurance of my sincere affections. - - -TO NATHANIEL GREENE, MONTAGUE CENTER. - - MONTICELLO, July 5, 1812. - -SIR,--Your favor of May 19th from New Orleans is just now received. I -have no doubt that the information you will present to your countrymen -on the subject of the Asiatic countries into which you have travelled, -will be acceptable as sources both of amusement and instruction; and -the more so, as the observations of an American will be more likely to -present what are peculiarities to us, than those of any foreigner on -the same countries. In reading the travels of a Frenchman through the -United States what he remarks as peculiarities in us, prove to us the -contrary peculiarities of the French. We have the accounts of Barbary from -European and American travellers. It would be more amusing if Melli Melli -would give us his observations on the United States. If, with the fables -and follies of the Hindoos, so justly pointed out to us by yourselves -and other travellers, we could compare the contrast of those which an -Hindoo traveller would imagine he found among us, it might enlarge our -instruction. It would be curious to see what parallel among us he would -select for his Veeshni. What you will have seen in your western tour -will also instruct many who often know least of things nearest home. - -The charitable institution you have proposed to the city of New Orleans -would undoubtedly be valuable, and all such are better managed by those -locally connected with them. The great wealth of that city will insure -its support, and the names subscribed to it will give it success. For -a private individual, a thousand miles distant, to imagine that his -name could add anything to what exhibits already the patronage of the -highest authorities of the State, would be great presumption. It will -certainly engage my best wishes, to which permit me to add for yourself -the assurances of my respect. - - -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, July 10, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I received by your last post through Mr. Hall, of Baltimore, -a copy of your introductory lecture to a course of chemistry, for which -accept my thanks. I have just entered on the reading of it, and perceive -that I have a feast before me. I discover from an error of the binder, -that my copy has duplicates of pages 122, 123, 126, 127, and wants -altogether, pages 121, 124, 125, 128, and forseeing that every page will -be a real loss, and that the book has been printed at Carlisle, I will -request your directions to the printer to enclose those four pages under -cover to me at this place, _near Milton_. You know the just esteem which -attached itself to Dr. Franklin's science, because he always endeavored -to direct it to something useful in private life. The chemists have not -been attentive enough to this. I have wished to see their science applied -to domestic objects, to malting, for instance, brewing, making cider, -to fermentation and distillation generally, to the making of bread, -butter, cheese, soap, to the incubation of eggs, &c. And I am happy to -observe some of these titles in the syllabus of your lecture. I hope -you will make the chemistry of these subjects intelligible to our good -house-wives. Glancing over the pages of your book, the last one caught my -attention, where you recommend to students the books on metaphysics. Not -seeing De Tutt Tracy's name there, I suspected you might not have seen -his work. His first volume on Ideology appeared in 1800. I happen to have -a duplicate of this, and will send it to you. Since that, has appeared -his second volume on grammar and his third on logic. They are considered -as holding the most eminent station in that line; and considering with -you that a course of anatomy lays the best foundation for understanding -these subjects, Tracy should be preceded by a mature study of the most -profound of all human compositions, "Cabanis's Rapports du Physique et -du moral de l'homme." - -In return for the many richer favors received from you, I send you my -little tract on the batture of New Orleans, and Livingston's claim to -it. I was at a loss where to get it printed, and confided it to the -editor of the Edinburgh Review, re-printed at New York. But he has not -done it immaculately. Although there are typographical errors in your -lecture, I wonder to see so difficult a work so well done at Carlisle. -I am making a fair copy of the catalogue of my library, which I mean to -have printed merely for the use of the library. It will require correct -orthography in so many languages, that I hardly know where I can get it -done. Have you read the Review of Montesquieu, printed by Duane? I hope -it will become the elementary book of the youth at all our colleges. -Such a reduction of Montesquieu to his true value had been long wanting -in political study. Accept the assurance of my great and constant esteem -and respect. - - -TO MR. LATROBE. - - MONTICELLO, July 12, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--Of all the faculties of the human mind, that of memory is the -first which suffers decay from age. Of the commencement of this decay, I -was fully sensible while I lived in Washington, and it was my earliest -monitor to retire from public business. It has often since been the -source of great regret when applied to by others to attest transactions in -which I had been an agent, to find that they had entirely vanished from -my memory. In no case has it given me more concern than in that which is -the subject of your letter of the 2d instant: the supper given in 1807 -to the workmen on the capitol. Of this supper I have not the smallest -recollection. If it ever was mentioned to me, not a vestige of it now -remains in my mind. This failure of my memory is no proof the thing did -not happen, but only takes from it the support of my testimony, which -cannot be given for what is obliterated from it. I have looked among my -papers to see if they furnish any trace of the matter, but I find none, -and must therefore acquiesce in my incompetence to administer to truth -on this occasion. I am sorry to learn that Congress has relinquished -the benefit of the engagements of Andrei & Franzoni, on the sculpture of -the capitol. They are artists of a grade far above what we can expect to -get again. I still hope they will continue to work on the basis of the -appropriation made, and as far as that will go; so that what is done will -be well done; and perhaps a more favorable moment may still preserve them -to us. With respect to yourself, the little disquietudes from individuals -not chosen for their taste in works of art, will be sunk into oblivion, -while the Representatives' chamber will remain a durable monument of -your talents as an architect. I say nothing of the Senate room, because I -have never seen it. I shall live in the hope that the day will come when -an opportunity will be given you of finishing the middle building in a -style worthy of the two wings, and worthy of the first temple dedicated -to the sovereignty of the people, embellishing with Athenian taste the -course of a nation looking far beyond the range of Athenian destinies. -In every situation, public or private, be assured of my sincere wishes -for your prosperity and happiness, and of the continuance of my esteem -and respect. - - -TO COLONEL DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, August 4, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 17th ult. came duly to hand, and I have -to thank you for the military manuals you were so kind as to send me. -This is the sort of book most needed in our country, where even the -elements of tactics are unknown. The young have never seen service, and -the old are past it, and of those among them who are not superannuated -themselves, their science is become so. I see, as you do, the difficulties -and defects we have to encounter in war, and should expect disasters if -we had an enemy on land capable of inflicting them. But the weakness of -our enemy there will make our first errors innocent, and the seeds of -genius which nature sows with even hand through every age and country, -and which need only soil and season to germinate, will develop themselves -among our military men. Some of them will become prominent, and seconded -by the native energy of our citizens, will soon, I hope, to our force -add the benefits of skill. The acquisition of Canada this year, as far -as the neighborhood of Quebec, will be a mere matter of marching, and -will give us experience for the attack of Halifax the next, and the -final expulsion of England from the American continent. Halifax once -taken, every cock-boat of hers must return to England for repairs. Their -fleet will annihilate our public force on the water, but our privateers -will eat out the vitals of their commerce. Perhaps they will burn New -York or Boston. If they do, we must burn the city of London, not by -expensive fleets or congreve rockets, but by employing an hundred or two -Jack-the-painters, whom nakedness, famine, desperation and hardened vice, -will abundantly furnish from among themselves. We have a rumor now afloat -that the orders of council are repeated. The thing is impossible after -Castlereagh's late declaration in Parliament, and the re-construction -of a Percival ministry. - -I consider this last circumstance fortunate for us. The repeal of the -orders of council would only add recruits to our minority, and enable -them the more to embarrass our march to thorough redress of our past -wrongs, and permanent security for the future. This we shall attain if -no internal obstacles are raised up. The exclusion of their commerce -from the United States, and the closing of the Baltic against it, -which the present campaign in Europe will effect, will accomplish the -catastrophe already so far advanced on them. I think your anticipations -of the effects of this are entirely probable, their arts, their science, -and what they have left of virtue, will come over to us, and although -their vices will come also, these, I think, will soon be diluted and -evaporated in a country of plain honesty. Experience will soon teach the -new-comers how much more plentiful and pleasant is the subsistence gained -by wholesome labor and fair dealing, than a precarious and hazardous -dependence on the enterprises of vice and violence. Still I agree with -you that these immigrations will give strength to English partialities, -to eradicate which is one of the most consoling expectations from the -war. But probably the old hive will be broken up by a revolution, and -a regeneration of its principles render intercourse with it no longer -contaminating. A republic there like ours, and a reduction of their naval -power within the limits of their annual facilities of payment, might -render their existence even interesting to us. It is the construction of -their government, and its principles and means of corruption, which make -its continuance inconsistent with the safety of other nations. A change -in its form might make it an honest one, and justify a confidence in -its faith and friendship. That regeneration however will take a longer -time than I have to live. I shall leave it to be enjoyed among you, and -make my exit with a bow to it, as the most flagitious of governments -I leave among men. I sincerely wish you may live to see the prodigy of -its renovation, enjoying in the meantime health and prosperity. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - MONTICELLO, August 5, 1812. - -DEAR GENERAL,--* * * * * - -I have little to add to my letter of June. We have entered Upper Canada, -and I think there can be no doubt of our soon having in our possession -the whole of the St. Lawrence except Quebec. We have at this moment -about two hundred privateers on the ocean, and numbers more going out -daily. It is believed we shall fit out about a thousand in the whole. -Their success has been already great, and I have no doubt they will cut -up more of the commerce of England than all the navies of Europe could -do, could those navies venture to sea at all. You will find that every -sea on the globe where England has any commerce, and where any port can -be found to sell prizes, will be filled with our privateers. God bless -you and give you a long and happy life. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, August 5, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -I am glad of the re-establishment of a Percival ministry. The opposition -would have recruited our minority by half way offers. With Canada in -hand we can go to treaty with an off-set for spoliation before the war. -Our farmers are cheerful in the expectation of a good price for wheat in -Autumn. Their pulse will be regulated by this, and not by the successes -or disasters of the war. To keep open sufficient markets is the very -first object towards maintaining the popularity of the war, which is as -great at present as could be desired. We have just had a fine rain of -1¼ inches in the most critical time for our corn. The weather during -the harvest was as advantageous as could be. I am sorry to find you -remaining so long at Washington. The effect on your health may lose us a -great deal of your time; a couple of months at Montpelier at this season -would not lose us an hour. Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and -yourself. - - -TO THE HONORABLE MR. WRIGHT. - - MONTICELLO, August 8, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I receive and return the congratulations of your letter of -July 6 with pleasure, and join the great mass of my fellow citizens in -saying, "Well done, good and faithful servants, receive the benedictions -which your constituents are ready to give you." The British government -seem to be doing late, what done earlier might have prevented war; to -wit: repealing the orders in Council. But it should take more to make -peace than to prevent war. The sword once drawn, full justice must be -done. "Indemnification for the past and security for the future," should -be painted on our banners. For 1,000 ships taken, and 6,000 seamen -impressed, give us Canada for indemnification, and the only security -they can give us against their Henrys, and the savages, and agree that -the American flag shall protect the persons of those sailing under it, -both parties exchanging engagements that neither will receive the seamen -of the other on board their vessels. This done, I should be for peace -with England and then war with France. One at a time is enough, and in -fighting the one we need the harbors of the other for our prizes. Go on -as you have begun, only quickening your pace, and receive the benedictions -and prayers of those who are too old to offer anything else. - - -TO THOMAS LETRE, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, August 8, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--I duly received your favor of the 14th ult., covering a -paper containing proceedings of the patriots of South Carolina. It -adds another to the many proofs of their steady devotion to their own -country. I can assure you the hearts of their fellow citizens in this -State beat in perfect unison with them, and with their government. Of -this their concurrence in the election of Mr. Madison and Mr. Gerry, -at the ensuing election, will give sufficient proof. The schism in -Massachusetts, when brought to the crisis of principle, will be found -to be exactly the same as in the Revolutionary war. The monarchists will -be left alone, and will appear to be exactly the tories of the last war. -Had the repeal of the orders of council, which now seems probable, taken -place earlier, it might have prevented war; but much more is requisite -to make peace--"indemnification for the past, and security for the -future," should be the motto of the war. 1,000 ships taken, 6,000 seamen -impressed, savage butcheries of our citizens, and incendiary machinations -against our union, declare that they and their allies, the Spaniards, -must retire from the Atlantic side of our continent as the only security -or indemnification which will be effectual. Accept the assurances of my -great esteem and respect. - - -TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, October 1, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of September the 20th, has been duly received, -and I cannot but be gratified by the assurance it expresses, that my aid -in the councils of our government would increase the public confidence -in them; because it admits an inference that they have approved of -the course pursued, when I heretofore bore a part in those councils. I -profess, too, so much of the Roman principle, as to deem it honorable for -the general of yesterday to act as a corporal to-day, if his services -can be useful to his country; holding that to be false pride, which -postpones the public good to any private or personal considerations. -But I am past service. The hand of age is upon me. The decay of bodily -faculties apprizes me that those of the mind cannot be unimpaired, had -I not still better proofs. Every year counts by increased debility, and -departing faculties keep the score. The last year it was the sight, this -it is the hearing, the next something else will be going, until all is -gone. Of all this I was sensible before I left Washington, and probably -my fellow laborers saw it before I did. The decay of memory was obvious; -it is now become distressing. But the mind too, is weakened. When I -was young, mathematics was the passion of my life. The same passion has -returned upon me, but with unequal powers. Processes which I then read -off with the facility of common discourse, now cost me labor, and time, -and slow investigation. When I offered this, therefore, as one of the -reasons deciding my retirement from office, it was offered in sincerity -and a consciousness of its truth. And I think it a great blessing that -I retain understanding enough to be sensible how much of it I have lost, -and to avoid exposing myself as a spectacle for the pity of my friends; -that I have surmounted the difficult point of knowing when to retire. -As a compensation for faculties departed, nature gives me good health, -and a perfect resignation to the laws of decay which she has prescribed -to all the forms and combinations of matter. - -The detestable treason of Hull has, indeed, excited a deep anxiety in all -breasts. The depression was in the first moment gloomy and portentous. -But it has been succeeded by a revived animation, and a determination to -meet the occurrence with increased efforts; and I have so much confidence -in the vigorous minds and bodies of our countrymen, as to be fearless as -to the final issue. The treachery of Hull, like that of Arnold, cannot -be matter of blame on our government. His character, as an officer of -skill and bravery, was established on the trials of the last war, and -no previous act of his life had led to doubt his fidelity. Whether the -Head of the war department is equal to his charge, I am not qualified -to decide. I knew him only as a pleasant, gentlemanly man in society; -and the indecision of his character rather added to the amenity of his -conversation. But when translated from the colloquial circle to the -great stage of national concerns, and the direction of the extensive -operations of war, whether he has been able to seize at one glance the -long line of defenceless border presented by our enemy, the masses of -strength which we hold on different points of it, the facility this -gave us of attacking him, on the same day, on all his points, from the -extremity of the lakes to the neighborhood of Quebec, and the perfect -indifference with which this last place, impregnable as it is, might -be left in the hands of the enemy to fall of itself; whether, I say, -he could see and prepare vigorously for all this, or merely wrapped -himself in the cloak of cold defence, I am uninformed. I clearly think -with you on the competence of Monroe to embrace great views of action. -The decision of his character, his enterprise, firmness, industry, and -unceasing vigilance, would, I believe, secure, as I am sure they would -merit, the public confidence, and give us all the success which our means -can accomplish. If our operations have suffered or languished from any -want of energy in the present head which directs them, I have so much -confidence in the wisdom and conscientious integrity of Mr. Madison, as -to be satisfied, that however torturing to his feelings, he will fulfil -his duty to the public and to his own reputation, by making the necessary -change. Perhaps he may be preparing it while we are talking about it; -for of all these things I am uninformed. I fear that Hull's surrender -has been more than the mere loss of a year to us. Besides bringing on -us the whole mass of savage nations, whom fear and not affection has -kept in quiet, there is danger that in giving time to an enemy who can -send reinforcements of regulars faster than we can raise them, they -may strengthen Canada and Halifax beyond the assailment of our lax and -divided powers. Perhaps, however, the patriotic efforts from Kentucky -and Ohio, by recalling the British force to its upper posts, may yet -give time to Dearborne to strike a blow below. Effectual possession of -the river from Montreal to the Chaudiere, which is practicable, would -give us the upper country at our leisure, and close forever the scenes -of the tomahawk and scalping knife. - -But these things are for others to plan and achieve. The only succor -from the old must lie in their prayers. These I offer up with sincere -devotion; and in my concern for the great public, I do not overlook my -friends, but supplicate for them, as I do for yourself, a long course -of freedom, happiness and prosperity. - - -TO THOMAS C. FLOURNEY, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, October 1, 1812. - -SIR,--Your letter of August 29th is just now received, having lingered -long on the road. I owe you much thankfulness for the favorable opinion -you entertain of my services, and the assurance expressed that they would -again be acceptable in the executive chair. But, sir, I was sincere in -stating age as one of the reasons of my retirement from office, beginning -then to be conscious of its effects, and now much more sensible of -them. Servile inertness is not what is to save our country; the conduct -of a war requires the vigor and enterprise of younger heads. All such -undertakings, therefore, are out of the question with me, and I say so -with the greater satisfaction, when I contemplate the person to whom -the executive powers were handed over. You probably do not know Mr. -Madison personally, or at least intimately, as I do. I have known him -from 1779, when he first came into the public councils, and from three -and thirty years' trial, I can say conscientiously that I do not know in -the world a man of purer integrity, more dispassionate, disinterested -and devoted to genuine republicanism; nor could I, in the whole scope -of America and Europe, point out an abler head. He may be illy seconded -by others, betrayed by the Hulls and Arnolds of our country, for such -there are in every country, and with sorrow and suffering we know it. -But what man can do will be done by Mr. Madison. I hope, therefore, -there will be no difference among republicans as to his re-election, -and we shall know his value when we have to give him up, and to look at -large for his successor. With respect to the unfortunate loss of Detroit -and our army, I with pleasure see the animation it has inspired through -our whole country, but especially through the Western States, and the -determination to retrieve our loss and our honor by increased exertions. -I am not without hope that the Western efforts under General Harrison, -may oblige the enemy to remain at their upper posts, and give Dearborne a -fair opportunity to strike a blow below. A possession of the river from -Montreal to the Chaudiere, gives us the upper country of course, and -closes forever the scenes of the tomahawk and scalping-knife. Quebec is -impregnable, but it is also worthless, and may be safely left in their -hands to fall of itself. The vigorous minds and bodies of our countrymen -leave me no fear as to ultimate results. In this confidence I resign -myself to the care of those whom in their younger days I assisted in -taking care of, and salute you with assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. - - MONTICELLO, December 27, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--After an absence of five weeks at a distant possession of mine, -to which I pay such visits three or four times a year, I find here your -favor of November 30th. I am very thankful to you for the description -of Redhefer's machine. I had never before been able to form an idea of -what his principle of deception was. He is the first of the inventors -of perpetual motion within my knowledge, who has had the cunning to put -his visitors on a false pursuit, by amusing them with a sham machinery -whose loose and vibratory motion might impose on them the belief that -it is the real source of the motion they see. To this device he is -indebted for a more extensive delusion than I have before witnessed on -this point. We are full of it as far as this State, and I know not how -much farther. In Richmond they have done me the honor to quote me as -having said that it was a possible thing. A poor Frenchman who called on -me the other day, with another invention of perpetual motion, assured me -that Dr. Franklin, many years ago, expressed his opinion to him that it -was not impossible. Without entering into contest on this abuse of the -Doctor's name, I gave him the answer I had given to others before, that -the Almighty himself could not construct a machine of perpetual motion -while the laws exist which he has prescribed for the government of matter -in our system; that the equilibrium established by him between cause -and effect must be suspended to effect that purpose. But Redhefer seems -to be reaping a rich harvest from the public deception. The office of -science is to instruct the ignorant. Would it be unworthy of some one of -its votaries who witness this deception, to give a popular demonstration -of the insufficiency of the ostensible machinery, and of course of the -necessary existence of some hidden mover? And who could do it with more -effect on the public mind than yourself? - -I received, at the same time, the Abbé Rochon's pamphlets and book on -his application of the double refraction of the Iceland Spath to the -measure of small angles. I was intimate with him in France, and had -received there, in many conversations, explanations of what is contained -in these sheets. I possess, too, one of his lunettes which he had given -to Dr. Franklin, and which came to me through Mr. Hopkinson. You are -therefore probably acquainted with it. The graduated bar on each side -is 12 inches long. The one extending to 37´ of angle, the other to -3,438 diameter in distance of the object viewed. On so large a scale of -graduation, a nonias might distinctly enough sub-divide the divisions -of 10´´ to 10´´ each; which is certainly a great degree of precision. -But not possessing the common micrometer of two semi-lenses, I am not -able to judge of their comparative merit. * * * * * - - -TO MR. ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, December 28, 1812. - -DEAR SIR,--An absence of five or six weeks, on a journey I take three -or four times a year, must apologize for my late acknowledgment of your -favor of October 12th. After getting through the mass of business which -generally accumulates during my absence, my first attention has been -bestowed on the subject of your letter. I turned to the passages you -refer to in Hutchinson and Winthrop, and with the aid of their dates, I -examined our historians to see if Wollaston's migration to this State was -noticed by them. It happens, unluckily, that Smith and Stith, who alone -of them go into minute facts, bring their histories, the former only to -1623, and the latter to 1624. Wollaston's arrival in Massachusetts was -in 1625, and his removal to this State was "some time" after. Beverly & -Keith, who came lower down, are nearly superficial, giving nothing but -those general facts which every one knew as well as themselves. If our -public records of that date were not among those destroyed by the British -on their invasion of this State, they may possibly have noticed Wollaston. -What I possessed in this way have been given out to two gentlemen, the -one engaged in writing our history, the other in collecting our ancient -laws; so that none of these resources are at present accessible to me. -Recollecting that Nathaniel Morton, in his New England memorial, gives -with minuteness the early annals of the colony of New Plymouth, and -occasionally interweaves the occurrences of that on Massachusetts Bay, I -recurred to him, and under the year 1628, I find he notices both Wollaston -and Thomas Morton, and gives with respect to both, some details which -are not in Hutchinson or Winthrop. As you do not refer to him, and so -possibly may not have his book, I will transcribe from it the entire -passage, which will prove at least my desire to gratify your curiosity -as far as the materials within my power will enable me. - -Extract from Nathaniel Morton's New England's Memorial, pp. 93 to 99, -Anno 1628. "Whereas, about three years before this time, there came -over one Captain Wollaston,[2] a man of considerable parts, and with him -three or four more of some eminency, who brought with them a great many -servants, with provisions and other requisites for to begin a plantation, -and pitched themselves in a place within the Massachusetts Bay, which -they called afterwards by their captain's name, Mount Wollaston; which -place is since called by the name of Braintry. And amongst others that -came with him, there was one Mr. Thomas Morton, who, it should seem, -had some small adventure of his own of other men's amongst them, but -had little respect, and was slighted by the meanest servants they kept. -They having continued some time in New England, and not finding things -to answer their expectation, nor profit to arise as they looked for, the -said Captain Wollaston takes a great part of the servants and transports -them to Virginia, and disposed of them there, and writes back to one Mr. -Rasdale, one of his chief partners, (and accounted then merchant,) to -bring another part of them to Virginia, likewise intending to put them -off there as he had done the rest; and he, with the consent of the said -Rasdale, appointed one whose name was Filcher, to be his Lieutenant, and -to govern the remainder of the plantation until he or Rasdale should -take further order thereabout. But the aforesaid Morton, (having more -craft than honesty,) having been a petty-fogger at Furnival's-inn, he, -in the other's absence, watches an opportunity, (commons being put hard -among them,) and got some strong drink and other junkets, and made them -a feast, and after they were merry, he began to tell them he would give -them good counsel. You see, (saith he,) that many of your fellows are -carried to Virginia, and if you stay still until Rasdale's return, you -will also be carried away and sold for slaves with the rest; therefore I -would advise you to thrust out Lieutenant Filcher, and I having a part -in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociates, so -you may be free from service, and we will converse, plant, trade and -live together as equals (or to the like effect). This counsel was easily -followed; so they took opportunity, and thrust Lieutenant Filcher out of -doors, and would not suffer him to come any more amongst them, but forced -him to seek bread to eat and other necessaries amongst his neighbors, -till he would get passage for England. (See the sad effect of want of -good government.) - -"After this they fell to great licentiousness of life, in all -prophaneness, and the said Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained -(as it were) a school of Atheism, and after they had got some goods into -their hands, and got much by trading with the Indians, they spent it as -vainly, in quaffing and drinking both wine and strong liquors in great -excess, (as some have reported,) ten pounds worth in a morning, setting -up a May pole, drinking and dancing about like so many fairies, or -furies rather, yea and worse practices, as if they had anew revived and -celebrated the feast of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practices -of the mad Bacchanalians. The said Morton likewise to show his poetry, -composed sundry rythmes and verses, some tending to licentiousness, -and others to the detraction and scandal of some persons names, which -he affixed to his idle or idol May-pole; they changed also the name of -their place, and instead of calling it Mount Wollaston, they called it -the Merry Mount, as if this jollity would have lasted always. But this -continued not long, for shortly after that worthy gentleman Mr. John -Endicot, who brought over a patent under the broad seal of England for -the government of the Massachusetts, visiting those parts, caused that -May-pole to be cut down, and rebuked them for their prophaneness, and -admonished them to look to it that they walked better; so the name was -again changed and called Mount Dagon. - -"Now to maintain this riotous prodigality and profuse expense, the said -Morton thinking himself lawless, and hearing what gain the fishermen made -of trading of pieces, powder, and shot, he as head of this consortship, -began the practice of the same in these parts; and first he taught the -Indians how to use them, to charge and discharge 'em, and what proportion -of powder to give the piece; according to the size of bigness of the -same, and what shot to use for fowl, and what for deer; and having -instructed them, he employed some of them to hunt and fowl for him; so -as they became somewhat more active in that imployment than any of the -English, by reason of their swiftness of foot, and nimbleness of body, -being also quick-sighted, and by continual exercise, well knowing the -haunt of all sorts of game; so as when they saw the execution that a -piece would do, and the benefit that might come by the same, they became -very eager after them, and would not stick to give any price they could -attain to for them; accounting their bows and arrows but baubles in -comparison of them. - -"And here we may take occasion to bewail the mischief which came by this -wicked man, and others like unto him; in that notwithstanding laws for -the restraint of selling ammunition to the natives, that so far base -covetousness prevailed, and doth still prevail, as that the Salvages -became amply furnished with guns, powder, shot, rapiers, pistols, and -also well skilled in repairing of defective arms: yea some have not -spared to tell them how gunpowder is made, and all the materials in it, -and they are to be had in their own land; and would (no doubt, in case -they could attain to the making of Saltpeter) teach them to make powder, -and what mischief may fall out unto the English in these parts thereby, -let this pestilent fellow Morton (aforenamed) bear a great part of the -blame and guilt of it to future generations. But lest I should hold the -reader too long in relation to the particulars of his vile actings; when -as the English that then lived up and down about the Massachusetts, and -in other places, perceiving the sad consequences of his trading, so as -the Indians became furnished with the English arms and ammunition, and -expert in the improving of them, and fearing that they should at one -time or another get a blow thereby; and also taking notice, that if he -were let alone in his way, they should keep no servants for him, because -he would entertain any, how vile soever, sundry of the chief of the -straggling plantations met together, and agreed by mutual consent to -send to Plimouth, who were then of more strength to join with them, to -suppress this mischief who considering the particulars proposed to them -to join together to take some speedy course to prevent (if it might be) -the evil that was accruing towards them; and resolved first to admonish -him of his wickedness respecting the premises, laying before him the -injury he did to their common safety, and that his acting considering the -same was against the King's proclamation; but he insolently persisted -on in his way, and said the King was dead, and his displeasure with -him, and threatened them that if they come to molest him, they should -look to themselves; so that they saw that there was no way but to take -him by force; so they resolved to proceed in such a way, and obtained -of the Governor of Plimouth to send Capt. Standish and some other aid -with him, to take the said Morton by force, the which accordingly was -done; but they found him to stand stiffly on his defence, having made -fast his doors, armed his consorts, set powder and shot ready upon the -table; scoffed and scorned at them, he and his complices being fitted -with strong drink, were desperate in their way; but he himself coming -out of doors to make a shot at Capt. Standish, he stepping to him put -by his piece and took him, and so little hurt was done; and so he was -brought prisoner to Plimouth, and continued in durance till an opportunity -of sending him for England, which was done at their common charge, and -letters also with him, to the honorable council for New England, and -returned again into the country in some short time, with less punishment -than his demerits deserved (as was apprehended). The year following he -was again apprehended, and sent for England, where he lay a considerable -time in Exeter gaol; for besides his miscarriage here in New England, -he was suspected to have murthered a man that had ventured monies with -him when he came first into New England; and a warrant was sent over -from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him, by virtue whereof, he -was by the Governor of Massachusetts sent into England, and for other -of his misdemeanors amongst them in that government, they demolished -his house, that it might no longer be a roost for such unclean birds. -Notwithstanding he got free in England again, and wrote an infamous and -scurrilous book against many godly and chief men of the country, full -of lies and slanders, and full fraught with prophane calumnies against -their names and persons, and the way of God. But to the intent I may -not trouble the reader any more with mentioning of him in this history; -in fine, sundry years after he came again into the country, and was -imprisoned at Boston for the aforesaid book and other things, but denied -sundry things therein, affirming his book was adulterated. And soon after -being grown old in wickedness, at last ended his life at Piscataqua. -But I fear I have held the reader too long about so unworthy a person, -but hope it may be useful to take notice how wickedness was beginning, -and would have further proceeded, had it not been prevented timely." - -So far Nathaniel Morton. The copy you have of Thomas Morton's New English -Canaan, printed in 1637 by Stam of Amsterdam, was a second edition of -that "infamous and scurrilous book against the godly." The first had been -printed in 1632, by Charles Green, in a 4to of 188 pages, and is the one -alluded to by N. Morton. Both of them made a part of the American library -given by White Kennett in 1713 to the Society for the propagation of -the Gospel in foreign parts. This society being a chartered one, still, -as I believe, existing, and probably their library also, I suppose that -these and the other books of that immense collection, the catalogue of -which occupies 275 pages 4to, are still to be found with them. If any -research I can hereafter make should ever bring to my knowledge anything -more of Wollaston, I shall not fail to communicate it to you. Ever and -affectionately yours. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [2] This gentleman's name is here occasionally used, and although - he came over in the year 1625, yet these passages in reference - to Morton fell out about this year, and therefore referred to - this place. - - -TO HENRY MIDDLETON, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, January 8, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of November 25th was a month on its passage to me. -I received with great pleasure this mark of your recollection, heightened -by the assurance that the part I have acted in public life has met your -approbation. Having seen the people of all other nations bowed down -to the earth under the wars and prodigalities of their rulers, I have -cherished their opposites, peace, economy, and riddance of public debt, -believing that these were the high road to public as well as to private -prosperity and happiness. And, certainly, there never before has been a -state of the world in which such forbearances as we have exercised would -not have preserved our peace. Nothing but the total prostration of all -moral principle could have produced the enormities which have forced us -at length into the war. On one hand, a ruthless tyrant, drenching Europe -in blood to obtain through future time the character of the destroyer -of mankind; on the other, a nation of buccanniers, urged by sordid -avarice, and embarked in the flagitious enterprise of seizing to itself -the maritime resources and rights of all other nations, have left no -means of peace to reason and moderation. And yet there are beings among -us who think we ought still to have acquiesced. As if while full war was -waging on one side, we could lose by making some reprisal on the other. -The paper you were so kind as to enclose me is a proof you are not of -this sentiment; it expresses our grievances with energy and brevity, -as well as the feelings they ought to excite. And I see with pleasure -another proof that South Carolina is ever true to the principles of -free government. Indeed it seems to me that in proportion as commercial -avarice and corruption advance on us from the north and east, the -principles of free government are to retire to the agricultural states -of the south and west, as their last asylum and bulwark. With honesty -and self-government for her portion, agriculture may abandon contentedly -to others the fruits of commerce and corruption. Accept, I pray you, -the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. RONALDSON. - - MONTICELLO, Jan. 12, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of November 2d arrived a little before I sat out -on a journey on which I was absent between five and six weeks. I have -still therefore to return you my thanks for the seeds accompanying it, -which shall be duly taken care of, and a communication made to others -of such as shall prove valuable. I have been long endeavoring to procure -the Cork tree from Europe, but without success. A plant which I brought -with me from Paris died after languishing some time, and of several -parcels of acorns received from a correspondent at Marseilles, not one -has ever vegetated. I shall continue my endeavors, although disheartened -by the nonchalance of our southern fellow citizens, with whom alone they -can thrive. It is now twenty-five years since I sent them two shipments -(about 500 plants) of the Olive tree of Aix, the finest Olives in the -world. If any of them still exist, it is merely as a curiosity in their -gardens, not a single orchard of them has been planted. I sent them also -the celebrated species of Sainfoin,[3] from Malta, which yields good -crops without a drop of rain through the season. It was lost. The upland -rice which I procured fresh from Africa and sent them, has been preserved -and spread in the upper parts of Georgia, and I believe in Kentucky. -But we must acknowledge their services in furnishing us an abundance -of cotton, a substitute for silk, flax and hemp. The ease with which it -is spun will occasion it to supplant the two last, and its cleanliness -the first. Household manufacture is taking deep root with us. I have a -carding machine, two spinning machines, and looms with the flying shuttle -in full operation for clothing my own family; and I verily believe that -by the next winter this State will not need a yard of imported coarse or -middling clothing. I think we have already a sheep for every inhabitant, -which will suffice for clothing, and one-third more, which a single year -will add, will furnish blanketing. With respect to marine hospitals, which -are one of the subjects of your letter, I presume you know that such -establishments have been made by the general government in the several -States, that a portion of seaman's wages is drawn for their support, and -the government furnishes what is deficient. Mr. Gallatin is attentive to -them, and they will grow with our growth. You doubt whether we ought to -permit the exportation of grain to our enemies; but Great Britain, with -her own agricultural support, and those she can command by her access -into every sea, cannot be starved by withholding our supplies. And if -she is to be fed at all events, why may we not have the benefit of it -as well as others? I would not, indeed, feed her armies landed on our -territory, because the difficulty of inland subsistence is what will -prevent their ever penetrating far into the country, and will confine -them to the sea coast. But this would be my only exception. And as to -feeding her armies in the peninsula, she is fighting our battles there, -as Bonaparte is on the Baltic. He is shutting out her manufactures from -that sea, and so far assisting us in her reduction to extremity. But if -she does not keep him out of the peninsular, if he gets full command of -that, instead of the greatest and surest of all our markets, as that -has uniformly been, we shall be excluded from it, or so much shackled -by his tyranny and ignorant caprices, that it will become for us what -France now is. Besides, if we could, by starving the English armies, -oblige them to withdraw from the peninsular, it would be to send them -here; and I think we had better feed them there for pay, than feed and -fight them here for nothing. A truth, too, not to be lost sight of is, -that no country can pay war taxes if you suppress all their resources. -To keep the war popular, we must keep open the markets. As long as good -prices can be had, the people will support the war cheerfully. If you -should have an opportunity of conveying to Mr. Heriot my thanks for his -book, you will oblige me by doing it. Accept the assurance of my great -esteem and respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [3] Called Sulla. - - -TO MR. MELISH. - - MONTICELLO, January 13, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I received duly your favor of December the 15th, and with it -the copies of your map and travels, for which be pleased to accept my -thanks. The book I have read with extreme satisfaction and information. -As to the western States, particularly, it has greatly edified me; for of -the actual condition of that interesting portion of our country, I had -not an adequate idea. I feel myself now as familiar with it as with the -condition of the maritime States. I had no conception that manufactures -had made such progress there, and particularly of the number of carding -and spinning machines dispersed through the whole country. We are but -beginning here to have them in our private families. Small spinning -jennies of from half a dozen to twenty spindles, will soon, however, make -their way into the humblest cottages, as well as the richest houses; and -nothing is more certain, than that the coarse and middling clothing for -our families, will forever hereafter continue to be made within ourselves. -I have hitherto myself depended entirely on foreign manufactures; but -I have now thirty-five spindles agoing, a hand carding machine, and -looms with the flying shuttle, for the supply of my own farms, which -will never be relinquished in my time. The continuance of the war will -fix the habit generally, and out of the evils of impressment and of the -orders of council, a great blessing for us will grow. I have not formerly -been an advocate for great manufactories. I doubted whether our labor, -employed in agriculture, and aided by the spontaneous energies of the -earth, would not procure us more than we could make ourselves of other -necessaries. But other considerations entering into the question, have -settled my doubts. - -The candor with which you have viewed the manners and condition of our -citizens, is so unlike the narrow prejudices of the French and English -travellers preceding you, who, considering each the manners and habits of -their own people as the only orthodox, have viewed everything differing -from that test as boorish and barbarous, that your work will be read -here extensively, and operate great good. - -Amidst this mass of approbation which is given to every other part of -the work, there is a single sentiment which I cannot help wishing to -bring to what I think the correct one; and, on a point so interesting, -I value your opinion too highly not to ambition its concurrence with my -own. Stating in volume one, page sixty-three, the principle of difference -between the two great political parties here, you conclude it to be, -'whether the controlling power shall be vested in this or that set of -men.' That each party endeavors to get into the administration of the -government, and exclude the other from power, is true, and may be stated -as a motive of action: but this is only secondary; the primary motive -being a real and radical difference of political principle. I sincerely -wish our differences were but personally who should govern, and that the -principles of our constitution were those of both parties. Unfortunately, -it is otherwise; and the question of preference between monarchy and -republicanism, which has so long divided mankind elsewhere, threatens -a permanent division here. - -Among that section of our citizens called federalists, there are three -shades of opinion. Distinguishing between the _leaders_ and _people_ -who compose it, the _leaders_ consider the English constitution as -a model of perfection, some, with a correction of its vices, others, -with all its corruptions and abuses. This last was Alexander Hamilton's -opinion, which others, as well as myself, have often heard him declare, -and that a correction of what are called its vices, would render the -English an impracticable government. This government they wished to have -established here, and only accepted and held fast, _at first_, to the -present constitution, as a stepping-stone to the final establishment of -their favorite model. This party has therefore always clung to England -as their prototype, and great auxiliary in promoting and effecting this -change. A weighty minority, however, of these _leaders_, considering the -voluntary conversion of our government into a monarchy as too distant, -if not desperate, wish to break off from our Union its eastern fragment, -as being, in truth, the hot-bed of American monarchism, with a view to a -commencement of their favorite government, from whence the other States -may gangrene by degrees, and the whole be thus brought finally to the -desired point. For Massachusetts, the prime mover in this enterprise, is -the last State in the Union to mean a _final_ separation, as being of all -the most dependent on the others. Not raising bread for the sustenance of -her own inhabitants, not having a stick of timber for the construction -of vessels, her principal occupation, nor an article to export in them, -where would she be, excluded from the ports of the other States, and -thrown into dependence on England, her direct, and natural, but now -insidious rival? At the head of this MINORITY is what is called the Essex -Junto of Massachusetts. But the MAJORITY of these _leaders_ do not aim -at separation. In this, they adhere to the known principle of General -Hamilton, never, under any views, to break the Union. Anglomany, monarchy, -and separation, then, are the principles of the Essex federalists. -Anglomany and monarchy, those of the Hamiltonians, and Anglomany alone, -that of the portion among the _people_ who call themselves federalists. -These last are as good republicans as the brethren whom they oppose, and -differ from them only in their devotion to England and hatred of France -which they have imbibed from their leaders. The moment that these leaders -should avowedly propose a separation of the Union, or the establishment -of regal government, their popular adherents would quit them to a man, -and join the republican standard; and the partisans of this change, even -in Massachusetts, would thus find themselves an army of officers without -a soldier. - -The party called republican is steadily for the support of the present -constitution. They obtained at its commencement, all the amendments -to it they desired. These reconciled them to it perfectly, and if they -have any ulterior view, it is only, perhaps, to popularize it further, -by shortening the Senatorial term, and devising a process for the -responsibility of judges, more practicable than that of impeachment. -They esteem the people of England and France equally, and equally detest -the governing powers of both. - -This I verily believe, after an intimacy of forty years with the public -councils and characters, is a true statement of the grounds on which -they are at present divided, and that it is not merely an ambition for -power. An honest man can feel no pleasure in the exercise of power over -his fellow citizens. And considering as the only offices of power those -conferred by the people directly, that is to say, the executive and -legislative functions of the General and State governments, the common -refusal of these, and multiplied resignations, are proofs sufficient -that power is not alluring to pure minds, and is not, with them, the -primary principle of contest. This is my belief of it; it is that -on which I have acted; and had it been a mere contest who should be -permitted to administer the government according to its genuine republican -principles, there has never been a moment of my life in which I should -have relinquished for it the enjoyments of my family, my farm, my friends -and books. - -You expected to discover the difference of our party principles in General -Washington's valedictory, and my inaugural address. Not at all. General -Washington did not harbor one principle of federalism. He was neither -an Angloman, a monarchist, nor a separatist. He sincerely wished the -people to have as much self-government as they were competent to exercise -themselves. The only point on which he and I ever differed in opinion, -was, that I had more confidence than he had in the natural integrity and -discretion of the people, and in the safety and extent to which they -might trust themselves with a control over their government. He has -asseverated to me a thousand times his determination that the existing -government should have a fair trial, and that in support of it he would -spend the last drop of his blood. He did this the more repeatedly, because -he knew General Hamilton's political bias, and my apprehensions from -it. It is a mere calumny, therefore, in the monarchists, to associate -General Washington with their principles. But that may have happened -in this case which has been often seen in ordinary cases, that, by oft -repeating an untruth, men come to believe it themselves. It is a mere -artifice in this party to bolster themselves up on the revered name of -that first of our worthies. If I have dwelt longer on this subject than -was necessary, it proves the estimation in which I hold your ultimate -opinions, and my desire of placing the subject truly before them. In so -doing, I am certain I risk no use of the communication which may draw -me into contention before the public. Tranquillity is the _summum bonum_ -of a Septagenaire. - -To return to the merits of your work: I consider it as so lively a -picture of the real state of our country, that if I can possibly obtain -opportunities of conveyance, I propose to send a copy to a friend -in France, and another to one in Italy, who, I know, will translate -and circulate it as an antidote to the misrepresentations of former -travellers. But whatever effect my profession of political faith may -have on your general opinion, a part of my object will be obtained, if -it satisfies you as to the principles of my own action, and of the high -respect and consideration with which I tender you my salutations. - - -TO COLONEL DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I do not know how the publication of the Review turned out -in point of profit, whether gainfully or not. I know it ought to have -been a book of great sale. I gave a copy to a student of William and -Mary college, and recommended it to Bishop Madison, then President of -the college, who was so pleased with it that he established it as a -school-book, and as the young gentleman informed me, every copy which -could be had was immediately bought up, and there was a considerable -demand for more. You probably know best whether new calls for it have -been made. Pr. Madison was a good whig. * * * * * Your experiment on that -work will enable you to decide whether you ought to undertake another, -not of greater but of equal merit. I have received from France a MS. work -on Political Economy, written by De Tutt Tracy, the most conspicuous -writer of the present day in the metaphysical line. He has written a -work entitled Ideology, which has given him a high reputation in France. -He considers that as having laid a solid foundation for the present -volume on Political Economy, and will follow it by one on Moral Duties. -The present volume is a work of great ability. It may be considered as -a review of the principles of the Economists, of Smith and of Say, or -rather an elementary book on the same subject. As Smith had corrected -some principles of the Economists, and Say some of Smiths, so Tracy has -done as to the whole. He has, in my opinion, corrected fundamental errors -in all of them, and by simplifying principles, has brought the subject -within a narrow compass. I think the volume would be of about the size -of the Review of Montesquieu. Although he puts his name to the work, he -is afraid to publish it in France, lest its freedom should bring him -into trouble. If translated and published here, he could disavow it, -if necessary. In order to enable you to form a better judgment of the -work, I will subjoin a list of the chapters or heads, and if you think -proper to undertake the translation and publication, I will send the -work itself. You will certainly find it one of the very first order. It -begins with * * * * * - -Our war on the land has commenced most inauspiciously. I fear we are -to expect reverses until we can find out who are qualified for command, -and until these can learn their profession. The proof of a general, to -know whether he will stand fire, costs a more serious price than that -of a cannon; these proofs have already cost us thousands of good men, -and deplorable degradation of reputation, and as yet have elicited but -a few negative and a few positive characters. But we must persevere till -we recover the rank we are entitled to. - -Accept the assurances of my continued esteem and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR MORRELL. - - MONTICELLO, February 5, 1813. - -SIR,--The book which you were so kind as to take charge of at Paris for -me, is safely received, and I thank you for your care of it, and more -particularly for the indulgent sentiments you are so kind as to express -towards myself. I am happy at all times to hear of the welfare of my -literary friends in that country; they have had a hard time of it since -I left them. I know nothing which can so severely try the heart and -spirit of man, and especially of the man of science, as the necessity of -a passive acquiescence under the abominations of an unprincipled tyrant -who is deluging the earth with blood to acquire for himself the reputation -of a Cartouche or a Robin Hood. The petty larcenies of the Blackbeards -and Buccaneers of the ocean, the more immediately exercised on us, are -dirty and grovelling things addressed to our contempt, while the horrors -excited by the Scelerat of France are beyond all human execrations. With -my thanks for your kind attentions, be pleased to accept the assurance -of my respect. - - -TO GENERAL BAILEY. - - MONTICELLO, February 6, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of January 25th is received, and I have to renew -my thanks to you for the map accompanying it. These proofs of friendly -remembrance give additional interest to the subjects which convey them. -The scenes, too, which compose the map, are become highly interesting. -Our first entrance on them has been peculiarly inauspicious. Our men -are good, but force without conduct is easily baffled. The Creator has -not thought proper to mark those in the forehead who are of stuff to -make good generals. We are first, therefore, to seek them blindfold, -and then let them learn the trade at the expense of great losses. But -our turn of success will come by-and-bye, and we must submit to the -previous misfortunes which are to be the price of it. I think with you -on the subject of privateers. Our ships of force will undoubtedly be -blockaded by the enemy, and we shall have no means of annoying them at -sea but by small, swift-sailing vessels; these will be better managed and -more multiplied in the hands of individuals than of the government. In -short, they are our true and only weapon in a war against Great Britain, -when once Canada and Nova Scotia shall have been rescued from them. The -opposition to them in Congress is merely partial. It is a part of the navy -fever, and proceeds from the desire of securing men for the public ships -by suppressing all other employments from them. But I do not apprehend -that this ill-judged principle is that of a majority of Congress. I -hope, on the contrary, they will spare no encouragement to that kind of -enterprise. Our public ships, to be sure, have done wonders. They have -saved our military reputation sacrificed on the shores of Canada; but -in point of real injury and depredation on the enemy, our privateers -without question have been most effectual. Both species of force have -their peculiar value. I salute you with assurances of friendship and -respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, February 8, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 27th ult. has been duly received. You have -had a long holiday from my intrusions. In truth I have had nothing to -write about, and your time should not be consumed by letters about -nothing. The enclosed paper however makes it a duty to give you the -trouble of reading it. You know the handwriting and the faith due to -it. Our intimacy with the writer leaves no doubt about his facts, and -in his letter to me he pledges himself for their fidelity. He says the -narrative was written at the request of a young friend in Virginia, and -a copy made for my perusal, on the presumption it would be interesting -to me. Whether the word "Confidential" at the head of the paper was -meant only for his young friend or for myself also, nothing in his -letter indicates. I must, therefore, govern myself by considerations of -discretion and of duty combined. Discretion dictates that I ought not so -to use the paper as to compromit my friend; an effect which would be as -fatal to my peace as it might be to his person. But duty tells me that -the public interest is so deeply concerned in your perfect knowledge -of the characters employed in its high stations, that nothing should -be withheld which can give you useful information. On these grounds I -commit it to yourself and the Secretary at War, to whose functions it -relates more immediately. It may have effect on your future designation -of those to whom particular enterprises are to be committed, and this -is the object of the communication. If you should think it necessary -that the minds of the other members of the Cabinet should be equally -apprized of its contents, although not immediately respecting their -departments, the same considerations, and an entire confidence in them -personally, would dictate its communication to them also. But beyond -this no sense of duty calls on me for its disclosure, and fidelity to -my friend strongly forbids it. The paper presents such a picture of -indecision in purpose, inattention to preparation, and imprudence of -demeanor, as to fix a total incompetence for military direction. How -greatly we were deceived in this character, as is generally the case in -appointments not on our own knowledge. I remember when we appointed him -we rejoiced in the acquisition of an officer of so much understanding -and integrity, as we imputed to him; and placed him as near the head of -the army as the commands then at our disposal admitted. Perhaps, still, -you may possess information giving a different aspect to this case, of -which I sincerely wish it may be susceptible. I will ask the return of -the paper when no longer useful to you. - -The accession to your Cabinet meets general approbation. This is chiefly -at present given to the character most known, but will be equally so -to the other when better known. I think you could not have made better -appointments. - -The autumn and winter have been most unfriendly to the wheat in red -lands, by continued cold and alternate frosts and thaws. The late snow -of about ten inches now disappearing, have received it. That grain is -got to $2 at Richmond. This is the true barometer of the popularity of -the war. Ever affectionately yours. - - -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. - - MONTICELLO, February 8, 1813. - -DEAR GENERAL,--I have long ago in my heart congratulated our country on -your call to the place you now occupy. But with yourself personally it -is no subject of congratulation. The happiness of the domestic fireside -is the first boon of heaven; and it is well it is so, since it is that -which is the lot of the mass of mankind. The duties of office are a -Corvée which must be undertaken on far other considerations than those -of personal happiness. But whether this be a subject of congratulation -or of condolence, it furnishes the occasion of recalling myself to your -recollection, and of renewing the assurances of my friendship and respect. -Whatever you do in office, I know will be honestly and ably done, and -although we who do not see the whole ground may sometimes impute error, -it will be because we, not you, are in the wrong; or because your views -are defeated by the wickedness or incompetence of those you are obliged -to trust with their execution. An instance of this is the immediate cause -of the present letter. I have enclosed a paper to the President, with -a request to communicate it to you, and if he thinks it should be known -to your associates of the Cabinet, although not immediately respecting -their departments, he will communicate it to them also. That it should -go no further is rendered an obligation on me by considerations personal -to a young friend whom I love and value, and by the confidence which has -induced him to commit himself to me. I hope, therefore, it will never -be known that such a narrative has been written, and much less by whom -written, and to whom addressed. It is unfortunate that heaven has not set -its stamp on the forehead of those whom it has qualified for military -achievement. That it has left us to draw for them in a lottery of so -many blanks to a prize, and where the blank is to be manifested only -by the public misfortunes. If nature had planted the _fœnum in cornu_ -on the front of treachery, of cowardice, of imbecility, the unfortunate -debut we have made on the theatre of war would not have sunk our spirits -at home, and our character abroad. I hope you will be ready to act on -the first breaking of the ice, as otherwise we may despair of wresting -Canada from our enemies. Their starving manufactories can furnish men -for its defence much faster than we can enlist them for its assault. - -Accept my prayers for success in all your undertakings, and the assurance -of my affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR RUSH. - - MONTICELLO, March 6, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I received some time ago a letter signed "James Carver," -proposing that myself, and my friends in this quarter, should subscribe -and forward a sum of money towards the expenses of his voyage to London, -and maintenance there while going through a course of education in their -Veterinary school, with a view to his returning to America, and practising -the art in Philadelphia. The name, person and character of the writer, -were equally unknown to me, and unauthenticated, but as self-declared -in the letter. I supposed him an Englishman, from the style in which -he spoke of "His Majesty," and because an American, without offence to -the laws, could not now be going, nor be sent by private individuals to -England. The scheme did not appear to me either the shortest or surest -way of going to work to accomplish the object. Because, if the Veterinary -institution there be of the celebrity he described, it must already have -produced subjects prepared for entering into practice, and disposed to -come to a good position, claiming nothing till they should enter into -function, or not more than their passage. I did not receive the letter -until the day had elapsed on which the vessel was to depart wherein he -had taken his passage; and his desire that the answer should go through -you, is my only authority for troubling you with this, addressed to you, -whom I know, love, and revere, and not to him, who, for any evidence I -have but from himself, may be a zealous son of science, or an adventurer -wanting money to carry him to London. I know nothing of the Veterinary -institution of London, yet have no doubt it merits the high character he -ascribes to it. It is a nation which possesses many learned men. I know -well the Veterinary school of Paris, of long standing, and saw many of its -publications during my residence there. They were classically written, -announced a want of nothing but certainty as to their facts, which -granted, the hypotheses were learned and plausible. The coach-horses of -the rich of Paris were availed of the institution; but the farmers even -of the neighborhood could not afford to call a Veterinary Doctor to their -plough-horses in the country, or to send them to a livery stable to be -attended in the city. On the whole, I was not a convert to the utility -of the Institution. You know I am so to that of medicine, even in human -complaints, but in a limited degree. That there are certain diseases of -the human body, so distinctly pronounced by well-articulated symptoms, -and recurring so often, as not to be mistaken, wherein experience has -proved that certain substances applied, will restore order, I cannot -doubt. Such are Kinkina in Intermittents, Mercury in Syphilis, Castor -Oil in Dysentery, &c. And so far I go with the physicians. But there -are also a great mass of indistinct diseases, presenting themselves -under no form clearly characterized, nor exactly recognized as having -occurred before, and to which of course the application of no particular -substance can be known to have been made, nor its effect on the case -experienced. These may be called unknown cases, and they may in time be -lessened by the progress of observation and experiment. Observing that -there are in the construction of the animal system some means provided -unknown to us, which have a tendency to restore order, when disturbed -by accident, called by physicians the _vis medicatrix naturæ_, I think -it safer to trust to this power in the unknown cases, than to uncertain -conjectures built on the ever-changing hypothetical systems of medicine. -Now, in the Veterinary department all are unknown cases. Man can tell -his physician the seat of his pain, its nature, history, and sometimes -its cause, and can follow his directions for the curative process--but -the poor dumb horse cannot signify where his pain is, what it is, or when -or whence it came, and resists all process for its cure. If in the case -of man, then, the benefit of medical interference in such cases admits -of question, what must it be in that of the horse? And to what narrow -limits is the real importance of the Veterinary art reduced? When a boy, -I knew a Doctor Seymour, neighbor to our famous botanist Clayton, who -imagined he could cure the diseases of his tobacco plants; he bled some, -administered lotions to others, sprinkled powders on a third class, and -so on--they only withered and perished the faster. I am sensible of the -presumption of hazarding an opinion to you on a subject whereon you are -so much better qualified for decision, both by reading and experience. -But our opinions are not voluntary. Every man's own reason must be his -oracle. And I only express mine to explain why I did not comply with -Mr. Carver's request; and to give you a further proof that there are no -bounds to my confidence in your indulgence in matters of opinion. - -Mr. Adams and myself are in habitual correspondence. I owe him a letter -at this time, and shall pay the debt as soon as I have something to write -about: for with the commonplace topic of politics we do not meddle. Where -there are so many others on which we agree, why should we introduce -the only one on which we differ. Besides the pleasure which our naval -successes have given to every honest patriot, his must be peculiar, -because a navy has always been his hobby-horse. A little further time will -show whether his ideas have been premature, and whether the little we -can oppose on that element to the omnipotence of our enemy there, would -lessen the losses of the war, or contribute to shorten its duration, -the legitimate object of every measure. On the land, indeed, we have -been most unfortunate; so wretched a succession of generals never before -destroyed the fairest expectations of a nation, counting on the bravery -of its citizens, which has proved itself on all these trials. Our first -object must now be the vindication of our character in the field; after -that, peace with the _liberum mare_, personal inviolability there, and -ouster from this continent of the incendiaries of savages. God send us -these good things, and to you health and life here, till you wish to -awake to it in another state of being. - - -TO M. DE LOMERIE. - - MONTICELLO, April 3, 1813. - -SIR,--Your letter of the 26th has been received, as had been that of the -5th. The preceding ones had been complied with by applications verbal -and written to the members of the government, to which I could expect -no specific answers, their whole time being due to the public, and -employed on their concerns. Had it been my good fortune to preserve at -the age of seventy, all the activity of body and mind which I enjoyed -in earlier life, I should have employed it now, as then, in incessant -labors to serve those to whom I could be useful. But the torpor of age -is weighing heavily on me. The writing table is become my aversion, -and its drudgeries beyond my remaining powers. I have retired, then, -of necessity, from all correspondence not indispensably called for by -some special duty, and I hope that this necessity will excuse me with -you from further interference in obtaining your passage to France, which -requires solicitations and exertions beyond what I am able to encounter. -I request this the more freely, because I am sure of finding, in your -candor and consideration, an acquiescence in the reasonableness of my -desire to indulge the feeble remains of life in that state of ease and -tranquillity which my condition, physical and moral, require. Accept, -then, with my adieux, my best wishes for a safe and happy return to your -native country, and the assurances of my respect. - - -TO MR. THOMAS PAINE M'MATRON. - - MONTICELLO, April 3, 1813. - -SIR,--Your favor of March 24th is received, and nothing could have been -so pleasing to me as to have been able to comply wit the request therein -made, feeling especial motives to become useful to any person connected -with Mr. M'Matron. But I shall state to you the circumstances which -control my will, and rest on your candor their just estimate. When I -retired from the government four years ago, it was extremely my wish to -withdraw myself from all concern with public affairs, and to enjoy with -my fellow citizens the protection of government, under the auspices and -direction of those to whom it was so worthily committed. Solicitations -from my friends, however, to aid them in their applications for office, -drew from me an unwary compliance, till at length these became so -numerous as to occupy a great portion of my time in writing letters to -the President and heads of departments, and although these were attended -to by them with great indulgence, yet I was sensible they could not fail -of being very embarrassing. They kept me, at the same time, standing -forever in the attitude of a suppliant before them, daily asking favors -as humiliating and afflicting to my own mind, as they were unreasonable -from their multitude. I was long sensible of the necessity of putting -an end to these unceasing importunities, when a change in the heads of -the two departments to which they were chiefly addressed, presented me -an opportunity. I came to a resolution, therefore, on that change, never -to make another application. I have adhered to it strictly, and find -that on its rigid observance, my own happiness and the friendship of -the government too much depend, for me to swerve from it in future. On -consideration of these circumstances, I hope you will be sensible how -much they import, both to the government and myself; and that you do -me the justice to be assured of the reluctance with which I decline an -opportunity of being useful to one so nearly connected with Mr. M'Matron, -and that with the assurance of my regrets, you will accept that of my -best wishes for your success, and of my great respect. - - -TO COLONEL DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, April 4, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of February 14th has been duly received, and the -MS. of the commentary on Montesquieu is also safe at hand. I now forward -to you the work of Tracy, which you will find a valuable supplement and -corrective to those we already possess on political economy. It is a -little unlucky that its outset is of a metaphysical character, which may -damp the ardor of perusal in some readers. He has been led to this by a -desire to embody this work, as well as a future one he is preparing on -morals, with his former treatise on Ideology. By-the-bye, it is merely to -this work that Bonaparte alludes in his answer to his Council of State, -published not long since, in which he scouts "the dark and metaphysical -doctrine of Ideology, which, diving into first causes, founds on this -basis a legislation of the people, &c." If, indeed, this answer be not -a forgery, for everything is now forged, even to the fat of our beef -and mutton: yet the speech is not unlike him, and affords scope for an -excellent parody. I wish you may succeed in getting the commentary on -Montesquieu reviewed by the Edinburgh Reviewers. I should expect from -them an able and favorable analysis of it. I sent a copy of it to a -friend in England, in the hope he would communicate it to them; not, -however, expressing that hope, lest the source of it should have been -made known. But the book will make its way, and will become a standard -work. A copy which I sent to France was under translation by one of the -ablest men of that country. - -It is true that I am tired of practical politics, and happier while -reading the history of ancient than of modern times. The total banishment -of all moral principle from the code which governs the intercourse of -nations, the melancholy reflection that after the mean, wicked and -cowardly cunning of the cabinets of the age of Machiavel had given -place to the integrity and good faith which dignified the succeeding -one of a Chatham and Turgot, that this is to be swept away again by the -daring profligacy and avowed destitution of all moral principle of a -Cartouche and a Blackbeard, sickens my soul unto death. I turn from the -contemplation with loathing, and take refuge in the histories of other -times, where, if they also furnished their Tarquins, their Catalines and -Caligulas, their stories are handed to us under the brand of a Livy, a -Sallust and a Tacitus, and we are comforted with the reflection that the -condemnation of all succeeding generations has confirmed the censures -of the historian, and consigned their memories to everlasting infamy, a -solace we cannot have with the Georges and Napoleons but by anticipation. - -In surveying the scenes of which we make a part, I confess that three -frigates taken by our gallant little navy, do not balance in my mind -three armies lost by the treachery, cowardice, or incapacity of those -to whom they were intrusted. I see that our men are good, and only want -generals. We may yet hope, however, that the talents which always exist -among men will show themselves with opportunity, and that it will be -found that this age also can produce able and honest defenders of their -country, at what further expense, however, of blood and treasure, is yet -to be seen. Perhaps this Russian mediation may cut short the history -of the present war, and leave to us the laurels of the sea, while our -enemies are bedecked with those of the land. This would be the reverse -of what has been expected, and perhaps of what was to be wished. - -I have never seen the work on Political Economy, of which you speak. Say -and Tracy contain the sum of that science as far as it has been soundly -traced in my judgment. And it is a pity that Say's work should not, as -well as Tracy's, be made known to our countrymen by a good translation. -It would supplant Smith's book altogether, because shorter, clearer and -sounder. - -Accept my friendly salutations and assurances of continued esteem and -respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, May 21, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter from Whit was unquestionably intended for -you. The subject, the address, both of title and place, prove it, and -the mistake of the name only shows the writer to be a very uninquisitive -statesman. Dr. Waterhouse's letter, too, was intended for your eye, -and although the immediate object fails by previous appointment, yet -he seems to entertain further wishes. I enclose, too, the newspapers -he refers to, as some of their matter may have escaped your notice, and -the traitorous designs fostered in Massachusetts, and explained in them, -call for attention. - -We have never seen so unpromising a crop of wheat as that now growing. -The winter killed an unusual proportion of it, and the fly is destroying -the remainder. We may estimate the latter loss at one-third at present, -and fast increasing from the effect of the extraordinary drought. With -such a prospect before us, the blockade is acting severely on our past -labors. It caught nearly the whole wheat of the middle and upper country -in the hands of the farmers and millers, whose interior situation had -prevented their getting it to an earlier market. From this neighborhood -very little had been sold. When we cast our eyes on the map, and see -the extent of country from New York to North Carolina inclusive, whose -produce is raised on the waters of the Chesapeake, (for Albemarle sound -is, by the canal of Norfolk, become a water of the Chesapeake,) and -consider its productiveness, in comparison with the rest of the Atlantic -States, probably a full half, and that all this can be shut up by two -or three ships of the line lying at the mouth of the bay, we see that -an injury so vast to ourselves and so cheap to our enemy, must forever -be resorted to by them, and constantly maintained. To defend all the -shores of those waters in detail is impossible. But is there not a single -point where they may be all defended by means to which the magnitude of -the object gives a title? I mean at the mouth of the Chesapeake. Not by -ships of the line, or frigates; for I know that with our present enemy -we cannot contend in that way. But would not a sufficient number of -gun-boats of _small_ draught, stationed in Lynhaven river, render it -unsafe for ships of war either to ascend the Chesapeake or to lie at -its mouth? I am not unaware of the effect of the ridicule cast on this -instrument of defence by those who wished for engines of offence. But -resort is had to ridicule only when reason is against us. I know, too, -the prejudices of the gentlemen of the navy, and that these are very -natural. No one has been more gratified than myself by the brilliant -achievements of our little navy. They have deeply wounded the pride of -our enemy, and been balm to ours, humiliated on the land where our real -strength was felt to lie. But divesting ourselves of the enthusiasm these -brave actions have justly excited, it is impossible not to see that all -these vessels must be taken and added to the already overwhelming force -of our enemy; that even while we keep them, they contribute nothing to -our defence, and that so far as we are to be defended by anything on -the water, it must be by such vessels as can assail under advantageous -circumstances, and under adverse ones withdraw from the reach of the -enemy. This, in shoally waters, is the humble, the ridiculed, but the -formidable gun-boats. I acknowledge that in the case which produces these -reflections, the station of Lynhaven river would not be safe against land -attacks on the boats, and that a retreat for them is necessary in this -event. With a view to this there was a survey made by Colonel Tatham, -which was lodged either in the war or navy office, showing the depth and -length of a canal which would give them a retreat from Lynhaven river -into the eastern branch of Elizabeth river. I think the distance is not -over six or eight miles, perhaps not so much, through a country entirely -flat, and little above the level of the sea. A cut of ten yards wide -and four yards deep, requiring the removal of forty cubic yards of earth -for every yard in length of the canal, at twenty cents the cubic yard, -would cost about $15,000 a mile. But even doubling this to cover all -errors of estimate, although in a country offering the cheapest kind of -labor, it would be nothing compared with the extent and productions of -the country it is to protect. It would, for so great a country, bear no -proportion to what has been expended, and justly expended by the Union, -to defend the single spot of New York. - -While such a channel of retreat secures effectually the safety of the -gun-boats, it insures also their aid for the defence of Norfolk, if -attacked from the sea. And the Norfolk canal gives them a further passage -into Albemarle sound, if necessary for their safety, or in aid of the -flotilla of that sound, or to receive the aid of that flotilla either -at Norfolk or in Lynhaven river. For such a flotilla there also will -doubtless be thought necessary, that being the only outlet now, as during -the last war, for the waters of the Chesapeake. Colonel Monroe, I think, -is personally intimate with the face of all that country, and no one, -I am certain, is more able or more disposed than the present Secretary -of the Navy, to place himself above the navy prejudices, and do justice -to the aptitude of these humble and economical vessels to the shallow -waters of the South. On the bold Northern shores they would be of less -account, and the larger vessels will of course be more employed there. -Were they stationed with us, they would rather attract danger than ward -it off. The only service they can render us would be to come _in a body_ -when the occasion offers, of overwhelming a weaker force of the enemy -occupying our bay, to oblige them to keep their force in a body, leaving -the mass of our coast open. - -Although it is probable there may not be an idea here which has not -been maturely weighed by yourself, and with a much broader view of -the whole field, yet I have frankly hazarded them, because possibly -some of the facts or ideas may have escaped in the multiplicity of the -objects engaging your notice, and because in every event they will cost -you but the trouble of reading. The importance of keeping open a water -which covers wholly or considerably five of the most productive States, -containing three-fifths of the population of the Atlantic portion of -our Union, and of preserving their resources for the support of the -war, as far as the state of war and the means of the confederacy will -admit; and especially if it can be done for less than is contributed by -the Union for more than one single city, will justify our anxieties to -have it effected. And should my views of the subject be even wrong, I am -sure they will find their apology with you in the purity of the motives -of personal and public regard which induce a suggestion of them. In -all cases I am satisfied you are doing what is for the best, as far as -the means put into your hands will enable you, and this thought quiets -me under every occurrence, and under every occurrence I am sincerely, -affectionately and respectfully yours. - - -TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN. - - UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, May 24, 1813. - -I received with great pleasure, my dear Madam and friend, your letter -of November the 10th, from Stockholm, and am sincerely gratified by the -occasion it gives me of expressing to you the sentiments of high respect -and esteem which I entertain for you. It recalls to my remembrance a happy -portion of my life, passed in your native city; then the seat of the most -amiable and polished society of the world, and of which yourself and your -venerable father were such distinguished members. But of what scenes has -it since been the theatre, and with what havoc has it overspread the -earth! Robespierre met the fate, and his memory the execration, he so -justly merited. The rich were his victims, and perished by thousands. -It is by millions that Bonaparte destroys the poor, and he is eulogized -and deified by the sycophants even of science. These merit more than -the mere oblivion to which they will be consigned; and the day will come -when a just posterity will give to their hero the only pre-eminence he -has earned, that of having been the greatest of the destroyers of the -human race. What year of his military life has not consigned a million of -human beings to death, to poverty and wretchedness! What field in Europe -may not raise a monument of the murders, the burnings, the desolations, -the famines and miseries it has witnessed from him! And all this to -acquire a reputation, which Cartouche attained with less injury to -mankind, of being fearless of God or man. - -To complete and universalize the desolation of the globe, it has been -the will of Providence to raise up, at the same time, a tyrant as -unprincipled and as overwhelming, for the ocean. Not in the poor maniac -George, but in his government and nation. Bonaparte will die, and his -tyrannies with him. But a nation never dies. The English government, and -its piratical principles and practices, have no fixed term of duration. -Europe feels, and is writhing under the scorpion whips of Bonaparte. We -are assailed by those of England. The one continent thus placed under -the gripe of England, and the other of Bonaparte, each has to grapple -with the enemy immediately pressing on itself. We must extinguish the -fire kindled in our own house, and leave to our friends beyond the water -that which is consuming theirs. It was not till England had taken one -thousand of our ships, and impressed into her service more than six -thousand of our citizens; till she had declared, by the proclamation of -her Prince Regent, that she would not repeal her aggressive orders _as -to us_, until Bonaparte should have repealed his _as to all nations_; -till her minister, in formal conference with ours, declared, that no -proposition for protecting our seamen from being impressed, under color -of taking their own, was practicable or admissible; that, the door to -justice and to all amicable arrangement being closed, and negotiation -become both desperate and dishonorable, we concluded that the war she -had for years been waging against us, might as well become a war on -both sides. She takes fewer vessels from us since the declaration of -war than before, because they venture more cautiously; and we now make -full reprisals where before we made none. England is, in principle, -the enemy of all maritime nations, as Bonaparte is of the continental; -and I place in the same line of insult to the human understanding, the -pretension of conquering the ocean, to establish continental rights, as -that of conquering the continent, to restore maritime rights. No, my dear -Madam; the object of England is the _permanent dominion of the ocean_, -and the _monopoly of the trade of the world_. To secure this, she must -keep a larger fleet than her own resources will maintain. The resources -of other nations, then, must be impressed to supply the deficiency of -her own. This is sufficiently developed and evidenced by her successive -strides towards the usurpation of the sea. Mark them, from her first war -after William Pitt, the little, came into her administration. She first -forbade to neutrals all trade with her enemies in time of war, which -they had not in time of peace. This deprived them of their trade from -port to port of the same nation. Then she forbade them to trade from -the port of one nation to that of any other at war with her, although a -right fully exercised in time of peace. Next, instead of taking vessels -only _entering_ a blockaded port, she took them over the whole ocean, if -destined to that port, although ignorant of the blockade, and without -intention to violate it. Then she took them returning from that port, -as if infected by previous infraction of blockade. Then came her paper -blockades, by which she might shut up the whole world without sending -a ship to sea, except to take all those sailing on it, as they must, of -course, be bound to some port. And these were followed by her orders of -council, forbidding every nation to go to the port of any other, without -coming first to some port of Great Britain, there paying a tribute to -her, regulated by the cargo, and taking from her a license to proceed -to the port of destination; which operation the vessel was to repeat -with the return cargo on its way home. According to these orders, we -could not send a vessel from St. Mary's to St. Augustine, distant six -hours sail on our own coast, without crossing the Atlantic four times, -twice with the outward cargo, and twice with the inward. She found this -too daring and outrageous for a single step, retracted as to certain -articles of commerce, but left it in force as to others which constitute -important branches of our exports. And finally, that her views may no -longer rest on inference, in a recent debate her minister declared in -open parliament, that the object of the present war is a _monopoly of -commerce_. - -In some of these atrocities, France kept pace with her fully in -speculative wrong, which her impotence only shortened in practical -execution. This was called retaliation by both; each charging the other -with the initiation of the outrage. As if two combatants might retaliate -on an innocent bystander, the blows they received from each other. To -make war on both would have been ridiculous. In order, therefore, to -single out an enemy, we offered to both, that if either would revoke -its hostile decrees, and the other should refuse, we would interdict all -intercourse whatever with that other; which would be war of course, as -being an avowed departure from neutrality. France accepted the offer, and -revoked her decrees as to us. England not only refused, but declared by a -solemn proclamation of her Prince Regent, that she would not revoke her -orders _even as to us_, until those of France should be annulled _as to -the whole world_. We thereon declared war, and with abundant additional -cause. - -In the meantime, an examination before parliament of the ruinous effects -of these orders on her own manufacturers, exposing them to the nation and -to the world, their Prince issued a palinodial proclamation, _suspending_ -the orders on certain conditions, but claiming to renew them at pleasure, -as a matter of right. Even this might have prevented the war, if done -and known here before its declaration. But the sword being once drawn, -the expense of arming incurred, and hostilities in full course, it would -have been unwise to discontinue them, until effectual provision should -be agreed to by England, for protecting our citizens on the high seas -from impressment by her naval commanders, through error, voluntary or -involuntary; the fact being notorious, that these officers, entering our -ships at sea under pretext of searching for their seamen, (which they -have no right to do by the law or usage of nations, which they neither -do, nor ever did, as to any other nation but ours, and which no nation -ever before pretended to do in any case,) entering our ships, I say, -under pretext of searching for and taking out their seamen, they took -ours, native as well as naturalized, knowing them to be ours, merely -because they wanted them; insomuch, that no American could safely cross -the ocean, or venture to pass by sea from one to another of our own -ports. It is not long since they impressed at sea two nephews of General -Washington, returning from Europe, and put them, as common seamen, under -the ordinary discipline of their ships of war. There are certainly other -wrongs to be settled between England and us; but of a minor character, -and such as a proper spirit of conciliation on both sides would not -permit to continue them at war. The sword, however, can never again be -sheathed, until the personal safety of an American on the ocean, among -the most important and most vital of the rights we possess, is completely -provided for. - -As soon as we heard of her partial repeal of her orders of council, we -offered instantly to suspend hostilities by an armistice, if she would -suspend her impressments, and meet us in arrangements for securing -our citizens against them. She refused to do it, because impracticable -by any arrangement, as she pretends; but, in truth, because a body of -sixty to eighty thousand of the finest seamen in the world, which we -possess, is too great a resource for manning her exaggerated navy, to -be relinquished, as long as she can keep it open. Peace is in her hand, -whenever she will renounce the practice of aggression on the persons -of our citizens. If she thinks it worth eternal war, eternal war we -must have. She alleges that the sameness of language, of manners, of -appearance, renders it impossible to distinguish us from her subjects. -But because we speak English, and look like them, are we to be punished? -Are free and independent men to be submitted to their bondage? - -England has misrepresented to all Europe this ground of the war. She -has called it a new pretension, set up since the repeal of her orders -of council. She knows there has never been a moment of suspension of our -reclamation against it, from General Washington's time inclusive, to the -present day; and that it is distinctly stated in our declaration of war, -as one of its principal causes. She has pretended we have entered into -the war to establish the principle of "free bottoms, free goods," or -to protect her seamen against her own rights over them. We contend for -neither of these. She pretends we are partial to France; that we have -observed a fraudulent and unfaithful neutrality between her and her enemy. -She knows this to be false, and that if there has been any inequality -in our proceedings towards the belligerents, it has been in her favor. -Her ministers are in possession of full proofs of this. Our accepting -at once, and sincerely, the mediation of the virtuous Alexander, their -greatest friend, and the most aggravated enemy of Bonaparte, sufficiently -proves whether we have partialities on the side of her enemy. I sincerely -pray that this mediation may produce a just peace. It will prove that -the immortal character, which has first stopped by war the career of -the destroyer of mankind, is the friend of peace, of justice, of human -happiness, and the patron of unoffending and injured nations. He is too -honest and impartial to countenance propositions of peace derogatory to -the freedom of the seas. - -Shall I apologize to you, my dear Madam, for this long political -letter? But yours justifies the subject, and my feelings must plead -for the unreserved expression of them; and they have been the less -reserved, as being from a private citizen, retired from all connection -with the government of his country, and whose ideas, expressed without -communication with any one, are neither known, nor imputable to them. - -The dangers of the sea are now so great, and the possibilities of -interception by sea and land such, that I shall subscribe no name to -this letter. You will know from whom it comes, by its reference to the -date of time and place of yours, as well as by its subject in answer to -that. This omission must not lessen in your view the assurances of my -great esteem, of my sincere sympathies for the share which you bear in -the afflictions of your country, and the deprivation to which a lawless -will has subjected you. In return, you enjoy the dignified satisfaction -of having met them, rather than be yoked with the abject, to his car; -and that, in withdrawing from oppression, you have followed the virtuous -example of a father whose name will ever be dear to your country and -to mankind. With my prayers that you may be restored to it, that you -may see it re-established in that temperate portion of liberty which -does not infer either anarchy or licentiousness, in that high degree -of prosperity which would be the consequence of such a government, in -that, in short, which the constitution of 1789 would have insured it, -if wisdom could have stayed at that point the fervid but imprudent zeal -of men, who did not know the character of their own countrymen, and -that you may long live in health and happiness under it, and leave to -the world a well-educated and virtuous representative and descendant of -your honored father, is the ardent prayer of the sincere and respectful -friend who writes this letter. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, May 27, 1813. - -Another of our friends of seventy-six is gone, my dear Sir, another of -the co-signers of the Independence of our country. And a better man than -Rush could not have left us, more benevolent, more learned, of finer -genius, or more honest. We too must go; and that ere long. I believe we -are under half a dozen at present; I mean the signers of the Declaration. -Yourself, Gerry, Carroll, and myself, are all I know to be living. I -am the only one south of the Potomac. Is Robert Treat Payne, or Floyd -living? It is long since I heard of them, and yet I do not recollect to -have heard of their deaths. - -Moreton's deduction of the origin of our Indians from the fugitive -Trojans, stated in your letter of January the 26th, and his manner of -accounting for the sprinkling of their Latin with Greek, is really -amusing. Adair makes them talk Hebrew. Reinold Foster derives them -from the soldiers sent by Kouli Khan to conquer Japan. Brerewood, from -the Tartars, as well as our bears, wolves, foxes, &c., which, he says, -"must of necessity fetch their beginning from Noah's ark, which rested, -after the deluge in Asia, seeing they could not proceed by the course of -nature, as the imperfect sort of living creatures do, from putrefaction." -Bernard Romans is of opinion that God created an original man and woman -in this part of the globe. Doctor Barton thinks they are not specifically -different from the Persians; but, taking afterwards a broader range, -he thinks, "that in all the vast countries of America, there is but one -language, nay, that it may be proven, or rendered highly probable, that -all the languages of the earth bear some affinity together." This reduces -it to a question of definition, in which every one is free to use his -own: to wit, what constitutes identity, or difference in two things, in -the common acceptation of _sameness_? All languages may be called the -same, as being all made up of the same primitive sounds, expressed by -the letters of the different alphabets. But, in this sense, all things -on earth are the same as consisting of matter. This gives up the useful -distribution into genera and species, which we form, arbitrarily indeed, -for the relief of our imperfect memories. To aid the question, from -whence our Indian tribes descended, some have gone into their religion, -their morals, their manners, customs, habits, and physical forms. By -such helps it may be learnedly proved, that our trees and plants of every -kind are descended from those of Europe; because, like them, they have no -locomotion, they draw nourishment from the earth, they clothe themselves -with leaves in spring, of which they divest themselves in autumn for -the sleep of winter, &c. Our animals too must be descended from those of -Europe, because our wolves eat lambs, our deer are gregarious, our ants -hoard, &c. But, when for convenience we distribute languages, according -to common understanding, into classes originally different, as we choose -to consider them, as the Hebrew, the Greek, the Celtic, the Gothic; and -these again into genera, or families, as the Icelandic, German, Swedish, -Danish, English; and these last into species, or dialects, as English, -Scotch, Irish, we then ascribe other meanings to the terms "same" and -"different." In some one of these senses, Barton, and Adair, and Foster, -and Brerewood, and Moreton, may be right, every one according to his -own definition of what constitutes "identity." Romans, indeed, takes a -higher stand, and supposes a separate creation. On the same unscriptural -ground, he had but to mount one step higher, to suppose no creation -at all, but that all things have existed without beginning in time, as -they now exist, and may forever exist, producing and reproducing in a -circle, without end. This would very summarily dispose of Mr. Moreton's -learning, and show that the question of Indian origin, like many others, -pushed to a certain height, must receive the same answer, "Ignoro." - -You ask if the usage of hunting in circles has ever been known among -any of our tribes of Indians? It has been practised by them all; and is -to this day, by those still remote from the settlements of the whites. -But their numbers not enabling them, like Genghis Khan's seven hundred -thousand, to form themselves into circles of one hundred miles diameter, -they make their circle by firing the leaves fallen on the ground, which -gradually forcing the animals to a centre, they there slaughter them with -arrows, darts, and other missiles. This is called fire hunting, and has -been practised in this State within my time, by the white inhabitants. -This is the most probable cause of the origin and extension of the -vast prairies in the western country, where the grass having been of -extraordinary luxuriance, has made a conflagration sufficient to kill -even the old as well as the young timber. - -I sincerely congratulate you on the successes of our little navy; which -must be more gratifying to you than to most men, as having been the early -and constant advocate of wooden walls. If I have differed with you on -this ground, it was not on the principle, but the time; supposing that -we cannot build or maintain a navy, which will not immediately fall into -the same gulf which has swallowed not only the minor navies, but even -those of the great second-rate powers of the sea. Whenever these can be -resuscitated, and brought so near to a balance with England that we can -turn the scale, then is my epoch for aiming at a navy. In the meantime, -one competent to keep the Barbary States in order, is necessary; these -being the only smaller powers disposed to quarrel with us. But I respect -too much the weighty opinions of others, to be unyielding on this point, -and acquiesce with the prayer "_quod felix faustumque sit_;" adding ever -a sincere one for your health and happiness. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, May 30, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for the communication of the President's Message, -which has not yet reached us through the public papers. It is an -interesting document, always looked for with anxiety, and the late one -is equally able as interesting. I hope Congress will act in conformity -with it, in all its parts. The unwarrantable ideas often expressed in the -newspapers, and by persons who ought to know better, that I intermeddle -in the Executive councils, and the indecent expressions, sometimes, of -a hope that Mr. Madison will pursue the principles of my administration, -expressions so disrespectful to his known abilities and dispositions, have -rendered it improper in me to hazard suggestions to him, on occasions -even where ideas might occur to me, that might accidentally escape him. -This reserve has been strengthened, too, by a consciousness that my -views must be very imperfect, from the want of a correct knowledge of -the whole ground. - -I lately, however, hazarded to him a suggestion on the defence of -the Chesapeake, because, although decided on provisionally with the -Secretaries of War and the Navy formerly, yet as it was proposed only in -the case of war, which did not actually arise, and not relating to his -department, might not then have been communicated to him. Of this fact -my memory did not ascertain me. I will now hazard another suggestion -to yourself, which indeed grows out of that one: it is, the policy of -keeping our frigates together in a body, in some place where they can be -defended against a superior naval force, and from whence, nevertheless, -they can easily sally forth on the shortest warning. This would oblige -the enemy to take stations, or to cruise only in masses equal at least, -each of them, to our whole force; and of course they could be acting -only in two or three spots at a time, and the whole of our coast, except -the two or three portions where they might be present, would be open -to exportation and importation. I think all that part of the United -States over which the waters of the Chesapeake spread themselves, was -blockaded in the early season by a single ship. This would keep our -frigates in entire safety, as they would go out only occasionally to -oppress a blockading force known to be weaker than themselves, and thus -make them a real protection to our whole commerce. And it seems to me -that this would be a more essential service, than that of going out by -ones, or twos, in search of adventures, which contribute little to the -protection of our commerce, and not at all to the defence of our coast, -or the shores of our inland waters. A defence of these by militia is -most harassing to them. The applications from Maryland, which I have -seen in the papers, and those from Virginia, which I suspect, merely -because I see such masses of the militia called off from their farms, -must be embarrassing to the Executive, not only from a knowledge of -the incompetency of such a mode of defence, but from the exhausture -of funds which ought to be husbanded for the effectual operations of a -long war. I fear, too, it will render the militia discontented, perhaps -clamorous for an end of the war on any terms. I am happy to see that -it is entirely popular as yet, and that no symptom of flinching from it -appears among the people, as far as I can judge from the public papers, -or from my own observation, limited to the few counties adjacent to the -two branches of James river. I have such confidence that what I suggest -has been already maturely discussed in the Cabinet, and that for wise -and sufficient reasons the present mode of employing the frigates is the -best, that I hesitate about sending this even after having written. Yet -in that case it will only have given you the trouble of reading it. You -will bury it in your own breast, as _non-avenue_, and see in it only an -unnecessary zeal on my part, and a proof of the unlimited confidence of -yours ever and affectionately. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, June 15, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you a letter on the 27th of May, which probably would -reach you about the 3d instant, and on the 9th I received yours of the -29th of May. Of Lindsay's Memoirs I had never before heard, and scarcely -indeed of himself. It could not, therefore, but be unexpected, that two -letters of mine should have anything to do with his life. The name of his -editor was new to me, and certainly presents itself for the first time -under unfavorable circumstances. Religion, I suppose, is the scope of -his book; and that a writer on that subject should usher himself to the -world in the very act of the grossest abuse of confidence, by publishing -private letters which passed between two friends, with no views to their -ever being made public, is an instance of inconsistency as well as of -infidelity, of which I would rather be the victim than the author. - -By your kind quotation of the dates of my two letters, I have been enabled -to turn to them. They had completely vanished from my memory. The last -is on the subject of religion, and by its publication will gratify the -priesthood with new occasion of repeating their comminations against me. -They wish it to be believed that he can have no religion who advocates -its freedom. This was not the doctrine of Priestley; and I honored him -for the example of liberality he set to his order. The first letter is -political. It recalls to our recollection the gloomy transactions of the -times, the doctrines they witnessed, and the sensibilities they excited. -It was a confidential communication of reflections on these from one -friend to another, deposited in his bosom, and never meant to trouble -the public mind. Whether the character of the times is justly portrayed -or not, posterity will decide. But on one feature of them they can never -decide, the sensations excited in free yet firm minds by the terrorism -of the day. None can conceive who did not witness them, and they were -felt by one party only. This letter exhibits their side of the medal. -The federalists, no doubt, have presented the other in their private -correspondences as well as open action. If these correspondences should -ever be laid open to the public eye, they will probably be found not -models of comity towards their adversaries. The readers of my letter -should be cautioned not to confine its view to this country alone. England -and its alarmists were equally under consideration. Still less must they -consider it as looking personally towards you. You happen, indeed, to -be quoted, because you happened to express more pithily than had been -done by themselves, one of the mottos of the party. This was in your -answer to the address of the young men of Philadelphia. [See Selection -of Patriotic Addresses, page 198.] One of the questions, you know, on -which our parties took different sides, was on the improvability of the -human mind in science, in ethics, in government, &c. Those who advocated -reformation of institutions, _pari passu_ with the progress of science, -maintained that no definite limits could be assigned to that progress. The -enemies of reform, on the other hand, denied improvement, and advocated -steady adherence to the principles, practices and institutions of our -fathers, which they represented as the consummation of wisdom, and acme -of excellence, beyond which the human mind could never advance. Although -in the passage of your answer alluded to, you expressly disclaim the wish -to influence the freedom of inquiry, you predict that that will produce -nothing more worthy of transmission to posterity than the principles, -institutions and systems of education received from their ancestors. I -do not consider this as your deliberate opinion. You possess, yourself, -too much science, not to see how much is still ahead of you, unexplained -and unexplored. Your own consciousness must place you as far before our -ancestors as in the rear of our posterity. I consider it as an expression -lent to the prejudices of your friends; and although I happened to cite -it from you, the whole letter shows I had them only in view. In truth, -my dear Sir, we were far from considering you as the author of all the -measures we blamed. They were placed under the protection of your name, -but we were satisfied they wanted much of your approbation. We ascribed -them to their real authors, the Pickerings, the Wolcotts, the Tracys, -the Sedgwicks, et _id genus omne_, with whom we supposed you in a state -of duress. I well remember a conversation with you in the morning of the -day on which you nominated to the Senate a substitute for Pickering, in -which you expressed a just impatience under "the legacy of secretaries -which General Washington had left you," and whom you seemed, therefore, -to consider as under public protection. Many other incidents showed how -differently you would have acted with less impassioned advisers; and -subsequent events have proved that your minds were not together. You -would do me great injustice, therefore, by taking to yourself what was -intended for men who were then your secret, as they are now your open -enemies. Should you write on the subject, as you propose, I am sure we -shall see you place yourself farther from them than from us. - -As to myself, I shall take no part in any discussions. I leave others to -judge of what I have done, and to give me exactly that place which they -shall think I have occupied. Marshall has written libels on one side; -others, I suppose, will be written on the other side; and the world will -sift both and separate the truth as well as they can. I should see with -reluctance the passions of that day rekindled in this, while so many of -the actors are living, and all are too near the scene not to participate -in sympathies with them. About facts you and I cannot differ; because -truth is our mutual guide. And if any opinions you may express should -be different from mine, I shall receive them with the liberality and -indulgence which I ask for my own, and still cherish with warmth the -sentiments of affectionate respect, of which I can with so much truth -tender you the assurance. - - -TO MR. SHORT. - - MONTICELLO, June 18, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 2d is received, and a copy of Higgenbotham's -mortgage is now enclosed. The journey to Bedford which I proposed in my -last, my engagements here have obliged me to postpone till after harvest, -which is now approaching; it is the most unpromising one I have seen. We -have been some days in expectation of seeing M. Correa. If he is on the -road, he has had some days of our very hottest weather. My thermometer -has been for two days at 92 and 92½°, the last being the maximum ever -seen here. Although we usually have the hottest day of the year in June, -yet it is soon interrupted by cooler weather. In July the heat, though -not so great, is more continuous and steady. - -On the duration of the war I think there is uncertainty. Ever since -the rupture of the treaty of Amiens, the object of Great Britain has -visibly been the permanent conquest of the ocean, and levying a tribute -on every vessel she permits to sail on it, as the Barbary powers do on -the Mediterranean, which they call their sea. She must be conscious she -cannot from her own resources maintain the exaggerated fleet she now has, -and which is necessary to maintain her conquest; she must, therefore, -levy the deficiency of duties of transit on other nations. If she should -get another ministry with sense enough to abandon this senseless scheme, -the war with us ought to be short, because there is no material cause -now existing but impressment; and there our only difference is how to -establish a mode of discrimination between our citizens which she does -not claim, and hers which it is neither our wish or interest ever to -employ. The seamen which our navigation raises had better be of our -own. If this be all she aims at, it may be settled at Saint Petersburg. -My principle has ever been that war should not suspend either exports -or imports. If the piracies of France and England, however, are to be -adopted as the law of nations, or should become their practice, it will -oblige us to manufacture at home all the material comforts. - -This may furnish a reason to check imports until necessary manufactures -are established among us. This offers the advantage, too, of placing the -consumer of our produce near the producer, but I should disapprove of -the prohibition of exports even to the enemy themselves, except indeed -refreshments and water to their cruisers on our coast, in order to oblige -them to intermit their cruises to go elsewhere for these supplies. The -idea of starving them as to bread, is a very idle one. It is dictated by -passion, not by reason. If the war is lengthened we shall take Canada, -which will relieve us from Indians, and Halifax, which will put an end -to their occupation of the American seas, because every vessel must then -go to England to repair every accident. To retain these would become -objects of first importance to us, and of great importance to Europe, -as the means of curtailing the British marine. But at present, being -merely _in posse_, they should not be an impediment to peace. We have a -great and a just claim of indemnifications against them for the thousand -ships they have taken piratically, and six thousand seamen impressed. -Whether we can, on this score, successfully insist on curtailing their -American possessions, by the meridian of Lake Huron, so as to cut them -off from the Indians bordering on us, would be matter for conversation -and experiment at the treaty of pacification. I sometimes allow my mind -to wander thus into the political field, but rarely, and with reluctance. -It is my desire as well as my duty to leave to the vigor of younger minds -to settle concerns which are no longer mine, but must long be theirs. -Affectionately adieu. - - -TO ----. - -Your kind answer of the 16th entirely satisfies my doubts as to the -employment of the navy, if kept within striking distance of our coast; -and shows how erroneous views are apt to be with those who have not -all in view. Yet as I know from experience that profitable suggestions -sometimes come from lookers on, they may be usefully tolerated, provided -they do not pretend to the right of an answer. They would cost very -dear indeed were they to occupy the time of a high officer in writing -when he should be acting. I intended no such trouble to you, my dear -Sir, and were you to suppose I expected it, I must cease to offer a -thought on our public affairs. Although my entire confidence in their -direction prevents my reflecting on them but accidentally, yet sometimes -facts, and sometimes ideas occur, which I hazard as worth the trouble -of reading but not of answering. Of this kind was my suggestion of the -facts which I recollected as to the defence of the Chesapeake, and of -what had been contemplated at the time between the Secretaries of War -and the Navy and myself. If our views were sound, the object might be -effected in one year, even of war, and at an expense which is nothing -compared to the population and productions it would cover. We are here -laboring under the most extreme drought ever remembered at this season. -We have had but one rain to lay the dust in two months. That was a good -one, but was three weeks ago. Corn is but a few inches high and dying. -Oats will not yield their seed. Of wheat, the hard winter and fly leave -us about two-thirds of an ordinary crop. So that in the lotteries of -human life you see that even farming is but gambling. We have had three -days of excessive heat. The thermometer on the 16th was at 92°, on the -17th 92½°, and yesterday at 93°. It had never before exceeded 92½ at -this place; at least within the periods of my observations. Ever and -affectionately yours. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, June 18, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favors of the 7th and 16th are received, and I now -return you the memoir enclosed in the former. I am much gratified by its -communication, because, as the plan appeared in the newspapers soon after -the new Secretary of War came into office, we had given him the credit -of it. Every line of it is replete with wisdom; and we might lament that -our tardy enlistments prevented its execution, were we not to reflect -that these proceeded from the happiness of our people at home. It is more -a subject of joy that we have so few of the desperate characters which -compose modern regular armies. But it proves more forcibly the necessity -of obliging every citizen to be a soldier; this was the case with the -Greeks and Romans, and must be that of every free State. Where there -is no oppression there will be no pauper hirelings. We must train and -classify the whole of our male citizens, and make military instruction -a regular part of collegiate education. We can never be safe till this -is done. - -I have been persuaded, _ab initio_, that what we are to do in Canada -must be done quickly; because our enemy, with a little time, can empty -pickpockets upon us faster than we can enlist honest men to oppose them. -If we fail in this acquisition, Hull is the cause of it. Pike, in his -situation, would have swept their posts to Montreal, because his army -would have grown as it went along. I fear the reinforcements arrived -at Quebec will be at Montreal before General Dearborne, and if so, the -game is up. If the marching of the militia into an enemy's country be -once ceded as unconstitutional (which I hope it never will be), then -will their force, as now strengthened, bid us permanent defiance. Could -we acquire that country, we might perhaps insist successfully at St. -Petersburg on retaining all westward of the meridian of Lake Huron, or -of Ontario, or of Montreal, according to the pulse of the place, as an -indemnification for the past and security for the future. To cut them off -from the Indians even west of the Huron would be a great future security. - -Your kind answer of the 16th, entirely satisfies my doubts as to the -employment of a navy, if kept within striking distance of our coast, and -shows how erroneous views are apt to be with those who have not all in -view. Yet, as I know by experience that profitable suggestions sometimes -come from lookers on, they may be usefully tolerated, provided they -do not pretend to the right of an answer. They would cost very dear, -indeed, were they to occupy the time of a high officer in writing when -he should be acting. * * * * * - - -TO MR. MATTHEW CARR. - - MONTICELLO, June 19, 1813. - -SIR,--I thank you for the copy of Mr. Clarke's sketches of the naval -history of the United States, which you have been so kind as to send me. -It is a convenient repository of cases of that class, and has brought to -my recollection a number of individual cases of the Revolutionary war -which had escaped me. I received, also one of Mr. Clarke's circulars, -asking supplementary communications for a second edition. But these -things are so much out of the reach of my inland situation, that I am -the least able of all men to contribute anything to his desire. I will -indulge myself, therefore, in two or three observations, of which you -will make what use you may think they merit. 1. Bushnel's Turtle is -mentioned slightly. Would the description of the machine be too much -for the sale of the work? It may be found very minutely given in the -American Philosophical transactions. It was excellently contrived, and -might perhaps, by improvement, be brought into real use. I do not know -the difference between this and Mr. Fulton's submarine boat. But an -effectual machine of that kind is not beyond the laws of nature; and -whatever is within these, is not to be despaired of. It would be to the -United States the consummation of their safety. 2. The account of the loss -of the Philadelphia, does not give a fair impression of the transaction. -The proofs may be seen among the records of the Navy office. After this -loss, Capt. Bainbridge had a character to redeem. He has done it most -honorably, and no one is more gratified by it than myself. But still the -transaction ought to be correctly stated. 3. But why omit all mention of -the scandalous campaigns of Commodore Morris? A two years' command of an -effective squadron, with discretionary instructions, wasted in sailing -from port to port of the Mediterranean, and a single half day before the -port of the enemy against which he was sent. All this can be seen in -the proceedings of the court on which he was dismissed; and it is due -to the honorable truths with which the book abounds, to publish those -which are not so. A fair and honest narrative of the bad, is a voucher -for the truth of the good. In this way the old Congress set an example -to the world, for which the world amply repaid them, by giving unlimited -credit to whatever was stamped with the name of Charles Thompson. It is -known that this was never put to an untruth but once, and that where -Congress was misled by the credulity of their General (Sullivan). The -first misfortune of the Revolutionary war, induced a motion to suppress -or garble the account of it. It was rejected with indignation. The whole -truth was given in all its details, and there never was another attempt -in that body to disguise it. These observations are meant for the good -of the work, and for the honor of those whom it means to honor. Accept -the assurance of my esteem and respect. - - -TO PRESIDENT MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, June 21, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 6th has been received, and I will beg leave -to add a few supplementary observations on the subject of my former -letter. I am not a judge of the best forms which may be given to the -gunboat; and indeed I suppose they should be of various forms, suited -to the various circumstances to which they would be applied. Among -these, no doubt, Commodore Barney's would find their place. While the -largest and more expensive are fitted for moving from one seaport to -another, coast-wise, to aid in a particular emergency, those of smaller -draught and expense suit shallower waters; and of these shallow and -cheap forms must be those for Lynhaven river. Commodore Preble, in his -lifetime, undertook to build such in the best manner for two or three -thousand dollars. Colonel Monroe, to whose knowledge of the face of the -country I had referred, approves, in a letter to me, of such a plan of -defence as was suggested, adding to it a fort on the middle grounds; -but thinks the work too great to be executed during a war. Such a fort, -certainly, could not be built during a war, in the face of an enemy. -Its practicability at any time has been doubted, and although a good -auxiliary, is not a necessary member of this scheme of defence. But the -canal of retreat is really a small work, of a few months' execution; -the laborers would be protected by the military guard on the spot, and -many of these would assist in the execution, for fatigue, rations, and -pay. The exact magnitude of the work I would not affirm, nor do I think -we should trust for it to Tatham's survey: still less would I call in -Latrobe, who would immediately contemplate a canal of Languedoc. I would -sooner trust such a man as Thomas Monroe to take the level, measure the -distances, and estimate the expense. And if the plan were all matured -the ensuing winter, and laborers engaged at the proper season, it might -be executed in time to mitigate the blockade of the next summer. On -recurring to an actual survey of that part of the country, made in the -beginning of the Revolutionary war, under the orders of the Governor -and Council, by Mr. Andrews I think, a copy of which I took with great -care, instead of the half a dozen miles I had conjectured in my former -letter, the canal would seem to be of not half that length. I send you -a copy of that part of the map, which may be useful to you on other -occasions, and is more to be depended on for minutia, probably, than -any other existing. I have marked on that the conjectured route of the -canal, to wit, from the bridge on Lynhaven river to King's landing, on -the eastern branch. The exact draught of water into Lynhaven river you -have in the Navy office. I think it is over four feet. - -When we consider the population and productions of the Chesapeake country, -extending from the Génissee to the Saura towns and Albemarle Sound, its -safety and commerce seem entitled even to greater efforts, if greater -could secure them. That a defence at the entrance of the bay can be made -mainly effective, that it will cost less in money, harass the militia -less, place the inhabitants on its interior waters freer from alarm -and depredation, and render provisions and water more difficult to the -enemy, is so possible as to render thorough inquiry certainly expedient. -Some of the larger gun-boats, or vessels better uniting swiftness with -force, would also be necessary to scour the interior, and cut off any -pickaroons which might venture up the bay or rivers. The loss on James' -river alone, this year, is estimated at two hundred thousand barrels of -flour, now on hand, for which the half price is not to be expected. This -then is a million of dollars levied on a single water of the Chesapeake, -and to be levied every year during the war. If a concentration of its -defence at the entrance of the Chesapeake should be found inadequate, -then we must of necessity submit to the expenses of detailed defence, -to the harassment of the militia, the burnings of towns and houses, -depredations of farms, and the hard trial of the spirit of the Middle -States, the most zealous supporters of the war, and, therefore, the -peculiar objects of the vindictive efforts of the enemy. Those north of -the Hudson need nothing, because treated by the enemy as neutrals. All -their war is concentrated on the Delaware and Chesapeake; and these, -therefore, stand in principal need of the shield of the Union. The -Delaware can be defended more easily. But I should not think one hundred -gun-boats (costing less than one frigate) an over-proportioned allotment -to the Chesapeake country, against the over-proportioned hostilities -pointed at it. - -I am too sensible of the partial and defective state of my information, -to be over-confident, or pertinacious, in the opinion I have formed. -A thorough examination of the ground will settle it. We may suggest, -perhaps it is a duty to do it. But you alone are qualified for decision, -by the whole view which you can command; and so confident am I in the -intentions, as well as wisdom, of the government, that I shall always be -satisfied that what is not done, either cannot, or ought not to be done. -While I trust that no difficulties will dishearten us, I am anxious to -lessen the trial as much as possible. Heaven preserve you under yours, -and help you through all its perplexities and perversities. - - -TO JOHN W. EPPES. - - MONTICELLO, June 24, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--This letter will be on politics only. For although I do not -often permit myself to think on that subject, it sometimes obtrudes -itself, and suggests ideas which I am tempted to pursue. Some of these -relating to the business of finance, I will hazard to you, as being at -the head of that committee, but intended for yourself individually, or -such as you trust, but certainly not for a mixed committee. - -It is a wise rule, and should be fundamental in a government disposed -to cherish its credit, and at the same time to restrain the use of it -within the limits of its faculties, "never to borrow a dollar without -laying a tax in the same instant for paying the interest annually, and -the principle within a given term; and to consider that tax as pledged to -the creditors on the public faith." On such a pledge as this, sacredly -observed, a government may always command, on a _reasonable interest_, -all the lendable money of their citizens, while the necessity of an -equivalent tax is a salutary warning to them and their constituents -against oppressions, bankruptcy, and its inevitable consequence, -revolution. But the term of redemption must be moderate, and at any -rate within the limits of their rightful powers. But what limits, it -will be asked, does this prescribe to their powers? What is to hinder -them from creating a perpetual debt? The laws of nature, I answer. The -earth belongs to the living, not to the dead. The will and the power -of man expire with his life, by nature's law. Some societies give it an -artificial continuance, for the encouragement of industry; some refuse -it, as our aboriginal neighbors, whom we call barbarians. The generations -of men may be considered as bodies or corporations. Each generation has -the usufruct of the earth during the period of its continuance. When it -ceases to exist, the usufruct passes on to the succeeding generation, -free and unincumbered, and so on, successively, from one generation to -another forever. We may consider each generation as a distinct nation, -with a right, by the will of its majority, to bind themselves, but none -to bind the succeeding generation, more than the inhabitants of another -country. Or the case may be likened to the ordinary one of a tenant for -life, who may hypothecate the land for his debts, during the continuance -of his usufruct; but at his death, the reversioner (who is also for life -only) receives it exonerated from all burthen. The period of a generation, -or the term of its life, is determined by the laws of mortality, which, -varying a little only in different climates, offer a general average, -to be found by observation. I turn, for instance, to Buffon's tables, of -twenty-three thousand nine hundred and ninety-four deaths, and the ages -at which they happened, and I find that of the numbers of all ages living -at one moment, half will be dead in twenty-four years and eight months. -But (leaving out minors, who have not the power of self-government) of -the adults (of twenty-one years of age) living at one moment, a majority -of whom act for the society, one half will be dead in eighteen years -and eight months. At nineteen years then from the date of a contract, -the majority of the contractors are dead, and their contract with them. -Let this general theory be applied to a particular case. Suppose the -annual births of the State of New York to be twenty-three thousand nine -hundred and ninety-four, the whole number of its inhabitants, according -to Buffon, will be six hundred and seventeen thousand seven hundred -and three, of all ages. Of these there would constantly be two hundred -and sixty-nine thousand two hundred and eighty-six minors, and three -hundred and forty-eight thousand four hundred and seventeen adults, of -which last, one hundred and seventy-four thousand two hundred and nine -will be a majority. Suppose that majority, on the first day of the year -1794, had borrowed a sum of money equal to the fee-simple value of the -State, and to have consumed it in eating, drinking and making merry in -their day; or, if you please, in quarrelling and fighting with their -unoffending neighbors. Within eighteen years and eight months, one half -of the adult citizens were dead. Till then, being the majority, they -might rightfully levy the interest of their debt annually on themselves -and their fellow-revellers, or fellow-champions. But at that period, -say at this moment, a new majority have come into place, in their -own right, and not under the rights, the conditions, or laws of their -predecessors. Are they bound to acknowledge the debt, to consider the -preceding generation as having had a right to eat up the whole soil -of their country, in the course of a life, to alienate it from them, -(for it would be an alienation to the creditors,) and would they think -themselves either legally or morally bound to give up their country and -emigrate to another for subsistence? Every one will say no; that the soil -is the gift of God to the living, as much as it had been to the deceased -generation; and that the laws of nature impose no obligation on them to -pay this debt. And although, like some other natural rights, this has -not yet entered into any declaration of rights, it is no less a law, and -ought to be acted on by honest governments. It is, at the same time, -a salutary curb on the spirit of war and indebtment, which, since the -modern theory of the perpetuation of debt, has drenched the earth with -blood, and crushed its inhabitants under burthens ever accumulating. Had -this principle been declared in the British bill of rights, England would -have been placed under the happy disability of waging eternal war, and -of contracting her thousand millions of public debt. In seeking, then, -for an ultimate term for the redemption of our debts, let us rally to -this principle, and provide for their payment within the term of nineteen -years at the farthest. Our government has not, as yet, begun to act on -the rule of loans and taxation going hand in hand. Had any loan taken -place in my time, I should have strongly urged a redeeming tax. For the -loan which has been made since the last session of Congress, we should -now set the example of appropriating some particular tax, sufficient -to pay the interest annually, and the principle within a fixed term, -less than nineteen years. And I hope yourself and your committee will -render the immortal service of introducing this practice. Not that it -is expected that Congress should formally declare such a principle They -wisely enough avoid deciding on abstract questions. But they may be -induced to keep themselves within its limits. - -I am sorry to see our loans begin at so exorbitant an interest. And yet, -even at that you will soon be at the bottom of the loan-bag. We are an -agricultural nation. Such an one employs its sparings in the purchase or -improvement of land or stocks. The lendable money among them is chiefly -that of orphans and wards in the hands of executors and guardians, and -that which the farmer lays by till he has enough for the purchase in -view. In such a nation there is one and one only resource for loans, -sufficient to carry them through the expense of a war; and that will -always be sufficient, and in the power of an honest government, punctual -in the preservation of its faith. The fund I mean, is _the mass of -circulating coin_. Every one knows, that although not literally, it is -nearly true, that every paper dollar emitted banishes a silver one from -the circulation. A nation, therefore, making its purchases and payments -with bills fitted for circulation, thrusts an equal sum of coin out of -circulation. This is equivalent to borrowing that sum, and yet the vendor -receiving payment in a medium as effectual as coin for his purchases -or payments, has no claim to interest. And so the nation may continue -to issue its bills as far as its wants require, and the limits of the -circulation will admit. Those limits are understood to extend with us at -present, to two hundred millions of dollars, a greater sum than would be -necessary for any war. But this, the only resource which the government -could command with certainty, the States have unfortunately fooled away, -nay corruptly alienated to swindlers and shavers, under the cover of -private banks. Say, too, as an additional evil, that the disposal funds -of individuals, to this great amount, have thus been withdrawn from -improvement and useful enterprise, and employed in the useless, usurious -and demoralizing practices of bank directors and their accomplices. In -the war of 1755, our State availed itself of this fund by issuing a paper -money, bottomed on a specific tax for its redemption, and, to insure its -credit, bearing an interest of five per cent. Within a very short time, -not a bill of this emission was to be found in circulation. It was locked -up in the chests of executors, guardians, widows, farmers, &c. We then -issued bills bottomed on a redeeming tax, but bearing no interest. These -were readily received, and never depreciated a single farthing. In the -revolutionary war, the old Congress and the States issued bills without -interest, and without tax. They occupied the channels of circulation very -freely, till those channels were overflowed by an excess beyond all the -calls of circulation. But although we have so improvidently suffered the -field of circulating medium to be filched from us by private individuals, -yet I think we may recover it in part, and even in the whole, if the -States will co-operate with us. If treasury bills are emitted on a tax -appropriated for their redemption in fifteen years, and (to insure -preference in the first moments of competition) bearing an interest -of six per cent. there is no one who would not take them in preference -to the bank paper now afloat, on a principle of patriotism as well as -interest; and they would be withdrawn from circulation into private -hoards to a considerable amount. Their credit once established, others -might be emitted, bottomed also on a tax, but not bearing interest; and -if ever their credit faltered, open public loans, on which these bills -alone should be received as specie. These, operating as a sinking fund, -would reduce the quantity in circulation, so as to maintain that in an -equilibrium with specie. It is not easy to estimate the obstacles which, -in the beginning, we should encounter in ousting the banks from their -possession of the circulation; but a steady and judicious alternation of -emissions and loans, would reduce them in time. But while this is going -on, another measure should be pressed, to recover ultimately our right to -the circulation. The States should be applied to, to transfer the right -of issuing circulating paper to Congress exclusively, _in perpetuum_, if -possible, but during the war at least, with a saving of charter rights. -I believe that every State west and South of Connecticut river, except -Delaware, would immediately do it; and the others would follow in time. -Congress would, of course, begin by obliging unchartered banks to wind -up their affairs within a short time, and the others as their charters -expired, forbidding the subsequent circulation of their paper. This they -would supply with their own, bottomed, every emission, on an adequate -tax, and bearing or not bearing interest, as the state of the public -pulse should indicate. Even in the non-complying States, these bills -would make their way, and supplant the unfunded paper of their banks, -by their solidity, by the universality of their currency, and by their -receivability for customs and taxes. It would be in their power, too, to -curtail those banks to the amount of their actual specie, by gathering -up their paper, and running it constantly on them. The national paper -might thus take place even in the non-complying States. In this way, -I am not without a hope, that this great, this sole resource for loans -in an agricultural country, might yet be recovered for the use of the -nation during war; and, if obtained _in perpetuum_, it would always be -sufficient to carry us through any war; provided, that in the interval -between war and war, all the outstanding paper should be called in, -coin be permitted to flow in again, and to hold the field of circulation -until another war should require its yielding place again to the national -medium. - -But it will be asked, are we to have no banks? Are merchants and others to -be deprived of the resource of short accommodations, found so convenient? -I answer, let us have banks; but let them be such as are alone to be -found in any country on earth, except Great Britain. There is not a -bank of discount on the continent of Europe, (at least there was not -one when I was there,) which offers anything but cash in exchange for -discounted bills. No one has a natural right to the trade of a money -lender, but he who has the money to lend. Let those then among us, who -have a monied capital, and who prefer employing it in loans rather than -otherwise, set up banks, and give cash or national bills for the notes -they discount. Perhaps, to encourage them, a larger interest than is -legal in the other cases might be allowed them, on the condition of -their lending for short periods only. It is from Great Britain we copy -the idea of giving paper in exchange for discounted bills; and while we -have derived from that country some good principles of government and -legislation, we unfortunately run into the most servile imitation of all -her practices, ruinous as they prove to her, and with the gulph yawning -before us into which these very practices are precipitating her. The -unlimited emission of bank paper has banished all her specie, and is -now, by a depreciation acknowledged by her own statesmen, carrying her -rapidly to bankruptcy, as it did France, as it did us, and will do us -again, and every country permitting paper to be circulated, other than -that by public authority, rigorously limited to the just measure for -circulation. Private fortunes, in the present state of our circulation, -are at the mercy of those self-created money lenders, and are prostrated -by the floods of nominal money with which their avarice deluges us. -He who lent his money to the public or to an individual, before the -institution of the United States Bank, twenty years ago, when wheat was -well sold at a dollar the bushel, and receives now his nominal sum when -it sells at two dollars, is cheated of half his fortune; and by whom? By -the banks, which, since that, have thrown into circulation ten dollars -of their nominal money where was one at that time. - -Reflect, if you please, on these ideas, and use them or not as they -appear to merit. They comfort me in the belief, that they point out a -resource ample enough, without overwhelming war taxes, for the expense -of the war, and possibly still recoverable; and that they hold up to -all future time a resource within ourselves, ever at the command of -government, and competent to any wars into which we may be forced. Nor -is it a slight object to equalize taxes through peace and war. - - * * * * * - -Ever affectionately yours - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, June 27, 1813. - - Ιδαν ες πολυδενδρον ανηρ ὑλητομος ελθων - Παπταινει, παρεοντος αδην, ποθεν αρξεται εργου - Τι πρατον καταλεξω; επει παρα μυρια ειπην. - -And I too, my dear Sir, like the wood-cutter of Ida, should doubt where -to begin, were I to enter the forest of opinions, discussions, and -contentions which have occurred in our day. I should say with Theocritus, -Τι πρατον καταλεξω; επει παρα μυρια ειπην. But I shall not do it. -The _summum bonum_ with me is now truly epicurian, ease of body and -tranquillity of mind; and to these I wish to consign my remaining days. -Men have differed in opinion, and been divided into parties by these -opinions, from the first origin of societies, and in all governments -where they have been permitted freely to think and to speak. The same -political parties which now agitate the United States, have existed -through all time. Whether the power of the people or that of the αριστοι -should prevail, were questions which kept the States of Greece and Rome -in eternal convulsions, as they now schismatize every people whose minds -and mouths are not shut up by the gag of a despot. And in fact, the terms -of whig and tory belong to natural as well as to civil history. They -denote the temper and constitution of mind of different individuals. To -come to our own country, and to the times when you and I became first -acquainted, we well remember the violent parties which agitated the old -Congress, and their bitter contests. There you and I were together, and -the Jays, and the Dickinsons, and other anti-independents, were arrayed -against us. They cherished the monarchy of England, and we the rights -of our countrymen. When our present government was in the mew, passing -from Confederation to Union, how bitter was the schism between the -Feds and Antis. Here you and I were together again. For although, for -a moment, separated by the Atlantic from the scene of action, I favored -the opinion that nine States should confirm the constitution, in order -to secure it, and the others hold off until certain amendments, deemed -favorable to freedom, should be made. I rallied in the first instant -to the wiser proposition of Massachusetts, that all should confirm, -and then all instruct their delegates to urge those amendments. The -amendments were made, and all were reconciled to the government. But as -soon as it was put into motion, the line of division was again drawn. We -broke into two parties, each wishing to give the government a different -direction; the one to strengthen the most popular branch, the other the -more permanent branches, and to extend their permanence. Here you and I -separated for the first time, and as we had been longer than most others -on the public theatre, and our names therefore were more familiar to our -countrymen, the party which considered you as thinking with them, placed -your name at their head; the other, for the same reason, selected mine. -But neither decency nor inclination permitted us to become the advocates -of ourselves, or to take part personally in the violent contests which -followed. We suffered ourselves, as you so well expressed it, to be -passive subjects of public discussion. And these discussions, whether -relating to men, measures or opinions, were conducted by the parties -with an animosity, a bitterness and an indecency which had never been -exceeded. All the resources of reason and of wrath were exhausted by each -party in support of its own, and to prostrate the adversary opinions; -one was upbraided with receiving the anti-federalists, the other the -old tories and refugees, into their bosom. Of this acrimony, the public -papers of the day exhibit ample testimony, in the debates of Congress, -of State Legislatures, of stump-orators, in addresses, answers, and -newspaper essays; and to these, without question, may be added the -private correspondences of individuals; and the less guarded in these, -because not meant for the public eye, not restrained by the respect -due to that, but poured forth from the overflowings of the heart into -the bosom of a friend, as a momentary easement of our feelings. In this -way, and in answers to addresses, you and I could indulge ourselves. We -have probably done it, sometimes with warmth, often with prejudice, but -always, as we believed, adhering to truth. I have not examined my letters -of that day. I have no stomach to revive the memory of its feelings. But -one of these letters, it seems, has got before the public, by accident -and infidelity, by the death of one friend to whom it was written, and -of his friend to whom it had been communicated, and by the malice and -treachery of a third person, of whom I had never before heard, merely to -make mischief, and in the same satanic spirit in which the same enemy -had intercepted and published, in 1776, your letter animadverting on -Dickinson's character. How it happened that I quoted you in my letter -to Doctor Priestley, and for whom, and not for yourself, the strictures -were meant, has been explained to you in my letter of the 15th, which -had been committed to the post eight days before I received yours of the -10th, 11th and 14th. That gave you the reference which these asked to -the particular answer alluded to in the one to Priestley. The renewal of -these old discussions, my friend, would be equally useless and irksome. -To the volumes then written on these subjects, human ingenuity can add -nothing new, and the rather, as lapse of time has obliterated many of -the facts. And shall you and I, my dear Sir, at our age, like Priam of -old, gird on the _arma, diu desueta, trementibus œvo humeris_? Shall -we, at our age, become the Athletæ of party, and exhibit ourselves as -gladiators in the arena of the newspapers? Nothing in the universe could -induce me to it. My mind has been long fixed to bow to the judgment of -the world, who will judge by my acts, and will never take counsel from -me as to what that judgment shall be. If your objects and opinions have -been misunderstood, if the measures and principles of others have been -wrongfully imputed to you, as I believe they have been, that you should -leave an explanation of them, would be an act of justice to yourself. I -will add, that it has been hoped that you would leave such explanations -as would place every saddle on its right horse, and replace on the -shoulders of others the burthens they shifted on yours. - -But all this, my friend, is offered, merely for your consideration and -judgment, without presuming to anticipate what you alone are qualified -to decide for yourself. I mean to express my own purpose only, and the -reflections which have led to it. To me, then, it appears, that there -have been differences of opinion and party differences, from the first -establishment of governments to the present day, and on the same question -which now divides our own country; that these will continue through all -future time; that every one takes his side in favor of the many, or of -the few, according to his constitution, and the circumstances in which -he is placed; that opinions, which are equally honest on both sides, -should not affect personal esteem or social intercourse; that as we judge -between the Claudii and the Gracchi, the Wentworths and the Hampdens of -past ages, so of those among us whose names may happen to be remembered -for awhile, the next generations will judge, favorably or unfavorably, -according to the complexion of individual minds, and the side they shall -themselves have taken; that nothing new can be added by you or me to -what has been said by others, and will be said in every age in support -of the conflicting opinions on government; and that wisdom and duty -dictate an humble resignation to the verdict of our future peers. In -doing this myself, I shall certainly not suffer moot questions to affect -the sentiments of sincere friendship and respect, consecrated to you by -so long a course of time, and of which I now repeat sincere assurances. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, June 28, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I know not what, unless it were the prophet of Tippecanoe, -had turned my curiosity to inquiries after the metaphysical science -of the Indians, their ecclesiastical establishments, and theological -theories; but your letter, written with all the accuracy, perpiscuity, -and elegance of your youth and middle age, as it has given me great -satisfaction, deserves my best thanks. - -It has given me satisfaction, because, while it has furnished me with -information _where_ all the knowledge is to be obtained that books -afford, it has convinced me that I shall never know much more of the -subject than I do now. As I have never aimed at making my collection of -books upon this subject, I have none of those you abridged in so concise -a manner. Lafitan Adair, and De Bry, were known to me only by name. - -The various ingenuity which has been displayed in inventions of -hypothesis, to account for the original population of America, and the -immensity of learning profusely expended to support them, have appeared to -me for a longer time than I can precisely recollect, what the physicians -call the _Literæ nihil Sanantes_. Whether serpents teeth were sown here -and sprang up men; whether men and women dropped from the clouds upon -this Atlantic Island; whether the Almighty created them here, or whether -they emigrated from Europe, are questions of no moment to the present or -future happiness of man. Neither agriculture, commerce, manufactures, -fisheries, science, literature, taste, religion, morals, nor any other -good will be promoted, or any evil averted, by any discoveries that can -be made in answer to these questions. - -The opinions of the Indians and their usages, as they are represented -in your obliging letter of the 11th of June, appear to me to resemble -the Platonizing Philo, or the Philonizing Plato, more than the genuine -system of Indianism. - -The philosophy both of Philo and Plato are at least as absurd. It is -indeed less intelligible. - -Plato borrowed his doctrines from Oriental and Egyptian philosophers, -for he had travelled both in India and Egypt. - -The Oriental philosophy, imitated and adopted, in part, if not the whole, -by Plato and Philo, was - -1. One God the good. - -2. The ideas, the thoughts, the reason, the intellect, the logos, the -ratio of God. - -3. Matter, the universe, the production of the logos, or contemplations -of God. This matter was the source of evil. - -Perhaps the three powers of Plato, Philo, the Egyptians, and Indians, -cannot be distinctly made out, from your account of the Indians, but-- - -1. The great spirit, the good, who is worshipped by the kings, sachems, -and all the great men, in their solemn festivals, as the Author, the -Parent of good. - -2. The Devil, or the source of evil. They are not metaphysicians enough -as yet to suppose it, or at least to call it matter, like the wiscains -of Antiquity, and like Frederick the Great who has written a very silly -essay on the origin of evil, in which he ascribes it all to matter, as -if this was an original discovery of his own. - -The watchmaker has in his head an idea of the system of a watch before -he makes it. The mechanician of the universe had a complete idea of the -universe before he made it; and this idea, this logos, was almighty, or -at least powerful enough to produce the world, but it must be made of -matter which was eternal; for creation out of nothing was impossible. -And matter was unmanageable. It would not, and could not be fashioned -into any system, without a large mixture of evil in it; for matter was -essentially evil. - -The Indians are not metaphysicians enough to have discovered this _idea_, -this logos, this intermediate power between good and evil, God and matter. -But of the two powers, the good and the evil, they seem to have a full -conviction; and what son or daughter of Adam and Eve has not? - -This logos of Plato seems to resemble, if it was not the prototype of, -the _Ratio and its Progress_ of Manilius, the astrologer; of the _Progress -of the Mind_ of Condorcet, and the _Age of Reason_ of Tom Payne. - -I could make a system too. The seven hundred thousand soldiers of Zingis, -when the whole, or any part of them went to battle, they sent up a howl, -which resembled nothing that human imagination has conceived, unless it -be the supposition that all the devils in hell were let loose at once -to set up an infernal scream, which terrified their enemies, and never -failed to obtain them victory. The Indian yell resembles this; and, -therefore, America was peopled from Asia. - -Another system. The armies of Zingis, sometimes two or three or four -hundred thousand of them, surrounded a province in a circle, and marched -towards the centre, driving all the wild beasts before them, lions, -tigers, wolves, bears, and every living thing, terrifying them with their -howls and yells, their drums, trumpets, &c., till they terrified and -tamed enough of them to victual the whole army. Therefore, the Scotch -Highlanders, who practice the same thing in miniature, are emigrants -from Asia. Therefore, the American Indians, who, for anything I know, -practice the same custom, are emigrants from Asia or Scotland. - -I am weary of contemplating nations from the lowest and most beastly -degradations of human life, to the highest refinement of civilization. I -am weary of Philosophers, Theologians, Politicians, and Historians. They -are an immense mass of absurdities, vices, and lies. Montesquieu had sense -enough to say in jest, that all our knowledge might be comprehended in -twelve pages in duodecimo, and I believe him in earnest. I could express -my faith in shorter terms. He who loves the workman and his work, and -does what he can to preserve and improve it, shall be accepted of him. - -I have also felt an interest in the Indians, and a commiseration for -them from my childhood. Aaron Pomham the priest, and Moses Pomham the -king of the Punkapang and Neponset tribes, were frequent visitors at my -father's house, at least seventy years ago. I have a distinct remembrance -of their forms and figures. They were very aged, and the tallest and -stoutest Indians I have ever seen. The titles of king and priest, and the -names of Moses and Aaron, were given them no doubt by our Massachusetts -divines and statesmen. There was a numerous family in this town, whose -wigwam was within a mile of this house. This family were frequently -at my father's house, and I, in my boyish rambles, used to call at -their wigwam, where I never failed to be treated with whortleberries, -blackberries, strawberries or apples, plums, peaches, &c., for they had -planted a variety of fruit trees about them. But the girls went out to -service, and the boys to sea, till not a soul is left. We scarcely see -an Indian in a year. I remember the time when Indian murder, scalpings, -depredations and conflagrations, were as frequent on the Eastern and -Northern frontier of Massachusetts, as they are now in Indiana, and -spread as much terror. But since the conquest of Canada, all has ceased; -and I believe with you that another conquest of Canada will quiet the -Indians forever, and be as great a blessing to them as to us. - -The instance of Aaron Pomham made me suspect that there was an order of -priesthood among them. But, according to your account, the worship of the -good spirit was performed by the kings, sachems, and warriors, as among -the ancient Germans, whose highest rank of nobility were priests. The -worship of the evil spirit, Αθανατους μὲν πρωτα θεους νομῳ ως διακειται -τιμα. - -We have war now in earnest. I lament the contumacious spirit that appears -about me. But I lament the cause that has given too much apology for it; -the total neglect and absolute refusal of all maritime protection and -defence. Money, mariners, and soldiers, would be at the public service, -if only a few frigates had been ordered to be built. Without this, our -Union will be a brittle china vase, a house of ice, or a palace of glass. - -I am, Sir, with an affectionate respect, yours - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, June 28, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--It is very true that the denunciations of the priesthood are -fulminated against every advocate for a complete freedom of religion. -Comminations, I believe, would be plenteously pronounced by even the -most liberal of them, against Atheism, Deism, against every man who -disbelieved or doubted the resurrection of Jesus, or the miracles of -the New Testament. Priestley himself would denounce the man who should -deny the Apocalypse, or the Prophecies of Daniel. Priestley and Lindsay -both have denounced as idolaters and blasphemers all the Trinitarians, -and even the Arians. - -Poor weak man, when will thy perfection arrive? Thy perfectability I -shall not deny; for a greater character than Priestley or Godwin has -said, "Be ye perfect," &c. For my part I can not deal damnation round -the land on all I judge the foes of God and man. But I did not intend to -say a word on this subject in this letter. As much of it as you please -hereafter, but let me return to politics. - -With some difficulty I have hunted up, or down, the "address of the -young men of the city of Philadelphia, the district of Southwark, and -the Northern Liberties," and the answer. - -The addresses say, "Actuated by the same principles on which our -forefathers achieved their independence, the recent attempts of a -foreign power to derogate from the dignity and rights of our country, -awaken our liveliest sensibility, and our strongest indignation." Huzza -my brave boys! Could Thomas Jefferson or John Adams hear those words -with insensibility, and without emotion? These boys afterwards add, "We -regard our liberty and independence as the richest portion given us by -our ancestors." And who were those ancestors? Among them were Thomas -Jefferson and John Adams. And I very coolly believe that no two men -among those ancestors did more towards it than those two. Could either -hear this like statues? If, one hundred years hence, your letters and -mine should see the light, I hope the reader will hunt up this address, -and read it all; and remember that we were then engaged, or on the point -of engaging, in a war with France. I shall not repeat the answer till -we come to the paragraph upon which you criticised to Dr. Priestley, -though every word of it is true, and I now rejoice to see it recorded, -and though I had wholly forgotten it. - -The paragraph is, "Science and morals are the great pillars on which -this country has been raised to its present population, opulence and -prosperity, and these alone can advance, support, and preserve it. -Without wishing to damp the ardor of curiosity, or influence the freedom -of inquiry, I will hazard a prediction that, after the most industrious -and impartial researches, the longest liver of you all will find no -principles, institutions, or systems of education more fit, IN GENERAL, -to be transmitted to your posterity than those you have received from -your ancestors." - -Now, compare the paragraph in the answer with the paragraph in the -address, as both are quoted above, and see if we can find the extent -and the limits of the meaning of both. - -Who composed that army of fine young fellows that was then before my -eyes? There were among them Roman Catholics, English Episcopalians, -Scotch and American Presbyterians, Methodists, Moravians, Anabaptists, -German Lutherans, German Calvinists, Universalists, Arians, Priestleyans, -Socinians, Independents, Congregationalists, Horse Protestants and House -Protestants, Deists and Atheists; and "Protestans qui ne croyent rien." -Very few however of several of these species. Nevertheless, all educated -in the GENERAL PRINCIPLES of Christianity; and the general principles -of English and American liberty. - -Could my answer be understood by any candid reader or hearer, to recommend -to all the others the general principles, institutions, or systems of -education of the Roman Catholics? Or those of the Quakers? Or those of -the Presbyterians? Or those of the Menonists? Or those of the Methodists? -Or those of the Moravians? Or those of the Universalists? Or those of -the Philosophers? No. - -The GENERAL PRINCIPLES on which the fathers achieved independence, were -the only principles in which that beautiful assembly of young gentlemen -could unite, and these principles only could be intended by them in -their address, or by me in my answer. - -And what were these GENERAL PRINCIPLES? I answer, the general principles -of Christianity, in which all those sects were united; and the GENERAL -PRINCIPLES of English and American liberty, in which all these young -men united, and which had united all parties in America, in majorities -sufficient to assert and maintain her independence. - -Now I will avow that I then believed, and now believe, that those -general principles of Christianity are as eternal and immutable as the -existence and attributes of God; and that those principles of liberty -are as unalterable as human nature, and our terrestrial mundane system. -I could therefore safely say, consistently with all my then and present -information, that I believed they would never make discoveries in -contradiction to these GENERAL PRINCIPLES. In favor of these GENERAL -PRINCIPLES in philosophy, religion and government, I would fill sheets -of quotations from Frederick of Prussia, from Hume, Gibbon, Bolingbroke, -Rousseau and Voltaire, as well as Newton and Locke; not to mention -thousands of divines and philosophers of inferior fame. - -I might have flattered myself that my sentiments were sufficiently known -to have protected me against suspicions of narrow thoughts, contracted -sentiments, bigoted, enthusiastic, or superstitious principles, civil, -political, philosophical, or ecclesiastical. The first sentence of the -preface to my defence of the constitution, vol. 1st, printed in 1787, -is in these words: "The arts and sciences, in general, during the three -or four last centuries, have had a regular course of _progressive_ -improvement. The inventions in mechanic arts, the discoveries in natural -philosophy, navigation, and commerce, and the advancement of civilization -and humanity, have occasioned changes in the condition of the world -and the human character, which would have astonished the most refined -nations of antiquity," &c. I will quote no farther; but request you -to read again that whole page, and then say whether the writer of it -could be suspected of recommending to youth "to look backward instead -of forward" for instruction and improvement. - -This letter is already too long. In my next I shall consider the Terrorism -of the day. Meantime I am, as ever, your friend - - -TO DOCTOR JOHN L. E. W. SHECUT. - - MONTICELLO, June 29, 1813. - -SIR,--I am very sensible of the honor done me by the Antiquarian Society -of Charleston, in the Rule for the organization of their Society, which -you have been so good as to communicate, and I pray you to do me the -favor of presenting to them my thanks. Age, and my inland and retired -situation, make it scarcely probable that I shall be able to render them -any services. But, should any occasion occur wherein I can be useful -to them, I shall receive their commands with pleasure, and execute -them with fidelity. While the promotion of the arts and sciences is -interesting to every nation, and at all times, it becomes peculiarly so -to ours, at this time, when the total demoralization of the governments -of Europe, has rendered it safest, by cherishing internal resources, -to lessen the occasions of intercourse with them. The works of our -aboriginal inhabitants have been so perishable, that much of them must -have disappeared already. The antiquarian researches, therefore, of -the Society, cannot be too soon, or too assiduously directed, to the -collecting and preserving what still remain. - -Permit me to place here my particular thankfulness for the kind sentiments -of personal regard which you have been pleased to express. - -I have been in the constant hope of seeing the second volume of your -excellent botanical work. Its alphabetical form and popular style, its -attention to the properties and uses of plants, as well as to their -descriptions, are well calculated to encourage and instruct our citizens -in botanical inquiries. - -I avail myself of this occasion, of enclosing you a little of the fruit -of a _Capsicum_ I have just received from the province of Texas, where -it is indigenous and perennial, and is used as freely as salt by the -inhabitants. It is new to me. It differs from your _Capsicum Minimum_, -in being perennial and probably hardier; perhaps, too, in its size, -which would claim the term of _Minutissimum_. This stimulant being found -salutary in a visceral complaint known on the sea-coast, the introduction -of a hardier variety may be of value. Accept the assurance of my great -respect and consideration. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, June 30, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -But to return, _for the present_, to "The sensations excited in free, -yet firm minds by the Terrorism of the day." You say none can conceive -them who did not witness them; and they were felt by one party only. - -Upon this subject I despair of making myself understood by posterity, by -the present age, and even by you. To collect and arrange the documents -illustrative of it, would require as many lives as those of a cat. You -never felt the terrorism of Chaise's Rebellion in Massachusetts. I believe -you never felt the terrorism of Gallatin's insurrection in Pennsylvania. -You certainly never realized the terrorism of Tries's most outrageous -riot and rescue, as I call it. Treason, rebellion--as the world, and -great judges, and two juries pronounce it. - -You certainly never felt the terrorism excited by Genet in 1793, when -ten thousand people in the streets of Philadelphia, day after day, -threatened to drag Washington out of his house, and effect a revolution -in the government, or compel it to declare war in favor of the French -revolution, and against England. The coolest and the firmest minds, -even among the Quakers in Philadelphia, have given their opinions to -me, that nothing but the yellow fever, which removed Dr. Hutchinson and -Jonathan Dickinson Sargent from this world, could have saved the United -States from a total revolution of government. I have no doubt you were -fast asleep in philosophical tranquillity when ten thousand people, and -perhaps many more, were parading the streets of Philadelphia, on the -evening of my _Fast Day_. When even Governor Mifflin himself, thought -it his duty to order a patrol of horse and foot, to preserve the peace; -when Market Street was as full as men could stand by one another, and -even before my door; when some of my domestics, in phrenzy, determined -to sacrifice their lives in my defence; when all were ready to make a -desperate sally among the multitude, and others were with difficulty and -danger dragged back by the others; when I myself judged it prudent and -necessary to order chests of arms from the war office, to be brought -through by lanes and back doors; determined to defend my house at the -expense of my life, and the lives of the few, very few, domestics and -friends within it. What think you of terrorism, Mr. Jefferson? Shall I -investigate the causes, the motives, the incentives to these terrorisms? -Shall I remind you of Phillip Freneau, of Loyd, of Ned Church? Of -Peter Markoe, of Andrew Brown, of Duane? Of Callender, of Tom Paine, of -Greenleaf, of Cheatham, of Tennison at New York, of Benjamin Austin at -Boston? - -But above all, shall I request you to collect circular letters -from members of Congress in the middle and southern States to their -constituents? I would give all I am worth for a complete collection of -all those circular letters. Please to recollect Edward Livingston's -motions and speeches, and those of his associates, in the case of -Jonathan Robbins. The real terrors of both parties have always been, and -now are, the fear that they shall lose the elections, and consequently -the loaves and fishes; and that their antagonists will obtain them. -Both parties have excited artificial terrors, and if I were summoned as -a witness to say, upon oath, which party had excited, Machiavillialy, -the most terror, and which had really felt the most, I could not give -a more sincere answer than in the vulgar style, put them in a bag and -shake them, and then see which comes out first. - -Where is the terrorism now, my friend? There is now more real terrorism -in New England than there ever was in Virginia. The terror of a civil -war, _à La Vendee_, a division of the States, &c., &c., &c. How shall we -conjure down this damnable rivalry between Virginia and Massachusetts? -Virginia had recourse to Pennsylvania and New York. Massachusetts has -now recourse to New York. They have almost got New Jersey and Maryland, -and they are aiming at Pennsylvania. And all this in the midst of a war -with England, when all Europe is in flames. - -I will give you a hint or two more on the subject of terrorism. When John -Randolph in the House, and Stephens Thompson Mason in the Senate, were -treating me with the utmost contempt; when Ned Livingston was threatening -me with impeachment for the murder of Jonathan Robbins, _the native of -Danvers in Connecticut_; when I had certain information, that the daily -language in an Insurance Office in Boston was, even from the mouth of -Charles Jarvis, "We must go to Philadelphia and drag that John Adams from -his chair;" I thank God that terror never yet seized on my mind. But I -have had more excitements to it, from 1761 to this day, than any other -man. Name the other if you can. I have been disgraced and degraded, and -I have a right to complain. But as I always expected it, I have always -submitted to it; perhaps often with too much tameness. The amount of all -the speeches of John Randolph in the House, for two or three years is, -that himself and myself are the only two honest and consistent men in -the United States. Himself eternally in opposition to government, and -myself as constantly in favor of it. He is now in correspondence with -his friend Quincy. What will come of it, let Virginia and Massachusetts -judge. In my next you may find something upon correspondences; Whig -and Tory; Federal and Democratic; Virginian and Novanglian; English and -French; Jacobinic and Despotic, &c. - -Meantime I am as ever, your friend. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Correspondences! The letters of Bernard and Hutchinson, and -Oliver and Paxton, &c., were detected and exposed before the Revolution. -There are, I doubt not, thousands of letters now in being, (but still -concealed from their party,) to their friends, which will, one day, see -the light. I have wondered for more than thirty years, that so few have -appeared; and have constantly expected that a Tory History of the rise -and progress of the Revolution would appear; and wished it. I would -give more for it than for Marshall, Gordon, Ramsay, and all the rest. -Private letters of all parties will be found analogous to the newspapers, -pamphlets, and historians of the times. Gordon's and Marshall's histories -were written to make money; and fashioned and finished to sell high -in the London market. I should expect to find more truth in a history -written by Hutchinson, Oliver, or Sewall; and I doubt not, such histories -will one day appear. Marshall's is a Mausolæum, 100 feet square at the -base, and 200 feet high. It will be as durable as the monuments of the -Washington benevolent societies. Your character in history may easily -be foreseen. Your administration will be quoted by philosophers as a -model of profound wisdom; by politicians, as weak, superficial, and -short sighted. Mine, like Pope's woman, will have no character at all. -The impious idolatry to Washington destroyed all character. His legacy -of ministers was not the worst part of the tragedy; though by his own -express confession to me, and by Pickering's confession to the world, in -his letters to Sullivan, two of them, at least, were fastened upon him -by necessity, because he could get no other. The truth is, Hamilton's -influence over him was so well known, that no man fit for the office -of State or War would accept either. He was driven to the necessity of -appointing such as would accept; and this necessity was, in my opinion, -the real cause of his retirement from office; for you may depend upon -it, that retirement was not voluntary. - -My friend, you and I have passed our lives in serious times. I know not -whether we have ever seen any moments more serious than the present. -The Northern States are now retaliating upon the Southern States their -conduct from 1797 to 1800. It is a mortification to me to see what -servile mimics they are. Their newspapers, pamphlets, hand-bills, and -their legislative proceedings, are copied from the examples set them, -especially by Virginia and Kentucky. I know not which party has the -most unblushing front, the most lying tongue, or the most impudent and -insolent, not to say the most seditious and rebellious pen. - -If you desire explanation on any of the points in this letter, you shall -have them. This correspondence, I hope, will be concealed as long as -Hutchinson's and Oliver's; but I should have no personal objection to -the publication of it in the National Intelligencer. I am, and shall be -for life, your friend. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July 9, 1813. - -Lord! Lord! What can I do with so much Greek? When I was of your age, -young man, _i. e._, seven, or eight, or nine years ago, I felt a kind -of pang of affection for one of the flames of my youth, and again paid -my addresses to Isocrates, and Dionysius Hallicarnassensis, &c., &c. I -collected all my Lexicons and Grammars, and sat down to περὶ συνθησεως -ονοματων, &c. In this way I amused myself for some time; but I found, -that if I looked a word to-day, in less than a week I had to look it -again. It was to little better purpose than writing letters on a pail -of water. - -Whenever I set down to write to you, I am precisely in the situation -of the wood-cutter on Mount Ida. I cannot see wood for trees. So many -subjects crowd upon me, that I know not with which to begin. But I will -begin, at random, with Belsham; who is, as I have no doubt, a man of -merit. He had no malice against you, nor any thought of doing mischief; -nor has he done any, though he has been imprudent. The truth is, the -dissenters of all denominations in England, and especially the Unitarians, -are cowed, as we used to say at College. They are ridiculed, insulted, -persecuted. They can scarcely hold their heads above water. They catch -at straws and shadows to avoid drowning. Priestley sent your letter to -Linsay, and Belsham printed it from the same motive, _i. e._ to derive -some countenance from the name of Jefferson. Nor has it done harm here -Priestley says to Linsay, "You see he is almost one of us, and he hopes -will soon be altogether such as we are." Even in our New England, I have -heard a high Federal Divine say, your letters had increased his respect -for you. - -"The same political parties which now agitate the United States, have -existed through all time;" precisely. And this is precisely the complaint -in the preface to the first volume of my defence. While all other -sciences have advanced, that of government is at a stand; little better -understood; little better practiced now, than three or four thousand -years ago. What is the reason? I say, parties and factions will not -suffer, or permit improvements to be made. As soon as one man hints at -an improvement, his rival opposes it. No sooner has one party discovered -or invented an amelioration of the condition of man, or the order of -society, than the opposite party belies it, misconstrues, misrepresents -it, ridicules it, insults it, and persecutes it. Records are destroyed. -Histories are annihilated, or interpolated, or prohibited: sometimes by -popes, sometimes by emperors, sometimes by aristocratical, and sometimes -by democratical assemblies, and sometimes by mobs. - -Aristotle wrote the history of eighteen hundred republics which existed -before his time. Cicero wrote two volumes of discourses on government, -which, perhaps, were worth all the rest of his works. The works of Livy -and Tacitus, &c., that are lost, would be more interesting than all that -remain. Fifty gospels have been destroyed, and where are St. Luke's world -of books that have been written? If you ask my opinion who has committed -all the havoc, I will answer you candidly,--Ecclesiastical and Imperial -despotism has done it, to conceal their frauds. - -Why are the histories of all nations, more ancient than the Christian -era, lost? Who destroyed the Alexandrian library? I believe that Christian -priests, Jewish rabbis, Grecian sages, and emperors, had as great a hand -in it as Turks and Mahometans. - -Democrats, Rebels and Jacobins, when they possessed a momentary power, -have shown a disposition both to destroy and forge records as vandalical -as priests and despots. Such has been and such is the world we live in. - -I recollect, near some thirty years ago, to have said carelessly to -you that I wished I could find time and means to write something upon -aristocracy. You seized upon the idea, and encouraged me to do it with -all that friendly warmth that is natural and habitual to you. I soon -began, and have been writing upon that subject ever since. I have been -so unfortunate as never to be able to make myself understood. - -Your "ἄριστοι" are the most difficult animals to manage of anything -in the whole theory and practice of government. They will not suffer -themselves to be governed. They not only exert all their own subtlety, -industry and courage, but they employ the commonalty to knock to pieces -every plan and model that the most honest architects in legislation can -invent to keep them within bounds. Both patricians and plebeians are as -furious as the workmen in England, to demolish labor-saving machinery. - -But who are these "ἄριστοι"? Who shall judge? Who shall select these -choice spirits from the rest of the congregation? Themselves? We must -first find out and determine who themselves are. Shall the congregation -choose? Ask Xenophon; perhaps hereafter I may quote you Greek. Too much in -a hurry at present, English must suffice. Xenophon says that the ecclesia -always chooses the worst men they can find, because none others will do -their dirty work. This wicked motive is worse than birth or wealth. Here -I want to quote Greek again. But the day before I received your letter -of June 27th, I gave the book to George Washington Adams, going to the -academy at Hingham. The title is Ηθικη ποιησις, a collection of moral -sentences from all the most ancient Greek poets. In one of the oldest -of them, I read in Greek, that I cannot repeat, a couplet, the sense -of which was: "Nobility in men is worth as much as it is in horses, -asses, or rams; but the meanest blooded puppy in the world, if he gets -a little money, is as good a man as the best of them." Yet birth and -wealth together have prevailed over virtue and talents in all ages. The -many will acknowledge no other "ἄριστοι" - -Your experience of this truth will not much differ from that of your -best friend. - - -MR ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July 13, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Let me allude to one circumstance more in one of your letters -to me, before I touch upon the subject of religion in your letters to -Priestley. - -The first time that you and I differed in opinion on any material -question, was after your arrival from Europe, and that point was the -French revolution. - -You were well persuaded in your own mind, that the nation would succeed -in establishing a free republican government. I was as well persuaded in -mine, that a project of such a government over five and twenty millions -of people, when four and twenty millions and five hundred thousand of -them could neither read nor write, was as unnatural, irrational and -impracticable as it would be over the elephants, lions, tigers, panthers, -wolves and bears in the royal menagerie at Versailles. Napoleon has -lately invented a word which perfectly expresses my opinion, at that -time and ever since. He calls the project Ideology; and John Randolph, -though he was, fourteen years ago, as wild an enthusiast for equality -and fraternity as any of them, appears to be now a regenerated proselyte -to Napoleon's opinion and mine, that it was all madness. - -The Greeks, in their allegorical style, said that the two ladies, -Αριστοκρατια and δημοκρατια, always in a quarrel, disturbed every -neighborhood with their brawls. It is a fine observation of yours, that -"Whig and Tory belong to natural history." Inequalities of mind and -body are so established by God Almighty, in his constitution of human -nature, that no art or policy can ever plane them down to a level. I -have never read reasoning more absurd, sophistry more gross, in proof of -the Athanasian creed, or Transubstantiation, than the subtle labors of -Helvetius and Rousseau, to demonstrate the natural equality of mankind. -_Jus cuique_, the golden rule, do as you would be done by, is all the -equality that can be supported or defended by reason, or reconciled to -common sense. - -It is very true, as you justly observe, I can say nothing new on this or -any other subject of government. But when Lafayette harangued you and me -and John Quincy Adams, through a whole evening in your hotel in the Cul -de Sac, at Paris, and developed the plans then in operation to reform -France, though I was as silent as you were, I then thought I could say -something new to him. - -In plain truth, I was astonished at the grossness of his ignorance of -government and history, as I had been for years before, at that of Turgot, -Rochefaucault, Condorcet and Franklin. This gross Ideology of them all, -first suggested to me the thought and the inclination which I afterwards -hinted to you in London, of writing something upon aristocracy. I was -restrained for years, by many fearful considerations. Who, and what was -I? A man of no name or consideration in Europe. The manual exercise of -writing was painful and distressing to me, almost like a blow on the -elbow or knee. My style was habitually negligent, unstudied, unpolished; -I should make enemies of all the French patriots, the Dutch patriots, -the English republicans, dissenters, reformers, call them what you will; -and what came nearer home to my bosom than all the rest, I knew I should -give offence to many if not all of my best friends in America, and very -probably destroy all the little popularity I ever had, in a country where -popularity had more omnipotence than the British Parliament assumed. -Where should I get the necessary books? What printer or bookseller would -undertake to print such hazardous writings? - -But when the French assembly of notables met, and I saw that Turgot's -"government in one centre, and that centre the nation," a sentence as -mysterious or as contradictory as the Athanasian creed, was about to -take place, and when I saw that Shaise's rebellion was about breaking -out in Massachusetts, and when I saw that even my obscure name was often -quoted in France as an advocate for simple democracy, when I saw that the -sympathies in America had caught the French flame, I was determined to -wash my own hands as clean as I could of all this foulness. I had then -strong forebodings that I was sacrificing all the honors and emoluments -of this life, and so it has happened, but not in so great a degree as -I apprehended. - -In truth, my defence of the constitutions and "discourses on Davila," -laid the foundation for that immense unpopularity which fell, like the -tower of Siloam, upon me. Your steady defence of democratical principles, -and your invariable favorable opinion of the French revolution, laid -the foundation of your unbounded popularity. - -_Sic transit gloria mundi!_ Now I will forfeit my life, if you can find -one sentence in my defence of the constitutions, or the discourses on -Davila, which, by a fair construction, can favor the introduction of -hereditary monarchy or aristocracy into America. - -They were all written to support and strengthen the constitutions of -the United States. - -The wood-cutter on Ida, though he was puzzled to find a tree to chop at -first, I presume knew how to leave off when he was weary. But I never -know when to cease when I begin to write to you. - - -TO DOCTOR SAMUEL BROWN. - - MONTICELLO, July 14, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of May 25th and June 13th have been duly received, -as also the first supply of Capsicum, and the second of the same article -with other seeds. I shall set great store by the Capsicum, if it is -hardy enough for our climate, the species we have heretofore tried being -too tender. The Galvance, too, will be particularly attended to, as it -appears very different from what we cultivate by that name. I have so many -grandchildren and others who might be endangered by the poison plant, -that I think the risk overbalances the curiosity of trying it. The most -elegant thing of that kind known is a preparation of the Jamestown weed, -Datura-Stramonium, invented by the French in the time of Robespierre. -Every man of firmness carried it constantly in his pocket to anticipate -the Guillotine. It brings on the sleep of death as quietly as fatigue does -the ordinary sleep, without the least struggle or motion. Condorcet, who -had recourse to it, was found lifeless on his bed a few minutes after his -landlady had left him there, and even the slipper which she had observed -half suspended on his foot, was not shaken off. It seems far preferable to -the Venesection of the Romans, the Hemlock of the Greeks, and the Opium -of the Turks. I have never been able to learn what the preparation is, -other than a strong concentration of its lethiferous principle. Could -such a medicament be restrained to self-administration, it ought not to -be kept secret. There are ills in life as desperate as intolerable, to -which it would be the rational relief, _e. g._ the inveterate cancer. -As a relief from tyranny indeed, for which the Romans recurred to it in -the times of the emperors, it has been a wonder to me that they did not -consider a poignard in the breast of the tyrant as a better remedy. - -I am sorry to learn that a banditti from our country are taking part in -the domestic contests of the country adjoining you; and the more so as -from the known laxity of execution in our laws, they cannot be punished, -although the law has provided punishment. It will give a wrongful hue -to a rightful act of taking possession of Mobile, and will be imputed to -the national authority as Meranda's enterprise was, because not punished -by it. I fear, too, that the Spaniards are too heavily oppressed by -ignorance and superstition for self-government, and whether a change -from foreign to domestic despotism will be to their advantage remains -to be seen. - -We have been unfortunate in our first military essays by land. Our men -are good, but our generals unqualified. Every failure we have incurred -has been the fault of the general, the men evincing courage in every -instance. At sea we have rescued our character; but the chief fruit of our -victories there is to prove to those who have fleets, that the English -are not invincible at sea, as Alexander has proved that Bonaparte is -not invincible by land. How much to be lamented that the world cannot -unite and destroy these two land and sea monsters! The one drenching -the earth with human gore, the other ravaging the ocean with lawless -piracies and plunder. Bonaparte will die, and the nations of Europe will -recover their independence with, I hope, better governments. But the -English government never dies, because their king is no part of it, he -is a mere formality, and the real government is the aristocracy of the -country, for their House of Commons is of that class. Their aim is to -claim the dominion of the ocean by conquest, and to make every vessel -navigating it pay a tribute to the support of the fleet necessary to -maintain that dominion, to which their own resources are inadequate. -I see no means of terminating their maritime dominion and tyranny but -in their own bankruptcy, which I hope is approaching. But I turn from -these painful contemplations to the more pleasing one of my constant -friendship and respect for you. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July 15, 1813. - -Never mind it, my dear Sir, if I write four letters to your one, your -one is worth more than my four. - -It is true that I can say, and have said, nothing new on the subject of -government. Yet I did say in my defence and in my discourses on Davila, -though in an uncouth style, what was new to Locke, to Harrington, to -Milton, to Hume, to Montesquieu, to Rousseau, to Turgot, to Condorcet, to -Rochefaucault, to Price, to Franklin, and to yourself; and at that time -to almost all Europe and America. I can prove all this by indisputable -authorities and documents. - -Writings on government had been not only neglected, but discountenanced -and discouraged throughout all Europe, from the restoration of Charles -the Second in England, till the French revolution commenced. - -The English commonwealth, the fate of Charles the 1st, and the military -despotism of Cromwell, had sickened mankind with disquisitions on -government to such a degree, that there was scarcely a man in Europe -who had looked into the subject. - -David Hume had made himself so fashionable with the aid of the court -and clergy, Atheist, as they called him, and by his elegant lies against -the republicans and gaudy daubings of the courtiers, that he had nearly -laughed into contempt Rapin, Sydney, and even Locke. It was ridiculous -and even criminal in almost all Europe to speak of constitutions, or -writers upon the principles or the fabrics of them. - -In this state of things my poor, unprotected, unpatronized books appeared; -and met with a fate not quite so cruel as I had anticipated. They were -at last, however, overborne by misrepresentations, and will perish -in obscurity, though they have been translated into German as well as -French. The three emperors of Europe, the Prince Regents, and all the -ruling powers, would no more countenance or tolerate such writings, than -the Pope, the emperor of Haiti, Ben Austin, or Tom Paine. - -The nations of Europe appeared to me, when I was among them, from the -beginning of 1778, to 1785, _i. e._ to the commencement of the troubles -in France, to be advancing by slow but sure steps towards an amelioration -of the condition of man in religion and government, in liberty, equality, -fraternity, knowledge, civilization and humanity. - -The French revolution I dreaded, because I was sure it would not only -arrest the progress of improvement, but give it a retrograde course, for -at least a century, if not many centuries. The French patriots appeared -to me like young scholars from a college, or sailors flushed with recent -pay or prize money, mounted on wild horses, lashing and spurring till -they would kill the horses, and break their own necks. - -Let me now ask you very seriously, my friend, where are now, in 1813, -the perfection and the perfectability of human nature? Where is now the -progress of the human mind? Where is the amelioration of society? Where -the augmentations of human comforts? Where the diminutions of human pains -and miseries? I know not whether the last day of Dr. Young can exhibit -to a mind unstaid by philosophy and religion [for I hold there can be -no philosophy without religion], more terrors than the present state -of the world. When, where, and how is the present chaos to be arranged -into order? There is not, there cannot be, a greater abuse of words -than to call the writings of Calender, Paine, Austin and Lowell, or the -speeches of Ned Livingston and John Randolph, public discussions. The -ravings and rantings of Bedlam merit the character as well; and yet Joel -Barlow was about to record Tom Paine as the great author of the American -Revolution! If he was, I desire that my name may be blotted out forever -from its records. - -You and I ought not to die before we have explained ourselves to each -other. - -I shall come to the subject of religion by-and-bye. Your friend. - -I have been looking for some time for a space in my good husband's -letters to add the regards of an old friend, which are still cherished -and preserved through all the changes and vicissitudes which have taken -place since we first became acquainted, and will, I trust, remain as -long as - - A. ADAMS. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July 16, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters to Priestley have increased my grief, if that were -possible, for the loss of Rush. Had he lived, I would have stimulated -him to insist on your promise to him, to write him on the subject of -religion. Your plan I admire. - -In your letter to Priestley of March 21st, 1801, dated at Washington, -you call "The Christian Philosophy, the most sublime and benevolent, but -the most perverted system that ever shone upon man." That it is the most -sublime and benevolent, I agree. But whether it has been more perverted -than that of Moses, of Confucius, of Zoroaster, of Sanchoniathan, of -Numa, of Mahomet, of the Druids, of the Hindoos, &c., &c., I cannot -as yet determine because I am not sufficiently acquainted with those -systems, or the history of their effects, to form a decisive opinion of -the result of the comparison. - -In your letter dated Washington, April 9, 1803, you say, "In consequence -of some conversations with Dr. Rush, in the years 1798-99. 1 had promised -some day to write to him a letter, giving him my view of the Christian -system. I have reflected often on it since, and even sketched the outline -in my own mind. I should first take a general view of the moral doctrines -of the most remarkable of the ancient philosophers, of whose ethics we -have sufficient information to make an estimate; say of Pythagoras, -Epicurus, Epictetus, Socrates, Cicero, Seneca, Antonius. I should do -justice to the branches of morality they have treated well, but point out -the importance of those in which they are deficient. I should then take -a view of the Deism and Ethics of the Jews, and show in what a degraded -state they were, and the necessity they presented of a reformation. I -should proceed to a view of the life, character, and doctrines of Jesus, -who, sensible of the incorrectness of their ideas of the Deity, and of -morality, endeavored to bring them to the principles of a pure Deism, -and juster notions of the attributes of God--to reform their moral -doctrines to the standard of reason, justice, and philanthropy, and to -inculcate the belief of a future state. This view would purposely omit -the question of his Divinity, and even of his inspiration. To do him -justice, it would be necessary to remark the disadvantages his doctrines -have to encounter, not having been committed to writing by himself, but -by the most unlettered of men, by memory, long after they had heard them -from him, when much was forgotten, much misunderstood, and presented -in very paradoxical shapes; yet such are the fragments remaining, as -to show a master workman, and that his system of morality was the most -benevolent and sublime, probably, that has been ever taught, and more -perfect than those of any of the ancient philosophers. His character and -doctrines have received still greater injury from those who pretend to -be his special disciples, and who have disfigured and sophisticated his -actions and precepts from views of personal interest, so as to induce -the unthinking part of mankind to throw off the whole system in disgust, -and to pass sentence, as an imposter, on the most innocent, the most -benevolent, the most eloquent and sublime character that has ever been -exhibited to man. This is the outline!" - -"Sancte Socrate! ora pro nobis!"--Erasmus. - -Priestley in his letter to Linsay, enclosing a copy of your letter to -him, says, "He is generally considered an unbeliever; if so, however, he -cannot be far from us, and I hope in the way to be not only almost, but -altogether what we are. He now attends public worship very regularly, -and his moral conduct was never impeached." - -Now, I see not but you are as good a Christian as Priestley and Linsay. -Piety and morality were the end and object of the Christian system, -according to them, and according to you. They believed in the resurrection -of Jesus, in his miracles, and in his inspiration; but what inspiration? -Not all that is recorded in the New Testament, nor the Old. They have not -yet told us how much they believe, or how much they doubt or disbelieve. -They have not told us how much allegory, how much parable, they find, -nor how they explain them all, in the Old Testament or the New. - -John Quincy Adams has written for years to his two sons, boys of ten and -twelve, a series of letters, in which he pursues a plan more extensive -than yours; but agreeing in most of the essential points. I wish these -letters could be preserved in the bosoms of his boys, but women and -priests will get them; and I expect, if he makes a peace, he will be -obliged to retire like a Jay, to study prophecies to the end of his -life. I have more to say on this subject of religion. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July 18, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I have more to say on religion. For more than sixty years -I have been attentive to this great subject. Controversies between -Calvinists and Armenians, Trinitarians and Unitarians, Deists and -Christians, Atheists and both, have attracted my attention, whenever -the singular life I have led would admit, to all these questions. The -history of this little village of Quincy, if it were worth recording, -would explain to you how this happened. I think I can now say I have -read away bigotry, if not enthusiasm. What does Priestley mean by an -unbeliever, when he applies it to you? How much did he "unbelieve" -himself? Gibbon had him right, when he determined his creed "scanty." -We are to understand, no doubt, that he believed the resurrection of -Jesus; some of his miracles; his inspiration, but in what degree? He did -not believe in the inspiration of the writings that contain his history, -yet he believed in the Apocalyptic beast, and he believed as much as he -pleased in the writings of Daniel and John. This great, excellent, and -extraordinary man, whom I sincerely loved, esteemed, and respected, was -really a phenomenon; a comet in the system, like Voltaire, Bolingbroke, -and Hume. Had Bolingbroke or Voltaire taken him in hand, what would they -have made of him and his creed. - -I do not believe you have read much of Priestley's "corruptions of -Christianity," his history of early opinions of Jesus Christ, his -predestination, his no-soul system, or his controversy with Horsley. - -I have been a diligent student for many years in books whose titles -you have never seen. In Priestley's and Linsay's writings; in Farmer, -in Cappe, in Tucker's or Edwards searches; Light of Nature pursued; -in Edwards and Hopkins, and lately in Ezra Styles Ely; his reverend -and learned panegyrists, and his elegant and spirited opponents. I am -not wholly uninformed of the controversies in Germany, and the learned -researches of universities and professors, in which the sanctity of -the Bible and the inspiration of its authors are taken for granted, or -waived, or admitted, or not denied. I have also read Condorcet's Progress -of the Human Mind. - -Now, what is all this to you? No more, than if I should tell you that -I read Dr. Clark, and Dr. Waterland, and Emlyn, and Leland's view or -review of the Deistical writers more than fifty years ago; which is a -literal truth. I blame you not for reading Euclid and Newton, Thucydides -and Theocrites; for I believe you will find as much entertainment and -instruction in them, as I have found in my theological and ecclesiastical -instructors; or even as I have found in a profound investigation of the -life, writings, and doctrines of Erastus, whose disciples were Milton, -Harrington, Selden, St. John, the Chief Justice, father of Bolingbroke, -and others, the choicest spirits of their age; or in Le Harpe's history -of the philosophy of the eighteenth century, or in Vander Kemp's vast -map of the causes of the revolutionary spirit in the same and preceding -centuries. These things are to me, at present, the marbles and nine-pins -of old age; I will not say the beads and prayer-books. - -I agree with you, as far as you go, most cordially, and I think solidly. -How much farther I go, how much more I believe than you, I may explain -in a future letter. Thus much I will say at present, I have found so -many difficulties, that I am not astonished at your stopping where you -are; and so far from sentencing you to perdition, I hope soon to meet -you in another country. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July 22, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Dr. Priestley, in a letter to Mr. Linsey, Northumberland, -November 4, 1803, says: - -"As you were pleased with my comparison of Socrates and Jesus, I have -begun to carry the same comparison to all the heathen moralists, and -I have all the books that I want for the purpose except Simplicius -and Arrian on Epictetus, and them I hope to get from a library in -Philadelphia; lest, however, I should fail there, I wish you or Mr. -Belsham would procure and send them from London. While I am capable -of anything I cannot be idle, and I do not know that I can do anything -better. This, too, is an undertaking that Mr. Jefferson recommends to me." - -In another letter, dated Northumberland, January 16th, 1804, Dr. Priestley -says to Mr. Linsey: - -"I have now finished and transcribed for the press, my comparison of the -Grecian philosophers with those of Revelation, and with more ease and -more to my own satisfaction than I expected They who liked my pamphlet -entitled, 'Socrates and Jesus compared,' will not, I flatter myself, -dislike this work. It has the same object and completes the scheme. It -has increased my own sense of the unspeakable value of revelation, and -must, I think, that of every person who will give due attention to the -subject." - -I have now given you all that relates to yourself in Priestley's letters. - -This was possibly and not improbably, the last letter this great, this -learned, indefatigable, most excellent and extraordinary man ever wrote, -for on the 4th of February, 1804, he was released from his labors and -sufferings. Peace, rest, joy and glory to his soul! For I believe he -had one, and one of the greatest. - -I regret, oh how I lament that he did not live to publish this work! -It must exist in manuscript. Cooper must know something of it. Can you -learn from him where it is, and get it printed? - -I hope you will still perform your promise to Doctor Rush. - -If Priestley had lived, I should certainly have corresponded with him. His -friend Cooper, who, unfortunately for him and me and you, had as fatal -an influence over him as Hamilton had over Washington, and whose rash -hot head led Priestley into all his misfortunes and most of his errors -in conduct, could not have prevented explanations between Priestley and -me. - -I should propose to him a thousand, a million questions. And no man -was more capable or better disposed to answer them candidly than Dr. -Priestley. - -Scarcely anything that has happened to me in my curious life, has -made a deeper impression upon me than that such a learned, ingenious, -scientific and talented madcap as Cooper, could have influence enough -to make Priestley my enemy. - -I will not yet communicate to you more than a specimen of the questions -I would have asked Priestley. - -One is; Learned and scientific, Sir!--You have written largely about -matter and spirit, and have concluded there is no human soul. Will you -please to inform me what matter is? and what spirit is? Unless we know -the meaning of words, we cannot reason in or about words. - -I shall never send you all my questions that I would put to Priestley, -because they are innumerable; but I may hereafter send you two or three. - -I am, in perfect charity, your old friend. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, August 9, 1813. - -I believe I told you in my last that I had given you all in Linsey's -memorial that interested you, but I was mistaken. In Priestley's letter -to Linsey, December 19th, 1803, I find this paragraph: - -"With the work I am now composing, I go on much faster and better than -I expected, so that in two or three months, if my health continues as -it now is, I hope to have it ready for the press, though I shall hardly -proceed to print it till we have dispatched the notes. - -"It is upon the same plan with that of Socrates and Jesus compared, -considering all the more distinguished of the Grecian sects of philosophy, -till the establishment of Christianity in the Roman empire. If you liked -that pamphlet, I flatter myself you will like this. - -"I hope it is calculated to show, in a peculiarly striking light, the -great advantage of revelation, and that it will make an impression on -candid unbelievers if they will read. - -"But I find few that will trouble themselves to read anything on the -subject, which, considering the great magnitude and interesting nature -of the subject, is a proof of a very improper state of mind, unworthy -of a rational being." - -I send you this extract for several reasons. First, because you set him -upon this work. Secondly, because I wish you to endeavor to bring it to -light and get it printed. Thirdly, because I wish it may stimulate you -to pursue your own plan which you promised to Dr. Rush. - -I have not seen any work which expressly compares the morality of the Old -Testament with that of the New, in all their branches, nor either with -that of the ancient philosophers. Comparisons with the Chinese, the East -Indians, the Africans, the West Indians, &c., would be more difficult; -with more ancient nations impossible. The documents are destroyed. - - -TO MR. ISAAC M'PHERSON. - - MONTICELLO, August 13, 1813. - -SIR,--Your letter of August 3d asking information on the subject of Mr. -Oliver Evans' exclusive right to the use of what he calls his Elevators, -Conveyers, and Hopper-boys, has been duly received. My wish to see new -inventions encouraged, and old ones brought again into useful notice, -has made me regret the circumstances which have followed the expiration -of his first patent. I did not expect the retrospection which has been -given to the reviving law. For although the second proviso seemed not -so clear as it ought to have been, yet it appeared susceptible of a -just construction; and the retrospective one being contrary to natural -right, it was understood to be a rule of law that where the words of a -statute admit of two constructions, the one just and the other unjust, -the former is to be given them. The first proviso takes care of those -who had lawfully used Evans' improvements under the first patent; the -second was meant for those who had lawfully erected and used them after -that patent expired, declaring they "should not be liable to damages -therefor." These words may indeed be restrained to uses already past, but -as there is parity of reason for those to come, there should be parity -of law. Every man should be protected in his lawful acts, and be certain -that no _ex post facto_ law shall punish or endamage him for them. But -he is endamaged, if forbidden to use a machine lawfully erected, at -considerable expense, unless he will pay a new and unexpected price for -it. The proviso says that he who erected and used lawfully should not -be liable to pay damages. But if the proviso had been omitted, would not -the law, construed by natural equity, have said the same thing. In truth -both provisos are useless. And shall useless provisos, inserted _pro -majori cautela_ only, authorize inferences against justice? The sentiment -that _ex post facto_ laws are against natural right, is so strong in the -United States, that few, if any, of the State constitutions have failed -to proscribe them. The federal constitution indeed interdicts them in -criminal cases only; but they are equally unjust in civil as in criminal -cases, and the omission of a caution which would have been right, does -not justify the doing what is wrong. Nor ought it to be presumed that -the legislature meant to use a phrase in an unjustifiable sense, if by -rules of construction it can be ever strained to what is just. The law -books abound with similar instances of the care the judges take of the -public integrity. Laws, moreover, abridging the natural right of the -citizen, should be restrained by rigorous constructions within their -narrowest limits. - -Your letter, however, points to a much broader question, whether what -have received from Mr. Evans the new and proper name of Elevators, are of -his invention. Because, if they are not, his patent gives him no right to -obstruct others in the use of what they possessed before. I assume it is -a Lemma, that it is the invention of the machine itself, which is to give -a patent right, and not the application of it to any particular purpose, -of which it is susceptible. If one person invents a knife convenient -for pointing our pens, another cannot have a patent right for the same -knife to point our pencils. A compass was invented for navigating the -sea; another could not have a patent right for using it to survey land. -A machine for threshing _wheat_ has been invented in Scotland; a second -person cannot get a patent right for the same machine to thresh _oats_, a -third _rye_, a fourth _peas_, a fifth _clover_, &c. A string of buckets -is invented and used for raising water, ore, &c., can a second have -a patent right to the same machine for raising wheat, a third oats, a -fourth rye, a fifth peas, &c? The question then whether such a string of -buckets was invented first by Oliver Evans, is a mere question of fact -in mathematical history. Now, turning to such books only as I happen to -possess, I find abundant proof that this simple machinery has been in -use from time immemorial. Doctor Shaw, who visited Egypt and the Barbary -coast in the years 1727-8-9, in the margin of his map of Egypt, gives us -the figure of what he calls a Persian wheel, which is a string of round -cups or buckets hanging on a pulley, over which they revolved, bringing -up water from a well and delivering it into a trough above. He found this -used at Cairo, in a well 264 feet deep, which the inhabitants believe to -have been the work of the patriarch Joseph. Shaw's travels, 341, Oxford -edition of 1738 in folio, and the Universal History, I. 416, speaking -of the manner of watering the higher lands in Egypt, says, "formerly -they made use of Archimedes's screw, thence named the Egyptian pump, but -they now generally use wheels (wallowers) which carry a rope or chain -of earthen pots holding about seven or eight quarts apiece, and draw the -water from the canals. There are besides a vast number of wells in Egypt, -from which the water is drawn in the same manner to water the gardens -and fruit trees; so that it is no exaggeration to say, that there are -in Egypt above 200,000 oxen daily employed in this labor." Shaw's name -of Persian wheel has been since given more particularly to a wheel with -buckets, either fixed or suspended on pins, at its periphery. Mortimer's -husbandry, I. 18, Duhamel III. II., Ferguson's Mechanic's plate, XIII; -but his figure, and the verbal description of the Universal History, -prove that the string of buckets is meant under that name. His figure -differs from Evans' construction in the circumstances of the buckets -being round, and strung through their bottom on a chain. But it is the -principle, to wit, a string of buckets, which constitutes the invention, -not the form of the buckets, round, square, or hexagon; nor the manner of -attaching them, nor the material of the connecting band, whether chain, -rope, or leather. Vitruvius, L. x. c. 9, describes this machinery as a -windlass, on which is a chain descending to the water, with vessels of -copper attached to it; the windlass being turned, the chain moving on -it will raise the vessel, which in passing over the windlass will empty -the water they have brought up into a reservoir. And Perrault, in his -edition of Vitruvius, Paris, 1684, fol. plates 61, 62, gives us three -forms of these water elevators, in one of which the buckets are square, -as Mr. Evans' are. Bossut, Histoire des Mathematiques, i. 86, says, "the -drum wheel, the wheel with buckets and the _Chapelets_, are hydraulic -machines which come to us from the ancients. But we are ignorant of -the time when they began to be put into use." The _Chapelets_ are the -revolving bands of the buckets which Shaw calls the Persian wheel, the -moderns a chain-pump, and Mr. Evans elevators. The next of my books in -which I find these elevators is Wolf's Cours de Mathematiques, i. 370, -and plate 1, Paris 1747, 8vo; here are two forms. In one of them the -buckets are square, attached to two chains, passing over a cylinder or -wallower at top, and under another at bottom, by which they are made to -revolve. It is a nearly exact representation of Evans' Elevators. But -a more exact one is to be seen in Desagulier's Experimental Philosophy, -ii. plate 34; in the Encyclopedie de Diderot et D'Alembert, 8vo edition -of Lausanne, 1st volume of plates in the four subscribed Hydraulique. -Norie, is one where round eastern pots are tied by their collars between -two endless ropes suspended on a revolving lantern or wallower. This is -said to have been used for raising ore out of a mine. In a book which -I do not possess, L'Architecture Hydraulique de Belidor, the 2d volume -of which is said [De la Lande's continuation of Montucla's Historie de -Mathematiques, iii. 711] to contain a detail of all the pumps, ancient -and modern, hydraulic machines, fountains, wells, &c., I have no doubt -this Persian wheel, chain pump, chapelets, elevators, by whichever name -you choose to call it, will be found in various forms. The last book I -have to quote for it is Prony's Architecture Hydraulique i., Avertissement -vii., and § 648, 649, 650. In the latter of which passages he observes -that the first idea which occurs for raising water is to lift it in a -bucket by hand. When the water lies too deep to be reached by hand, the -bucket is suspended by a chain and let down over a pulley or windlass. -If it be desired to raise a continued stream of water, the simplest -means which offers itself to the mind is to attach to an endless chain -or cord a number of pots or buckets, so disposed that, the chain being -suspended on a lanthorn or wallower above, and plunged in water below, -the buckets may descend and ascend alternately, filling themselves at -bottom and emptying at a certain height above, so as to give a constant -stream. Some years before the date of Mr. Evans' patent, a Mr. Martin of -Caroline county in this State, constructed a drill-plough, in which he -used the band of buckets for elevating the grain from the box into the -funnel, which let them down into the furrow. He had bands with different -sets of buckets adapted to the size of peas, of turnip seed, &c. I have -used this machine for sowing Benni seed also, and propose to have a -band of buckets for drilling Indian Corn, and another for wheat. Is it -possible that in doing this I shall infringe Mr. Evans' patent? That I -can be debarred of any use to which I might have applied my drill, when -I bought it, by a patent issued after I bought it? - -These verbal descriptions, applying so exactly to Mr. Evans' elevators, -and the drawings exhibited to the eye, flash conviction both on reason -and the senses that there is nothing new in these elevators but their -being strung together on a strap of leather. If this strap of leather -be an invention, entitling the inventor to a patent right, it can only -extend to the strap, and the use of the string of buckets must remain -free to be connected by chains, ropes, a strap of hempen girthing, or -any other substance except leather. But, indeed, Mr. Martin had before -used the strap of leather. - -The screw of Archimedes is as ancient, at least, as the age of that -mathematician, who died more than 2,000 years ago. Diodorus Siculus -speaks of it, L. i., p. 21, and L. v., p. 217, of Stevens' edition of -1559, folio; and Vitruvius, xii. The cutting of its spiral worm into -sections for conveying flour or grain, seems to have been an invention -of Mr. Evans, and to be a fair subject of a patent right. But it cannot -take away from others the use of Archimedes' screw with its perpetual -spiral, for any purposes of which it is susceptible. - -The hopper-boy is an useful machine, and so far as I know, original. - -It has been pretended by some, (and in England especially,) that inventors -have a natural and exclusive right to their inventions, and not merely -for their own lives, but inheritable to their heirs. But while it is -a moot question whether the origin of any kind of property is derived -from nature at all, it would be singular to admit a natural and even an -hereditary right to inventors. It is agreed by those who have seriously -considered the subject, that no individual has, of natural right, a -separate property in an acre of land, for instance. By an universal law, -indeed, whatever, whether fixed or movable, belongs to all men equally -and in common, is the property for the moment of him who occupies it; -but when he relinquishes the occupation, the property goes with it. -Stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is given late in the -progress of society. It would be curious then, if an idea, the fugitive -fermentation of an individual brain, could, of natural right, be claimed -in exclusive and stable property. If nature has made any one thing less -susceptible than all others of exclusive property, it is the action of -the thinking power called an idea, which an individual may exclusively -possess as long as he keeps it to himself; but the moment it is divulged, -it forces itself into the possession of every one, and the receiver -cannot dispossess himself of it. Its peculiar character, too, is that no -one possesses the less, because every other possesses the whole of it. -He who receives an idea from me, receives instruction himself without -lessening mine; as he who lights his taper at mine, receives light without -darkening me. That ideas should freely spread from one to another over -the globe, for the moral and mutual instruction of man, and improvement -of his condition, seems to have been peculiarly and benevolently designed -by nature, when she made them, like fire, expansible over all space, -without lessening their density in any point, and like the air in which -we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable of confinement -or exclusive appropriation. Inventions then cannot, in nature, be a -subject of property. Society may give an exclusive right to the profits -arising from them, as an encouragement to men to pursue ideas which may -produce utility, but this may or may not be done, according to the will -and convenience of the society, without claim or complaint from any body. -Accordingly, it is a fact, as far as I am informed, that England was, -until we copied her, the only country on earth which ever, by a general -law, gave a legal right to the exclusive use of an idea. In some other -countries it is sometimes done, in a great case, and by a special and -personal act, but, generally speaking, other nations have thought that -these monopolies produce more embarrassment than advantage to society; -and it may be observed that the nations which refuse monopolies of -invention, are as fruitful as England in new and useful devices. - -Considering the exclusive right to invention as given not of natural -right, but for the benefit of society, I know well the difficulty of -drawing a line between the things which are worth to the public the -embarrassment of an exclusive patent, and those which are not. As a -member of the patent board for several years, while the law authorized a -board to grant or refuse patents, I saw with what slow progress a system -of general rules could be matured. Some, however, were established by -that board. One of these was, that a machine of which we were possessed, -might be applied by every man to any use of which it is susceptible, -and that this right ought not to be taken from him and given to a -monopolist, because the first perhaps had occasion so to apply it. Thus -a screw for crushing plaster might be employed for crushing corn-cobs. -And a chain-pump for raising water might be used for raising wheat: this -being merely a change of application. Another rule was that a change of -material should not give title to a patent. As the making a plough-share -of cast rather than of wrought iron; a comb of iron instead of horn or -of ivory, or the connecting buckets by a band of leather rather than of -hemp or iron. A third was that a mere change of form should give no right -to a patent, as a high-quartered shoe instead of a low one; a round hat -instead of a three-square; or a square bucket instead of a round one. -But for this rule, all the changes of fashion in dress would have been -under the tax of patentees. These were among the rules which the uniform -decisions of the board had already established, and under each of them -Mr. Evans' patent would have been refused. First, because it was a mere -change of application of the chain-pump from raising water to raise wheat. -Secondly, because the using a leathern instead of a hempen band, was a -mere change of material; and thirdly, square buckets instead of round, are -only a change of form, and the ancient forms, too, appear to have been -indifferently square or round. But there were still abundance of cases -which could not be brought under rule, until they should have presented -themselves under all their aspects; and these investigations occupying -more time of the members of the board than they could spare from higher -duties, the whole was turned over to the judiciary, to be matured into -a system, under which every one might know when his actions were safe -and lawful. Instead of refusing a patent in the first instance, as the -board was authorized to do, the patent now issues of course, subject -to be declared void on such principles as should be established by the -courts of law. This business, however, is but little analogous to their -course of reading, since we might in vain turn over all the lubberly -volumes of the law to find a single ray which would lighten the path of -the mechanic or the mathematician. It is more within the information of -a board of academical professors, and a previous refusal of patent would -better guard our citizens against harassment by law-suits. But England -had given it to her judges, and the usual predominancy of her examples -carried it to ours. - -It happened that I had myself a mill built in the interval between Mr. -Evans' first and second patents. I was living in Washington, and left -the construction to the mill-wright. I did not even know he had erected -elevators, conveyers and hopper-boys, until I learnt it by an application -from Mr. Evans' agent for the patent price. Although I had no idea he -had a right to it by law, (for no judicial decision had then been given,) -yet I did not hesitate to remit to Mr. Evans the old and moderate patent -price, which was what he then asked, from a wish to encourage even the -useful revival of ancient inventions. But I then expressed my opinion -of the law in a letter, either to Mr. Evans or to his agent. - -I have thus, Sir, at your request, given you the facts and ideas which -occur to me on this subject. I have done it without reserve, although -I have not the pleasure of knowing you personally. In thus frankly -committing myself to you, I trust you will feel it as a point of honor -and candor, to make no use of my letter which might bring disquietude -on myself. And particularly, I should be unwilling to be brought into -any difference with Mr. Evans, whom, however, I believe too reasonable -to take offence at an honest difference of opinion. I esteem him much, -and sincerely wish him wealth and honor. I deem him a valuable citizen, -of uncommon ingenuity and usefulness. And had I not esteemed still more -the establishment of sound principles, I should now have been silent. -If any of the matter I have offered can promote that object, I have no -objection to its being so used; if it offers nothing new, it will of -course not be used at all. I have gone with some minuteness into the -mathematical history of the elevator, because it belongs to a branch -of science in which, as I have before observed, it is not incumbent on -lawyers to be learned; and it is possible, therefore, that some of the -proofs I have quoted may have escaped on their former arguments. On the -law of the subject I should not have touched, because more familiar to -those who have already discussed it; but I wished to state my own view -of it merely in justification of myself, my name and approbation being -subscribed to the act. With these explanations, accept the assurance of -my respect. - - -TO JOHN WALDO. - - MONTICELLO, August 16, 1813. - -SIR,--Your favor of March 27th came during my absence on a journey of -some length. It covered your "Rudiments of English Grammar," for which -I pray you to accept my thanks. This acknowledgment of it has been -delayed, until I could have time to give the work such a perusal as the -avocations to which I am subject would permit. In the rare and short -intervals which these have allotted me, I have gone over with pleasure -a considerable part, although not yet the whole of it. But I am entirely -unqualified to give that critical opinion of it which you do me the favor -to ask. Mine has been a life of business, of that kind which appeals to a -man's conscience, as well as his industry, not to let it suffer, and the -few moments allowed me from labor have been devoted to more attractive -studies, that of grammar having never been a favorite with me. The scanty -foundation, laid in at school, has carried me though a life of much hasty -writing, more indebted for style to reading and memory, than to rules -of grammar. I have been pleased to see that in all cases you appeal to -usage, as the arbiter of language; and justly consider that as giving -law to grammar, and not grammar to usage. I concur entirely with you -in opposition to Purists, who would destroy all strength and beauty of -style, by subjecting it to a rigorous compliance with their rules. Fill -up all the ellipses and syllepses of Tacitus, Sallust, Livy, &c., and -the elegance and force of their sententious brevity are extinguished. - -"Auferre, trucidare, rapere, falsis nominibus, imperium appellant." -"Deorum injurias, diis curæ." "Allieni appetens, sui profusus; ardens in -cupiditatibus; satis loquentiæ, sapientiæ parum." "Annibal peto pacem." -"Per diem Sol non _uret_ te, neque Luna per noctem." Wire-draw these -expressions by filling up the whole syntax and sense, and they become dull -paraphrases on rich sentiments. We may say then truly with Quinctilian, -"Aliud est Grammaticé, aliud Latiné loqui." I am no friend, therefore, -to what is called _Purism_, but a zealous one to the _Neology_ which has -introduced these two words without the authority of any dictionary. I -consider the one as destroying the nerve and beauty of language, while -the other improves both, and adds to its copiousness. I have been not a -little disappointed, and made suspicious of my own judgment, on seeing -the Edinburgh Reviews, the ablest critics of the age, set their faces -against the introduction of new words into the English language; they -are particularly apprehensive that the writers of the United States will -adulterate it. Certainly so great growing a population, spread over such -an extent of country, with such a variety of climates, of productions, -of arts, must enlarge their language, to make it answer its purpose of -expressing all ideas, the new as well as the old. The new circumstances -under which we are placed, call for new words, new phrases, and for the -transfer of old words to new objects. An American dialect will therefore -be formed; so will a West-Indian and Asiatic, as a Scotch and an Irish -are already formed. But whether will these adulterate, or enrich the -English language? Has the beautiful poetry of Burns, or his Scottish -dialect, disfigured it? Did the Athenians consider the Doric, the Ionian, -the Æolic, and other dialects, as disfiguring or as beautifying their -language? Did they fastidiously disavow Herodotus, Pindar, Theocritus, -Sappho, Alcæus, or Grecian writers? On the contrary, they were sensible -that the variety of dialects, still infinitely varied by poetical license, -constituted the riches of their language, and made the Grecian Homer -the first of poets, as he must ever remain, until a language equally -ductile and copious shall again be spoken. - -Every language has a set of terminations, which make a part of its -peculiar idiom. Every root among the Greeks was permitted to vary its -termination, so as to express its radical idea in the form of any one of -the parts of speech; to wit, as a noun, an adjective, a verb, participle, -or adverb; and each of these parts of speech again, by still varying -the termination, could vary the shade of idea existing in the mind. - - * * * * * - -It was not, then, the number of Grecian roots (for some other languages -may have as many) which made it the most copious of the ancient languages; -but the infinite diversification which each of these admitted. Let -the same license be allowed in English, the roots of which, native and -adopted, are perhaps more numerous, and its idiomatic terminations more -various than of the Greek, and see what the language would become. Its -idiomatic terminations are:-- - -_Subst._ Gener-ation--ator; degener-acy; -gener-osity--ousness--alship--alissimo; king-dom--ling; joy-ance; -enjoy-er--ment; herb-age--alist; sanct-uary--imony--itude; royal-ism; -lamb-kin; child-hood; bishop-ric; proceed-ure; horseman-ship; worthi-ness. - -_Adj._ Gener-ant--ative--ic--ical--able--ous--al; joy-ful--less--some; -herb-y; accous-escent--ulent; child-ish; wheat-en. - -_Verb._ Gener-ate--alize. - -_Part._ Gener-ating--ated. - -_Adv._ Gener-al--ly. - -I do not pretend that this is a complete list of all the terminations of -the two languages. It is as much so as a hasty recollection suggests, -and the omissions are as likely to be to the disadvantage of the one -as the other. If it be a full, or equally fair enumeration, the English -are the double of the Greek terminations. - -But there is still another source of copiousness more abundant than -that of termination. It is the composition of the root, and of every -member of its family, 1, with prepositions, and 2, with other words. -The prepositions used in the composition of Greek words are:-- - - * * * * * - -Now multiply each termination of a family into every preposition, and -how prolific does it make each root! But the English language, besides -its own prepositions, about twenty in number, which it compounds with -English roots, uses those of the Greek for adopted Greek roots, and -of the Latin for Latin roots. The English prepositions, with examples -of their use, are a, as in a-long, a-board, a-thirst, a-clock; be, as -in be-lie; mis, as in mis-hap; these being inseparable. The separable, -with examples, are above-cited, after-thought, gain-say, before-hand, -fore-thought, behind-hand, by-law, for-give, fro-ward, in-born, on-set, -over-go, out-go, thorough-go, under-take, up-lift, with-stand. Now let -us see what copiousness this would produce, were it allowed to compound -every root and its family with every preposition, where both sense and -sound would be in its favor. Try it on an English root, the verb "to -place," Anglo Saxon _plæce_,[4] for instance, and the Greek and Latin -roots, of kindred meaning, adopted in English, to wit, θεσις and locatio, -with their prepositions. - - mis-place - after-place - gain-place - fore-place - hind-place - by-place - for-place - fro-place - in-place - on-place - over-place - out-place - thorough-place - under-place - up-place - with-place - amphi-thesis - ana-thesis - anti-thesis - apo-thesis - dia-thesis - ek-thesis - en-thesis - epi-thesis - cata-thesis - para-thesis - peri-thesis - pro-thesis - pros-thesis - syn-thesis - hyper-thesis - hypo-thesis - a-location - ab-location - abs-location - al-location - anti-location - circum-location - cis-location - col-location - contra-location - de-location - di-location - dis-location - e-location - ex-location - extra-location - il-location - inter-location - intro-location - juxta-location - ob-location - per-location - post-location - pre-location - preter-location - pro-location - retro-location - re-location - se-location - sub-location - super-location - trans-location - ultra-location - -Some of these compounds would be new; but all present distinct meanings, -and the synonisms of the three languages offer a choice of sounds to -express the same meaning; add to this, that in some instances, usage has -authorized the compounding an English root with a Latin preposition, -as in de-place, dis-place, re-place. This example may suffice to show -what the language would become, in strength, beauty, variety, and every -circumstance which gives perfection to language, were it permitted freely -to draw from all its legitimate sources. - -The second source of composition is of one family of roots with another. -The Greek avails itself of this most abundantly, and beautifully. The -English once did it freely, while in its Anglo-Saxon form, _e. g._ -+boc-cræft+, book-craft, learning, +riht-geleaf-full+, right-belief-ful, -orthodox. But it has lost by desuetude much of this branch of composition, -which it is desirable however to resume. - -If we wish to be assured from experiment of the effect of a judicious -spirit of Neology, look at the French language. Even before the -revolution, it was deemed much more copious than the English; at a time, -too, when they had an academy which endeavored to arrest the progress of -their language, by fixing it to a Dictionary, out of which no word was -ever to be sought, used, or tolerated. The institution of parliamentary -assemblies in 1789, for which their language had no opposite terms or -phrases, as having never before needed them, first obliged them to adopt -the Parliamentary vocabulary of England; and other new circumstances -called for corresponding new words; until by the number of these adopted, -and by the analogies for adoption which they have legitimated, I think -we may say with truth that a Dictionaire Neologique of these would be -half as large as the dictionary of the academy; and that at this time -it is the language in which every shade of idea, distinctly perceived -by the mind, may be more exactly expressed, than in any language at -this day spoken by man. Yet I have no hesitation in saying that the -English language is founded on a broader base, native and adopted, and -capable, with the like freedom of employing its materials, of becoming -superior to that in copiousness and euphony. Not indeed by holding fast -to Johnson's Dictionary; not by raising a hue and cry against every word -he has not licensed; but by encouraging and welcoming new compositions -of its elements. Learn from Lye and Benson what the language would now -have been if restrained to their vocabularies. Its enlargement must be -the consequence, to a certain degree, of its transplantation from the -latitude of London into every climate of the globe; and the greater the -degree the more precious will it become as the organ of the development -of the human mind. - -These are my visions on the improvement of the English language by a -free use of its faculties. To realize them would require a course of -time. The example of good writers, the approbation of men of letters, -the judgment of sound critics, and of none more than of the Edinburgh -Reviewers, would give it a beginning, and once begun, its progress might -be as rapid as it has been in France, where we see what a period of only -twenty years has effected. Under the auspices of British science and -example it might commence with hope. But the dread of innovation there, -and especially of any example set by France, has, I fear, palsied the -spirit of improvement. Here, where all is new, no innovation is feared -which offers good. But we have no distinct class of literati in our -country. Every man is engaged in some industrious pursuit, and science -is but a secondary occupation, always subordinate to the main business -of his life. Few therefore of those who are qualified, have leisure to -write. In time it will be otherwise. In the meanwhile, necessity obliges -us to neologize. And should the language of England continue stationary, -we shall probably enlarge our employment of it, until its new character -may separate it in name as well as in power, from the mother-tongue. - -Although the copiousness of a language may not in strictness make a part -of its grammar, yet it cannot be deemed foreign to a general course of -lectures on its structure and character; and the subject having been -presented to my mind by the occasion of your letter, I have indulged -myself in its speculation, and hazarded to you what has occurred, with -the assurance of my great respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [4] Johnson derives "place" from the French "place," an open - square in a town. But its northern parentage is visible in its - syno-nime _platz_, Teutonic, and _plattse_, Belgic, both of which - signify locus, and the Anglo-Saxon _plæce_, _platea_, _vicus_. - - -TO MR. JOHN WILSON. - - MONTICELLO, August 17, 1813. - -SIR,--Your letter of the 3d has been duly received. That of Mr. Eppes -had before come to hand, covering your MS. on the reformation of the -orthography of the plural of nouns ending in _y_, and _ey_, and on -orthoepy. A change has been long desired in English orthography, such as -might render it an easy and true index of the pronunciation of words. -The want of conformity between the combinations of letters, and the -sounds they should represent, increases to foreigners the difficulty -of acquiring the language, occasions great loss of time to children in -learning to read, and renders correct spelling rare but in those who -read much. In England a variety of plans and propositions have been -made for the reformation of their orthography. Passing over these, two -of our countrymen, Dr. Franklin and Dr. Thornton, have also engaged in -the enterprise; the former proposing an addition of two or three new -characters only, the latter a reformation of the whole alphabet nearly. -But these attempts in England, as well as here, have been without effect. -About the middle of the last century an attempt was made to banish the -letter _d_ from the words bridge, judge, hedge, knowledge, &c., others -of that termination, and to write them as we write age, cage, sacrilege, -privilege; but with little success. The attempt was also made, which you -mention in your second part, to drop the letter _u_ in words of Latin -derivation ending in _ou_r, and to write honor, candor, rigor, &c., -instead of honour, candour, rigour. But the _u_ having been picked up in -the passage of these words from the Latin, through the French, to us, is -still preserved by those who consider it as a memorial of our title to -the words. Other partial attempts have been made by individual writers, -but with as little success. Pluralizing nouns in _y_, and _ey_, by adding -_s_ only, as you propose, would certainly simplify the spelling, and -be analogous to the general idiom of the language. It would be a step -gained in the progress of general reformation, if it could prevail. -But my opinion being requested I must give it candidly, that judging -of the future by the past, I expect no better fortune to this than -similar preceding propositions have experienced. It is very difficult -to persuade the great body of mankind to give up what they have once -learned, and are now masters of, for something to be learnt anew. Time -alone insensibly wears down old habits, and produces small changes at -long intervals, and to this process we must all accommodate ourselves, -and be content to follow those who will not follow us. Our Anglo-Saxon -ancestors had twenty ways of spelling the word "many." Ten centuries have -dropped all of them and substituted that which we now use. I now return -your MS. without being able, with the gentlemen whose letters are cited, -to encourage hope as to its effect. I am bound, however, to acknowledge -that this is a subject to which I have not paid much attention; and that -my doubts therefore should weigh nothing against their more favorable -expectations. That these may be fulfilled, and mine prove unfounded, I -sincerely wish, because I am a friend to the reformation generally of -whatever can be made better, and because it could not fail of gratifying -you to be instrumental in this work. Accept the assurance of my respect. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, August 22, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Since my letter of June the 27th, I am in your debt for many; -all of which I have read with infinite delight. They open a wide field -for reflection, and offer subjects enough to occupy the mind and the pen -indefinitely. I must follow the good example you have set, and when I have -not time to take up every subject, take up a single one. Your approbation -of my outline to Dr. Priestley is a great gratification to me; and I -very much suspect that if thinking men would have the courage to think -for themselves, and to speak what they think, it would be found they do -not differ in religious opinions as much as is supposed. I remember to -have heard Dr. Priestley say, that if all England would candidly examine -themselves, and confess, they would find that Unitarianism was really -the religion of all; and I observe a bill is now depending in parliament -for the relief of Anti-Trinitarians. It is too late in the day for men -of sincerity to pretend they believe in the Platonic mysticisms that -three are one, and one is three; and yet that the one is not three, -and the three are not one; to divide mankind by a single letter into -ομοουσιανς and ὁμοιουσιανς. But this constitutes the craft, the power -and the profit of the priests. Sweep away their gossamer fabrics of -factitious religion, and they would catch no more flies. We should all -then, like the Quakers, live without an order of priests, moralize for -ourselves, follow the oracle of conscience, and say nothing about what -no man can understand, nor therefore believe; for I suppose belief to -be the assent of the mind to an intelligible proposition. - -It is with great pleasure I can inform you, that Priestley finished the -comparative view of the doctrines of the philosophers of antiquity, -and of Jesus, before his death; and that it was printed soon after. -And, with still greater pleasure, that I can have a copy of his work -forwarded from Philadelphia, by a correspondent there, and presented for -your acceptance, by the same mail which carries you this, or very soon -after. The branch of the work which the title announces, is executed -with learning and candor, as was everything Priestley wrote, but perhaps -a little hastily; for he felt himself pressed by the hand of death. -The Abbé Batteux had, in fact laid the foundation of this part in his -Causes Premieres, with which he has given us the originals of Ocellus -and Timæus, who first committed the doctrines of Pythagoras to writing, -and Enfield, to whom the Doctor refers, had done it more copiously. But -he has omitted the important branch, which, in your letter of August the -9th, you say you have never seen executed, a comparison of the morality -of the Old Testament with that of the New. And yet, no two things were -ever more unlike. I ought not to have asked him to give it. He dared not. -He would have been eaten alive by his intolerant brethren, the Cannibal -priests. And yet, this was really the most interesting branch of the work. - -Very soon after my letter to Doctor Priestley, the subject being still in -my mind, I had leisure during an abstraction from business for a day or -two, while on the road, to think a little more on it, and to sketch more -fully than I had done to him, a syllabus of the matter which I thought -should enter into the work. I wrote it to Doctor Rush, and there ended -all my labor on the subject; himself and Doctor Priestley being the -only two depositories of my secret. The fate of my letter to Priestley, -after his death, was a warning to me on that of Doctor Rush; and at my -request, his family were so kind as to quiet me by returning my original -letter and syllabus. By this, you will be sensible how much interest I -take in keeping myself clear of religious disputes before the public, -and especially of seeing my syllabus disembowelled by the Aruspices of -the modern Paganism. Yet I enclose it _to you_ with entire confidence, -free to be perused by yourself and Mrs. Adams, but by no one else, and -to be returned to me. - -You are right in supposing, in one of yours, that I had not read much -of Priestley's Predestination, his no-soul system, or his controversy -with Horsley. But I have read his Corruptions of Christianity, and -Early Opinions of Jesus, over and over again; and I rest on them, and on -Middleton's writings, especially his letters from Rome, and to Waterland, -as the basis of my own faith. These writings have never been answered, -nor can be answered by quoting historical proofs, as they have done. For -these facts, therefore, I cling to their learning, so much superior to -my own. - -I now fly off in a tangent to another subject. Marshall, in the first -volume of his history, chapter 3, p. 180, ascribes the petition to the -King, of 1774, (1 Journ. Cong. 67) to the pen of Richard Henry Lee. -I think myself certain it was not written by him, as well from what I -recollect to have heard, as from the internal evidence of style. His was -loose, vague, frothy, rhetorical. He was a poorer writer than his brother -Arthur; and Arthur's standing may be seen in his Monitor's letters, to -insure the sale of which, they took the precaution of tacking to them -a new edition of the Farmer's letters, like Mezentius, who "_mortua -jungebat corpora vivis_." You were of the committee, and can tell me -who wrote this petition, and who wrote the address to the inhabitants of -the colonies, ib. 45. Of the papers of July 1775, I recollect well that -Mr. Dickinson drew the petition to the King, ib. 149; I think Robert R. -Livingston drew the address to the inhabitants of Great Britain, ib. 152. -Am I right in this? And who drew the address to the people of Ireland, -ib. 180? On these questions I ask of your memory to help mine. Ever and -affectionately yours. - - -TO MR. EPPES. - - POPLAR FOREST, September 11, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I turn with great reluctance from the functions of a private -citizen to matters of State. The swaggering on deck, as a passenger, -is so much more pleasant than clambering the ropes as a seaman, and my -confidence in the skill and activity of those employed to work the vessel -is so entire, that I notice nothing _en passant_, but how smoothly she -moves. Yet I avail myself of the leisure which a visit to this place -procures me, to revolve again in my mind the subject of my former letter, -and in compliance with the request of yours of ----, to add some further -thoughts on it. Though intended as only supplementary to that, I may -fall into repetitions, not having that with me, nor paper or book of -any sort to supply the default of a memory on the wane. - -The objects of finance in the United States have hitherto been very -simple; merely to provide for the support of the government on its peace -establishment, and to pay the debt contracted in the revolutionary war, -a war which will be sanctioned by the approbation of posterity through -all future ages. The means provided for these objects were ample, and -resting on a consumption which little affected the poor, may be said -to have been sensibly felt by none. The fondest wish of my heart ever -was that the surplus portion of these taxes, destined for the payment -of that debt, should, when that object was accomplished, be continued -by annual or biennial re-enactments, and applied, in time of peace, to -the improvement of our country by canals, roads and useful institutions, -literary or others; and in time of war to the maintenance of the war. And -I believe that keeping the civil list within proper bounds, the surplus -would have been sufficient for any war, administered with integrity and -judgment. For authority to apply the surplus to objects of improvement, -an amendment of the constitution would have been necessary. I have said -that the taxes should be continued by annual or biennial re-enactments, -because a constant hold, by the nation, of the strings of the public -purse, is a salutary restraint from which an honest government ought -not to wish, nor a corrupt one to be permitted to be free. No tax should -ever be yielded for a longer term than that of the congress wanting it, -except when pledged for the reimbursement of a loan. On this system, -the standing income being once liberated from the revolutionary debt, -no future loan nor future tax would ever become necessary, and wars -would no otherwise affect our pecuniary interests than by suspending the -improvements belonging to a state of peace. This happy consummation would -have been achieved by another eight years' administration, conducted by -Mr. Madison, and executed in its financial department by Mr. Gallatin, -could peace have been so long preserved. So enviable a state in prospect -for our country, induced me to temporize, and to bear with national -wrongs which under no other prospect ought ever to have been unresented -or unresisted. My hope was, that by giving time for reflection, and -retraction of injury, a sound calculation of their own interests would -induce the aggressing nations to redeem their own character by a return -to the practice of right. But our lot happens to have been cast in -an age when two nations to whom circumstances have given a temporary -superiority over others, the one by land, the other by sea, throwing off -all restraints of morality, all pride of national character, forgetting -the mutability of fortune and the inevitable doom which the laws of -nature pronounce against departure from justice, individual or national, -have dared to treat her reclamations with derision, and to set up force -instead of reason as the umpire of nations. Degrading themselves thus -from the character of lawful societies into lawless bands of robbers -and pirates, they are abusing their brief ascendency by desolating the -world with blood and rapine. Against such a banditti, war had become -less ruinous than peace, for then peace was a war on one side only. On -the final and formal declarations of England, therefore, that she never -would repeal her orders of council as to us, until those of France should -be repealed as to other nations as well as us, and that no practicable -arrangement against her impressment of our seamen could be proposed or -devised, war was justly declared, and ought to have been declared. This -change of condition has clouded our prospects of liberation from debt, -and of being able to carry on a war without new loans or taxes. But -although deferred, these prospects are not desperate. We should keep -forever in view the state of 1817, towards which we were advancing, and -consider it as that which we must attain. Let the old funds continue -appropriated to the civil list and revolutionary debt, and the reversion -of the surplus to improvement during peace, and let us take up this war -as a separate business, for which, substantive and distinct provision -is to be made. - -That we are bound to defray its expenses within our own time, and -unauthorized to burthen posterity with them, I suppose to have been -proved in my former letter. I will place the question nevertheless in -one additional point of view. The former regarded their independent -right over the earth; this over their own persons. There have existed -nations, and civilized and learned nations, who have thought that a -father had a right to sell his child as a slave, in perpetuity; that he -could alienate his body and industry conjointly, and _à fortiori_ his -industry separately; and consume its fruits himself. A nation asserting -this fratricide right might well suppose they could burthen with public -as well as private debt their "_nati natorum, et qui nascentur at -illis_." But we, this age, and in this country especially, are advanced -beyond those notions of natural law. We acknowledge that our children -are born free; that that freedom is the gift of nature, and not of him -who begot them; that though under our care during infancy, and therefore -of necessity under a duly tempered authority, that care is confided to -us to be exercised for the preservation and good of the child only; and -his labors during youth are given as a retribution for the charges of -infancy. As he was never the property of his father, so when adult he is -_sui juris_, entitled himself to the use of his own limbs and the fruits -of his own exertions: so far we are advanced, without mind enough, it -seems, to take the whole step. We believe, or we act as if we believed, -that although an individual father cannot alienate the labor of his son, -the aggregate body of fathers may alienate the labor of all their sons, -of their posterity, in the aggregate, and oblige them to pay for all -the enterprises, just or unjust, profitable or ruinous, into which our -vices, our passions, or our personal interests may lead us. But I trust -that this proposition needs only to be looked at by an American to be -seen in its true point of view, and that we shall all consider ourselves -unauthorized to saddle posterity with our debts, and morally bound to pay -them ourselves; and consequently within what may be deemed the period of -a generation, or the life of the majority. In my former letter I supposed -this to be a little[5] over twenty years. We must raise then ourselves -the money for this war, either by taxes within the year, or by loans; -and if by loans, we must repay them ourselves, proscribing forever the -English practice of perpetual funding; the ruinous consequences of which, -putting right out of the question, should be a sufficient warning to a -considerate nation to avoid the example. - -The raising money by Tontine, more practised on the continent of Europe -than in England, is liable to the same objection, of encroachment on -the independent rights of posterity; because the annuities not expiring -gradually, with the lives on which they rest, but all on the death of -the last survivor only, they will of course over-pass the term of a -generation, and the more probably as the subjects on whose lives the -annuities depend, are generally chosen of the ages, constitutions and -occupations most favorable to long life. - -Annuities for single lives are also beyond our powers, because the -single life may pass the term of a generation. This last practice is -objectionable too, as encouraging celibacy, and the disinherison of heirs. - -Of the modes which are within the limits of right, that of raising within -the year its whole expenses by taxation, might be beyond the abilities -of our citizens to bear. It, is moreover, generally desirable that the -public contributions should be as uniform as practicable from year to -year, that our habits of industry and of expense may become adapted to -them; and that they may be duly digested and incorporated with our annual -economy. - -There remains then for us but the method of limited anticipation, the -laying taxes for a term of years within that of our right, which may -be sold for a present sum equal to the expenses of the year; in other -words, to obtain a loan equal to the expenses of the year, laying a tax -adequate to its interest, and to such a surplus as will reimburse, by -growing instalments, the whole principal within the term. This is, in -fact, what has been called raising money on the sale of annuities for -years. In this way a new loan, and of course a new tax, is requisite -every year during the continuance of the war; and should that be so -long as to produce an accumulation of tax beyond our ability, in time -of war the resource would be an enactment of the taxes requisite to -ensure good terms, by securing the lender, with a suspension of the -payment of instalments of principal and perhaps of interest also, until -the restoration of peace. This method of anticipating our taxes, or of -borrowing on annuities for years, insures repayment to the lender, guards -the rights of posterity, prevents a perpetual alienation of the public -contributions, and consequent destitution of every resource even for the -ordinary support of government. The public expenses of England during -the present reign, have amounted to the fee simple value of the whole -island. If its whole soil could be sold, farm by farm, for its present -market price, it would not defray the cost of governing it during the -reign of the present king, as managed by him. Ought not then the right -of each successive generation to be guarantied against the dissipations -and corruptions of those preceding, by a fundamental provision in our -constitution? And, if that has not been made, does it exist the less; -there being between generation and generation, as between nation and -nation, no other law than that of nature? And is it the less dishonest to -do what is wrong, because not expressly prohibited by written law? Let us -hope our moral principles are not yet in that stage of degeneracy, and -that in instituting the system of finance to be hereafter pursued, we -shall adopt the only safe, the only lawful and honest one, of borrowing -on such short terms of reimbursement of interest and principal as will -fall within the accomplishment of our own lives. - -The question will be asked and ought to be looked at, what is to be -the resource if loans cannot be obtained? There is but one, "_Carthago -delenda est_." Bank paper must be suppressed, and the circulating medium -must be restored to the nation to whom it belongs. It is the only fund -on which they can rely for loans; it is the only resource which can -never fail them, and it is an abundant one for every necessary purpose. -Treasury bills, bottomed on taxes, bearing or not bearing interest, as -may be found necessary, thrown into circulation will take the place of -so much gold and silver, which last, when crowded, will find an efflux -into other countries, and thus keep the quantum of medium at its salutary -level. Let banks continue if they please, but let them discount for cash -alone or for treasury notes. They discount for cash alone in every other -country on earth except Great Britain, and her too often unfortunate -copyist, the United States. If taken in time they may be rectified by -degrees, and without injustice, but if let alone till the alternative -forces itself on us, of submitting to the enemy for want of funds, or -the suppression of bank paper, either by law or by convulsion, we cannot -foresee how it will end. The remaining questions are mathematical only. -How are the taxes and the time of their continuance to be proportioned -to the sum borrowed, and the stipulated interest? - -The rate of interest will depend on the state of the money market, and -the duration of the tax on the will of the legislature. Let us suppose -that (to keep the taxes as low as possible) they adopt the term of -twenty years for reimbursement, which we call their maximum; and let -the interest they last gave of 7½ per cent. be that which they must -expect to give. The problem then will stand in this form. Given the sum -borrowed (which call _s_,) a million of dollars for example; the rate -of interest .075 or 75/1000; (call it _r-i_) and the duration of the -annuity or tax, twenty years, (=_t_,) what will be (_a_) the annuity or -tax, which will reimburse principal and interest within the given term? -This problem, laborious and barely practicable to common arithmetic, -is readily enough solved, Algebraically and with the aid of Logarithms. -The theorem applied to the case is _a_=(tr-1x1)/(1-1/n) the solution of -which gives _a_=$98,684.2, nearly $100,000, or 1/10 of the sum borrowed. - -It maybe satisfactory to see stated in figures the yearly progression -of reimbursement of the million of dollars, and their interest at 7½ -per cent. effected by the regular payment of ---- dollars annually. It -will be as follows: - - Borrowed, $1,000,000. - - Balance after 1st payment, $975,000 Balance after 11th paym't, $594,800 - " 2d " 948,125 " 12th " 539,410 - " 3d " 919,234 " 13th " 479,866 - " 4th " 888,177 " 14th " 415,850 - " 5th " 854,790 " 15th " 347,039 - " 6th " 818,900 " 16th " 273,068 - " 7th " 780,318 " 17th " 193,548 - " 8th " 738,841 " 18th " 108,064 - " 9th " 694,254 " 19th " 16,169 - " 10th " 646,324 - -If we are curious to know the effect of the same annual sum on loans at -lower rates of interest, the following process will give it: - -From the Logarithm of _a_, subtract the Logarithm _r-i_, and from -the number of the remaining Logarithm subtract _s_, then subtract -the Logarithm of this last remainder from the difference between the -Logarithm _a_ and Logarithm _r-i_ as found before, divide the remainder -by Logarithm _r_, the quotient will be _t_. It will be found that ---- -dollars will reimburse a million, - - Years. Dollars. - At 7½ per cent. interest in 19.17, costing in the whole 1,917,000 - 7 " " 17.82, " " 1,782,000 - 6½ " " 16.67, " " 1,667,000 - 6 " " 15.72, " " 1,572,000 - 5½ " " 14.91, " " 1,491,000 - 5 " " 14. 2, " " 1,420,000 - 0 " " 10. " " 1,000,000 - -By comparing the 1st and the last of these articles, we see that if the -United States were in possession of the circulating medium, as they ought -to be, they could redeem what they could borrow from that, dollar for -dollar, and in ten annual instalments; whereas, the usurpation of that -fund by bank paper, obliging them to borrow elsewhere at 7½ per cent., -two dollars are required to reimburse one. So that it is literally true -that the toleration of banks of paper-discount, costs the United States -one-half their war taxes; or, in other words, doubles the expenses of -every war. Now think, but for a moment, what a change of condition that -would be, which should save half our war expenses, require but half the -taxes, and enthral us in debt but half the time. - -Two loans having been authorized, of sixteen and seven and a half -millions, they will require for their due reimbursement two millions -three hundred and fifty thousand dollars of the three millions expected -from the taxes lately imposed. When the produce shall be known of the -several items of these taxes, such of them as will make up this sum -should be selected, appropriated, and pledged for the reimbursement of -these loans. The balance of six hundred and fifty thousand dollars, will -be a provision for 6½ millions of the loan of the next year; and in all -future loans, I would consider it as a rule never to be departed from, -to lay a tax of 1/10, and pledge it for the reimbursement. - -In the preceding calculations no account is taken of the increasing -population of the United States, which we know to be in a compound -ratio of more than 3 per cent. per annum; nor of the increase of wealth, -proved to be in a higher ratio by the increasing productiveness of the -imports on consumption. We shall be safe therefore in considering every -tax as growing at the rate of 3 per cent. compound ratio annually. I -say _every tax_, for as to those on consumption the fact is known; and -the same growth will be found in the value of real estate, if valued -annually; or, which would be better, 3 per cent. might be assumed by the -law as the average increase, and an addition of 1/33 of the tax paid the -preceding year, be annually called for. Supposing then a tax laid which -would bring in $100,000 at the time it is laid, and that it increases -annually at the rate of 3 per cent. compound, its important effect may -be seen in the following statement: - - The 1st year 103,090, and reduces the million to $972,000 - 2d " 106,090, " " " 938,810 - 3d " 109,273, " " " 899,947 - 4th " 112,556, " " " 854,896 - 5th " 115,920, " " " 803,053 - 6th " 119,410, " " " 743,915 - 7th " 122,990, " " " 676,719 - 8th " 126,680, " " " 600,793 - --------- - 915,913 - - It yields the 9th year $130,470, and reduces it to $515,382 - 10th " 134,390, " " 419,646 - 11th " 138,420, " " 312,699 - 12th " 142,580, " " 193,517 - 13th " 146,850, " " 61,181 - 14th " 151,260 over pays, 85,491 - ---------- - 1,759,883 - -This estimate supposes a million borrowed at 7½ per cent; but, if obtained -from the circulation without interest, it would be reimbursed within -eight years and eight months, instead of fourteen years, or of twenty -years, on our first estimate. - -But this view being in prospect only, should not affect the quantum of -tax which the former circulation pronounces necessary. Our creditors -have a right to certainty, and to consider these political speculations -as make-weights only to that, and at our risk, not theirs. To us belongs -only the comfort of hoping an earlier liberation than that calculation -holds out, and the right of providing expressly that the tax hypothecated -shall cease so soon as the debt it secures shall be actually reimbursed; -and I will add that to us belongs also the regret that improvident -legislators should have exposed us to a twenty years' thraldom of debts -and taxes, for the necessary defence of our country, where the same -contributions would have liberated us in eight or nine years; or have -reduced us perhaps to an abandonment of our rights, by their abandonment -of the only resource which could have ensured their maintenance. - -I omit many considerations of detail because they will occur to yourself, -and my letter is too long already. I can refer you to no book as treating -of this subject fully and suitably to our circumstances. Smith gives the -history of the public debt of England, and some views adapted to that; -and Dr. Price, in his book on annuities, has given a valuable chapter -on the effects of a sinking fund. But our business being to make every -loan tax a sinking fund for itself, no general one will be wanting; and -if my confidence is well founded that our original import, when freed -from the revolutionary debt, will suffice to embellish and improve our -country in peace, and defend her in war, the present may be the only -occasion of perplexing ourselves with sinking funds. - -Should the injunctions under which I laid you, as to my former letter, -restrain any useful purpose to which you could apply it, I remove them; -preferring public benefit to all personal considerations. My original -disapprobation of banks circulating paper is not unknown, nor have -I since observed any effects either on the morals or fortunes of our -citizens, which are any counterbalance for the public evils produced; -and a thorough conviction that, if this war continues, that circulation -must be suppressed, or the government shaken to its foundation by the -weight of taxes, and impracticability to raise funds on them, renders -duty to that paramount to the love of ease and quiet. - -When I was here in May last, I left it without knowing that Francis was -at school in this neighborhood. As soon as I returned, on the present -occasion, I sent for him, but his tutor informed me that he was gone on -a visit to you. I shall hope permission for him always to see me on my -visits to this place, which are three or four times a year. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [5] [A lapse of memory, not having the letter to recur to.] - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, September 14, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I owe you a thousand thanks for your favor of August 22d and -its enclosures, and for Dr. Priestley's doctrines of Heathen Philosophy -compared with those of Revelation. Your letter to Dr. Rush and the -syllabus, I return enclosed with this according to your injunctions, -though with great reluctance. May I beg a copy of both? - -They will do you no harm; me and others much good. - -I hope you will pursue your plan, for I am confident you will produce -a work much more valuable than Priestley's, though that is curious, and -considering the expiring powers with which it was written, admirable. - -The bill in Parliament for the relief of Anti-Trinitarians, is a great -event, and will form an epoch in ecclesiastical history. The motion was -made by my friend Smith, of Clapham, a friend of the Belshams. - -I should be very happy to hear that the bill is passed. - -The human understanding is a revelation from its Maker which can never -be disputed or doubted. There can be no scepticism, Pyrrhonism, or -incredulity, or infidelity, here. No prophecies, no miracles are necessary -to prove the celestial communication. - -This revelation has made it certain that two and one make three, and -that one is not three nor can three be one. We can never be so certain -of any prophecy, or the fulfilment of any prophecy, or of any miracle, -or the design of any miracle, as we are from the revelation of nature, -_i. e._, Nature's God, that two and two are equal to four. Miracles or -prophecies might frighten us out of our wits; might scare us to death; -might induce us to lie, to say that we believe that two and two make -five. But we should not believe it. We should know the contrary. - -Had you and I been forty days with Moses on Mount Sinai, and been admitted -to behold the divine Shekinah, and there told that one was three and -three one, we might not have had courage to deny it, but we could not -have believed it. - -The thunders, and lightnings, and earthquakes, and the transcendent -splendors and glories might have overwhelmed us with terror and amazement, -but we could not have believed the doctrine. We should be more likely to -say in our hearts whatever we might say with our lips,--This is chance. -There is no God, no truth. This is all delusion, fiction, and a lie, or -it is all chance. But what is chance? It is motion, it is action, it is -event, it is phenomenon without cause. - -Chance is no cause at all, it is nothing. And nothing has produced all -this pomp and splendor. And nothing may produce our eternal damnation -in the flames of hell-fire and brimstone, for what we know, as well as -this tremendous exhibition of terror and falsehood. - -God has infinite wisdom, goodness and power. He created the universe. -His duration is eternal, a parte ante and a parte post. - -His presence is as extensive as space. What is space? An infinite -spherical vacuum. He created this speck of dirt and the human species -for his glory, and with the deliberate design of making nine-tenths of -our species miserable forever, for his glory. - -This is the doctrine of Christian Theologians in general, ten to one. - -Now, my friend, can prophecies or miracles convince you or me, that -infinite benevolence, wisdom and power, created and preserves for a time, -innumerable millions, to make them miserable forever for his own glory? - -Wretch! what is his glory? Is he ambitious? Does he want promotion? Is -he vain-tickled with adulation? Exulting and triumphing in his power -and the sweetness of his vengeance? - -Pardon me, my Maker, for these awful questions. My answer to them is -always ready. I believe no such things. My adoration of the Author of -the Universe is too profound and too sincere. - -The love of God and his creation, delight, joy, triumph, exultation in my -own existence, though but an atom, a molecule organique in the universe, -are my religion. Howl, snarl, bite, ye Calvinistic, ye Athanasian divines, -if you will. Ye will say I am no Christian. I say ye are no Christians, -and there the account is balanced. - -Yet I believe all the honest men among you are Christians, in my sense -of the word. - -When I was at college, I was a metaphysician, at least I thought myself -such. And such men as Lock, Hemenway and West, thought me so too; for -we were forever disputing though in great good humor. - -When I was sworn as an Attorney, in 1758, in Boston, though I lived in -Braintree, I was in a low state of health--thought in great danger of a -consumption; living on milk, vegetable pudding and water. Not an atom of -meat, or a drop of spirit. My next neighbor, my cousin, my friend Dr. -Savil, was my physician. He was anxious about me, and did not like to -take the sole responsibility of my recovery. He invited me to a ride. -I mounted my horse and rode with him to Hingham, on a visit to Dr. -Ezekiel Hersey, a physician of great fame, who felt my pulse, looked in -my eyes, heard Savil describe my regimen and course of medicine, and -then pronounced his oracle: "Persevere, and as sure as there is a God -in Heaven you will recover." - -He was an everlasting talker, and ran out into history, philosophy, -metaphysics, &c., and frequently put questions to me as if he wanted to -sound me, and see if there was anything in me besides hectic fever. I -was young, and then very bashful, however saucy I may have sometimes been -since. I gave him very modest and very diffident answers. But when I got -upon metaphysics, I seemed to feel a little bolder, and ventured into -something like argument with him. I drove him up, as I thought, into a -corner, from which he could not escape. "Sir, it will follow from what -you have now advanced, that the universe, as distinct from God, is both -infinite and eternal." "Very true," said Dr. Hersey, "your inference is -just, the consequence is inevitable, and I believe the universe to be -both eternal and infinite." - -Here I was brought up! I was defeated. I was not prepared for this -answer. This was fifty-five years ago. - -When I was in England, from 1785 to 1788, I may say I was intimate with -Dr. Price. I had much conversation with him at his own house, at my -house, and at the houses and tables of my friends. In some of our most -unreserved conversations, when we have been alone, he has repeatedly -said to me: "I am inclined to believe that the universe is eternal -and infinite. It seems to me that an eternal and infinite effect must -necessarily flow from an eternal and infinite cause; and an infinite -wisdom, goodness and power, that could have been induced to produce a -universe in time, must have produced it from eternity. It seems to me -the effect must flow from the cause." - -Now, my friend Jefferson, suppose an eternal, self-existent being, -existing from eternity, possessed of infinite wisdom, goodness and -power, in absolute, total solitude, six thousand years ago, conceiving -the benevolent project of creating a universe! I have no more to say at -present. - -It has been long, very long, a settled opinion in my mind, that there -is now, never will be, and never was but one being who can understand -the universe. - -And that it is not only vain, but wicked, for insects to pretend to -comprehend it. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, September 15, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--My last sheet would not admit an observation that was material -to my design. - -Dr. Price was inclined to think that infinite wisdom and goodness could -not permit infinite power to be inactive from eternity, but that an -infinite and eternal universe must have necessarily flowed from these -attributes. - -Plato's system was "αγαθος" was eternal, self-existent, &c. His ideas, -his word, his reason, his wisdom, his goodness, or in one word his "Logos" -was omnipotent, and produced the universe from all eternity. Now! as far -as you and I can understand Hersey, Price and Plato, are they not of one -theory? Of one mind? What is the difference? I own an eternal solitude -of a self-existent being, infinitely wise, powerful and good, is to me -altogether incomprehensible and incredible. I could as soon believe the -Athanasian creed. - -You will ask me what conclusion I draw from all this? I answer, I drop -into myself, and acknowledge myself to be a fool. No mind but one can see -through the immeasurable system. It would be presumption and impiety in -me to dogmatize on such subjects. My duties in my little infinitessimal -circle I can understand and feel. The duties of a son, a brother, a -father, a neighbor, a citizen, I can see and feel, but I trust the Ruler -with his skies. - - Si quid novisti rectius, istis - Candidus imperti, si non, his utere, mecum. - -This world is a mixture of the sublime and the beautiful, the base and -the contemptible, the whimsical and ridiculous, (according to our narrow -sense and trifling feelings.) It is an enigma and a riddle. You need -not be surprised, then, if I should descend from these heights to the -most egregious trifle. But first let me say, I asked you in a former -letter how far advanced we were in the science of aristocracy since -Theognis' Stallions, Jacks and Rams? Have not Chancellor Livingston and -Major General Humphreys introduced an hereditary aristocracy of Merino -Sheep? How shall we get rid of this aristocracy? It is entailed upon us -forever. And an aristocracy of land jobbers and stock jobbers is equally -and irremediably entailed upon us, to endless generations. - -Now for the odd, the whimsical, the frivolous. I had scarcely sealed my -last letter to you upon Theognis' doctrine of well-born Stallions, Jacks -and Rams, when they brought me from the Post Office a packet, without -post mark, without letter, without name, date or place. Nicely sealed -was a printed copy of eighty or ninety pages, and in large full octavo, -entitled: Section first--Aristocracy. I gravely composed my risible -muscles and read it through. It is from beginning to end an attack upon me -by name for the doctrines of aristocracy in my three volumes of Defence, -&c. The conclusion of the whole is that an aristocracy of bank paper -is as bad as the nobility of France or England. I most assuredly will -not controvert this point with this man. Who he is I cannot conjecture. -The honorable John Taylor of Virginia, of all men living or dead, first -occurred to me. - -Is it Oberon? Is it Queen Mab, that reigns and sports with us little -beings? I thought my books as well as myself were forgotten. But behold! -I am to become a great man in my expiring moments. Theognis and Plato, -and Hersey and Price, and Jefferson and I, must go down to posterity -together; and I know not, upon the whole, where to wish for better -company. I wish to add Vanderkemp, who has been here to see me, after an -interruption of twenty-four years. I could and ought to add many others, -but the catalogue would be too long. I am, as ever. - -P. S. Why is Plato associated with Theognis, &c.? Because no man ever -expressed so much terror of the power of birth. His genius could invent -no remedy or precaution against it, but a community of wives; a confusion -of families; a total extinction of all relations of father, son and -brother. Did the French Revolutionists contrive much better against the -influence of birth? - - -TO MR. WM. CANBY. - - MONTICELLO, September 18, 1813. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of August 27th, am sensible of the -kind intentions from which it flows, and truly thankful for them. The -more so as they could only be the result of a favorable estimate of my -public course. During a long life, as much devoted to study as a faithful -transaction of the trusts committed to me would permit, no subject has -occupied more of my consideration than our relations with all the beings -around us, our duties to them, and our future prospects. After reading -and hearing everything which probably can be suggested respecting them, -I have formed the best judgment I could as to the course they prescribe, -and in the due observance of that course, I have no recollections which -give me uneasiness. An eloquent preacher of your religious society, -Richard Motte, in a discourse of much emotion and pathos, is said to -have exclaimed aloud to his congregation, that he did not believe there -was a Quaker, Presbyterian, Methodist or Baptist in heaven, having -paused to give his hearers time to stare and to wonder. He added, that -in heaven, God knew no distinctions, but considered all good men as his -children, and as brethren of the same family. I believe, with the Quaker -preacher, that he who steadily observes those moral precepts in which -all religions concur, will never be questioned at the gates of heaven, -as to the dogmas in which they all differ. That on entering there, all -these are left behind us, and the Aristides and Catos, the Penns and -Tillotsons, Presbyterians and Baptists, will find themselves united -in all principles which are in concert with the reason of the supreme -mind. Of all the systems of morality, ancient or modern, which have -come under my observation, none appear to me so pure as that of Jesus. -He who follows this steadily need not, I think, be uneasy, although he -cannot comprehend the subtleties and mysteries erected on his doctrines -by those who, calling themselves his special followers and favorites, -would make him come into the world to lay snares for all understandings -but theirs. These metaphysical heads, usurping the judgment seat of God, -denounce as his enemies all who cannot perceive the Geometrical logic -of Euclid in the demonstrations of St. Athanasius, that three are one, -and one is three; and yet that the one is not three nor the three one. -In all essential points you and I are of the same religion; and I am too -old to go into inquiries and changes as to the unessential. Repeating, -therefore, my thankfulness for the kind concern you have been so good -as to express, I salute you with friendship and brotherly esteem. - - -TO GENERAL DUANE. - - MONTICELLO, September 18, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Repeated inquiries on the part of Senator Tracy what has -become of his book, (the MS. I last sent you,) oblige me to ask of you -what I shall say to him. I congratulate you on the brilliant affair of -the Enterprise and Boxer. No heart is more rejoiced than mine at these -mortifications of English pride, and lessons to Europe that the English -are not invincible at sea. And if these successes do not lead us too far -into the navy mania, all will be well. But when are to cease the severe -lessons we receive by land, demonstrating our want of competent officers? -The numbers of our countrymen betrayed into the hands of the enemy by the -treachery, cowardice or incompetence of our high officers, reduce us to -the humiliating necessity of acquiescing in the brutal conduct observed -towards them. When, during the last war, I put Governor Hamilton and -Major Hay into a dungeon and in irons for having themselves personally -done the same to the American prisoners who had fallen into their hands, -and was threatened with retaliation by Philips, then returned to New -York, I declared to him I would load ten of their Saratoga prisoners -(then under my care and within half a dozen miles of my house) with -double irons for every American they should misuse under pretence of -retaliation, and it put an end to the practice. But the ten for one are -now with them. Our present hopes of being able to do something by land -seem to rest on Chauncey. Strange reverse of expectations that our land -force should be under the wing of our little navy. Accept the assurance -of my esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. ISAAC M'PHERSON. - - MONTICELLO, September 18, 1813. - -SIR,--I thank you for the communication of Mr. Jonathan Ellicot's letter -in yours of August 28th, and the information it conveys. With respect -to mine of August 13th, I do not know that it contains anything but -what any man of mathematical reading may learn from the same sources; -however, if it can be used for the promotion of right, I consent to -such an use of it. Your inquiry as to the date of Martin's invention -of the drill plough, with a leathern band and metal buckets, I cannot -precisely answer; but I received one from him in 1794, and have used it -ever since for sowing various seeds, chiefly peas, turnips, and benni. I -have always had in mind to use it for wheat; but sowing only a row at a -time, I had proposed to him some years ago to change the construction so -that it should sow four rows at a time, twelve inches apart; and I have -been waiting for this to be done either by him or myself; and have not, -therefore, commenced that use of it. I procured mine at first through -Col. John Taylor of Caroline, who had been long in the use of it, and -my impression was that it was not then a novel thing. Mr. Martin is -still living, I believe. If not, Colonel Taylor, his neighbor, probably -knows its date. If the bringing together under the same roof various -useful things before known, which you mention as one of the grounds of -Mr. Evans' claim, entitles him to an exclusive use of all these, either -separately or combined, every utensil of life might be taken from us by -a patent. I might build a stable, bring into it a cutting-knife to chop -straw, a hand-mill to grind the grain, a curry comb and brush to clean -the horses, and by a patent exclude every one from ever more using these -things without paying me. The elevator, the conveyer, the hopper-boy, -are distinct things, unconnected but by juxtaposition. If no patent -can be claimed for any one of these separately, it cannot be for all -of them,--several nothings put together cannot make a something;--this -would be going very wide of the object of the patent laws. I salute you -with esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. JAMES MARTIN. - - MONTICELLO, September 20, 1813. - -SIR,--Your letter of August 20th, enabled me to turn to mine of February -23d, 1798, and your former one of February 22d, 1801, and to recall -to my memory the oration at Jamaica, which was the subject of them. -I see with pleasure a continuance of the same sound principles in the -address to Mr. Quincy. Your quotation from the former paper alludes, as -I presume, to the term of office to our Senate; a term, like that of the -judges, too long for my approbation. I am for responsibilities at short -periods, seeing neither reason nor safety in making public functionaries -independent of the nation for life, or even for long terms of years. -On this principle I prefer the Presidential term of four years, to that -of seven years, which I myself had at first suggested, annexing to it, -however, ineligibility forever after; and I wish it were now annexed to -the 2d quadrennial election of President. - -The conduct of Massachusetts, which is the subject of your address to -Mr. Quincy, is serious, as embarrassing the operations of the war, and -jeopardizing its issue; and still more so, as an example of contumacy -against the Constitution. One method of proving their purpose, would -be to call a convention of their State, and to require them to declare -themselves members of the Union, and obedient to its determinations, or -not members, and let them go. Put this question solemnly to their people, -and their answer cannot be doubtful. One half of them are republicans, -and would cling to the Union from principle. Of the other half, the -dispassionate part would consider, 1st. That they do not raise bread -sufficient for their own subsistence, and must look to Europe for the -deficiency, if excluded from our ports, which vital interests would force -us to do. 2d. That they are navigating people without a stick of timber -for the hull of a ship, nor a pound of anything to export in it, which -would be admitted at any market. 3d. That they are also a manufacturing -people, and left by the exclusive system of Europe without a market but -ours. 4th. That as the rivals of England in manufactures, in commerce, -in navigation, and fisheries, they would meet her competition in every -point. 5th. That England would feel no scruples in making the abandonment -and ruin of such a rival the price of a treaty with the producing -States; whose interest too it would be to nourish a navigation beyond -the Atlantic, rather than a hostile one at our own door. And 6th. That in -case of war with the Union, which occurrences between coterminous nations -frequently produce, it would be a contest of one against fifteen. The -remaining portion of the Federal moiety of the State would, I believe, -brave all these obstacles, because they are monarchists in principle, -bearing deadly hatred to their republican fellow-citizens, impatient under -the ascendency of republican principles, devoted in their attachment to -England, and preferring to be placed under her despotism, if they cannot -hold the helm of government here. I see, in their separation, no evil but -the example, and I believe that the effect of that would be corrected -by an early and humiliating return to the Union, after losing much of -the population of their country, insufficient in its own resources to -feed her numerous inhabitants, and inferior in all its allurements to -the more inviting soils, climates, and governments of the other States. -Whether a dispassionate discussion before the public, of the advantages -and disadvantages of separation to both parties, would be the best -medicine for this dialytic fever, or to consider it as sacrilege ever -to touch the question, may be doubted. I am, myself, generally disposed -to indulge, and to follow reason; and believe that in no case would it -be safer than in the present. Their refractory course, however, will -not be unpunished by the indignation of their co-States, their loss -of influence with them, the censures of history, and the stain on the -character of their State. With my thanks for the paper enclosed, accept -the assurance of my esteem and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR LOGAN. - - MONTICELLO, October 3, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor of September 18th, and I -perceive in it the same spirit of peace which I know you have ever -breathed, and to preserve which you have made many personal sacrifices. -That your efforts did much towards preventing declared war with France, -I am satisfied. Of those with England, I am not equally informed. I have -ever cherished the same spirit with all nations, from a consciousness -that peace, prosperity, liberty, and morals, have an intimate connection. -During the eight years of my administration, there was not a year that -England did not give us such cause as would have provoked a war from -any European government. But I always hoped that time and friendly -remonstrances would bring her to a sounder view of her own interests, -and convince her that these would be promoted by a return to justice -and friendship towards us. Continued impressments of our seamen by her -naval commanders, whose interest it was to mistake them for theirs, her -innovations on the law of nations to cover real piracies, could illy be -borne; and perhaps would not have been borne, had not contraventions of -the same law by France, fewer in number but equally illegal, rendered -it difficult to single the object of war. England, at length, singled -herself, and took up the gauntlet, when the unlawful decrees of France -being revoked as to us, she, by the proclamation of her Prince Regent, -protested to the world that she would never revoke hers until those of -France should be removed as to all nations. Her minister too, about -the same time, in an official conversation with our Chargé, rejected -our substitute for her practice of impressment; proposed no other; -and declared explicitly that no admissible one for this abuse could be -proposed. Negotiation being thus cut short, no alternative remained but -war, or the abandonment of the persons and property of our citizens on -the ocean. The last one, I presume, no American would have preferred. -War was therefore declared, and justly declared; but accompanied with -immediate offers of peace on simply doing us justice. These offers were -made through Russel, through Admiral Warren, through the government of -Canada, and the mediation proposed by her best friend Alexander, and the -greatest enemy of Bonaparte, was accepted without hesitation. An entire -confidence in the abilities and integrity of those now administering the -government, has kept me from the inclination, as well as the occasion, -of intermeddling in the public affairs, even as a private citizen may -justifiably do. Yet if you can suggest any conditions which we ought -to accept, and which have not been repeatedly offered and rejected, -I would not hesitate to become the channel of their communication -to the administration. The revocation of the orders of council, and -discontinuance of impressment, appear to me indispensable. And I think -a thousand ships taken unjustifiably in time of peace, and thousands -of our citizens impressed, warrant expectations of indemnification; -such a Western frontier, perhaps, given to Canada, as may put it out -of their power hereafter to employ the tomahawk and scalping-knife -of the Indians on our women and children; or, what would be nearly -equivalent, the exclusive right to the lakes. The modification, however, -of this indemnification must be effected by the events of the war. No -man on earth has stronger detestation than myself of the unprincipled -tyrant who is deluging the continent of Europe with blood. No one was -more gratified by his disasters of the last campaign; nor wished, more -sincerely, success to the efforts of the virtuous Alexander. But the -desire of seeing England forced to just terms of peace with us, makes -me equally solicitous for her entire exclusion from intercourse with the -rest of the world, until by this peaceable engine of constraint, she can -be made to renounce her views of dominion over the ocean, of permitting -no other nation to navigate it but with her license, and on tribute to -her; and her aggressions on the persons of our citizens who may choose to -exercise their right of passing over that element. Should the continental -armistice issue in closing Europe against her, she may become willing -to accede to just terms with us; which I should certainly be disposed to -meet, whatever consequences it might produce on our intercourse with the -continental nations. My principle is to do whatever is right, and leave -consequences to Him who has the disposal of them. I repeat, therefore, -that if you can suggest what may lead to a just peace, I will willingly -communicate it to the proper functionaries. In the meantime, its object -will be best promoted by a vigorous and unanimous prosecution of the war. - -I am happy in this occasion of renewing the interchange of sentiments -between us, which has formerly been a source of much satisfaction to me; -and with the homage of my affectionate attachment and respect to Mrs. -Logan, I pray you to accept the assurance of my continued friendship -and esteem for yourself. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, October 13, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Since mine of August the 22d, I have received your favors of -August the 16th, September the 2d, 14th, 15th, and--, and Mrs. Adams' of -September the 20th. I now send you, according to your request, a copy of -the syllabus. To fill up this skeleton with arteries, with veins, with -nerves, muscles and flesh, is really beyond my time and information. -Whoever could undertake it would find great aid in Enfield's judicious -abridgment of Brucker's History of Philosophy, in which he has reduced -five or six quarto volumes, of one thousand pages each of Latin closely -printed, to two moderate octavos of English open type. - -To compare the morals of the Old, with those of the New Testament, would -require an attentive study of the former, a search through all its books -for its precepts, and through all its history for its practices, and the -principles they prove. As commentaries, too, on these, the philosophy -of the Hebrews must be inquired into, their Mishna, their Gemara, -Cabbala, Jezirah, Sohar, Cosri, and their Talmud, must be examined and -understood, in order to do them full justice. Brucker, it would seem, -has gone deeply into these repositories of their ethics, and Enfield his -epitomizer, concludes in these words: "Ethics were so little understood -among the Jews, that in their whole compilation called the Talmud, there -is only one treatise on moral subjects. Their books of morals chiefly -consisted in a minute enumeration of duties. From the law of Moses were -deduced six hundred and thirteen precepts, which were divided into two -classes, affirmative and negative, two hundred and forty-eight in the -former, and three hundred and sixty-five in the latter. It may serve to -give the reader some idea of the low state of moral philosophy among the -Jews in the middle age, to add that of the two hundred and forty-eight -affirmative precepts, only three were considered as obligatory upon -women, and that in order to obtain salvation, it was judged sufficient -to fulfil any one single law in the hour of death; the observance of -the rest being deemed necessary, only to increase the felicity of the -future life. What a wretched depravity of sentiment and manners must -have prevailed, before such corrupt maxims could have obtained credit! -It is impossible to collect from these writings a consistent series of -moral doctrine." Enfield, B. 4, chap. 3. It was the reformation of this -"wretched depravity" of morals which Jesus undertook. In extracting -the pure principles which he taught, we should have to strip off the -artificial vestments in which they have been muffled by priests, who -have travestied them into various forms, as instruments of riches and -power to themselves. We must dismiss the Platonists and Plotinists, the -Stagyrites and Gamalielites, the Eclectics, the Gnostics and Scholastics, -their essences and emanations, their Logos and Demiurgos, Æons and -Dæmons, male and female, with a long train of &c. &c. &c., or, shall -I say at once, of nonsense. We must reduce our volume to the simple -evangelists, select, even from them, the very words only of Jesus, paring -off the amphiboligisms into which they have been led, by forgetting -often, or not understanding, what had fallen from him, by giving their -own misconceptions as his dicta, and expressing unintelligibly for -others what they had not understood themselves. There will be found -remaining the most sublime and benevolent code of morals which has ever -been offered to man. I have performed this operation for my own use, -by cutting verse by verse out of the printed book, and arranging the -matter which is evidently his, and which is as easily distinguishable -as diamonds in a dunghill. The result is an octavo of forty-six pages, -of pure and unsophisticated doctrines, such as were professed and -acted on by the _unlettered_ Apostles, the Apostolic Fathers, and the -Christians of the first century. Their Platonising successors, indeed, -in after times, in order to legitimate the corruptions which they had -incorporated into the doctrines of Jesus, found it necessary to disavow -the primitive Christians, who had taken their principles from the mouth -of Jesus himself, of his Apostles, and the Fathers cotemporary with them. -They excommunicated their followers as heretics, branding them with the -opprobrious name of Ebionites or Beggars. - -For a comparison of the Grecian philosophy with that of Jesus, materials -might be largely drawn from the same source. Enfield gives a history and -detailed account of the opinions and principles of the different sects. -These relate to the Gods, their natures, grades, places and powers; -the demi-Gods and Dæmons, and their agency with man; the universe, its -structure, extent and duration; the origin of things from the elements of -fire, water, air and earth; the human soul, its essence and derivation; -the _summum bonum_ and _finis bonorum_; with a thousand idle dreams and -fancies on these and other subjects, the knowledge of which is withheld -from man; leaving but a short chapter for his moral duties, and the -principal section of that given to what he owes himself, to precepts -for rendering him impassible, and unassailable by the evils of life, -and for preserving his mind in a state of constant serenity. - -Such a canvas is too broad for the age of seventy, and especially of one -whose chief occupations have been in the practical business of life. -We must leave, therefore, to others, younger and more learned than -we are, to prepare this euthanasia for Platonic Christianity, and its -restoration to the primitive simplicity of its founder. I think you give -a just outline of the theism of the three religions, when you say that -the principle of the Hebrew was the fear, of the Gentile the honor, and -of the Christian the love of God. - -An expression in your letter of September the 14th, that "the human -understanding is a revelation from its maker," gives the best solution -that I believe can be given of the question, "what did Socrates mean by -his Dæmon?" He was too wise to believe, and too honest to pretend, that -he had real and familiar converse with a superior and invisible being. -He probably considered the suggestions of his conscience, or reason, as -revelations or inspirations from the Supreme mind, bestowed, on important -occasions, by a special superintending Providence. - -I acknowledge all the merit of the hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter, which -you ascribe to it. It is as highly sublime as a chaste and correct -imagination can permit itself to go. Yet in the contemplation of a being -so superlative, the hyperbolic flights of the Psalmist may often be -followed with approbation, even with rapture; and I have no hesitation -in giving him the palm over all the hymnists of every language and of -every time. Turn to the 148th psalm, in Brady and Tate's version. Have -such conceptions been ever before expressed? Their version of the 15th -psalm is more to be esteemed for its pithiness than its poetry. Even -Sternhold, the leaden Sternhold, kindles, in a single instance, with the -sublimity of his original, and expresses the majesty of God descending -on the earth, in terms not unworthy of the subject: - - "The Lord descended from above, - And underneath his feet he cast - On Cherubim and Seraphim - And on the wings of mighty winds - And bowed the heav'ns most high; - The darkness of the sky. - Full royally he rode; - Came flying all abroad."--Psalm xviii. 9, 10. - -The Latin versions of this passage by Buchanan and by Johnston, are but -mediocres. But the Greek of Duport is worthy of quotation, - - Ουρανον αγκλινας κατεβη· υπο πὸσσι δ' εοισιν - Αχλύς αμφι μελαινα χυθη και νυξ ερεβεννη. - Ῥιμφα ποτατο χερουβω οχευμενος, ωσπερ εφ' ιππω· - Ἱπτατο δε πτερυγεσσι πολυπλαγκτου ανεμοιο. - -The best collection of these psalms is that of the Octagonian dissenters -of Liverpool, in their printed form of prayer; but they are not always -the best versions. Indeed, bad is the best of the English versions; not -a ray of poetical genius having ever been employed on them. And how -much depends on this, may be seen by comparing Brady and Tate's 15th -psalm with Blacklock's _Justum et tenacem propositi virum_ of Horace, -quoted in Hume's history, Car. 2, ch. 65. A translation of David in -this style, or in that of Pompei's Cleanthes, might give us some idea -of the merit of the original. The character, too, of the poetry of -these hymns is singular to us; written in monostichs, each divided into -strophe and anti-strophe, the sentiment of the first member responded -with amplification or antithesis in the second. - -On the subject of the postscript of yours of August the 16th and of Mrs. -Adams' letter, I am silent. I know the depth of the affliction it has -caused, and can sympathise with it the more sensibly, inasmuch as there -is no degree of affliction, produced by the loss of those dear to us, -which experience has not taught me to estimate. I have ever found time -and silence the only medicine, and these but assuage, they never can -suppress, the deep drawn sigh which recollection forever brings up, until -recollection and life are extinguished together. Ever affectionately -yours. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, October 28, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--According to the reservation between us, of taking up one of -the subjects of our correspondence at a time, I turn to your letters of -August the 16th and September the 2d. - -The passage you quote from Theognis, I think has an ethical rather -than a political object. The whole piece is a moral _exhortation_, -παραινεσις, and this passage particularly seems to be a reproof to man, -who, while with his domestic animals he is curious to improve the race, -by employing always the finest male, pays no attention to the improvement -of his own race, but intermarries with the vicious, the ugly, or the -old, for considerations of wealth or ambition. It is in conformity with -the principle adopted afterwards by the Pythagoreans, and expressed by -Ocellus in another form; περι δε τῆς ἐκ τῶν αλληλων ανθρωπων γενεσεως -&c.--ουχ ηδονης ενεκα η μιξις: which, as literally as intelligibility -will admit, may be thus translated: "concerning the interprocreation of -men, how, and of whom it shall be, in a perfect manner, and according to -the laws of modesty and sanctity, conjointly, this is what I think right. -First to lay it down that we do not commix for the sake of pleasure, but -of the procreation of children. For the powers, the organs and desires -for coition have not been given by God to man for the sake of pleasure, -but for the procreation of the race. For as it were incongruous, for -a mortal born to partake of divine life, the immortality of the race -being taken away, God fulfilled the purpose by making the generations -uninterrupted and continuous. This, therefore, we are especially to lay -down as a principle, that coition is not for the sake of pleasure." But -nature, not trusting to this moral and abstract motive, seems to have -provided more securely for the perpetuation of the species, by making it -the effect of the _oestrum_ implanted in the constitution of both sexes. -And not only has the commerce of love been indulged on this unhallowed -impulse, but made subservient also to wealth and ambition by marriage, -without regard to the beauty, the healthiness, the understanding, or -virtue of the subject from which we are to breed. The selecting the -best male for a Harem of well chosen females also, which Theognis seems -to recommend from the example of our sheep and asses, would doubtless -improve the human, as it does the brute animal, and produce a race of -veritable ἄριστοι. For experience proves, that the moral and physical -qualities of man, whether good or evil, are transmissible in a certain -degree from father to son. But I suspect that the equal rights of men -will rise up against this privileged Solomon and his Haram, and oblige -us to continue acquiescence under the "Αμαυρωσις γενεος αστων" which -Theognis complains of, and to content ourselves with the accidental -aristoi produced by the fortuitous concourse of breeders. For I agree -with you that there is a natural aristocracy among men. The grounds of -this are virtue and talents. Formerly, bodily powers gave place among -the aristoi. But since the invention of gunpowder has armed the weak as -well as the strong with missile death, bodily strength, like beauty, good -humor, politeness and other accomplishments, has become but an auxiliary -ground of distinction. There is also an artificial aristocracy, founded -on wealth and birth, without either virtue or talents; for with these -it would belong to the first class. The natural aristocracy I consider -as the most precious gift of nature, for the instruction, the trusts, -and government of society. And indeed, it would have been inconsistent -in creation to have formed man for the social state, and not to have -provided virtue and wisdom enough to manage the concerns of the society. -May we not even say, that that form of government is the best, which -provides the most effectually for a pure selection of these natural -aristoi into the offices of government? The artificial aristocracy is -a mischievous ingredient in government, and provision should be made to -prevent its ascendency. On the question, what is the best provision, you -and I differ; but we differ as rational friends, using the free exercise -of our own reason, and mutually indulging its errors. You think it best -to put the pseudo-aristoi into a separate chamber of legislation, where -they may be hindered from doing mischief by their co-ordinate branches, -and where, also, they may be a protection to wealth against the Agrarian -and plundering enterprises of the majority of the people. I think that -to give them power in order to prevent them from doing mischief, is -arming them for it, and increasing instead of remedying the evil. For -if the co-ordinate branches can arrest their action, so may they that of -the co-ordinates. Mischief may be done negatively as well as positively. -Of this, a cabal in the Senate of the United States has furnished many -proofs. Nor do I believe them necessary to protect the wealthy; because -enough of these will find their way into every branch of the legislation, -to protect themselves. From fifteen to twenty legislatures of our own, in -action for thirty years past, have proved that no fears of an equalization -of property are to be apprehended from them. I think the best remedy is -exactly that provided by all our constitutions, to leave to the citizens -the free election and separation of the aristoi from the pseudo-aristoi, -of the wheat from the chaff. In general they will elect the really good -and wise. In some instances, wealth may corrupt, and birth blind them; -but not in sufficient degree to endanger the society. - -It is probable that our difference of opinion may, in some measure, be -produced by a difference of character in those among whom we live. From -what I have seen of Massachusetts and Connecticut myself, and still more -from what I have heard, and the character given of the former by yourself, -(vol. 1, page 111,) who know them so much better, there seems to be in -those two States a traditionary reverence for certain families, which -has rendered the offices of the government nearly hereditary in those -families. I presume that from an early period of your history, members -of those families happening to possess virtue and talents, have honestly -exercised them for the good of the people, and by their services have -endeared their names to them. In coupling Connecticut with you, I mean -it politically only, not morally. For having made the Bible the common -law of their land, they seem to have modeled their morality on the story -of Jacob and Laban. But although this hereditary succession to office -with you, may, in some degree, be founded in real family merit, yet in a -much higher degree, it has proceeded from your strict alliance of Church -and State. These families are canonised in the eyes of the people on -common principles, "you tickle me, and I will tickle you." In Virginia -we have nothing of this. Our clergy, before the revolution, having been -secured against rivalship by fixed salaries, did not give themselves the -trouble of acquiring influence over the people. Of wealth, there were -great accumulations in particular families, handed down from generation -to generation, under the English law of entails. But the only object of -ambition for the wealthy was a seat in the King's Council. All their court -then was paid to the crown and its creatures; and they Philipised in all -collisions between the King and the people. Hence they were unpopular; -and that unpopularity continues attached to their names. A Randolph, a -Carter, or a Burwell must have great personal superiority over a common -competitor to be elected by the people even at this day. At the first -session of our legislature after the Declaration of Independence, we -passed a law abolishing entails. And this was followed by one abolishing -the privilege of primogeniture, and dividing the lands of intestates -equally among all their children, or other representatives. These laws, -drawn by myself, laid the axe to the foot of pseudo-aristocracy. And -had another which I prepared been adopted by the legislature, our work -would have been complete. It was a bill for the more general diffusion -of learning. This proposed to divide every county into wards of five -or six miles square, like your townships; to establish in each ward -a free school for reading, writing and common arithmetic; to provide -for the annual selection of the best subjects from these schools, who -might receive, at the public expense, a higher degree of education at -a district school; and from these district schools to select a certain -number of the most promising subjects, to be completed at an University, -where all the useful sciences should be taught. Worth and genius would -thus have been sought out from every condition of life, and completely -prepared by education for defeating the competition of wealth and birth -for public trusts. My proposition had, for a further object, to impart -to these wards those portions of self-government for which they are best -qualified, by confiding to them the care of their poor, their roads, -police, elections, the nomination of jurors, administration of justice -in small cases, elementary exercises of militia; in short, to have made -them little republics, with a warden at the head of each, for all those -concerns which, being under their eye, they would better manage than the -larger republics of the county or State. A general call of ward meetings -by their wardens on the same day through the State, would at any time -produce the genuine sense of the people on any required point, and would -enable the State to act in mass, as your people have so often done, and -with so much effect by their town meetings. The law for religious freedom, -which made a part of this system, having put down the aristocracy of -the clergy, and restored to the citizen the freedom of the mind, and -those of entails and descents nurturing an equality of condition among -them, this on education would have raised the mass of the people to -the high ground of moral respectability necessary to their own safety, -and to orderly government; and would have completed the great object -of qualifying them to select the veritable aristoi, for the trusts of -government, to the exclusion of the pseudalists; and the same Theognis -who has furnished the epigraphs of your two letters, assures us that -"Ουδεμιαν πω, Κυρν', αγαθοι πολιν ωλεσαν ανδρες." Although this law has -not yet been acted on but in a small and inefficient degree, it is still -considered as before the legislature, with other bills of the revised -code, not yet taken up, and I have great hope that some patriotic spirit -will, at a favorable moment, call it up, and make it the key-stone of -the arch of our government. - -With respect to aristocracy, we should further consider, that before -the establishment of the American States, nothing was known to history -but the man of the old world, crowded within limits either small or -overcharged, and steeped in the vices which that situation generates. A -government adapted to such men would be one thing; but a very different -one, that for the man of these States. Here every one may have land to -labor for himself, if he chooses; or, preferring the exercise of any -other industry, may exact for it such compensation as not only to afford -a comfortable subsistence, but wherewith to provide for a cessation from -labor in old age. Every one, by his property, or by his satisfactory -situation, is interested in the support of law and order. And such men -may safely and advantageously reserve to themselves a wholesome control -over their public affairs, and a degree of freedom, which, in the hands -of the _canaille_ of the cities of Europe, would be instantly perverted -to the demolition and destruction of everything public and private. The -history of the last twenty-five years of France, and of the last forty -years in America, nay of its last two hundred years, proves the truth -of both parts of this observation. - -But even in Europe a change has sensibly taken place in the mind of -man. Science had liberated the ideas of those who read and reflect, and -the American example had kindled feelings of right in the people. An -insurrection has consequently begun, of science, talents, and courage, -against rank and birth, which have fallen into contempt. It has failed -in its first effort, because the mobs of the cities, the instrument -used for its accomplishment, debased by ignorance, poverty, and vice, -could not be restrained to rational action. But the world will recover -from the panic of this first catastrophe. Science is progressive, and -talents and enterprise on the alert. Resort may be had to the people -of the country, a more governable power from their principles and -subordination; and rank, and birth, and tinsel-aristocracy will finally -shrink into insignificance, even there. This, however, we have no right -to meddle with. It suffices for us, if the moral and physical condition -of our own citizens qualifies them to select the able and good for the -direction of their government, with a recurrence of elections at such -short periods as will enable them to displace an unfaithful servant, -before the mischief he meditates may be irremediable. - -I have thus stated my opinion on a point on which we differ, not with a -view to controversy, for we are both too old to change opinions which -are the result of a long life of inquiry and reflection; but on the -suggestions of a former letter of yours, that we ought not to die before -we have explained ourselves to each other. We acted in perfect harmony, -through a long and perilous contest for our liberty and independence. -A constitution has been acquired, which, though neither of us thinks -perfect, yet both consider as competent to render our fellow citizens -the happiest and the securest on whom the sun has ever shone. If we do -not think exactly alike as to its imperfections, it matters little to -our country, which, after devoting to it long lives of disinterested -labor, we have delivered over to our successors in life, who will be -able to take care of it and of themselves. - -Of the pamphlet on aristocracy which has been sent to you, or who may be -its author, I have heard nothing but through your letter. If the person -you suspect, it may be known from the quaint, mystical, and hyperbolical -ideas, involved in affected, new-fangled and pedantic terms which stamp -his writings. Whatever it be, I hope your quiet is not to be affected -at this day by the rudeness or intemperance of scribblers; but that you -may continue in tranquillity to live and to rejoice in the prosperity -of our country, until it shall be your own wish to take your seat among -the aristoi who have gone before you. Ever and affectionately yours. - - -TO JOHN W. EPPES. - - MONTICELLO, November 6, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I had not expected to have troubled you again on the subject -of finance; but since the date of my last, I have received from Mr. Law -a letter covering a memorial on that subject, which, from its tenor, I -conjecture must have been before Congress at their two last sessions. -This paper contains two propositions; the one for issuing treasury -notes, bearing interest, and to be circulated as money; the other for -the establishment of a national bank. The first was considered in my -former letter; and the second shall be the subject of the present. - -The scheme is for Congress to establish a national bank, suppose of -thirty millions capital, of which they shall contribute ten millions in -new six per cent. stock, the States ten millions, and individuals ten -millions, one half of the two last contributions to be of similar stock, -for which the parties are to give cash to Congress; the whole, however, -to be under the exclusive management of the individual subscribers, who -are to name all the directors; neither Congress nor the States having any -power of interference in its administration. Discounts are to be at five -per cent., but the profits are expected to be seven per cent. Congress -then will be paying six per cent. on twenty millions, and receiving seven -per cent. on ten millions, being its third of the institution; so that on -the ten millions cash which they receive from the States and individuals, -they will, in fact, have to pay but five per cent. interest. This is the -bait. The charter is proposed to be for forty or fifty years, and if any -future augmentations should take place, the individual proprietors are -to have the privilege of being the sole subscribers for that. Congress -are further allowed to issue to the amount of three millions of notes, -bearing interest, which they are to receive back in payment for lands -at a premium of five or ten per cent., or as subscriptions for canals, -roads, and bridges, in which undertakings they are, of course, to be -engaged. This is a summary of the case as I understand it; but it is -very possible I may not understand it in all its parts, these schemes -being always made unintelligible for the gulls who are to enter into -them. The advantages and disadvantages shall be noted promiscuously as -they occur; leaving out the speculation of canals, &c., which, being an -episode only in the scheme, may be omitted, to disentangle it as much -as we can. - -1. Congress are to receive five millions from the States (if they will -enter into this partnership, which few probably will), and five millions -from the individual subscribers, in exchange for ten millions of six per -cent. stock, one per cent. of which, however, they will make on their -ten millions of stock remaining in bank, and so reduce it, in effect, -to a loan of ten millions at five per cent. interest. This is good; but - -2. They authorize this bank to throw into circulation ninety millions -of dollars, (three times the capital,) which increases our circulating -medium fifty per cent., depreciates proportionably the present value -of a dollar, and raises the price of all future purchases in the same -proportion. - -3. This loan of ten millions at five per cent., is to be once for all, -only. Neither the terms of the scheme, nor their own prudence could ever -permit them to add to the circulation in the same, or any other way, -for the supplies of the succeeding years of the war. These succeeding -years then are to be left unprovided for, and the means of doing it in -a great measure precluded. - -4. The individual subscribers, on paying their own five millions of cash -to Congress, become the depositories of ten millions of stock belonging -to Congress, five millions belonging to the States, and five millions -to themselves, say twenty millions, with which, as no one has a right -ever to see their books, or to ask a question, they may choose their -time for running away, after adding to their booty the proceeds of as -much of their own notes as they shall be able to throw into circulation. - -5. The subscribers may be one, two, or three, or more individuals, (many -single individuals being able to pay in the five millions,) whereupon -this bank oligarchy or monarchy enters the field with ninety millions -of dollars, to direct and control the politics of the nation; and of the -influence of these institutions on our politics, and into what scale it -will be thrown, we have had abundant experience. Indeed, England herself -may be the real, while her friend and trustee here shall be the nominal -and sole subscriber. - -6. This state of things is to be fastened on us, without the power of -relief, for forty or fifty years. That is to say, the eight millions of -people now existing, for the sake of receiving one dollar and twenty-five -cents apiece, at five per cent. interest, are to subject the fifty -millions of people who are to succeed them within that term, to the -payment of forty-five millions of dollars, principal and interest, which -will be payable in the course of the fifty years. - -7. But the great and national advantage is to be the relief of the -present _scarcity of money_, which is produced and proved by, - -1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles for -the troops, ammunition, &c. - -2. By the cash sent to the frontiers, and the vacuum occasioned in the -trading towns by that. - -3. By the late loans. - -4. By the necessity of recurring to shavers with _good_ paper, which -the existing banks are not able to take up; and - -5. By the numerous applications of bank charters, showing that an increase -of circulating medium is wanting. - -Let us examine these causes and proofs of the want of an increase of -medium, one by one. - -1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles for -troops, ammunition, &c. Now, I had always supposed that war produced -a diminution of industry, by the number of hands it withdraws from -industrious pursuits for employment in arms, &c., which are totally -unproductive. And if it calls for new industry in the articles of -ammunition and other military supplies, the hands are borrowed from -other branches on which the demand is slackened by the war; so that it -is but a shifting of these hands from one pursuit to another. - -2. The cash sent to the frontiers occasions a vacuum in the trading -towns, which requires a new supply. Let us examine what are the calls -for money to the frontiers. Not for clothing, tents, ammunition, arms, -which are all bought in the trading towns. Not for provisions; for -although these are bought partly in the immediate country, bank bills -are more acceptable there than even in the trading towns. The pay of -the army calls for some cash, but not a great deal, as bank notes are -as acceptable with the military men, perhaps more so; and what cash -is sent must find its way back again in exchange for the wants of the -upper from the lower country. For we are not to suppose that cash stays -accumulating there forever. - -3. This scarcity has been occasioned by the late loans. But does the -government borrow money to keep it in their coffers? Is it not instantly -restored to circulation by payment for its necessary supplies? And are -we to restore a vacuum of twenty millions of dollars by an emission of -ninety millions? - -4. The want of medium is proved by the recurrence of individuals with -_good_ paper to brokers at exorbitant interest; and - -5. By the numerous applications to the State governments for additional -banks; New York wanting eighteen millions, Pennsylvania ten millions, -&c. But say more correctly, the speculators and spendthrifts of New York -and Pennsylvania, but never consider them as being the States of New -York and Pennsylvania. These two items shall be considered together. - -It is a litigated question, whether the circulation of paper, rather -than of specie, is a good or an evil. In the opinion of England and of -English writers it is a good; in that of all other nations it is an evil; -and excepting England and her copyist, the United States, there is not -a nation existing, I believe, which tolerates a paper circulation. The -experiment is going on, however, desperately in England, pretty boldly -with us, and at the end of the chapter, we shall see which opinion -experience approves: for I believe it to be one of those cases where -mercantile clamor will bear down reason, until it is corrected by ruin. -In the meantime, however, let us reason on this new call for a national -bank. - -After the solemn decision of Congress against the renewal of the charter -of the bank of the United States, and the grounds of that decision, (the -want of constitutional power,) I had imagined that question at rest, and -that no more applications would be made to them for the incorporation -of banks. The opposition on that ground to its first establishment, -the small majority by which it was overborne, and the means practiced -for obtaining it, cannot be already forgotten. The law having passed, -however, by a majority, its opponents, true to the sacred principle of -submission to a majority, suffered the law to flow through its term -without obstruction. During this, the nation had time to consider -the constitutional question, and when the renewal was proposed, they -condemned it, not by their representatives in Congress only, but by -express instructions from different organs of their will. Here then we -might stop, and consider the memorial as answered. But, setting authority -apart, we will examine whether the Legislature ought to comply with it, -even if they had the power. - -Proceeding to reason on this subject, some principles must be premised as -forming its basis. The adequate price of a thing depends on the capital -and labor necessary to produce it. [In the term _capital_, I mean to -include science, because capital as well as labor has been employed to -acquire it.] Two things requiring the same capital and labor, should be -of the same price. If a gallon of wine requires for its production the -same capital and labor with a bushel of wheat, they should be expressed -by the same price, derived from the application of a common measure to -them. The comparative prices of things being thus to be estimated and -expressed by a common measure, we may proceed to observe, that were a -country so insulated as to have no commercial intercourse with any other, -to confine the interchange of all its wants and supplies within itself, -the amount of circulating medium, as a common measure for adjusting these -exchanges, would be quite immaterial. If their circulation, for instance, -were of a million of dollars, and the annual produce of their industry -equivalent to ten millions of bushels of wheat, the price of a bushel -of wheat might be one dollar. If, then, by a progressive coinage, their -medium should be doubled, the price of a bushel of wheat might become -progressively two dollars, and without inconvenience. Whatever be the -proportion of the circulating medium to the value of the annual produce -of industry, it may be considered as the representative of that industry. -In the first case, a bushel of wheat will be represented by one dollar; -in the second, by two dollars. This is well explained by Hume, and seems -admitted by Adam Smith, B. 2. c. 2, 436, 441, 490. But where a nation is -in a full course of interchange of wants and supplies with all others, -the proportion of its medium to its produce is no longer indifferent. -Ib. 441. To trade on equal terms, the common measure of values should be -as nearly as possible on a par with that of its corresponding nations, -whose medium is in a sound state; that is to say, not in an accidental -state of excess or deficiency. Now, one of the great advantages of specie -as a medium is, that being of universal value, it will keep itself at a -general level, flowing out from where it is too high into parts where -it is lower. Whereas, if the medium be of local value only, as paper -money, if too little, indeed, gold and silver will flow in to supply the -deficiency; but if too much, it accumulates, banishes the gold and silver -not locked up in vaults and hoards, and depreciates itself; that is too -say, its proportion to the annual produce of industry being raised, more -of it is required to represent any particular article of produce than -in the other countries. This is agreed by Smith, (B. 2. c. 2. 437,) the -principal advocate for a paper circulation; but advocating it on the -sole condition that it be strictly regulated. He admits, nevertheless, -that "the commerce and industry of a country cannot be so secure when -suspended on the Dædalian wings of paper money, as on the solid ground -of gold and silver; and that in time of war, the insecurity is greatly -increased, and great confusion possible where the circulation is for the -greater part in paper." B. 2. c. 2. 484. But in a country where loans -are uncertain, and a specie circulation the only sure resource for them, -the preference of that circulation assumes a far different degree of -importance, as is explained in my former letters. - -The only advantage which Smith proposes by substituting paper in the room -of gold and silver money, B. 2. c. 2. 434, is "to replace an expensive -instrument with one much less costly, and _sometimes_ equally convenient;" -that is to say, page 437, "to allow the gold and silver to be sent abroad -and converted into foreign goods," and to substitute paper as being a -cheaper measure. But this makes no addition to the stock or capital of -the nation. The coin sent out was worth as much, while in the country, -as the goods imported and taking its place. It is only, then, a change -of form in a part of the national capital, from that of gold and silver -to other goods. He admits, too, that while a part of the goods received -in exchange for the coin exported may be materials, tools and provisions -for the employment of an additional industry, a part, also, may be -taken back in foreign wines, silks, &c., to be consumed by idle people -who produce nothing; and so far the substitution promotes prodigality, -increases expense and corruption, without increasing production. So far -also, then, it lessens the capital of the nation. What may be the amount -which the conversion of the part exchanged for productive goods may add -to the former productive mass, it is not easy to ascertain, because, as -he says, page 441, "it is impossible to determine what is the proportion -which the circulating money of any country bears to the whole value of -the annual produce. It has been computed by different authors, from a -fifth[6] to a thirtieth of that value." In the United States it must be -less than in any other part of the commercial world; because the great -mass of their inhabitants being in responsible circumstances, the great -mass of their exchanges in the country is effected on credit, in their -merchants' ledger, who supplies all their wants through the year, and at -the end of it receives the produce of their farms, or other articles of -their industry. It is a fact, that a farmer with a revenue of ten thousand -dollars a year, may obtain all his supplies from his merchant, and -liquidate them at the end of the year, by the sale of his produce to him, -without the intervention of a single dollar of cash. This, then, is merely -barter, and in this way of barter a great portion of the annual produce -of the United States is exchanged without the intermediation of cash. We -might safely, then, state our medium at the minimum of one-thirtieth. But -what is one-thirtieth of the value of the annual produce of the industry -of the United States? Or what is the whole value of the annual produce -of the United States? An able writer and competent judge of the subject, -in 1799, on as good grounds as probably could be taken, estimated it, -on the then population of four and a half millions of inhabitants, to be -thirty-seven and a half millions sterling, or one hundred and sixty-eight -and three-fourths millions of dollars. See Cooper's Political Arithmetic, -page 47. According to the same estimate for our present population, it -will be three hundred millions of dollars, one-thirtieth of which, Smith's -minimum, would be ten millions, and one-fifth, his maximum, would be -sixty millions for the quantum of circulation. But suppose that instead -of our needing the least circulating medium of any nation, from the -circumstance before mentioned, we should place ourselves in the middle -term of the calculation, to-wit: at thirty-five millions. One-fifth of -this, at the least, Smith thinks should be retained in specie, which -would leave twenty-eight millions of specie to be exported in exchange -for other commodities; and if fifteen millions of that should be returned -in productive goods, and not in articles of prodigality, that would be -the amount of capital which this operation would add to the existing -mass. But to what mass? Not that of the three hundred millions, which is -only its gross annual produce, but to that capital of which the three -hundred millions are but the annual produce. But this being gross, we -may infer from it the value of the capital by considering that the rent -of lands is generally fixed at one-third of the gross produce, and is -deemed its nett profit, and twenty times that its fee simple value. The -profits on landed capital may, with accuracy enough for our purpose, be -supposed on a par with those of other capital. This would give us then -for the United States, a capital of two thousand millions, all in active -employment, and exclusive of unimproved lands lying in a great degree -dormant. Of this, fifteen millions would be the hundred and thirty-third -part. And it is for this petty addition to the capital of the nation, -this minimum of one dollar, added to one hundred and thirty-three and -a third or three-fourths per cent., that we are to give up our gold -and silver medium, its intrinsic solidity, its universal value, and -its saving powers in time of war, and to substitute for it paper, with -all its train of evils, moral, political and physical, which I will not -pretend to enumerate. - -There is another authority to which we may appeal for the proper quantity -of circulating medium for the United States. The old Congress, when -we were estimated at about two millions of people, on a long and able -discussion, June 22d, 1775, decided the sufficient quantity to be two -millions of dollars, which sum they then emitted.[7] According to this, -it should be eight millions, now that we are eight millions of people. -This differs little from Smith's minimum of ten millions, and strengthens -our respect for that estimate. - -There is, indeed, a convenience in paper; its easy transmission from one -place to another. But this may be mainly supplied by bills of exchange, -so as to prevent any great displacement of actual coin. Two places -trading together balance their dealings, for the most part, by their -mutual supplies, and the debtor individuals of either may, instead of -cash, remit the bills of those who are creditors in the same dealings; or -may obtain them through some third place with which both have dealings. -The cases would be rare where such bills could not be obtained, either -directly or circuitously, and too unimportant to the nation to overweigh -the train of evils flowing from paper circulation. - -From eight to thirty-five millions then being our proper circulation, -and two hundred millions the actual one, the memorial proposes to issue -ninety millions more, because, it says, a great scarcity of money is -proved by the numerous applications for banks; to wit, New York for -eighteen millions, Pennsylvania ten millions, &c. The answer to this -shall be quoted from Adam Smith, B. 2. c. 2. page 462; where speaking of -the complaints of the trader against the Scotch bankers, who had already -gone too far in their issues of paper, he says, "those traders and other -undertakers having got so much assistance from banks, wished to get still -more. The banks, they seem to have thought, could extend their credits -to whatever sum might be wanted, without incurring any other expense -besides that of a few reams of paper. They complained of the contracted -views and dastardly spirit of the directors of those banks, which did -not, they said, extend their credits in proportion to the extension of the -trade of the country; meaning, no doubt, by the extension of that trade, -the extension of their own projects beyond what they could carry on, -either _with their own capital_, or with what they had credit to borrow -of private people in the usual way of bond or mortgage. The banks, they -seem to have thought, were in honor bound to supply the deficiency, and -to provide them with all the capital which they wanted to trade with." -And again, page 470: "when bankers discovered that certain projectors -were trading, not with any capital of their own, but with that which they -advanced them, they endeavored to withdraw gradually, making every day -greater and greater difficulties about discounting. These difficulties -alarmed and enraged in the highest degree those projectors. Their own -distress, of which this prudent and necessary reserve of the banks was -no doubt the immediate occasion, they called the distress of the country; -and this distress of the country, they said, was altogether owing to the -ignorance, pusillanimity, and bad conduct of the banks, which did not -give a sufficiently liberal aid to the spirited undertakings of those -who exerted themselves in order to beautify, improve and enrich the -country. It was the duty of the banks, they seemed to think, to lend -for as long a time, and to as great an extent, as they might wish to -borrow." It is, probably, the _good paper_ of these projectors which the -memorial says, the bank being _unable_ to discount, goes into the hands -of brokers, who (knowing the risk of this _good paper_) discount it at -a much higher rate than legal interest, to the great distress of the -enterprising adventurers, who had rather try trade on borrowed capital, -than go to the plough or other laborious calling. Smith again says, -page 478, "that the industry of Scotland languished for want of money -to employ it, was the opinion of the famous Mr. Law. By establishing a -bank of a particular kind, which, he seems to have imagined might issue -paper to the amount of the whole value of all the lands in the country, -he proposed to remedy this want of money. It was afterwards adopted, -with some variations, by the Duke of Orleans, at that time Regent of -France. The idea of the possibility of multiplying paper to almost any -extent, was the real foundation of what is called the Mississippi scheme, -the most extravagant project both of banking and stock jobbing, that -perhaps the world ever saw. The principles upon which it was founded are -explained by Mr. Law himself, in a discourse concerning money and trade, -which he published in Scotland when he first proposed his project. The -splendid but visionary ideas which are set forth in that and some other -works upon the same principles, still continue to make an impression -upon many people, and have perhaps, in part, contributed to that excess -of banking which has of late been complained of both in Scotland and -in other places." The Mississippi scheme, it is well known, ended in -France in the bankruptcy of the public treasury, the crush of thousands -and thousands of private fortunes, and scenes of desolation and distress -equal to those of an invading army, burning and laying waste all before -it. - -At the time we were funding our national debt, we heard much about "a -public debt being a public blessing;" that the stock representing it was -a creation of active capital for the aliment of commerce, manufactures -and agriculture. This paradox was well adapted to the minds of believers -in dreams, and the gulls of that size entered _bonâ fide_ into it. -But the art and mystery of banks is a wonderful improvement on that. -It is established on the principle that "_private_ debts are a public -blessing." That the evidences of those private debts, called bank notes, -become active capital, and aliment the whole commerce, manufactures, -and agriculture of the United States. Here are a set of people, for -instance, who have bestowed on us the great blessing of running in our -debt about two hundred millions of dollars, without our knowing who -they are, where they are, or what property they have to pay this debt -when called on; nay, who have made us so sensible of the blessings of -letting them run in our debt, that we have exempted them by law from -the repayment of these debts beyond a given proportion, (generally -estimated at one-third.) And to fill up the measure of blessing, instead -of paying, they receive an interest on what they owe from those to whom -they owe; for all the notes, or evidences of what they owe, which we see -in circulation, have been lent to somebody on an interest which is levied -again on us through the medium of commerce. And they are so ready still -to deal out their liberalities to us, that they are now willing to let -themselves run in our debt ninety millions more, on our paying them the -same premium of six or eight per cent. interest, and on the same legal -exemption from the repayment of more than thirty millions of the debt, -when it shall be called for. But let us look at this principle in its -original form, and its copy will then be equally understood. "A public -debt is a public blessing." That our debt was juggled from forty-three -up to eighty millions, and funded at that amount, according to this -opinion was a great public blessing, because the evidences of it could -be vested in commerce, and thus converted into active capital, and then -the more the debt was made to be, the more active capital was created. -That is to say, the creditors could now employ in commerce the money -due them from the public, and make from it an annual profit of five per -cent., or four millions of dollars. But observe, that the public were -at the same time paying on it an interest of exactly the same amount of -four millions of dollars. Where then is the gain to either party, which -makes it a public blessing? There is no change in the state of things, -but of persons only. A has a debt due to him from the public, of which -he holds their certificate as evidence, and on which he is receiving an -annual interest. He wishes, however, to have the money itself, and to -go into business with it. B has an equal sum of money in business, but -wishes now to retire, and live on the interest. He therefore gives it -to A in exchange for A's certificates of public stock. Now, then, A has -the money to employ in business, which B so employed before. B has the -money on interest to live on, which A. lived on before; and the public -pays the interest to B. which they paid to A. before. Here is no new -creation of capital, no additional money employed, nor even a change in -the employment of a single dollar. The only change is of place between A -and B in which we discover no creation of capital, nor public blessing. -Suppose, again, the public to owe nothing. Then A not having lent his -money to the public, would be in possession of it himself, and would -go into business without the previous operation of selling stock. Here -again, the same quantity of capital is employed as in the former case, -though no public debt exists. In neither case is there any creation of -active capital, nor other difference than that there is a public debt -in the first case, and none in the last; and we may safely ask which of -the two situations is most truly a public blessing? If, then, a _public_ -debt be no public blessing, we may pronounce, _à fortiori_, that a -private one cannot be so. If the debt which the banking companies owe -be a blessing to any body, it is to themselves alone, who are realizing -a solid interest of eight or ten per cent. on it. As to the public, -these companies have banished all our gold and silver medium, which, -before their institution, we had without interest, which never could -have perished in our hands, and would have been our salvation now in the -hour of war; instead of which they have given us two hundred million of -froth and bubble, on which we are to pay them heavy interest, until it -shall vanish into air, as Morris' notes did. We are warranted, then, in -affirming that this parody on the principle of "a public debt being a -public blessing," and its mutation into the blessing of private instead -of public debts, is as ridiculous as the original principle itself. In -both cases, the truth is, that capital may be produced by industry, and -accumulated by economy; but jugglers only will propose to create it by -legerdemain tricks with paper. - -I have called the actual circulation of bank paper in the United States, -two hundred millions of dollars. I do not recollect where I have seen -this estimate; but I retain the impression that I thought it just at -the time. It may be tested, however, by a list of the banks now in -the United States, and the amount of their capital. I have no means of -recurring to such a list for the present day; but I turn to two lists -in my possession for the years of 1803 and 1804. - - In 1803, there were thirty-four banks, whose capital - was $28,902,000 - - In 1804, there were sixty-six, consequently thirty-two - additional ones. Their capital is not stated, but - at the average of the others, (excluding the highest, - that of the United States, which was of ten - millions,) they would be of six hundred thousand - dollars each, and add 19,200,000 - - Making a total of ---------- - $48,102,000 - -or say of fifty millions in round numbers. Now, every one knows the -immense multiplication of these institutions since 1804. If they have only -doubled, their capital will be of one hundred millions, and if trebled, -as I think probable, it will be one hundred and fifty millions, on which -they are at liberty to circulate treble the amount. I should sooner, -therefore, believe two hundred millions to be far below than above the -actual circulation. In England, by a late parliamentary document, (see -Virginia Argus of October the 18th, 1813, and other public papers of -about that date,) it appears that six years ago the Bank of England had -twelve millions of pounds sterling in circulation, which had increased to -forty-two millions in 1812, or to one hundred and eighty-nine millions -of dollars. What proportion all the other banks may add to this, I do -not know; if we were allowed to suppose they equal it, this would give a -circulation of three hundred and seventy-eight millions, or the double of -ours on a double population. But that nation is essentially commercial, -ours essentially agricultural, and needing, therefore, less circulating -medium, because the produce of the husbandman comes but once a year, -and is then partly consumed at home, partly exchanged by barter. The -dollar, which was of four shilling and sixpence sterling, was, by the same -document, stated to be then six shillings and nine pence, a depreciation -of exactly fifty per cent. The average price of wheat on the continent -of Europe, at the commencement of its present war with England, was about -a French crown, of one hundred and ten cents, the bushel. With us it was -one hundred cents, and consequently we could send it there in competition -with their own. That ordinary price has now doubled with us, and more -than doubled in England; and although a part of this augmentation may -proceed from the war demand, yet from the extraordinary nominal rise in -the prices of land and labor here, both of which have nearly doubled in -that period, and are still rising with every new bank, it is evident that -were a general peace to take place to-morrow, and time allowed for the -re-establishment of commerce, justice, and order, we could not afford -to raise wheat for much less than two dollars, while the continent of -Europe, having no paper circulation, and that of its specie not being -augmented, would raise it at their former price of one hundred and ten -cents. It follows, then, that with our redundancy of paper, we cannot, -after peace, send a bushel of wheat to Europe, unless extraordinary -circumstances double its price in particular places, and that then the -exporting countries of Europe could undersell us. - -It is said that our paper is as good as silver, because we may have -silver for it at the bank where it issues. This is not true. One, two, -or three persons might have it; but a general application would soon -exhaust their vaults, and leave a ruinous proportion of their paper in -its intrinsic worthless form. It is a fallacious pretence, for another -reason. The inhabitants of the banking cities might obtain cash for their -paper, as far as the cash of the vaults would hold out, but distance -puts it out of the power of the country to do this. A farmer having a -note of a Boston or Charleston bank, distant hundreds of miles, has no -means of calling for the cash. And while these calls are impracticable -for the country, the banks have no fear of their being made from the -towns; because their inhabitants are mostly on their books, and there -on sufferance only, and during good behavior. - -In this state of things, we are called on to add ninety millions more -to the circulation. Proceeding in this career, it is infallible, that -we must end where the revolutionary paper ended. Two hundred millions -was the whole amount of all the emissions of the old Congress, at which -point their bills ceased to circulate. We are now at that sum, but with -treble the population, and of course a longer tether. Our depreciation -is, as yet, but about two for one. Owing to the support its credit -receives from the small reservoirs of specie in the vaults of the -banks, it is impossible to say at what point their notes will stop. -Nothing is necessary to effect it but a general alarm; and that may take -place whenever the public shall begin to reflect on, and perceive the -impossibility that the banks should repay this sum. At present, caution -is inspired no farther than to keep prudent men from selling property -on long payments. Let us suppose the panic to arise at three hundred -millions, a point to which every session of the legislatures hasten us by -long strides. Nobody dreams that they would have three hundred millions -of specie to satisfy the holders of their notes. Were they even to stop -now, no one supposes they have two hundred millions in cash, or even the -sixty-six and two-third millions, to which amount alone the law compels -them to repay. One hundred and thirty-three and one-third millions of -loss, then, is thrown on the public by law; and as to the sixty-six and -two-thirds, which they are legally bound to pay, and ought to have in -their vaults, every one knows there is no such amount of cash in the -United States, and what would be the course with what they really have -there? Their notes are refused. Cash is called for. The inhabitants -of the banking towns will get what is in the vaults, until a few banks -declare their insolvency; when, the general crush becoming evident, the -others will withdraw even the cash they have, declare their bankruptcy -at once, and leave an empty house and empty coffers for the holders of -their notes. In this scramble of creditors, the country gets nothing, -the towns but little. What are they to do? Bring suits? A million -of creditors bring a million of suits against John Nokes and Robert -Styles, wheresoever to be found? All nonsense. The loss is total. And -a sum is thus swindled from our citizens, of seven times the amount of -the real debt, and four times that of the fictitious one of the United -States, at the close of the war. All this they will justly charge on -their legislatures; but this will be poor satisfaction for the two or -three hundred millions they will have lost. It is time, then, for the -public functionaries to look to this. Perhaps it may not be too late. -Perhaps, by giving time to the banks, they may call in and pay off their -paper by degrees. But no remedy is ever to be expected while it rests -with the State legislatures. Personal motive can be excited through so -many avenues to their will, that, in their hands, it will continue to -go on from bad to worse, until the catastrophe overwhelms us. I still -believe, however, that on proper representations of the subject, a great -proportion of these legislatures would cede to Congress their power of -establishing banks, saving the charter rights already granted. And this -should be asked, not by way of amendment to the constitution, because -until three-fourths should consent, nothing could be done; but accepted -from them one by one, singly, as their consent might be obtained. Any -single State, even if no other should come into the measure, would find -its interest in arresting foreign bank paper immediately, and its own -by degrees. Specie would flow in on them as paper disappeared. Their -own banks would call in and pay off their notes gradually, and their -constituents would thus be saved from the general wreck. Should the -greater part of the States concede, as is expected, their power over -banks to Congress, besides insuring their own safety, the paper of the -non-conceding States might be so checked and circumscribed, by prohibiting -its receipt in any of the conceding States, and even in the non-conceding -as to duties, taxes, judgments, or other demands of the United States, -or of the citizens of other States, that it would soon die of itself, -and the medium of gold and silver be universally restored. This is what -ought to be done. But it will not be done. _Carthago non delibitur._ -The overbearing clamor of merchants, speculators, and projectors, will -drive us before them with our eyes open, until, as in France, under the -Mississippi bubble, our citizens will be overtaken by the crush of this -baseless fabric, without other satisfaction than that of execrations on -the heads of those functionaries, who, from ignorance, pusillanimity or -corruption, have betrayed the fruits of their industry into the hands -of projectors and swindlers. - -When I speak comparatively of the paper emission of the old Congress -and the present banks, let it not be imagined that I cover them under -the same mantle. The object of the former was a holy one; for if ever -there was a holy war, it was that which saved our liberties and gave us -independence. The object of the latter, is to enrich swindlers at the -expense of the honest and industrious part of the nation. - -The sum of what has been said is, that pretermitting the constitutional -question on the authority of Congress, and considering this application -on the grounds of reason alone, it would be best that our medium should -be so proportioned to our produce, as to be on a par with that of the -countries with which we trade, and whose medium is in a sound state; that -specie is the most perfect medium, because it will preserve its own level; -because, having intrinsic and universal value, it can never die in our -hands, and it is the surest resource of reliance in time of war; that -the trifling economy of paper, as a cheaper medium, or its convenience -for transmission, weighs nothing in opposition to the advantages of -the precious metals; that it is liable to be abused, has been, is, and -forever will be abused, in every country in which it is permitted; that -it is already at a term of abuse in these States, which has never been -reached by any other nation, France excepted, whose dreadful catastrophe -should be a warning against the instrument which produced it; that we -are already at ten or twenty times the due quantity of medium; insomuch, -that no man knows what his property is now worth, because it is bloating -while he is calculating; and still less what it will be worth when the -medium shall be relieved from its present dropsical state; and that it -is a palpable falsehood to say we can have specie for our paper whenever -demanded. Instead, then, of yielding to the cries of scarcity of medium -set up by speculators, projectors and commercial gamblers, no endeavors -should be spared to begin the work of reducing it by such gradual means -as may give time to private fortunes to preserve their poise, and settle -down with the subsiding medium; and that, for this purpose, the States -should be urged to concede to the General Government, with a saving of -chartered rights, the exclusive power of establishing banks of discount -for paper. - -To the existence of banks of _discount_ for _cash_, as on the continent -of Europe, there can be no objection, because there can be no danger -of abuse, and they are a convenience both to merchants and individuals. -I think they should even be encouraged, by allowing them a larger than -legal interest on short discounts, and tapering thence, in proportion as -the term of discount is lengthened, down to legal interest on those of -a year or more. Even banks of _deposit_, where cash should be lodged, -and a paper acknowledgment taken out as its representative, entitled -to a return of the cash on demand, would be convenient for remittances, -travelling persons, &c. But, liable as its cash would be to be pilfered -and robbed, and its paper to be fraudulently re-issued, or issued without -deposit, it would require skilful and strict regulation. This would -differ from the bank of Amsterdam, in the circumstance that the cash -could be redeemed on returning the note. - -When I commenced this letter to you, my dear Sir, on Mr. Law's memorial, -I expected a short one would have answered that. But as I advanced, the -subject branched itself before me into so many collateral questions, that -even the rapid views I have taken of each have swelled the volume of my -letter beyond my expectations, and, I fear, beyond your patience. Yet -on a revisal of it, I find no part which has not so much bearing on the -subject as to be worth merely the time of perusal. I leave it then as -it is; and will add only the assurances of my constant and affectionate -esteem and respect. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [6] The real cash or money necessary to carry on the circulation - and barter of a State, is nearly one-third part of all the annual - rents of the proprietors of the said State; that is, one-ninth - of the whole produce of the land. Sir William Petty supposes - one-tenth part of the value of the whole produce sufficient. - Postlethwait, voce, Cash. - - [7] Within five months after this, they were compelled by the - necessities of the war, to abandon the idea of emitting only - an adequate circulation, and to make those necessities the sole - measure of their emissions. - - -TO JOHN JACOB ASTOR, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, November 9, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of October 18th has been duly received, and I learn -with great pleasure the progress you have made towards an establishment -on Columbia river. I view it as the germ of a great, free and independent -empire on that side of our continent, and that liberty and self-government -spreading from that as well as this side, will ensure their complete -establishment over the whole. It must be still more gratifying to yourself -to foresee that your name will be handed down with that of Columbus -and Raleigh, as the father of the establishment and founder of such an -empire. It would be an afflicting thing indeed, should the English be -able to break up the settlement. Their bigotry to the bastard liberty -of their own country, and habitual hostility to every degree of freedom -in any other, will induce the attempt; they would not lose the sale of -a bale of furs for the freedom of the whole world. But I hope your party -will be able to maintain themselves. If they have assiduously cultivated -the interests and affections of the natives, these will enable them to -defend themselves against the English, and furnish them an asylum even -if their fort be lost. I hope, and have no doubt our government will -do for its success whatever they have power to do, and especially that -at the negotiations for peace, they will provide, by convention with -the English, for the safety and independence of that country, and an -acknowledgment of our right of patronizing them in all cases of injury -from foreign nations. But no patronage or protection from this quarter -can secure the settlement if it does not cherish the affections of the -natives and make it their interest to uphold it. While you are doing -so much for future generations of men, I sincerely wish you may find a -present account in the just profits you are entitled to expect from the -enterprise. I will ask of the President permission to read Mr. Stuart's -journal. With fervent wishes for a happy issue to this great undertaking, -which promises to form a remarkable epoch in the history of mankind, I -tender you the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, November 12, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--As I owe you more for your letters of October 12th and 28th -than I shall be able to pay, I shall begin with the P. S. to the last. - -I am very sorry to say that I cannot assist your memory in the inquiries -of your letter of August 22d. I really know not who was the compositor of -any one of the petitions or addresses you enumerate. Nay, further: I am -certain I never did know. I was so shallow a politician that I was not -aware of the importance of those compositions. They all appeared to me, -in the circumstances of the country, like children's play at marbles or -push-pin, or like misses in their teens, emulating each other in their -pearls, their bracelets, their diamond pins and Brussels lace. - -In the Congress of 1774, there was not one member, except Patrick Henry, -who appeared to me sensible of the precipice, or rather the pinnacle on -which we stood, and had candor and courage enough to acknowledge it. -America is in total ignorance, or under infinite deception concerning -that assembly. To draw the characters of them all would require a volume, -and would now be considered as a characatured print. One-third Tories, -another Whigs, and the rest Mongrels. - -There was a little aristocracy among us of talents and letters. Mr. -Dickinson was _primus interpares_, the bell-weather, the leader of the -aristocratical flock. - -Billy, _alias_ Governor Livingston, and his son-in-law, Mr. Jay, were of -the privileged order. The credit of most if not all those compositions, -was often if not generally given to one or the other of these choice -spirits. Mr. Dickinson, however, was not on any of the original -committees. He came not into Congress till October 17th. He was not -appointed till the 15th by his assembly. - -Vol. 1, 30. Congress adjourned October 27th, though our correct secretary -has not recorded any final adjournment or dissolution. Mr. Dickinson -was in Congress but ten days. The business was all prepared, arranged, -and even in a manner finished before his arrival. - -R. H. Lee was the chairman of the committee for preparing the loyal and -dutiful address to his majesty. Johnson and Henry were acute spirits, and -understood the controversy very well, though they had not the advantages -of education like Lee and John Rutledge. - -The subject had been near a month under discussion in Congress, and most -of the materials thrown out there. It underwent another deliberation -in committee, after which they made the customary compliment to their -chairman, by requesting him to prepare and report a draught, which was -done, and after examination, correction, amelioration or pejoration, -as usual reported to Congress. October 3d, 4th and 5th were taken up in -debating and deliberating on matters proper to be contained in the address -to his majesty, vol. 122. October 21st. The address to the king was, after -debate, re-committed, and Mr. John Dickinson added to the committee. The -first draught was made, and all the essential materials put together by -Lee. It might be embellished and seasoned afterwards with some of Mr. -Dickinson's piety, but I know not that it was. Neat and handsome as the -composition is, having never had any confidence in the utility of it, I -never have thought much about it since it was adopted. Indeed, I never -bestowed much attention on any of those addresses which were all but -repetitions of the same things, the same facts and arguments, dress and -ornament rather than body, soul or substance. My thoughts and cares were -nearly monopolized by the theory of our rights and wrongs, by measures -for the defence of the country, and the means of governing ourselves. I -was in a great error, no doubt, and am ashamed to confess it; for those -things were necessary to give popularity to our cause both at home and -abroad. And to show my stupidity in a stronger light, the reputation -of any one of those compositions has been a more splendid distinction -than any aristocratical star or garter in the escutcheon of every man -who has enjoyed it. Very sorry that I cannot give you more satisfactory -information, and more so that I cannot at present give more attention -to your two last excellent letters. I am, as usual, affectionately yours. - -N. B. I am almost ready to believe that John Taylor, of Caroline, or of -Hazlewood, Port Royal, Virginia, is the author of 630 pages of printed -octavo upon my books that I have received. The style answers every -characteristic that you have intimated. Within a week I have received and -looked into his Arator. They must spring from the same brain, as Minerva -issued from the head of Jove, or rather as Venus rose from the froth of -the sea. There is, however, a great deal of good sense in Arator, and -there is some in his Aristocracy. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, November 15, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Accept my thanks for the comprehensive syllabus in your favor -of October 12th. - -The Psalms of David, in sublimity, beauty, pathos and originality, or, -in one word, in poetry, are superior to all the odes, hymns and songs -in our language. But I had rather read them in our prose translation, -than in any version I have seen. His morality, however, often shocks -me, like Tristram Shandy's execrations. - -Blacklock's translation of Horace's "Justum," is admirable; superior -to Addison's. Could David be translated as well, his superiority would -be universally acknowledged. We cannot compare the sublime poetry. -By Virgil's "Pollio," we may conjecture there was prophecy as well as -sublimity. Why have those verses been annihilated? I suspect Platonic -Christianity, Pharisaical Judaism or Machiavilian politics, in this -case, as in all other cases, of the destruction of records and literary -monuments, - - The auri sacra fames, et dominandi sæva cupido. - -Among all your researches in Hebrew history and controversy, have you ever -met a book the design of which is to prove that the ten commandments, as -we have them in our Catechisms and hung up in our churches, were not the -ten commandments written by the finger of God upon tables delivered to -Moses on Mount Sinai, and broken by him in a passion with Aaron for his -golden calf, nor those afterwards engraved by him on tables of stone; -but a very different set of commandments? - -There is such a book, by J. W. Goethen, Schriften, Berlin 1775-1779. I -wish to see this book. You will perceive the question in Exodus, 20: 1, -17, 22, 28, chapter 24: 3, &c.; chapter 24: 12; chapter 25: 31; chapter -31: 18; chapter 31: 19; chapter 34: 1; chapter 34: 10, &c. - -I will make a covenant with all this people. Observe that which I command -this day: - -1. Thou shalt not adore any other God. Therefore take heed not to enter -into covenant with the inhabitants of the country; neither take for your -sons their daughters in marriage. They would allure thee to the worship -of false Gods. Much less shall you in any place erect images. - -2. The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep. Seven days shalt thou -eat unleavened bread, at the time of the month Abib; to remember that -about that time, I delivered thee from Egypt. - -3. Every first born of the mother is mine; the male of thine herd, be -it stock or flock. But you shall replace the first born of an ass with -a sheep. The first born of your sons shall you _redeem_. No man shall -appear before me with empty hands. - -4. Six days shalt thou labor. The seventh day thou shalt rest from -ploughing and gathering. - -5. The feast of weeks shalt thou keep with the firstlings of the wheat -harvest; and the feast of harvesting at the end of the year. - -6. Thrice in every year all male persons shall appear before the Lord. -Nobody shall invade your country, as long as you obey this command. - -7. Thou shalt not sacrifice the blood of a sacrifice of mine, upon -leavened bread. - -8. The sacrifice of the Passover shall not remain till the next day. - -9. The firstlings of the produce of your land, thou shalt bring to the -house of the Lord. - -10. Thou shalt not boil the kid, while it is yet sucking. - -And the Lord spake to Moses: Write these words, as after these words I -made with you and with Israel a covenant. - -I know not whether Goethen translated or abridged from the Hebrew, or -whether he used any translation, Greek, Latin, or German. But he differs -in form and words somewhat from our version, Exodus 34: 10 to 28. The -sense seems to be the same. The tables were the evidence of the covenant, -by which the Almighty attached the people of Israel to himself. By these -laws they were separated from all other nations, and were reminded of -the principal epochs of their history. - -When and where originated our ten commandments? The tables and the ark -were lost. Authentic copies in few, if any hands; the ten Precepts could -not be observed, and were little remembered. - -If the book of Deuteronomy was compiled, during or after the Babylonian -captivity, from traditions, the error or amendment might come in those. - -But you must be weary, as I am at present of problems, conjectures, -and paradoxes, concerning Hebrew, Grecian and Christian and all other -antiquities; but while we believe that the _finis bonorum_ will be happy, -we may leave learned men to their disquisitions and criticisms. - -I admire your employment in selecting the philosophy and divinity of -Jesus, and separating it from all mixtures. If I had eyes and nerves -I would go through both Testaments and mark all that I understand. To -examine the Mishna, Gemara, Cabbala, Jezirah, Sohar, Cosri and Talmud of -the Hebrews would require the life of Methuselah, and after all his 969 -years would be wasted to very little purpose. The dæmon of hierarchical -despotism has been at work both with the Mishna and Gemara. In 1238 a -French Jew made a discovery to the Pope (Gregory 9th) of the heresies -of the Talmud. The Pope sent thirty-five articles of error to the -Archbishops of France, requiring them to seize the books of the Jews and -burn all that contained any errors. He wrote in the same terms to the -kings of France, England, Arragon, Castile, Leon, Navarre and Portugal. -In consequence of this order, twenty cartloads of Hebrew books were -burnt in France; and how many times twenty cartloads were destroyed in -the other kingdoms? The Talmud of Babylon and that of Jerusalem were -composed from 120 to 500 years after the destruction of Jerusalem. - -If Lightfoot derived light from what escaped from Gregory's fury, -in explaining many passages in the New Testament, by comparing the -expressions of the Mishna with those of the Apostles and Evangelists, -how many proofs of the corruptions of Christianity might we find in the -passages burnt? - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, November 15, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I cannot appease my melancholy commiseration for our armies -in this furious snow storm, in any way so well as by studying your letter -of Oct. 28. - -We are now explicitly agreed upon one important point, viz., that there -is a natural aristocracy among men, the grounds of which are virtue and -talents. You very justly indulge a little merriment upon this solemn -subject of aristocracy. I often laugh at it too, for there is nothing -in this laughable world more ridiculous than the management of it by -all the nations of the earth; but while we smile, mankind have reason -to say to us, as the frogs said to the boys, what is sport to you, -are wounds and death to us. When I consider the weakness, the folly, -the pride, the vanity, the selfishness, the artifice, the low craft -and mean cunning, the want of principle, the avarice, the unbounded -ambition, the unfeeling cruelty of a majority of those (in all nations) -who are allowed an aristocratical influence, and, on the other hand, -the stupidity with which the more numerous multitude not only become -their dupes, but even love to be taken in by their tricks, I feel a -stronger disposition to weep at their destiny, than to laugh at their -folly. But though we have agreed in one point, in words, it is not yet -certain that we are perfectly agreed in sense. Fashion has introduced -an indeterminate use of the word talents. Education, wealth, strength, -beauty, stature, birth, marriage, graceful attitudes and motions, gait, -air, complexion, physiognomy, are talents, as well as genius, science, and -learning. Any one of these talents that in fact commands or influences -two votes in society, gives to the man who possesses it the character -of an aristocrat, in my sense of the word. Pick up the first hundred -men you meet, and make a republic. Every man will have an equal vote; -but when deliberations and discussions are opened, it will be found -that twenty-five, by their talents, virtues being equal, will be able -to carry fifty votes. Every one of these twenty-five is an aristocrat -in my sense of the word; whether he obtains his one vote in addition to -his own, by his birth, fortune, figure, eloquence, science, learning, -craft, cunning, or even his character for good fellowship, and a _bon -vivant_. - -What gave Sir William Wallace his amazing aristocratical superiority? His -strength. What gave Mrs. Clark her aristocratical influence--to create -generals, admirals, and bishops? Her beauty. What gave Pompadour and Du -Barry the power of making cardinals and popes? And I have lived for years -in the hotel de Valentinois, with Franklin, who had as many virtues as -any of them. In the investigation of the meaning of the word "talents," -I could write 630 pages as pertinent as John Taylor's, of Hazlewood; -but I will select a single example; for female aristocrats are nearly as -formidable as males. A daughter of a green grocer walks the streets in -London daily, with a basket of cabbage sprouts, dandelions, and spinage, -on her head. She is observed by the painters to have a beautiful face, -an elegant figure, a graceful step, and a _debonair_. They hire her to -sit. She complies, and is painted by forty artists in a circle around -her. The scientific Dr. William Hamilton outbids the painters, sends -her to school for a genteel education, and marries her. This lady not -only causes the triumphs of the Nile, Copenhagen, and Trafalgar, but -separates Naples from France, and finally banishes the king and queen -from Sicily. Such is the aristocracy of the natural talent of beauty. -Millions of examples might be quoted from history, sacred and profane, -from Eve, Hannah, Deborah, Susanna, Abigail, Judith, Ruth, down to Helen, -Mrs. de Mainbenor, and Mrs. Fitzherbert. For mercy's sake do not compel -me to look to our chaste States and territories to find women, one of -whom let go would in the words of Holopherne's guards, deceive the whole -earth. - -The proverbs of Theognis, like those of Solomon, are observations on -human nature, ordinary life, and civil society, with moral reflections on -the facts. I quoted him as a witness of the fact, that there was as much -difference in the races of men as in the breeds of sheep, and as a sharp -reprover and censurer of the sordid, mercenary practice of disgracing -birth by preferring gold to it. Surely no authority can be more expressly -in point to prove the existence of inequalities, not of rights, but of -moral, intellectual, and physical inequalities in families, descents and -generations. If a descent from pious, virtuous, wealthy, literary, or -scientific ancestors, is a letter of recommendation, or introduction in -a man's favor, and enables him to influence only one vote in addition -to his own, he is an aristocrat; for a democrat can have but one vote. -Aaron Burr has 100,000 votes from the single circumstance of his descent -from President Burr and President Edwards. - -Your commentary on the proverbs of Theognis, reminded me of two solemn -characters; the one resembling John Bunyan, the other Scarron. The one -John Torrey, the other Ben Franklin. Torrey, a poet, an enthusiast, a -superstitious bigot, once very gravely asked my brother, whether it -would not be better for mankind if children were always begotten by -religious motives only? Would not religion in this sad case have as little -efficacy in encouraging procreation, as it has now in discouraging it? -I should apprehend a decrease of population, even in our country where -it increases so rapidly. - -In 1775, Franklin made a morning visit at Mrs. Yard's, to Sam Adams -and John. He was unusually loquacious. "Man, a rational creature!" -said Franklin. "Come, let us suppose a rational man. Strip him of all -his appetites, especially his hunger and thirst. He is in his chamber, -engaged in making experiments, or in pursuing some problem. He is highly -entertained. At this moment a servant knocks. 'Sir, dinner is on the -table.' 'Dinner! pox! pough! but what have you for dinner?' 'Ham and -chickens.' 'Ham, and must I break the chain of my thoughts to go down -and gnaw a morsel of damned hog's arse? Put aside your ham; I will dine -to-morrow.'" Take away appetite, and the present generation would not -live a month, and no future generation would ever exist; and thus the -exalted dignity of human nature would be annihilated and lost, and in my -opinion the whole loss would be of no more importance than putting out -a candle, quenching a torch, or crushing a fire-fly, _if in this world -we only have hope_. Your distinction between natural and artificial -aristocracy, does not appear to me founded. Birth and wealth are conferred -upon some men as imperiously by nature as genius, strength, or beauty. -The heir to honors, and riches, and power, has often no more merit in -procuring these advantages, than he has in obtaining a handsome face, -or an elegant figure. When aristocracies are established by human laws, -and honor, wealth, and power are made hereditary by municipal laws and -political institutions, then I acknowledge artificial aristocracy to -commence; but this never commences till corruption in elections become -dominant and uncontrollable. But this artificial aristocracy can never -last. The everlasting envies, jealousies, rivalries, and quarrels -among them; their cruel rapacity upon the poor ignorant people, their -followers, compel them to set up Cæsar, a demagogue, to be a monarch, a -master; _pour mettre chacun à sa place_. Here you have the origin of all -artificial aristocracy, which is the origin of all monarchies. And both -artificial aristocracy and monarchy, and civil, military, political, and -hierarchical despotism, have all grown out of the natural aristocracy -of virtues and talents. We, to be sure, are far remote from this. Many -hundred years must roll away before we shall be corrupted. Our pure, -virtuous, public-spirited, federative republic will last forever, govern -the globe, and introduce the perfection of man; his perfectibility being -already proved by Price, Priestley, Condorcet, Rousseau, Diderot, and -Godwin. Mischief has been done by the Senate of the United States. I have -known and felt more of this mischief, than Washington, Jefferson, and -Madison, all together. But this has been all caused by the constitutional -power of the Senate, in executive business, which ought to be immediately, -totally, and essentially abolished. Your distinction between the Αριστοι -and ψευδο αριστοι, will not help the matter. I would trust one as well -as the other with unlimited power. The law wisely refuses an oath as a -witness in his own case, to the saint as well as the sinner. No romance -would be more amusing than the history of your Virginian and our New -England aristocratical families. Yet even in Rhode Island there has -been no clergy, no church, and I had almost said no State, and some -people say no religion. There has been a constant respect for certain -old families. Fifty-seven or fifty-eight years ago, in company with -Colonel, Counsellor, Judge, John Chandler, whom I have quoted before, -a newspaper was brought in. The old sage asked me to look for the news -from Rhode Island, and see how the elections had gone there. I read the -list of Wanbous, Watrous, Greens, Whipples, Malboues, &c. "I expected -as much," said the aged gentleman, "for I have always been of opinion -that in the most popular governments, the elections will generally go -in favor of the most ancient families." To this day, when any of these -tribes--and we may add Ellerys, Channings, Champlins, &c.,--are pleased -to fall in with the popular current, they are sure to carry all before -them. - -You suppose a difference of opinion between you and me on the subject of -aristocracy. I can find none. I dislike and detest hereditary honors, -offices, emoluments, established by law So do you. I am for excluding -legal, hereditary distinctions from the United States as long as possible. -So are you. I only say that mankind have not yet discovered any remedy -against irresistible corruption in elections to offices of great power -and profit, but making them hereditary. - -But will you say our elections are pure? Be it so, upon the whole; -but do you recollect in history a more corrupt election than that of -Aaron Burr to be President, or that of De Witt Clinton last year? By -corruption here, I mean a sacrifice of every national interest and honor -to private and party objects. I see the same spirit in Virginia that -you and I see in Rhode Island and the rest of New England. In New York -it is a struggle of family feuds--a feudal aristocracy. Pennsylvania is -a contest between German, Irish and old England families. When Germans -and Irish unite they give 30,000 majorities. There is virtually a white -rose and a red rose, a Cæsar and a Pompey, in every State in this Union, -and contests and dissensions will be as lasting. The rivalry of Bourbons -and Noaillises produced the French revolution, and a similar competition -for consideration and influence exists and prevails in every village -in the world. Where will terminate the _rabies agri_? The continent -will be scattered over with manors much larger than Livingston's, -Van Rensselaers's, or Philips's; even our Deacon Strong will have a -principality among you Southern folk. What inequality of talents will -be produced by these land jobbers. Where tends the mania of banks? At -my table in Philadelphia, I once proposed to you to unite in endeavors -to obtain an amendment of the constitution prohibiting to the separate -States the power of creating banks; but giving Congress authority to -establish one bank with a branch in each State, the whole limited to -ten millions of dollars. Whether this project was wise or unwise, I know -not, for I had deliberated little on it then, and have never thought it -worth thinking of since. But you spurned the proposition from you with -disdain. This system of banks, begotten, brooded and hatched by Duer, -Robert and Gouverneur Morris, Hamilton and Washington, I have always -considered as a system of national injustice. A sacrifice of public and -private interest to a few aristocratical friends and favorites. My scheme -could have had no such effect. Verres plundered temples, and robbed a -few rich men, but he never made such ravages among private property in -general, nor swindled so much out of the pockets of the poor, and middle -class of people, as these banks have done. No people but this would -have borne the imposition so long. The people of Ireland would not bear -Wood's half-pence. What inequalities of talent have been introduced into -this country by these aristocratical banks! Our Winthrops, Winslows, -Bradfords, Saltonstalls, Quinceys, Chandlers, Leonards, Hutchinsons, -Olivers, Sewalls, &c., are precisely in the situation of your Randolphs, -Carters, and Burwells, and Harrisons. Some of them unpopular for the -part they took in the late revolution, but all respected for their names -and connections; and whenever they fell in with the popular sentiments -are preferred _ceteris paribus_, to all others. When I was young the -_summum bonum_ in Massachusetts was to be worth £10,000 sterling, ride -in a chariot, be Colonel of a regiment of militia, and hold a seat in his -Majesty's council. No man's imagination aspired to anything higher beneath -the skies. But these plumbs, chariots, colonelships, and counsellorships, -are recorded and will never be forgotten. No great accumulations of -land were made by our early settlers. Mr. Baudoin, a French refugee, -made the first great purchases, and your General Dearborne, born under -a fortunate star, is now enjoying a large portion of the aristocratical -sweets of them. As I have no amanuenses but females, and there is so -much about generation in this letter that I dare not ask any of them to -copy it, and I cannot copy it myself, I must beg of you to return it to -me. Your old friend. - - -TO ----. - - November 28, 1813. - -I will not fatigue you, my dear Sir, with long and labored excuses for -having been so tardy in writing to you; but I will briefly mention that -the thousand hostile ships which cover the ocean render attempts to pass -it now very unfrequent, and these concealing their intentions from all -that they may not be known to the enemy, are gone before heard of in -such inland situations as mine. To this, truth must add the torpidity -of age as one of the obstacles to punctual correspondence. - -Your letters of October 21 and November 15, 1811, and August 29, 1813, -were duly received, and with that of November 15 came the MS. copy of your -work on Economy. The extraordinary merit of the former volume had led -me to anticipate great satisfaction and edification from the perusal of -this, and I can say with truth and sincerity that these expectations were -completely fulfilled, new principles developed, former ones corrected, or -rendered more perspicuous, present us an interesting science, heretofore -voluminous and embarrassed, now happily simplified and brought within a -very moderate compass. After an attentive perusal, which enabled me to -bear testimony to its worth, I took measures for getting it translated -and printed in Philadelphia; the distance from which place prepared me -to expect great and unavoidable delays. But notwithstanding my continual -urgencies these have gone far beyond my calculations. In a letter of -September 26th from the editor, in answer to one of mine, after urging -in excuse the causes of the delay, he expresses his confidence that it -would be ready by the last of October, and that period being now past, -I am in daily expectation of hearing from him. As I write the present -letter without knowing by what conveyance it may go, I am not without -a hope of receiving a copy of the work in time to accompany this. I -shall then be anxious to learn that better health and more encouraging -circumstances enable you to pursue your plan through the two remaining -branches of morals and legislation, which executed in the same lucid, -logical and condensed style, will present such a whole as the age we live -in will not before have received. Should the same motives operate for -their first publication here, I am now offered such means, nearer to me, -as promise a more encouraging promptitude in the execution. And certainly -no effort should be spared on my part to ensure to the world such an -acquisition. The MS. of the first work has been carefully recalled and -deposited with me. That of the second, when done with, shall be equally -taken care of. - -If unmerited praise could give pleasure to a candid mind, I should have -been highly exalted, in my own opinion, on the occasion of the first -work. One of the best judges and best men of the age has ascribed it to -myself; and has for some time been employed in translating it into French. -It would be a gratification to which you are highly entitled, could I -transcribe the sheets he has written me in praise, nay in rapture with -the work; and were I to name the man, you would be sensible there is not -another whose suffrage would be more encouraging. But the casualties -which lie between us would render criminal the naming any one. In a -letter which I am now writing him, I shall set him right as to myself, -and acknowledge my humble station far below the qualifications necessary -for that work; and shall discourage his perseverance in retranslating -into French a work the original of which is so correct in its diction -that not a word can be altered but for the worse; and from a translation, -too, where the author's meaning has sometimes been illy understood, -sometimes mistaken, and often expressed in words not the best chosen. -Indeed, when the work, through its translation, becomes more generally -known here, the high estimation in which it is held by all who become -acquainted with it, encourage me to hope I may get it printed in the -original. I sent a copy of it to the late President of William and Mary -College of this State, who adopted it at once as the elementary book -of that institution. From these beginnings it will spread and become -a political gospel for a nation open to reason, and in a situation to -adopt and profit by its results, without a fear of their leading to wrong. - -I sincerely wish you all the health, comfort and leisure necessary to -dispose and enable you to persevere in employing yourself so useful for -present and future times, and I pray you to be assured you have not a -more grateful votary for your benefactions to mankind, nor one of higher -sentiments of esteem and affectionate respect. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, December 3, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--The proverbs of the old Greek poets are as short and pithy -as any of Solomon or Franklin. Hesiod has several. His Αθανατους μὲν -πρῶτα θεους νομω ως διακειται Τιμα. Honor the gods established by law. -I know not how we can escape martyrdom without a discreet attention to -this precept. You have suffered, and I have suffered more than you, for -want of a strict observance of this rule. - -There is another oracle of this Hesiod, which requires a kind of dance -upon a tight rope and a slack rope too, in philosophy and theology: -Πιστις δ' αρα ομως και απιστια ωλεσαν ανδρας. If believing too little -or too much is so fatal to mankind, what will become of us all? - -In studying the perfectability of human nature and its progress towards -perfection in this world, on this earth, remember that I have met many -curious and interesting characters. - -About three hundred years ago, there appeared a number of men of letters, -who appeared to endeavor to believe neither too little nor too much. -They labored to imitate the Hebrew archers, who could shoot to an hair's -breadth. The Pope and his church believed too much. Luther and his -church believed too little. This little band was headed by three great -scholars: Erasmus, Vives and Badens. This triumvirate is said to have -been at the head of the republic of letters in that age. Had Condorcet -been master of his subject, I fancy he would have taken more notice, in -his History of the Progress of Mind, of these characters. Have you their -writings? I wish I had. I shall confine myself at present to Vives. He -wrote commentaries on the City of God of St. Augustine, some parts of -which were censured by the Doctors of the Louvain, as too bold and too -free. I know not whether the following passage of the learned Spaniard -was among the sentiments condemned or not: - -"I have been much afflicted," says Vives, "when I have seriously -considered how diligently, and with what exact care, the actions of -Alexander, Hannibal, Scipio, Pompey, Cæsar and other commanders, and the -lives of Socrates, Plato, Aristotle and other philosophers, have been -written and fixed in an everlasting remembrance, so that there is not the -least danger they can ever be lost; but then the acts of the Apostles, -and martyrs and saints of our religion, and of the affairs of the rising -and established church, being involved in much darkness, are almost -totally unknown, though they are of so much greater advantage than the -lives of the philosophers or great generals, both as to the improvement -of our knowledge and practice. For what is written of these holy men, -except a very few things, is very much corrupted and defaced with the -mixture of many fables, while the writer, indulging his own humor, doth -not tell us what the saint did, but what the historian would have had -him do. And the fancy of the writer dictates the life and not the truth -of things." And again Vives says: "There have been men who have thought -it a great piece of piety, to invent lies for the sake of religion." - -The great Cardinal Barronius, too, confesses: "There is nothing which -seems so much neglected to this day, as a true and certain account of -the affairs of the church, collected with an exact diligence. And that -I may speak of the more ancient, it is very difficult to find any of -them who have published commentaries on this subject, which have hit -the truth in all points." - -Canus, too, another Spanish prelate of great name, says: "I speak it -with grief and not by way of reproach, Laertius has written the lives of -the philosophers with more ease and industry than the Christians have -those of the saints. Suetonius has represented the lives of the Cæsars -with much more truth and sincerity than the Catholics have the affairs -(I will not say of the emperors) but even those of the martyrs, holy -virgins and confessors. For they have not concealed the vice nor the -very suspicions of vice, in good and commendable philosophers or princes, -and in the worst of them they discover the very colors or appearances of -virtue. But the greatest part of our writers either follow the conduct -of their affections, or industriously feign many things; so that I, for -my part, am very often both weary and ashamed of them, because I know -that they have thereby brought nothing of advantage to the church of -Christ, but very much inconvenience." Vives and Canus are moderns, but -Arnobius, the converter of Lætantius, was ancient. He says: "But neither -could all that was done be written, or arrive at the knowledge of all -men--many of our great actions being done by obscure men and those who -had no knowledge of letters. And if some of them are committed to letters -and writings, yet even here, by the malice of the devils and men like -them, whose great design and study is to intercept and ruin this truth, -by interpolating or adding some things to them, or by changing or taking -out words, syllables or letters, they have put a stop to the faith of -wise men, and corrupted the truth of things." - -Indeed, Mr. Jefferson, what could be invented to debase the ancient -Christianism, which Greeks, Romans, Hebrews and Christian factions, -above all the Catholics, have not fraudulently imposed upon the public? -Miracles after miracles have rolled down in torrents, wave succeeding -wave in the Catholic church, from the Council of Nice, and long before, -to this day. - -Aristotle, no doubt, thought his Ουτε πασι πιστευοντες, ουτε πασιν -απιστουντες, very wise and very profound; but what is its worth? What man, -woman or child ever believed everything or nothing? Oh! that Priestley -could live again, and have leisure and means! An inquirer after truth, -who had neither time nor means, might request him to search and re-search -for answers to a few questions: - -1. Have we more than two witnesses of the life of Jesus--Matthew and John? - -2. Have we one witness to the existence of Matthew's gospel in the first -century? - -3. Have we one witness of the existence of John's gospel in the first -century? - -4. Have we one witness of the existence of Mark's gospel in the first -century? - -5. Have we one witness of the existence of Luke's gospel in the first -century? - -6. Have we any witness of the existence of St. Thomas' gospel, that is -the gospel of the infancy in the first century? - -7. Have we any evidence of the existence of the Acts of the Apostles in -the first century? - -8. Have we any evidence of the existence of the supplement to the Acts -of the Apostles, Peter and Paul, or Paul and Tecle, in the first century? - -Here I was interrupted by a new book, Chateaubriand's Travels in Greece, -Palestine and Egypt, and by a lung fever with which the amiable companion -of my life has been violently and dangerously attacked. - -December 13th. I have fifty more questions to put to Priestley, but must -adjourn them to a future opportunity. - -I have read Chateaubriand with as much delight as I ever read Bunyan's -Pilgrims' Progress, Robinson Crusoe's Travels, or Gulliver's, or -Whitefield's, or Wesley's Life, or the Life of St. Francis, St. -Anthony, or St. Ignatius Loyola. A work of infinite learning, perfectly -well written, a magazine of information, but enthusiastic, bigoted, -superstitious, Roman Catholic throughout. If I were to indulge in -jealous criticism and conjecture, I should suspect that there had been -an Œcuemenical counsel of Popes, Cardinals and Bishops, and that this -traveller has been employed at their expense to make this tour, to lay -a foundation for the resurrection of the Catholic Hierarchy in Europe. - -Have you read La Harpe's Course de Literature, in fifteen volumes? Have -you read St. Pierre's Studies of Nature? - -I am now reading the controversy between Voltaire and Monotte. - -Our friend Rush has given us for his last legacy, an analysis of some -of the diseases of the mind. - -Johnson said, "We are all more or less mad;" and who is or has been more -mad than Johnson? - -I know of no philosopher, or theologian, or moralist, ancient or modern, -more profound, more infallible than Whitefield, if the anecdote I heard -be true. - -He began: "Father Abraham," with his hands and eyes gracefully directed to -the heavens, as I have more than once seen him; "Father Abraham, who have -you there with you? Have you Catholics?" "No." "Have you Protestants?" -"No." "Have you Churchmen?" "No." "Have you Dissenters?" "No." "Have you -Presbyterians?" "No." "Quakers?" "No." "Anabaptists?" "No." "Who have -you there? Are you alone?" "No." - -"My brethren, you have the answer to all these questions in the words -of my text: 'He who feareth God and worketh righteousness, shall be -accepted of Him.'" - -Allegiance to the Creator and Governor of the Milky-Way, and the Nebulæ, -and benevolence to all his creatures, is my Religion. - - Si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti. - -I am as ever. - - -TO BARON DE HUMBOLDT. - - December 6, 1813. - -MY DEAR FRIEND AND BARON,--I have to acknowledge your two letters of -December 20 and 26, 1811, by Mr. Correa, and am first to thank you for -making me acquainted with that most excellent character. He was so kind -as to visit me at Monticello, and I found him one of the most learned -and amiable of men. It was a subject of deep regret to separate from so -much worth in the moment of its becoming known to us. - -The livraison of your astronomical observations, and the 6th and 7th -on the subject of New Spain, with the corresponding atlasses, are duly -received, as had been the preceding cahiers. For these treasures of a -learning so interesting to us, accept my sincere thanks. I think it most -fortunate that your travels in those countries were so timed as to make -them known to the world in the moment they were about to become actors on -its stage. That they will throw off their European dependence I have no -doubt; but in what kind of government their revolution will end I am not -so certain. History, I believe, furnishes no example of a priest-ridden -people maintaining a free civil government. This marks the lowest grade of -ignorance, of which their civil as well as religious leaders will always -avail themselves for their own purposes. The vicinity of New Spain to -the United States, and their consequent intercourse, may furnish schools -for the higher, and example for the lower classes of their citizens. And -Mexico, where we learn from you that men of science are not wanting, may -revolutionize itself under better auspices than the Southern provinces. -These last, I fear, must end in military despotisms. The different casts -of their inhabitants, their mutual hatreds and jealousies, their profound -ignorance and bigotry, will be played off by cunning leaders, and each -be made the instrument of enslaving the others. But of all this you can -best judge, for in truth we have little knowledge of them to be depended -on, but through you. But in whatever governments they end they will be -_American_ governments, no longer to be involved in the never-ceasing -broils of Europe. The European nations constitute a separate division -of the globe; their localities make them part of a distinct system; -they have a set of interests of their own in which it is our business -never to engage ourselves. America has a hemisphere to itself. It must -have its separate system of interests, which must not be subordinated -to those of Europe. The insulated state in which nature has placed the -American continent, should so far avail it that no spark of war kindled -in the other quarters of the globe should be wafted across the wide -oceans which separate us from them. And it will be so. In fifty years -more the United States alone will contain fifty millions of inhabitants, -and fifty years are soon gone over. The peace of 1763 is within that -period. I was then twenty years old, and of course remember well all -the transactions of the war preceding it. And you will live to see the -epoch now equally ahead of us; and the numbers which will then be spread -over the other parts of the American hemisphere, catching long before -that the principles of our portion of it, and concurring with us in the -maintenance of the same system. You see how readily we run into ages -beyond the grave; and even those of us to whom that grave is already -opening its quiet bosom. I am anticipating events of which you will be -the bearer to me in the Elysian fields fifty years hence. - -You know, my friend, the benevolent plan we were pursuing here for the -happiness of the aboriginal inhabitants in our vicinities. We spared -nothing to keep them at peace with one another. To teach them agriculture -and the rudiments of the most necessary arts, and to encourage industry -by establishing among them separate property. In this way they would -have been enabled to subsist and multiply on a moderate scale of landed -possession. They would have mixed their blood with ours, and been -amalgamated and identified with us within no distant period of time. On -the commencement of our present war, we pressed on them the observance -of peace and neutrality, but the interested and unprincipled policy of -England has defeated all our labors for the salvation of these unfortunate -people. They have seduced the greater part of the tribes within our -neighborhood, to take up the hatchet against us, and the cruel massacres -they have committed on the women and children of our frontiers taken by -surprise, will oblige us now to pursue them to extermination, or drive -them to new seats beyond our reach. Already we have driven their patrons -and seducers into Montreal, and the opening season will force them to -their last refuge, the walls of Quebec. We have cut off all possibility -of intercourse and of mutual aid, and may pursue at our leisure whatever -plan we find necessary to secure ourselves against the future effects -of their savage and ruthless warfare. The confirmed brutalization, if -not the extermination of this race in our America, is therefore to form -an additional chapter in the English history of the same colored man in -Asia, and of the brethren of their own color in Ireland, and wherever else -Anglo-mercantile cupidity can find a two-penny interest in deluging the -earth with human blood. But let us turn from the loathsome contemplation -of the degrading effects of commercial avarice. - -That their Arrowsmith should have stolen your Map of Mexico, was in the -piratical spirit of his country. But I should be sincerely sorry if our -Pike has made an ungenerous use of your candid communications here; and -the more so as he died in the arms of victory gained over the enemies of -his country. Whatever he did was on a principle of enlarging knowledge, -and not for filthy shillings and pence of which he made none from that -work. If what he has borrowed has any effect it will be to excite an -appeal in his readers from his defective information to the copious -volumes of it with which you have enriched the world. I am sorry he -omitted even to acknowledge the source of his information. It has been -an oversight, and not at all in the spirit of his generous nature. Let -me solicit your forgiveness then of a deceased hero, of an honest and -zealous patriot, who lived and died for his country. - -You will find it inconceivable that Lewis's journey to the Pacific should -not yet have appeared; nor is it in my power to tell you the reason. The -measures taken by his surviving companion, Clarke, for the publication, -have not answered our wishes in point of despatch. I think, however, -from what I have heard, that the mere journal will be out within a -few weeks in two volumes 8vo. These I will take care to send you with -the tobacco seed you desired, if it be possible for them to escape the -thousand ships of our enemies spread over the ocean. The botanical and -zoological discoveries of Lewis will probably experience greater delay, -and become known to the world through other channels before that volume -will be ready. The Atlas, I believe, waits on the leisure of the engraver. - -Although I do not know whether you are now at Paris or ranging the -regions of Asia to acquire more knowledge for the use of men, I cannot -deny myself the gratification of an endeavor to recall myself to your -recollection, and of assuring you of my constant attachment, and of -renewing to you the just tribute of my affectionate esteem and high -respect and consideration. - - -TO MADAM DE TESSÉ. - - December 8, 1813. - -While at war, my dear Madam and friend, with the leviathan of the ocean, -there is little hope of a letter escaping his thousand ships; yet I cannot -permit myself longer to withhold the acknowledgment of your letter of -June 28 of the last year, with which came the memoirs of the Margrave of -Bareuth. I am much indebted to you for this singular morsel of history -which has given us a certain view of kings, queens and princes, disrobed -of their formalities. It is a peep into the state of the Egyptian god -Apis. It would not be easy to find grosser manners, coarser vices, or -more meanness in the poorest huts of our peasantry. The princess shows -herself the legitimate sister of Frederic, cynical, selfish, and without -a heart. Notwithstanding your wars with England, I presume you get the -publications of that country. The memoirs of Mrs. Clarke and of her -_darling_ prince, and the book, emphatically so called, because it is -the Biblia Sacra Deorum et Dearum sub-cœlestium, the Prince Regent, his -Princess and the minor deities of his sphere, form a worthy sequel to the -memoirs of Bareuth; instead of the vulgarity and penury of the court of -Berlin, giving us the vulgarity and profusion of that of London, and the -gross stupidity and profligacy of the latter, in lieu of the genius and -misanthropism of the former. The whole might be published as a supplement -to M. de Buffon, under the title of the "Natural History of Kings and -Princes," or as a separate work and called "Medicine for Monarchists." -The "Intercepted Letters," a later English publication of great wit -and humor, has put them to their proper use by holding them up as butts -for the ridicule and contempt of mankind. Yet by such worthless beings -is a great nation to be governed and even made to deify their old king -because he is only a fool and a maniac, and to forgive and forget his -having lost to them a great and flourishing empire, added nine hundred -millions sterling to their debt, for which the fee simple of the whole -island would not sell, if offered farm by farm at public auction, and -increased their annual taxes from eight to seventy millions sterling, -more than the whole rent-roll of the island. What must be the dreary -prospect from the son when such a father is deplored as a national loss. -But let us drop these odious beings and pass to those of an higher order, -the plants of the field. I am afraid I have given you a great deal more -trouble than I intended by my enquiries for the Maronnier or Castanea -Saliva, of which I wished to possess my own country, without knowing how -rare its culture was even in yours. The two plants which your researches -have placed in your own garden, it will be all but impossible to remove -hither. The war renders their safe passage across the Atlantic extremely -precarious, and, if landed anywhere but in the Chesapeake, the risk of -the additional voyage along the coast to Virginia, is still greater. -Under these circumstances it is better they should retain their present -station, and compensate to you the trouble they have cost you. - -I learn with great pleasure the success of your new gardens at Auenay. -No occupation can be more delightful or useful. They will have the merit -of inducing you to forget those of Chaville. With the botanical riches -which you mention to have been derived to England from New Holland, we -are as yet unacquainted. Lewis's journey across our continent to the -Pacific has added a number of new plants to our former stock. Some of -them are curious, some ornamental, some useful, and some may by culture -be made acceptable on our tables. I have growing, which I destine for -you, a very handsome little shrub of the size of a currant bush. Its -beauty consists in a great produce of berries of the size of currants, and -literally as white as snow, which remain on the bush through the winter, -after its leaves have fallen, and make it an object as singular as it is -beautiful. We call it the snow-berry bush, no botanical name being yet -given to it, but I do not know why we might not call it Chionicoccos, or -Kallicoccos. All Lewis's plants are growing in the garden of Mr. McMahon, -a gardener of Philadelphia, to whom I consigned them, and from whom I -shall have great pleasure, when peace is restored, in ordering for you -any of these or of our other indigenous plants. The port of Philadelphia -has great intercourse with Bordeaux and Nantes, and some little perhaps -with Havre. I was mortified not long since by receiving a letter from -a merchant in Bordeaux, apologizing for having suffered a box of plants -addressed by me to you, to get accidentally covered in his warehouse by -other objects, and to remain three years undiscovered, when every thing -in it was found to be rotten. I have learned occasionally that others -rotted in the ware-houses of the English pirates. We are now settling -that account with them. We have taken their Upper Canada and shall add -the Lower to it when the season will admit; and hope to remove them fully -and finally from our continent. And what they will feel more, for they -value their colonies only for the bales of cloth they take from them, -we have established manufactures, not only sufficient to supersede our -demand from them, but to rivalize them in foreign markets. But for the -course of our war I will refer you to M. de La Fayette, to whom I state -it more particularly. - -Our friend Mr. Short is well. He makes Philadelphia his winter quarters, -and New York, or the country, those of the summer. In his fortune he -is perfectly independent and at ease, and does not trouble himself with -the party politics of our country. Will you permit me to place here for -M. de Tessé the testimony of my high esteem and respect, and accept -for yourself an assurance of the warm recollections I retain of your -many civilities and courtesies to me, and the homage of my constant and -affectionate attachment and respect. - - -TO DON VALENTIN DE TORONDA CORUNA. - - MONTICELLO, December 14, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--I have had the pleasure of receiving several letters from -you, covering printed propositions and pamphlets on the state of your -affairs, and all breathing the genuine sentiments of order, liberty and -philanthropy, with which I know you to be sincerely inspired. We learn -little to be depended on here as to your civil proceedings, or of the -division of sentiments among you; but in this absence of information -I have made whatever you propose the polar star of my wishes. What is -to be the issue of your present struggles we here cannot judge. But we -sincerely wish it may be what is best for the happiness and reinvigoration -of your country. That its divorce from its American colonies, which -is now unavoidable, will be a great blessing, it is impossible not to -pronounce on a review of what Spain was when she acquired them, and of -her gradual descent from that proud eminence to the condition in which -her present war found her. Nature has formed that peninsula to be the -second, and why not the first nation in Europe? Give equal habits of -energy to the bodies, and of science to the minds of her citizens, and -where could her superior be found? The most advantageous relation in -which she can stand with her American colonies is that of independent -friendship, secured by the ties of consanguinity, sameness of language, -religion, manners, and habits, and certain from the influence of these, -of a preference in her commerce, if, instead of the eternal irritations, -thwartings, machinations against their new governments, the insults and -aggressions which Great Britain has so unwisely practised towards us, -to force us to hate her against our natural inclinations, Spain yields, -like a genuine parent, to the forisfamiliation of her colonies, now at -maturity, if she extends to them her affections, her aid, her patronage -in every court and country, it will weave a bond of union indissoluble -by time. We are in a state of semi-warfare with your adjoining colonies, -the Floridas. We do not consider this as affecting our peace with Spain -or any other of her former possessions. We wish her and them well; -and under her present difficulties at home, and her doubtful future -relations with her colonies, both wisdom and interest will, I presume, -induce her to leave them to settle themselves the quarrels they draw -on themselves from their neighbors. The commanding officers in the -Floridas have excited and armed the neighboring savages to war against -us, and to murder and scalp many of our women and children as well as -men, taken by surprise--poor creatures! They have paid for it with the -loss of the flower of their strength, and have given us the right, as -we possess the power, to exterminate or to expatriate them beyond the -Mississippi. This conduct of the Spanish officers will probably oblige -us to take possession of the Floridas, and the rather as we believe the -English will otherwise seize them, and use them as stations to distract -and annoy us. But should we possess ourselves of them, and Spain retain -her other colonies in this hemisphere, I presume we shall consider them -in our hands as subjects of negociation. - -We are now at the close of our second campaign with England. During the -first we suffered several checks, from the want of capable and tried -officers; all the higher ones of the Revolution having died off during an -interval of thirty years of peace. But this second campaign has been more -successful, having given us all the lakes and country of Upper Canada, -except the single post of Kingston, at its lower extremity. The two -immediate causes of the war were the Orders of Council, and impressment -of our seamen. The first having been removed after we had declared war, -the war is continued for the second; and a third has been generated by -their conduct during the war, in exciting the Indian hordes to murder -and scalp the women and children on our frontier. This renders peace for -ever impossible but on the establishment of such a meridian boundary to -their possessions, as that they never more can have such influence with -the savages as to excite again the same barbarities. The thousand ships, -too, they took from us in peace, and the six thousand seamen impressed, -call for this indemnification. On the water we have proved to the world -the error of their invincibility, and shown that with equal force and -well-trained officers, they can be beaten by other nations as brave as -themselves. Their lying officers and printers will give to Europe very -different views of the state of their war with us. But you will see now, -as in the Revolutionary war, that they will lie, and conquer themselves -out of all their possessions on this continent. - -I pray for the happiness of your nation, and that it may be blessed with -sound views and successful measures, under the difficulties in which -it is involved; and especially that they may know the value of your -counsels, and to yourself I tender the assurances of my high respect -and esteem. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, December 25, 1813. - -DEAR SIR,--Answer my letters at your leisure. Give yourself no concern. -I write as for a refuge and protection against _ennui_. - -The fundamental principle of all philosophy and all christianity, is -"_Rejoice always in all things!_" "Be thankful at all times for all -good, and all that we call evil." Will it not follow that I ought to -rejoice and be thankful that Priestley has lived? That Gibbon has lived? -That Hume has lived, though a conceited Scotchman? That Bolingbroke has -lived, though a haughty, arrogant, supercilious dogmatist? That Burke -and Johnson have lived, though superstitious slaves, or self-deceiving -hypocrites, both? Is it not laughable to hear Burke call Bolingbroke a -superficial writer? To hear him ask: "Who ever read him through?" Had -I been present, I would have answered him, "I, I myself, I have read -him through more than fifty years ago, and more than five times in my -life, and once within five years past. And in my opinion, the epithet -'superficial,' belongs to you and your friend Johnson more than to him." - -I might say much more. But I believe Burke and Johnson to have been as -political christians as Leo Tenth. - -I return to Priestley, though I have great complaints against him for -personal injuries and persecution, at the same time that I forgive it -all, and hope and pray that he may be pardoned for it all above. - -Dr. Brocklesby, an intimate friend and convivial companion of Johnson, -told me that Johnson died in agonies of horror of annihilation; and all -the accounts we have of his death, corroborate this account of Brocklesby. -Dread of annihilation! Dread of nothing! A dread of nothing, I should -think, would be no dread at all. Can there be any real, substantial, -rational fear of nothing? Were you on your death-bed, and in your last -moments informed by demonstration of revelation, that you would cease -to think and to feel, at your dissolution, should you be terrified? -You might be ashamed of yourself for having lived so long to bear the -proud man's contumely. You might be ashamed of your Maker, and compare -him to a little girl, amusing herself, her brothers and sisters, by -blowing bubbles in soap-suds. You might compare him to boys sporting -with crackers and rockets, or to men employed in making mere artificial -fire-works, or to men and women at fairs and operas, or Sadler's Wells' -exploits, or to politicians in their intrigues, or to heroes in their -butcheries, or to Popes in their devilisms. But what should you fear? -Nothing. _Emori nolo, sed me mortuum esse nihil estimo._ - -To return to Priestley. You could make a more luminous book than his, -upon the doctrines of heathen philosophers compared with those of -revelation. Why has he not given us a more satisfactory account of the -Pythagorean Philosophy and Theology? He barely names Œileus, who lived -long before Plato. His treatise of kings and monarchy has been destroyed, -I conjecture, by Platonic Philosophers, Platonic Jews or Christians, -or by fraudulent republicans or despots. His treatise of the universe -has been preserved. He labors to prove the eternity of the world. The -Marquis D'Argens translated it, in all its noble simplicity. The Abbé -Batteaux has since given another translation. D'Argens not only explains -the text, but sheds more light upon the ancient systems. His remarks are -so many treatises, which develop the concatenation of ancient opinions. -The most essential ideas of the theology, of the physics, and of the -morality of the ancients are clearly explained, and their different -doctrines compared with one another and with the modern discoveries. I -wish I owned this book and one hundred thousand more that I want every -day, now when I am almost incapable of making any use of them. No doubt -he informs us that Pythagoras was a great traveller. Priestley barely -mentions Timæus, but it does not appear that he had read him. Why has -he not given us an account of him and his book? He was before Plato, -and gave him the idea of his Timæus, and much more of his philosophy. - -After his master, he maintained the existence of matter; that matter was -capable of receiving all sorts of forms; that a moving power agitated -all the parts of it, and that an intelligence produced a regular and -harmonious world. This intelligence had seen a plan, an _idea_ (Logos) -in conformity to which it wrought, and without which it would not have -known what it was about, nor what it wanted to do. This plan was the -_idea_, image or model which had represented to the Supreme Intelligence -the world before it existed, which had directed it in its action upon -the moving power, and which it contemplated in forming the elements, the -bodies and the world. This model was distinguished from the intelligence -which produced the world, as the architect is from his plans. He divided -the productive cause of the world into a spirit which directed the -moving force, and into an image which determined it in the choice of -the directions which it gave to the moving force, and the forms which -it gave to matter. I wonder that Priestley has overlooked this, because -it is the same philosophy with Plato's, and would have shown that the -Pythagorean as well as the Platonic philosophers probably concurred in -the fabrication of the Christian Trinity. Priestley mentions the name of -Achylas, but does not appear to have read him, though he was a successor -of Pythagoras, and a great mathematician, a great statesman and a great -general. John Gram, a learned and honorable Dane, has given a handsome -edition of his works, with a Latin translation and an ample account of his -life and writings. Seleucus, the Legislator of Locris, and Charondas, of -Sybaris, were disciples of Pythagoras, and both celebrated to immortality -for the wisdom of their laws, five hundred years before Christ. Why are -those laws lost? I say _the spirit of party_ has destroyed them; civil, -political and ecclesiastical bigotry. - -Despotical, monarchical, aristocratical and democratical fury have all -been employed in this work of destruction of everything that could give -us true light, and a clear insight of antiquity. For every one of these -parties, when possessed of power, or when they have been undermost, and -struggling to get uppermost, has been equally prone to every species of -fraud and violence and usurpation. - -Why has not Priestley mentioned these Legislators? The preamble to the -laws of Zaleucus, which is all that remains, is as orthodox christian -theology as Priestley's, and christian benevolence and forgiveness of -injuries almost as clearly expressed. - -Priestley ought to have done impartial justice to philosophy and -philosophers. Philosophy, which is the result of reason, is the first, -the original revelation of the Creator to his creature, man. When this -revelation is clear and certain by intuition or necessary induction, no -subsequent revelation supported by prophecies or miracles can supersede -it. Philosophy is not only the love of wisdom, but the science of the -universe and its cause. - -There is, there was, and there will be but one master of philosophy -in the universe. Portions of it, in different degrees, are revealed to -creatures. - -Philosophy looks with an impartial eye on all terrestrial religions. I -have examined all, as well as my narrow sphere, my straightened means -and my busy life would allow me, and the result is, that the Bible is -the best book in the world. It contains more of my little philosophy -than all the libraries I have seen; and such parts of it as I cannot -reconcile to my little philosophy, I postpone for future investigation. - -Priestley ought to have given us a sketch of the religion and morals -of Zoroaster, of Sanchoniathon, of Confucius, and all the founders of -religions before Christ, whose superiority would, from such a comparison, -have appeared the more transcendent. - -Priestley ought to have told us that Pythagoras passed twenty years in -his travels in India, in Egypt, in Chaldea, perhaps in Sodom and Gomorrah, -Tyre and Sydon. He ought to have told us that in India he conversed with -the Brahmins, and read the Shasta, five thousand years old, written in -the language of the sacred Sansosistes, with the elegance and sentiments -of Plato. Where is to be found theology more orthodox, or philosophy more -profound, than in the introduction to the Shasta? "God is one creator -of all universal sphere, without beginning, without end. God governs all -the creation by a general providence, resulting from his eternal designs. -Search not the essence and the nature of the eternal, who is one; your -research will be vain and presumptuous. It is enough that, day by day, -and night by night, you adore his power, his wisdom and his goodness, -in his works. The eternal willed in the fullness of time, to communicate -of his essence and of his splendor, to beings capable of perceiving it. -They as yet existed not. The eternal willed and they were. He created -Birma, Vitsnou and Siv." These doctrines, sublime, if ever there were -any sublime, Pythagoras learned in India, and taught them to Zaleucus -and his other disciples. He there learned also his Metempsychosis, but -this never was popular, never made much progress in Greece or Italy, -or any other country besides India and Tartary, the region of the grand -immortal Lama. And how does this differ from the possessions of demons -in Greece and Rome? from the demon of Socrates? from the worship of cows -and crocodiles in Egypt and elsewhere? - -After migrating through various animals, from elephants to serpents, -according to their behavior, souls that at last behaved well, became -men and women, and then if they were good, they went to heaven. - -All ended in heaven, if they became virtuous. Who can wonder at the widow -of Malabar? Where is the lady, who, if her faith were without doubt that -she should go to heaven with her husband on the one, or migrate into -a toad or a wasp on the other, would not lay down on the pile, and set -fire to the fuel? - -Modifications and disguises of the Metempsychosis, has crept into Egypt, -and Greece, and Rome, and other countries. Have you read Farmer on the -Dæmons and possessions of the New Testament? According to the Shasta, -Moisasor, with his companions, rebelled against the eternal, and were -precipitated down to Ondoro, the region of darkness. - -Do you know anything of the Prophecy of Enoch? Can you give me a comment -on the 6th, the 9th, the 14th verses of the epistle of Jude? - -If I am not weary of writing, I am sure you must be of reading such -incoherent rattle. I will not persecute you so severely in future, if -I can help it. - -So farewell. - - -TO THOMAS LIEPER. - - MONTICELLO, January 1, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I had hoped, when I retired from the business of the world, -that I should have been permitted to pass the evening of life in -tranquillity, undisturbed by the peltings and passions of which the -public papers are the vehicles. I see, however, that I have been dragged -into the newspapers by the infidelity of one with whom I was formerly -intimate, but who has abandoned the American principles out of which that -intimacy grew, and become the bigoted partisan of England, and malcontent -of his own government. In a letter which he wrote to me, he earnestly -besought me to avail our country of the good understanding which existed -between the executive and myself, by recommending an offer of such terms -to our enemy as might produce a peace, towards which he was confident -that enemy was disposed. In my answer, I stated the aggressions, the -insults and injuries, which England had been heaping on us for years, -our long forbearance in the hope she might be led by time and reflection -to a sounder view of her own interests, and of their connection with -justice to us, the repeated propositions for accommodation made by us and -rejected by her, and at length her Prince Regent's solemn proclamation -to the world that he would never repeal the orders in council _as to -us_, until France should have revoked her illegal decrees _as to all -the world_, and her minister's declaration to ours, that no admissible -precaution against the impressment of our seamen, could be proposed: that -the unavoidable declaration of war which followed these was accompanied -by advances for peace, on terms which no American could dispense with, -made through various channels, and unnoticed and unanswered through any; -but that if he could suggest any other conditions which we ought to -accept, and which had not been repeatedly offered and rejected, I was -ready to be the channel of their conveyance to the government; and, to -show him that neither that attachment to Bonaparte nor French influence, -which they allege eternally without believing it themselves, affected -my mind, I threw in the two little sentences of the printed extract -enclosed in your friendly favor of the 9th ultimo, and exactly these two -little sentences, from a letter of two or three pages, he has thought -proper to publish, naked, alone, and with my name, although other parts -of the letter would have shown that I wished such limits only to the -successes of Bonaparte, as should not prevent his completely closing -Europe against British manufactures and commerce; and thereby reducing -her to just terms of peace with us. - -Thus am I situated. I receive letters from all quarters, some from known -friends, some from those who write like friends, on various subjects. -What am I to do? Am I to button myself up in Jesuitical reserve, rudely -declining any answer, or answering in terms so unmeaning as only to -prove my distrust? Must I withdraw myself from all interchange, of -sentiment with the world? I cannot do this. It is at war with my habits -and temper. I cannot act as if all men were unfaithful because some are -so; nor believe that all will betray me, because some do. I had rather -be the victim of occasional infidelities, than relinquish my general -confidence in the honesty of man. - -So far as to the breach of confidence which has brought me into the -newspapers, with a view to embroil me with my friends, by a supposed -separation in opinion and principle from them. But it is impossible that -there can be any difference of opinion among us on the two propositions -contained in these two little sentences, when explained, as they were -explained in the context from which they were insulated. That Bonaparte -is an unprincipled tyrant, who is deluging the continent of Europe with -blood, there is not a human being, not even the wife of his bosom, -who does not see: nor can there, I think, be a doubt as to the line -we ought to wish drawn between his successes and those of Alexander. -Surely none of us wish to see Bonaparte conquer Russia, and lay thus -at his feet the whole continent of Europe. This done, England would be -but a breakfast; and, although I am free from the visionary fears which -the votaries of England have effected to entertain, because I believe -he cannot effect the conquest of Europe; yet put all Europe into his -hands, and he might spare such a force, to be sent in British ships, -as I would as leave not have to encounter, when I see how much trouble -a handful of British soldiers in Canada has given us. No. It cannot be -to our interest that all Europe should be reduced to a single monarchy. -The true line of interest for us, is, that Bonaparte should be able to -effect the complete exclusion of England from the whole continent of -Europe, in order, as the same letter said, "by this peaceable engine of -constraint, to make her renounce her views of dominion over the ocean, -of permitting no other nation to navigate it but with her license, and -on tribute to her, and her aggressions on the persons of our citizens -who may choose to exercise their right of passing over that element." -And this would be effected by Bonaparte's succeeding so far as to close -the Baltic against her. This success I wished him the last year, this -I wish him this year; but were he again advanced to Moscow, I should -again wish him such disasters as would prevent his reaching Petersburg. -And were the consequences even to be the longer continuance of our war, -I would rather meet them than see the whole force of Europe wielded by -a single hand. - -I have gone into this explanation, my friend, because I know you will -not carry my letter to the newspapers, and because I am willing to trust -to your discretion the explaining me to our honest fellow laborers, -and the bringing them to pause and reflect, if any of them have not -sufficiently reflected on the extent of the success we ought to wish to -Bonaparte, with a view to our own interests only; and even were we not -men, to whom nothing human should be indifferent. But is our particular -interest to make us insensible to all sentiments of morality? Is it -then become criminal, the moral wish that the torrents of blood this -man is shedding in Europe, the sufferings of so many human beings, good -as ourselves, on whose necks he is trampling, the burnings of ancient -cities, devastations of great countries, the destruction of law and -order, and demoralization of the world, should be arrested, even if it -should place our peace a little further distant? No. You and I cannot -differ in wishing that Russia, and Sweden, and Denmark, and Germany, -and Spain, and Portugal, and Italy, and even England, may retain their -independence. And if we differ in our opinions about Towers and his -four beasts and ten kingdoms, we differ as friends, indulging mutual -errors, and doing justice to mutual sincerity and honesty. In this spirit -of sincere confidence and affection, I pray God to bless you here and -hereafter. - - -TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES. - - MONTICELLO, January 2, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of November the 25th reached this place December the -21st, having been near a month on the way. How this could happen I know -not, as we have two mails a week both from Fredericksburg and Richmond. -It found me just returned from a long journey and absence, during which -so much business had accumulated, commanding the first attentions, that -another week has been added to the delay. - -I deplore, with you, the putrid state into which our newspapers have -passed, and the malignity, the vulgarity, and mendacious spirit of those -who write for them; and I enclose you a recent sample, the production of -a New England judge, as a proof of the abyss of degradation into which -we are fallen. These ordures are rapidly depraving the public taste, -and lessening its relish for sound food. As vehicles of information, and -a curb on our functionaries, they have rendered themselves useless, by -forfeiting all title to belief. That this has, in a great degree, been -produced by the violence and malignity of party spirit, I agree with you; -and I have read with great pleasure the paper you enclosed me on that -subject, which I now return. It is at the same time a perfect model of -the style of discussion which candor and decency should observe, of the -tone which renders difference of opinion even amiable, and a succinct, -correct, and dispassionate history of the origin and progress of party -among us. It might be incorporated as it stands, and without changing a -word, into the history of the present epoch, and would give to posterity -a fairer view of the times than they will probably derive from other -sources. In reading it with great satisfaction, there was but a single -passage where I wished a little more development of a very sound and -catholic idea; a single intercalation to rest it solidly on true bottom. -It is near the end of the first page, where you make a statement of -genuine republican maxims; saying, "that the people ought to possess as -much political power as can possibly exist with the order and security of -society." Instead of this, I would say, "that the people, being the only -safe depository of power, should exercise in person every function which -their qualifications enable them to exercise, consistently with the order -and security of society; that we now find them equal to the election of -those who shall be invested with their executive and legislative powers, -and to act themselves in the judiciary, as judges in questions of fact; -that the range of their powers ought to be enlarged," &c. This gives -both the reason and exemplication of the maxim you express, "that they -ought to possess as much political power," &c. I see nothing to correct -either in your facts or principles. - -You say that in taking General Washington on your shoulders, to bear him -harmless through the federal coalition, you encounter a perilous topic. -I do not think so. You have given the genuine history of the course of -his mind through the trying scenes in which it was engaged, and of the -seductions by which it was deceived, but not depraved. I think I knew -General Washington intimately and thoroughly; and were I called on to -delineate his character, it should be in terms like these. - -His mind was great and powerful, without being of the very first order; -his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of a Newton, Bacon, -or Locke; and as far as he saw, no judgment was ever sounder. It was slow -in operation, being little aided by invention or imagination, but sure in -conclusion. Hence the common remark of his officers, of the advantage he -derived from councils of war, where hearing all suggestions, he selected -whatever was best; and certainly no General ever planned his battles -more judiciously. But if deranged during the course of the action, if any -member of his plan was dislocated by sudden circumstances, he was slow in -re-adjustment. The consequence was, that he often failed in the field, -and rarely against an enemy in station, as at Boston and York. He was -incapable of fear, meeting personal dangers with the calmest unconcern. -Perhaps the strongest feature in his character was prudence, never acting -until every circumstance, every consideration, was maturely weighed; -refraining if he saw a doubt, but, when once decided, going through with -his purpose, whatever obstacles opposed. His integrity was most pure, his -justice the most inflexible I have ever known, no motives of interest or -consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. -He was, indeed, in every sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great -man. His temper was naturally irritable and high toned; but reflection -and resolution had obtained a firm and habitual ascendency over it. If -ever, however, it broke its bonds, he was most tremendous in his wrath. -In his expenses he was honorable, but exact; liberal in contributions to -whatever promised utility; but frowning and unyielding on all visionary -projects, and all unworthy calls on his charity. His heart was not warm -in its affections; but he exactly calculated every man's value, and gave -him a solid esteem proportioned to it. His person, you know, was fine, -his stature exactly what one would wish, his deportment easy, erect and -noble; the best horseman of his age, and the most graceful figure that -could be seen on horseback. Although in the circle of his friends, where -he might be unreserved with safety, he took a free share in conversation, -his colloquial talents were not above mediocrity, possessing neither -copiousness of ideas, nor fluency of words. In public, when called on for -a sudden opinion, he was unready, short and embarrassed. Yet he wrote -readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and correct style. This he had -acquired by conversation with the world, for his education was merely -reading, writing and common arithmetic, to which he added surveying at -a later day. His time was employed in action chiefly, reading little, -and that only in agriculture and English history. His correspondence -became necessarily extensive, and, with journalizing his agricultural -proceedings, occupied most of his leisure hours within doors. On the -whole, his character was, in its mass, perfect, in nothing bad, in few -points indifferent; and it may truly be said, that never did nature and -fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great, and to place him in -the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited from man an -everlasting remembrance. For his was the singular destiny and merit, of -leading the armies of his country successfully through an arduous war, -for the establishment of its independence; of conducting its councils -through the birth of a government, new in its forms and principles, until -it had settled down into a quiet and orderly train; and of scrupulously -obeying the laws through the whole of his career, civil and military, -of which the history of the world furnishes no other example. - -How, then, can it be perilous for you to take such a man on your -shoulders? I am satisfied the great body of republicans think of him as -I do. We were, indeed, dissatisfied with him on his ratification of the -British treaty. But this was short lived. We knew his honesty, the wiles -with which he was encompassed, and that age had already began to relax the -firmness of his purposes; and I am convinced he is more deeply seated in -the love and gratitude of the republicans, than in the Pharisaical homage -of the federal monarchists. For he was no monarchist from preference -of his judgment. The soundness of that gave him correct views of the -rights of man, and his severe justice devoted him to them. He has often -declared to me that he considered our new constitution as an experiment -on the practicability of republican government, and with what dose of -liberty man could be trusted for his own good; that he was determined -the experiment should have a fair trial, and would lose the last drop -of his blood in support of it. And these declarations he repeated to me -the oftener and more pointedly, because he knew my suspicions of Colonel -Hamilton's views, and probably had heard from him the same declarations -which I had, to wit, "that the British constitution, with its unequal -representation, corruption and other existing abuses, was the most -perfect government which had ever been established on earth, and that a -reformation of those abuses would make it an impracticable government." -I do believe that General Washington had not a firm confidence in the -durability of our government. He was naturally distrustful of men, and -inclined to gloomy apprehensions; and I was ever persuaded that a belief -that we must at length end in something like a British constitution, -had some weight in his adoption of the ceremonies of levees, birth-days, -pompous meetings with Congress, and other forms of the same character, -calculated to prepare us gradually for a change which he believed -possible, and to let it come on with as little shock as might be to the -public mind. - -These are my opinions of General Washington, which I would vouch at the -judgment seat of God, having been formed on an acquaintance of thirty -years. I served with him in the Virginia legislature from 1769 to the -Revolutionary war, and again, a short time in Congress, until he left us -to take command of the army. During the war and after it we corresponded -occasionally, and in the four years of my continuance in the office of -Secretary of State, our intercourse was daily, confidential and cordial. -After I retired from that office, great and malignant pains were taken -by our federal monarchists, and not entirely without effect, to make him -view me as a theorist, holding French principles of government, which -would lead infallibly to licentiousness and anarchy. And to this he -listened the more easily, from my known disapprobation of the British -treaty. I never saw him afterwards, or these malignant insinuations -should have been dissipated before his just judgment, as mists before -the sun. I felt on his death, with my countrymen, that "verily a great -man hath fallen this day in Israel." - -More time and recollection would enable me to add many other traits of -his character; but why add them to you who knew him well? And I cannot -justify to myself a longer detention of your paper. - -_Vale, proprieque tuum, me esse tibi persuadeas._ - - -TO JOHN PINTARD RECORDING SECRETARY OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY. - - MONTICELLO, January 9, 1814. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of December 22d, informing me that -the New York Historical Society had been pleased to elect me an honorary -member of that institution. I am entirely sensible of the honor done me -by this election, and I pray you to become the channel of my grateful -acknowledgments to the society. At this distance, and at my time of life, -I cannot but be conscious how little it will be in my power to further -their establishment, and that I should be but an unprofitable member, -carrying into the institution indeed, my best wishes for its success, -and a readiness to serve it on any occasion which should occur. With -these acknowledgments, be so good as to accept for the society, as well -as for yourself, the assurances of my high respect and consideration. - - -TO SAMUEL M. BURNSIDE, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. - - MONTICELLO, January 9, 1814. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 13th of December, informing -me of the institution of the American Antiquarian Society, and expressing -its disposition to honor me with an admission into it, and the request -of my co-operation in the advancement of its objects. No one can be more -sensible of the honor and the favor of these dispositions, and I pray -you to have the goodness to testify to them all the gratitude I feel -on receiving assurances of them. There has been a time of life when I -should have entered into their views with zeal, and with a hope of not -being altogether unuseful. But, now more than septuagenary, retired -from the active scenes and business of life, I am sensible how little -I can contribute to the advancement of the objects of their views; but -I shall certainly, and with great pleasure, embrace any occasion which -shall occur, of rendering them any services in my power. With these -assurances, be so good as to accept for them and for yourself, those of -my high respect and consideration. - - -TO DOCTOR THOMAS COOPER. - - MONTICELLO, January 16, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of November 8th, if it was rightly dated, did not -come to hand till December 13th, and being absent on a long journey, it -has remained unanswered till now. The copy of your introductory lecture -was received and acknowledged in my letter of July 12, 1812, with which I -sent you Tracy's first volume on Logic. Your Justinian came safely also, -and I have been constantly meaning to acknowledge it, but I wished, at -the same time, to say something more. I possessed Theopilus', Vinnius' -and Harris' editions, but read over your notes and the _addenda et -corrifenda_, and especially the parallels with the English law, with -great satisfaction and edification. Your edition will be very useful -to our lawyers, some of whom will need the translation as well as the -notes. But what I had wanted to say to you on the subject, was that I -much regret that instead of this work, useful as it may be, you had not -bestowed the same time and research rather on a translation and notes -on Bracton, a work which has never been performed for us, and which I -have always considered as one of the greatest desiderata in the law. -The laws of England, in their progress from the earliest to the present -times, may be likened to the road of a traveller, divided into distinct -stages or resting places, at each of which a review is taken of the -road passed over so far. The first of these was Bracton's _De legibus -Angliæ_; the second, Coke's Institutes; the third, the Abridgment of -the law by Matthew Bacon; and the fourth, Blackstone's Commentaries. -Doubtless there were others before Bracton which have not reached us. -Alfred, in the preface to his laws, says they were compiled from those -of Ina, Offa, and Aethelbert, into which, or rather preceding them, the -clergy have interpolated the 20th, 21st, 22d, 23d and 24th chapters of -Exodus, so as to place Alfred's preface to what was really his, awkwardly -enough in the body of the work. An interpolation the more glaring, as -containing laws expressly contradicted by those of Alfred. This pious -fraud seems to have been first noted by Howard, in his _Contumes Anglo -Normandes_ (188), and the pious judges of England have had no inclination -to question it; [of this disposition in these judges, I could give you -a curious sample from a note in my common-place book, made while I was -a student, but it is too long to be now copied. Perhaps I may give it -to you with some future letter.] This digest of Alfred of the laws of -the Heptarchy into a single code, common to the whole kingdom, by him -first reduced into one, was probably the birth of what is called the -common law. He has been styled, "Magnus Juris Anglicani Conditor;" and -his code, the Dom-Dec, or doom-book. That which was made afterwards -under Edward the Confessor, was but a restoration of Alfred's, with -some intervening alterations. And this was the code which the English -so often, under the Norman princes, petitioned to have restored to them. -But, all records previous to the _Magna Charta_ having been early lost, -Bracton's is the first digest of the whole body of law which has come -down to us entire. What materials for it existed in his time we know -not, except the unauthoritative collections of Lambard & Wilkins, and -the treatise of Glanville, tempore H. 2. Bracton's is the more valuable, -because being written a very few years after the _Magna Charta_, which -commences what is called the statute law, it gives us the state of the -common law in its ultimate form, and exactly at the point of division -between the common and statute law. It is a most able work, complete in -its matter and luminous in its method. - -2. The statutes which introduced changes began now to be preserved; -applications of the law to new cases by the courts, began soon after to -be reported in the year-books, these to be methodized and abridged by -Fitzherbert, Broke, Rolle, and others; individuals continued the business -of reporting; particular treatises were written by able men, and all -these, by the time of Lord Coke, had formed so large a mass of matter -as to call for a new digest, to bring it within reasonable compass. -This he undertook in his Institutes, harmonizing all the decisions and -opinions which were reconcilable, and rejecting those not so. This work -is executed with so much learning and judgment, that I do not recollect -that a single position in it has ever been judicially denied. And although -the work loses much of its value by its chaotic form, it may still be -considered as the fundamental code of the English law. - -3. The same processes re-commencing of statutory changes, new divisions, -multiplied reports, and special treatises, a new accumulation had formed, -calling for new reduction, by the time of Matthew Bacon. His work, -therefore, although not pretending to the textual merit of Bracton's, -or Coke's, was very acceptable. His alphabetical arrangement, indeed, -although better than Coke's jumble, was far inferior to Bracton's. But it -was a sound digest of the materials existing on the several alphabetical -heads under which he arranged them. His work was not admitted as authority -in Westminster Hall; yet it was the manual of every judge and lawyer, -and, what better proves its worth, has been its daily growth in the -general estimation. - -4. A succeeding interval of changes and additions of matter produced -Blackstone's Commentaries, the most lucid in arrangement which had yet -been written, correct in its matter, classical in style, and rightfully -taking its place by the side of the Justinian Institutes. But, like them -it was only an elementary book. It did not present all the subjects of -the law in all their details. It still left it necessary to recur to -the original works of which it was the summary. The great mass of law -books from which it was extracted, was still to be consulted on minute -investigations. It wanted, therefore, a species of merit which entered -deeply into the value of those of Bracton, Coke and Bacon. They had in -effect swept the shelves of all the materials preceding them. To give -Blackstone, therefore, a full measure of value, another work is still -wanting, to-wit: to incorporate with his principles a compend of the -particular cases subsequent to Bacon, of which they are the essence. -This might be done by printing under his text a digest like Bacon's -continued to Blackstone's time. It would enlarge his work, and increase -its value peculiarly to us, because just there we break off from the -parent stem of the English law, unconcerned in any of its subsequent -changes or decisions. - -Of the four digests noted, the three last are possessed and understood -by every one. But the first, the fountain of them all, remains in -its technical Latin, abounding in terms antiquated, obsolete, and -unintelligible but to the most learned of the body of lawyers. To give it -to us then in English, with a glossary of its old terms, is a work for -which I know nobody but yourself possessing the necessary learning and -industry. The latter part of it would be furnished to your hand from the -glossaries of Wilkins, Lambard, Spelman, Somner in the X. Scriptores, the -index of Coke and the law dictionaries. Could not such an undertaking be -conveniently associated with your new vocation of giving law lectures? -I pray you to think of it.[8] A further operation indeed, would still be -desirable. To take up the doctrines of Bracton, _separatim et seriatim_, -to give their history through the periods of Lord Coke and Bacon, down -to Blackstone, to show when and how some of them have become extinct, -the successive alterations made in others, and their progress to the -state in which Blackstone found them. But this might be a separate work, -left for your greater leisure or for some future pen.[9] - -I have long had under contemplation, and been collecting materials for -the plan of an university in Virginia which should comprehend all the -sciences useful to us, and none others. The general idea is suggested in -the Notes on Virginia, Qu. 14. This would probably absorb the functions -of William and Mary College, and transfer them to a healthier and more -central position: perhaps to the neighborhood of this place. The long and -lingering decline of William and Mary, the death of its last president, -its location and climate, force on us the wish for a new institution -more convenient to our country generally, and better adapted to the -present state of science. I have been told there will be an effort in -the present session of our legislature, to effect such an establishment. -I confess, however, that I have not great confidence that this will -be done. Should it happen, it would offer places worthy of you, and of -which you are worthy. It might produce, too, a bidder for the apparatus -and library of Dr. Priestley, to which they might add mine on their -own terms. This consists of about seven or eight thousand volumes, the -best chosen collection of its size probably in America, and containing -a great mass of what is most rare and valuable, and especially of what -relates to America. - -You have given us, in your Emporium, Bollman's medley on Political -Economy. It is the work of one who sees a little of everything, and the -whole of nothing; and were it not for your own notes on it, a sentence -of which throws more just light on the subject than all his pages, we -should regret the place it occupies of more useful matter. The bringing -our countrymen to a sound comparative estimate of the vast value of -internal commerce, and the disproportionate importance of what is foreign, -is the most salutary effort which can be made for the prosperity of -these States, which are entirely misled from their true interests by -the infection of English prejudices, and illicit attachments to English -interests and connections. I look to you for this effort. It would -furnish a valuable chapter for every Emporium; but I would rather see -it also in the newspapers, which alone find access to every one. - -Everything predicted by the enemies of banks, in the beginning, is now -coming to pass. We are to be ruined now by the deluge of bank paper, as -we were formerly by the old Continental paper. It is cruel that such -revolutions in private fortunes should be at the mercy of avaricious -adventurers, who, instead of employing their capital, if any they have, in -manufactures, commerce, and other useful pursuits, make it an instrument -to burthen all the interchanges of property with their swindling profits, -profits which are the price of no useful industry of theirs. Prudent -men must be on their guard in this game of _Robin's alive_, and take -care that the spark does not extinguish in their hands. I am an enemy -to all banks discounting bills or notes for anything but coin. But our -whole country is so fascinated by this Jack-lantern wealth, that they -will not stop short of its total and fatal explosion.[10] - -Have you seen the memorial to Congress on the subject of Oliver Evans' -patent rights? The memorialists have published in it a letter of mine -containing some views on this difficult subject. But I have opened it no -further than to raise the questions belonging to it. I wish we could have -the benefit of your lights on these questions. The abuse of the frivolous -patents is likely to cause more inconvenience than is countervailed by -those really useful. We know not to what uses we may apply implements -which have been in our hands before the birth of our government, and -even the discovery of America. The memorial is a thin pamphlet, printed -by Robinson of Baltimore, a copy of which has been laid on the desk of -every member of Congress. - -You ask if it is a secret who wrote the commentary on Montesquieu? It -must be a secret during the author's life. I may only say at present that -it was written by a Frenchman, that the original MS. in French is now -in my possession, that it was translated and edited by General Duane, -and that I should rejoice to see it printed in its original tongue, -if any one would undertake it. No book can suffer more by translation, -because of the severe correctness of the original in the choice of its -terms. I have taken measures for securing to the author his justly-earned -fame, whenever his death or other circumstances may render it safe for -him. Like you, I do not agree with him in everything, and have had some -correspondence with him on particular points. But on the whole, it is a -most valuable work, one which I think will form an epoch in the science -of government, and which I wish to see in the hands of every American -student, as the elementary and fundamental institute of that important -branch of human science.[11] - -I have never seen the answer of Governor Strong to the judges of -Massachusetts, to which you allude, nor the Massachusetts reports in -which it is contained. But I am sure you join me in lamenting the general -defection of lawyers and judges, from the free principles of government. -I am sure they do not derive this degenerate spirit from the father of -our science, Lord Coke. But it may be the reason why they cease to read -him, and the source of what are now called "Blackstone lawyers." - -Go on in all your good works, without regard to the eye "of suspicion -and distrust with which you may be viewed by some," and without being -weary in well doing, and be assured that you are justly estimated by -the impartial mass of our fellow citizens, and by none more than myself. - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - [8] [Bracton has at length been translated in England.] - - [9] [This has been done by Reeves, in his History of the Law.] - - [10] [This accordingly took place four years after.] - - [11] [The original has since been published in France, with - the name of its author, M. de Tutt Tracy.] - - -TO OLIVER EVANS, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, January 16, 1814. - -SIR,--In August last I received a letter from Mr. Isaac McPherson of -Baltimore, on the controversies subsisting between yourself and some -persons in that quarter interested in mills. These related to your -patent rights for the elevators, conveyors, and hopper-boys; and he -requested any information I could give him on that subject. Having -been formerly a member of the patent board, as long as it existed, -and bestowed in the execution of that trust much consideration on the -questions belonging to it, I thought it an act of justice, and indeed -of duty, to communicate such facts and principles as had occurred to me -on the subject. I therefore wrote the letter of August 13, which is the -occasion of your favor to me of the 7th instant, just now received, but -without the report of the case tried in the circuit court of Maryland, -or your memorial to Congress, mentioned in the letter as accompanying -it. You request an answer to your letter, which my respect and esteem -for you would of themselves have dictated; but I am not certain that I -distinguish the particular points to which you wish a specific answer. -You agree in the letter, that the chain of buckets and Archimedes screw -are old inventions; that every one had, and still has, a right to use -them and the hopper-boy, if that also existed previously, in the forms -and constructions known before your patent; and that, therefore, you have -neither a grant nor claim, to the exclusive right of using elevators, -conveyors, hopper-boys, or drills, but only of the improved elevator, -the improved hopper-boy, &c. In this, then, we are entirely agreed, -and your right to your own improvements in the construction of these -machines is explicitly recognized in my letter. I think, however, that -your letter claims something more, although it is not so explicitly -defined as to convey to my mind the precise idea which you perhaps meant -to express. Your letter says that your patent is for your improvement in -the manufacture of flour by the application of certain principles, and of -such machinery as will carry those principles into operation, whether of -the improved elevator, improved hopper-boy, or (without being confined to -them) of any machinery known and free to the public. I can conceive how a -machine may improve the manufacture of flour; but not how a _principle_ -abstracted from any machine can do it. It must then be the machine, and -the principle of that machine, which is secured to you by your patent. -Recurring now to the words of your definition, do they mean that, while -all are free to use the old string of buckets, and Archimedes' screw for -the purposes to which they had been formerly applied, you alone have the -exclusive right to apply them to the manufacture of flour? that no one -has a right to apply his old machines to all the purposes of which they -are susceptible? that every one, for instance, who can apply the hoe, -the spade, or the axe to any purpose to which they have not been before -applied, may have a patent for the exclusive right to that application? -and may exclude all others, under penalties, from so using their hoe, -spade, or axe? If this be the meaning, my opinion that the legislature -never meant by the patent law to sweep away so extensively the rights -of their constituents, to environ everything they touch with snares, -is expressed in the letter of August 13, from which I have nothing to -retract, nor ought to add but the observation that if a new application -of our old machines be a ground of monopoly, the patent law will take -from us much more good than it will give. Perhaps it may mean another -thing, that while every one has a right to the distinct and separate use -of the buckets, the screw, the hopper-boy, in their old forms, the patent -gives you the exclusive right to combine their uses on the same object. -But if we have a right to use three things separately, I see nothing in -reason, or in the patent law, which forbids our using them all together. -A man has a right to use a saw, an axe, a plane separately; may he not -combine their uses on the same piece of wood? He has a right to use his -knife to cut his meat, a fork to hold it; may a patentee take from him -the right to combine their use on the same subject? Such a law, instead -of enlarging our conveniences, as was intended, would most fearfully -abridge them, and crowd us by monopolies out of the use of the things -we have. - -I have no particular interest, however, in these questions, nor any -inclination to be the advocate of either party; and I hope I shall be -excused from it. I shall acquiesce cheerfully in the decisions in your -favor by those to whom the laws have confided them, without blaming -the other party for being unwilling, when so new a branch of science -has been recently engrafted on our jurisprudence, one with which its -professors have till now had no call to make themselves acquainted, one -bearing little analogy to their professional educations or pursuits. That -they should be unwilling, I say, to admit that one or two decisions, -before inferior and local tribunals, before the questions shall have -been repeatedly and maturely examined in all their bearings, before -the cases shall have presented themselves in all their forms and -attitudes, before a sanction by the greater part of the judges on the -most solemn investigations, and before the industry and intelligence -of many defendants may have excited to efforts for the vindication of -the general rights of the citizen; that one or other of the precedents -should forever foreclose the whole of a new subject. - -To the publication of this answer with your letter, as you request, I have -no objection. I wish right to be done to all parties, and to yourself, -particularly and personally, the just rewards of genius; and I tender -you the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, January 17, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--In your last letter to me you expressed a desire to look into -the question whether, by the laws of nature, one generation of men can, -by any act of theirs, bind those which are to follow them? I say, by the -laws of nature, there being between generation and generation, as between -nation and nation, no other obligatory law; and you requested to see -what I had said on the subject to Mr. Eppes. I enclose, _for your own -perusal_, therefore, three letters which I wrote to him on the course of -our finances, which embrace the question before stated. When I wrote the -first, I had no thought of following it by a second. I was led to that by -his subsequent request, and after the second I was induced, in a third, -to take up the subject of banks, by the communication of a proposition to -be laid before Congress for the establishment of a new bank. I mention -this to explain the total absence of order in these letters as a whole. -I have said above that they are sent for _your own perusal_, not meaning -to debar any use of the matter, but only that my name may in nowise be -connected with it. I am too desirous of tranquillity to bring such a -nest of hornets on me as the fraternities of banking companies, and this -infatuation of banks is a torrent which it would be a folly for me to -get into the way of. I see that it must take its course, until actual -ruin shall awaken us from its delusions. Until the gigantic banking -propositions of this winter had made their appearance in the different -legislatures, I had hoped that the evil might still be checked; but I -see now that it is desperate, and that we must fold our arms and go to -the bottom with the ship. I had been in hopes that good old Virginia, not -yet so far embarked as her northern sisters, would have set the example -this winter, of beginning the process of cure, by passing a law that, -after a certain time, suppose of six months, no bank bill of less than -ten dollars should be permitted. That after some other reasonable term, -there should be none less than twenty dollars, and so on, until those -only should be left in circulation whose size would be above the common -transactions of any but merchants. This would ensure to us an ordinary -circulation of metallic money, and would reduce the quantum of paper -within the bounds of moderate mischief. And it is the only way in which -the reduction can be made without a shock to private fortunes. A sudden -stoppage of this trash, either by law or its own worthlessness, would -produce confusion and ruin. Yet this will happen by its own extinction, if -left to itself. Whereas, by a salutary interposition of the legislature, -it may be withdrawn insensibly and safely. Such a mode of doing it, too, -would give less alarm to the bank-holders, the discreet part of whom must -wish to see themselves secured by some circumscription. It might be asked -what we should do for change? The banks must provide it, first to pay -off their five-dollar bills, next their ten-dollar bills and so on, and -they ought to provide it to lessen the evils of their institution. But -I now give up all hope. After producing the same revolutions in private -fortunes as the old Continental paper did, it will die like that, adding -a total incapacity to raise resources for the war. - -Withdrawing myself within the shell of our own State, I have long -contemplated a division of it into hundreds or wards, as the most -fundamental measure for securing good government, and for instilling -the principles and exercise of self-government into every fibre of every -member of our commonwealth. But the details are too long for a letter, and -must be the subject of conversation, whenever I shall have the pleasure -of seeing you. It is for some of you young legislators to immortalize -yourselves by laying this stone as the basis of our political edifice. - -I must ask the favor of an early return of the enclosed papers, of which -I have no copy. Ever affectionately yours. - - -TO MR. R. M. PATTERSON, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. - - MONTICELLO, January 20, 1814. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 7th, informing me that the -American Philosophical Society, at their meeting of that day, had been -pleased unanimously to elect me as President of the Society. I receive -with just sensibility this proof of their continued good will, and pray -you to assure them of my gratitude for these favors, of my devotedness -to their service, and the pleasure with which at all times I should in -any way be made useful to them. - -For yourself be pleased to accept the assurance of my great esteem and -respect. - - -TO PRESIDENT ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, January 24, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I have great need of the indulgence so kindly extended to me -in your favor of December 25, of permitting me to answer your friendly -letters at my leisure. My frequent and long absences from home are a first -cause of tardiness in my correspondence, and a second the accumulation -of business during my absence, some of which imperiously commands first -attentions. I am now in arrear to you for your letters of November 12, -14, 16, December 3, 19, 25. - - * * * * * - -You ask me if I have ever seen the work of I. W. Goethen's Schriften? -Never; nor did the question ever occur to me before where get we the ten -commandments? The book indeed gives them to us verbatim, but where did -it get them? For itself tells us they were written by the finger of God -on tables of stone, which were destroyed by Moses; it specifies those -on the second set of tables in different form and substance, but still -without saying how the others were recovered. But the whole history of -these books is so defective and doubtful, that it seems vain to attempt -minute inquiry into it; and such tricks have been played with their text, -and with the texts of other books relating to them, that we have a right -from that cause to entertain much doubt what parts of them are genuine. -In the New Testament there is internal evidence that parts of it have -proceeded from an extraordinary man; and that other parts are of the -fabric of very inferior minds. It is as easy to separate those parts, as -to pick out diamonds from dunghills. The matter of the first was such -as would be preserved in the memory of the hearers, and handed on by -tradition for a long time; the latter such stuff as might be gathered up, -for imbedding it, anywhere, and at any time. I have nothing of Vives, or -Budæus, and little of Erasmus. If the familiar histories of the Saints, -the want of which they regret, would have given us the histories of those -tricks which these writers acknowledge to have been practised, and of the -lies they agree have been invented for the sake of religion, I join them -in their regrets. These would be the only parts of their histories worth -reading. It is not only the sacred volumes they have thus interpolated, -gutted, and falsified, but the works of others relating to them, and -even the laws of the land. We have a curious instance of one of these -pious frauds in the laws of Alfred. He composed, you know, from the laws -of the Heptarchy, a digest for the government of the United Kingdom, -and in his preface to that work he tells us expressly the sources from -which he drew it, to wit, the laws of Ina, of Offa and Aethelbert, (not -naming the Pentateuch.) But his pious interpolator, very awkwardly, -_premises_ to his work four chapters of Exodus (from the 20th to the -23d) as a part of the laws of the land; so that Alfred's _preface_ is -made to stand in the body of the work. Our judges too have lent a ready -hand to further these frauds, and have been willing to lay the yoke of -their own opinions on the necks of others; to extend the coercions of -municipal law to the dogmas of their religion, by declaring that these -make a part of the law of the land. In the Year-Book 34, H. 6, p. 38, in -Quære impedit, where the question was how far the common law takes notice -of the ecclesiastical law, Prisot, Chief Justice, in the course of his -argument, says, "a tiels leis que ils de seint eglise ont, en _ancien -scripture_, covient a nous a donner credence; car ces common luy sur -quels touts manners leis sont fondes; et auxy, siv, nous sumus obliges -de canustre lour esy de saint eglise," &c. Finch begins the business of -falsification by mistranslating and mistating the words of Prisot thus: -"to such laws of the church as have warrant in _holy scripture_ our law -giveth credence." Citing the above case and the words of Prisot in the -margin, Finch's law, B. 1, c. 3, here then we find _ancien scripture_, -ancient writing, translated "holy scripture." This, Wingate, in 1658, -erects into a maxim of law in the very words of Finch, but citing Prisot -and not Finch. And Sheppard, tit. Religion, in 1675 laying it down in -the same words of Finch, quotes the Year-Book, Finch and Wingate. Then -comes Sir Matthew Hale, in the case of the King _v._ Taylor, 1 Ventr. -293, 3 Keb. 607, and declares that "Christianity is part and parcel of -the laws of England." Citing nobody, and resting it, with his judgment -against the witches, on his own authority, which indeed was sound and -good in all cases into which no superstition or bigotry could enter. -Thus strengthened, the court in 1728, in the King _v._ Woolston, would -not suffer it to be questioned whether to write against Christianity -was punishable at common law, saying it had been so settled by Hale in -Taylor's case, 2 Stra. 834. Wood, therefore, 409, without scruple, lays -down as a principle, that all blaspheming and profaneness are offences -at the common law, and cites Strange. Blackstone, in 1763, repeats, in -the words of Sir Matthew Hale, that "Christianity is part of the laws of -England," citing Ventris and Strange, _ubi supra_. And Lord Mansfield, -in the case of the Chamberlain of London _v._ Evans, in 1767, qualifying -somewhat the position, says that "the essential principles of revealed -religion are part of the common law." Thus we find this string of -authorities all hanging by one another on a single hook, a mistranslation -by Finch of the words of Prisot, or on nothing. For all quote Prisot, -or one another, or nobody. Thus Finch misquotes Prisot; Wingate also, -but using Finch's words; Sheppard quotes Prisot, Finch and Wingate; -Hale cites nobody; the court in Woolston's case cite Hale; Wood cites -Woolston's case; Blackstone that and Hale, and Lord Mansfield volunteers -his own _ipse dixit_. And who now can question but that the whole Bible -and Testament are a part of the common law? And that Connecticut, in her -blue laws, laying it down as a principle that the laws of God should be -the laws of their land, except where their own contradicted them, did -anything more than express, with a salvo, what the English judges had -less cautiously declared without any restriction? And what, I dare say, -our cunning Chief Justice would swear to, and find as many sophisms to -twist it out of the general terms of our declarations of rights, and -even the stricter text of the Virginia "act for the freedom of religion," -as he did to twist Burr's neck out of the halter of treason. May we not -say then with him who was all candor and benevolence, "woe unto you, ye -lawyers, for ye lade men with burthens grievous to bear." - -I think with you, that Priestley, in his comparison of the doctrines -of philosophy and revelation, did not do justice to the undertaking. -But he felt himself pressed by the hand of death. Enfield has given us -a more distinct account of the ethics of the ancient philosophers; but -the great work of which Enfield's is an abridgment, Brucker's History of -Philosophy, is the treasure which I would wish to possess, as a book of -reference or of special research only, for who could read six volumes -quarto, of one thousand pages each, closely printed, of modern Latin? -Your account of D'Argens' Œileus makes me wish for him also. Œileus -furnishes a fruitful text for a sensible and learned commentator. The -Abbé Batteaux, which I have, is a meagre thing. - -You surprise me with the account you give of the strength of family -distinction still existing in your State. With us it is so totally -extinguished, that not a spark of it is to be found but lurking in the -hearts of some of our old tories; but all bigotries hang to one another, -and this in the Eastern States hangs, as I suspect, to that of the -priesthood. Here youth, beauty, mind and manners, are more valued than -a pedigree. - -I do not remember the conversation between us which you mention in yours -of November 15th, on your proposition to vest in Congress the exclusive -power of establishing banks. My opposition to it must have been grounded, -not on taking the power from the States, but on leaving any vestige of -it in existence, even in the hands of Congress; because it would only -have been a change of the organ of abuse. I have ever been the enemy of -banks, not of those discounting for cash, but of those foisting their -own paper into circulation, and thus banishing our cash. My zeal against -those institutions was so warm and open at the establishment of the Bank -of the United States, that I was derided as a maniac by the tribe of -bank-mongers, who were seeking to filch from the public their swindling -and barren gains. But the errors of that day cannot be recalled. The evils -they have engendered are now upon us, and the question is how we are to -get out of them? Shall we build an altar to the old paper money of the -revolution, which ruined individuals but saved the republic, and burn -on that all the bank charters, present and future, and their notes with -them? For these are to ruin both republic and individuals. This cannot -be done. The mania is too strong. It has seized, by its delusions and -corruptions, all the members of our governments, general, special and -individual. Our circulating paper of the last year was estimated at two -hundred millions of dollars. The new banks now petitioned for, to the -several legislatures, are for about sixty millions additional capital, -and of course one hundred and eighty millions of additional circulation, -nearly doubling that of the last year, and raising the whole mass to -near four hundred millions, or forty for one, of the wholesome amount of -circulation for a population of eight millions circumstanced as we are, -and you remember how rapidly our money went down after our forty for one -establishment in the revolution. I doubt if the present trash can hold as -long. I think the three hundred and eighty millions must blow all up in -the course of the present year, or certainly it will be consummated by -the re-duplication to take place of course at the legislative meetings -of the next winter. Should not prudent men, who possess stock in any -monied institution, either draw and hoard the cash now while they can, or -exchange it for canal stock, or such other as being bottomed on immovable -property, will remain unhurt by the crush? I have been endeavoring to -persuade a friend in our legislature to try and save this State from the -general ruin by timely interference. I propose to him, First, to prohibit -instantly, all foreign paper. Secondly, to give our banks six months to -call in all their five-dollar bills (the lowest we allow); another six -months to call in their ten-dollar notes, and six months more to call -in all below fifty dollars. This would produce so gradual a diminution -of medium, as not to shock contracts already made--would leave finally, -bills of such size as would be called for only in transactions between -merchant and merchant, and ensure a metallic circulation for those of -the mass of citizens. But it will not be done. You might as well, with -the sailors, whistle to the wind, as suggest precautions against having -too much money. We must bend then before the gale, and try to hold fast -ourselves by some plank of the wreck. God send us all a safe deliverance, -and to yourself every other species and degree of happiness. - -P. S. I return your letter of November 15th, as it requests, and supposing -that the late publication of the life of our good and really great -Rittenhouse may not have reached you, I send a copy for your acceptance. -Even its episodes and digressions may add to the amusement it will furnish -you. But if the history of the world were written on the same scale, -the whole world would not hold it. Rittenhouse, as an astronomer, would -stand on a line with any of his time, and as a mechanician, he certainly -has not been equalled. In this view he was truly great; but, placed -along side of Newton, every human character must appear diminutive, and -none would have shrunk more feelingly from the painful parallel than -the modest and amiable Rittenhouse, whose genius and merit are not the -less for this exaggerated comparison of his over zealous biographer. - - -TO MR. JOHN CLARKE. - - MONTICELLO, January 27, 1814. - -SIR,--Your favor of December 2d came to hand some time ago, and I perceive -in it the proofs of a mind worthily occupied on the best interests of our -common country. To carry on our war with success, we want _able_ officers, -and a sufficient number of soldiers. The former, time and trial can alone -give us; to procure the latter, we need only the tender of sufficient -inducements and the assiduous pressure of them on the proper subjects. -The inducement of interest proposed by you, is undoubtedly the principal -one on which any reliance can be placed, and the assiduous pressure of -it on the proper subjects would probably be better secured by making it -the interest and the duty of a given portion of the militia, rather than -that of a mere recruiting officer. Whether, however, it is the best mode, -belongs to the decision of others; but, satisfied that it is one of the -good ones, I forwarded your letter to a member of the government, who -will make it a subject of consideration by those with whom the authority -rests. Whether the late discomfiture of Bonaparte will have the effect -of shortening or lengthening our war, is uncertain. It is cruel that we -should have been forced to wish any success to such a destroyer of the -human race. Yet while it was our interest and that of humanity that he -should not subdue Russia, and thus lay all Europe at his feet, it was -desirable to us that he should so far succeed as to close the Baltic to -our enemy, and force him, by the pressure of internal distress, into a -disposition to return to the paths of justice towards us. If the French -nation stand by Bonaparte, he may rally, rise again, and yet give Great -Britain so much employment as to give time for a just settlement of our -questions with her. We must patiently wait the solution of this doubt -by time. Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. SAMUEL GREENHOW. - - MONTICELLO, January 31, 1814. - -SIR,--Your letter on the subject of the Bible Society arrived here while -I was on a journey to Bedford, which occasioned a long absence from -home. Since my return, it has lain, with a mass of others accumulated -during my absence, till I could answer them. I presume the views of the -society are confined to our own country, for with the religion of other -countries my own forbids intermeddling. I had not supposed there was a -family in this State not possessing a Bible, and wishing without having -the means to procure one. When, in earlier life, I was intimate with -every class, I think I never was in a house where that was the case. -However, circumstances may have changed, and the society, I presume, -have evidence of the fact. I therefore enclose you cheerfully, an order -on Messrs. Gibson & Jefferson for fifty dollars, for the purposes of the -society, sincerely agreeing with you that there never was a more pure -and sublime system of morality delivered to man than is to be found in -the four evangelists. Accept the assurance of my esteem and respect. - - -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, January 31, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 23d is received. Say had come to hand safely. -But I regretted having asked the return of him; for I did not find in -him one new idea upon the subject I had been contemplating; nothing more -than a succinct, judicious digest of the tedious pages of Smith. - -You ask my opinion on the question, whether the States can add any -qualifications to those which the constitution has prescribed for their -members of Congress? It is a question I had never before reflected on; -yet had taken up an off-hand opinion, agreeing with your first, that they -could not; that to add new qualifications to those of the constitution, -would be as much an alteration as to detract from them. And so I think -the House of Representatives of Congress decided in some case; I believe -that of a member from Baltimore. But your letter having induced me to -look into the constitution, and to consider the question a little, I -am again in your predicament, of doubting the correctness of my first -opinion. Had the constitution been silent, nobody can doubt but that the -right to prescribe all the qualifications and disqualifications of those -they would send to represent them, would have belonged to the State. So -also the constitution might have prescribed the whole, and excluded all -others. It seems to have preferred the middle way. It has exercised the -power in part, by declaring some disqualifications, to wit, those of not -being twenty-five years of age, of not having been a citizen seven years, -and of not being an inhabitant of the State at the time of election. But -it does not declare, itself, that the member shall not be a lunatic, a -pauper, a convict of treason, of murder, of felony, or other infamous -crime, or a non-resident of his district; nor does it prohibit to the -State the power of declaring these, or any other disqualifications which -its particular circumstances may call for; and these may be different in -different States. Of course, then, by the tenth amendment, the power is -reserved to the State. If, wherever the constitution assumes a single -power out of many which belong to the same subject, we should consider -it as assuming the whole, it would vest the General Government with a -mass of powers never contemplated. On the contrary, the assumption of -particular powers seems an exclusion of all not assumed. This reasoning -appears to me to be sound; but, on so recent a change of view, caution -requires us not to be too confident, and that we admit this to be one -of the doubtful questions on which honest men may differ with the purest -motives; and the more readily, as we find we have differed from ourselves -on it. - -I have always thought that where the line of demarcation between the -powers of the General and the State governments was doubtfully or -indistinctly drawn, it would be prudent and praiseworthy in both parties, -never to approach it but under the most urgent necessity. Is the necessity -now urgent, to declare that no non-resident of his district shall be -eligible as a member of Congress? It seems to me that, in practice, -the partialities of the people are a sufficient security against such -an election; and that if, in any instance, they should ever choose a -non-resident, it must be one of such eminent merit and qualifications, -as would make it a good, rather than an evil; and that, in any event, -the examples will be so rare, as never to amount to a serious evil. If -the case then be neither clear nor urgent, would it not be better to let -it lie undisturbed? Perhaps its decision may never be called for. But if -it be indispensable to establish this disqualification now, would it not -look better to declare such others, at the same time, as may be proper? -I frankly confide to yourself these opinions, or rather no-opinions, of -mine; but would not wish to have them go any farther. I want to be quiet; -and although some circumstances, now and then, excite me to notice them, -I feel safe, and happier in leaving events to those whose turn it is -to take care of them; and, in general, to let it be understood, that I -meddle little or not at all with public affairs. There are two subjects, -indeed, which I shall claim a right to further as long as I breathe, -the public education, and the sub division of counties into wards. I -consider the continuance of republican government as absolutely hanging -on these two hooks. Of the first, you will, I am sure, be an advocate, -as having already reflected on it, and of the last, when you shall have -reflected. Ever affectionately yours. - - -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, February 10, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--In my letter of January 16, I promised you a sample from my -common-place book, of the pious disposition of the English judges, to -connive at the frauds of the clergy, a disposition which has even rendered -them faithful allies in practice. When I was a student of the law, now -half a century ago, after getting through Coke Littleton, whose matter -cannot be abridged, I was in the habit of abridging and common-placing -what I read meriting it, and of sometimes mixing my own reflections on -the subject. I now enclose you the extract from these entries which -I promised. They were written at a time of life when I was bold in -the pursuit of knowledge, never fearing to follow truth and reason to -whatever results they led, and bearding every authority which stood in -their way. This must be the apology, if you find the conclusions bolder -than historical facts and principles will warrant. Accept with them the -assurances of my great esteem and respect. - -_Common-place Book._ - -873. In Quare imp. in C. B. 34, H. 6, fo. 38, the def. Br. of Lincoln -pleads that the church of the pl. became void by the death of the -incumbent, that the pl. and J. S. each pretending a right, presented -two several clerks; that the church being thus rendered litigious, he -was not obliged, by the _Ecclesiastical law_ to admit either, until an -inquisition de jure patronatus, in the ecclesiastical court: that, by -the same law, this inquisition was to be at the suit of either claimant, -and was not _ex-officio_ to be instituted by the bishop, and at his -proper costs; that neither party had desired such an inquisition; that -six months passed whereon it belonged to him of right to present as -on a lapse, which he had done. The pl. demurred. A question was, How -far the _Ecclesiastical law_ was to be respected in this matter by the -common law court? and Prisot C. 3, in the course of his argument uses -this expression, "A tiels leis que ils de seint eglise ont en _ancien -scripture_, covient a nous a donner credence, car ces common ley sur -quel touts manners leis sont fondés: et auxy, sin, nous sumus obligès de -conustre nostre ley; et, sin, si poit apperer or á nous que liévesque ad -fait comme un ordinary fera en tiel cas, adong nous devons ces adjuger -bon autrement nemy," &c. It does not appear that judgment was given. Y. -B. ubi supra. S. C. Fitzh. abr. Qu. imp. 89. Bro. abr. Qu. imp. 12. Finch -mistakes this in the following manner: "To such laws of the church as -have warrant in _Holy Scripture_, our law giveth credence," and cites -the above case, and the words of Prisot on the margin. Finch's law. -B. 1, ch. 3, published 1613. Here we find "ancien scripture" [_ancient -writing_] converted into "Holy Scripture," whereas it can only mean the -_ancient written_ laws of the church. It cannot mean the Scriptures, 1, -because the "ancien scripture" must then be understood to mean the "Old -Testament" or Bible, in opposition to the "New Testament," and to the -exclusion of that, which would be absurd and contrary to the wish of those -who cite this passage to prove that the Scriptures, or Christianity, is -a part of the common law. 2. Because Prisot says, "Ceo [est] common -ley, sur quel touts manners leis sont fondés." Now, it is true that the -ecclesiastical law, so far as admitted in England, derives its authority -from the common law. But it would not be true that the Scriptures so -derive their authority. 3. The whole case and arguments show that the -question was how far the Ecclesiastical law in general should be respected -in a common law court. And in Bro. abr. of this case, Littleton says, -"Les juges del common ley prendra conusans quid est _lax ecclesiæ_, vel -admiralitatis, et trujus modi." 4. Because the particular part of the -Ecclesiastical law then in question, to wit, the right of the patron to -present to his advowson, was not founded on the law of God, but subject -to the modification of the lawgiver, and so could not introduce any -such general position as Finch pretends. Yet Wingate [in 1658] thinks -proper to erect this false quotation into a maxim of the common law, -expressing it in the very words of Finch, but citing Prisot, wing. max. -3. Next comes Sheppard, [in 1675,] who states it in the same words of -Finch, and quotes the Year-Book, Finch and Wingate. 3. Shepp. abr. tit. -Religion. In the case of the King _v._ Taylor, Sir Matthew Hale lays it -down in these words, "Christianity is parcel of the laws of England." -1 Ventr. 293, 3 Keb. 607. But he quotes no authority, resting it on his -own, which was good in all cases in which his mind received no bias from -his bigotry, his superstitions, his visions about sorceries, demons, -&c. The power of these over him is exemplified in his hanging of the -witches. So strong was this doctrine become in 1728, by additions and -repetitions from one another, that in the case of the King _v._ Woolston, -the court would not suffer it to be debated, whether to write against -Christianity was punishable in the temporal courts at common law, saying -it had been so settled in Taylor's case, ante 2, stra. 834; therefore, -Wood, in his Institute, lays it down that all blasphemy and profaneness -are offences by the _common law_, and cites Strange ubi supra. Wood 409. -And Blackstone [about 1763] repeats, in the words of Sir Matthew Hale, -that "Christianity is part of the laws of England," citing Ventris and -Strange ubi supra. 4. Blackst. 59. Lord Mansfield qualifies it a little -by saying that "The essential principles of revealed religion are part -of the common law." In the case of the Chamberlain of London _v._ Evans, -1767. But he cites no authority, and leaves us at our peril to find out -what, in the opinion of the judge, and according to the measure of his -foot or his faith, are those essential principles of revealed religion -obligatory on us as a part of the common law. - -Thus we find this string of authorities, when examined to the beginning, -all hanging on the same hook, a perverted expression of Prisot's, or -on one another, or nobody. Thus Finch quotes Prisot; Wingate also; -Sheppard quotes Prisot, Finch and Wingate; Hale cites nobody; the court -in Woolston's case cite Hale; Wood cites Woolston's case; Blackstone -that and Hale; and Lord Mansfield, like Hale, ventures it on his own -authority. In the earlier ages of the law, as in the year-books, for -instance, we do not expect much recurrence to authorities by the judges, -because in those days there were few or none such made public. But in -latter times we take no judge's word for what the law is, further than -he is warranted by the authorities he appeals to. His decision may bind -the unfortunate individual who happens to be the particular subject of -it; but it cannot alter the law. Though the common law may be termed -"Lex non Scripta," yet the same Hale tells us "when I call those parts -of our laws Leges non Scriptæ, I do not mean as if those laws were -only oral, or communicated from the former ages to the latter merely -by word. For all those laws have their several monuments in writing, -whereby they are transferred from one age to another, and without which -they would soon lose all kind of certainty. They are for the most part -extant in records of pleas, proceedings, and judgments, in books of -reports and judicial decisions, in tractates of learned men's arguments -and opinions, preserved from ancient times and still extant in writing." -Hale's H. c. d. 22. Authorities for what is common law may therefore -be as well cited, as for any part of the Lex Scripta, and there is no -better instance of the necessity of holding the judges and writers to a -declaration of their authorities than the present; where we detect them -endeavoring to make law where they found none, and to submit us at one -stroke to a whole system, no particle of which has its foundation in the -common law. For we know that the common law is that system of law which -was introduced by the Saxons on their settlement in England, and altered -from time to time by proper legislative authority from that time to the -date of Magna Charta, which terminates the period of the common law, or -lex non scripta, and commences that of the statute law, or Lex Scripta. -This settlement took place about the middle of the fifth century. But -Christianity was not introduced till the seventh century; the conversion -of the first Christian king of the Heptarchy having taken place about -the year 598, and that of the last about 686. Here, then, was a space -of two hundred years, during which the common law was in existence, and -Christianity no part of it. If it ever was adopted, therefore, into the -common law, it must have been between the introduction of Christianity -and the date of the Magna Charta. But of the laws of this period we have -a tolerable collection by Lambard and Wilkins, probably not perfect, but -neither very defective; and if any one chooses to build a doctrine on -any law of that period, supposed to have been lost, it is incumbent on -him to prove it to have existed, and what were its contents. These were -so far alterations of the common law, and became themselves a part of -it. But none of these adopt Christianity as a part of the common law. -If, therefore, from the settlement of the Saxons to the introduction of -Christianity among them, that system of religion could not be a part of -the common law, because they were not yet Christians, and if, having their -laws from that period to the close of the common law, we are all able to -find among them no such act of adoption, we may safely affirm (though -contradicted by all the judges and writers on earth) that Christianity -neither is, nor ever was a part of the common law. Another cogent proof -of this truth is drawn from the silence of certain writers on the common -law. Bracton gives us a very complete and scientific treatise of the -whole body of the common law. He wrote this about the close of the reign -of Henry III., a very few years after the date of the Magna Charta. We -consider this book as the more valuable, as it was written about the -time which divides the common and statute law, and therefore gives us -the former in its ultimate state. Bracton, too, was an ecclesiastic, -and would certainly not have failed to inform us of the adoption of -Christianity as a part of the common law, had any such adoption ever -taken place. But no word of his, which intimates anything like it, has -ever been cited. Fleta and Britton, who wrote in the succeeding reign -(of Edward I.), are equally silent. So also is Glanvil, an earlier writer -than any of them, (viz.: temp. H. 2,) but his subject perhaps might not -have led him to mention it. Justice Fortescue Aland, who possessed more -Saxon learning than all the judges and writers before mentioned put -together, places this subject on more limited ground. Speaking of the -laws of the Saxon kings, he says, "the ten commandments were made part -of their laws, and consequently were once part of the law of England; so -that to break any of the ten commandments was then esteemed a breach of -the common law, of England; and why it is not so now, perhaps it may be -difficult to give a good reason." Preface to Fortescue Aland's reports, -xvii. Had he proposed to state with more minuteness how much of the -scriptures had been made a part of the common law, he might have added -that in the laws of Alfred, where he found the ten commandments, two -or three other chapters of Exodus are copied almost verbatim. But the -adoption of a part proves rather a rejection of the rest, as municipal -law. We might as well say that the Newtonian system of philosophy is a -part of the common law, as that the Christian religion is. The truth is -that Christianity and Newtonianism being reason and verity itself, in -the opinion of all but infidels and Cartesians, they are protected under -the wings of the common law from the dominion of other sects, but not -erected into dominion over them. An eminent Spanish physician affirmed -that the lancet had slain more men than the sword. Doctor Sangrado, on -the contrary, affirmed that with plentiful bleedings, and draughts of -warm water, every disease was to be cured. The common law protects both -opinions, but enacts neither into law. See post. 879. - -879. Howard, in his Contumes Anglo-Normandes, 1. 87, notices the -falsification of the laws of Alfred, by prefixing to them four chapters -of the Jewish law, to wit: the 20th, 21st, 22d and 23d chapters of -Exodus, to which he might have added the 15th chapter of the Acts of the -Apostles, v. 23, and precepts from other parts of the scripture. These -he calls a _hors d'œuvre_ of some pious copyist. This awkward monkish -fabrication makes the preface to Alfred's genuine laws stand in the body -of the work, and the very words of Alfred himself prove the fraud; for he -declares, in that preface, that he has collected these laws from those -of Ina, of Offa, Aethelbert and his ancestors, saying nothing of any of -them being taken from the Scriptures. It is still more certainly proved -by the inconsistencies it occasions. For example, the Jewish legislator -Exodus xxi. 12, 13, 14, (copied by the Pseudo Alfred § 13,) makes murder, -with the Jews, death. But Alfred himself, Le. xxvi., punishes it by -a fine only, called a Weregild, proportioned to the condition of the -person killed. It is remarkable that Hume (append. 1 to his History) -examining this article of the laws of Alfred, without perceiving the -fraud, puzzles himself with accounting for the inconsistency it had -introduced. To strike a pregnant woman so that she die is death by -Exodus, xxi. 22, 23, and Pseud. Alfr. § 18; but by the laws of Alfred -ix., pays a Weregild for both woman and child. To smite out an eye, or -a tooth, Exod. xxi. 24-27. Pseud. Alfr. § 19, 20, if of a servant by his -master, is freedom to the servant; in every other case retaliation. But -by Alfr. Le. xl. a fixed indemnification is paid. Theft of an ox, or a -sheep, by the Jewish law, Exod. xxii. 1, was repaid five-fold for the -ox and four-fold for the sheep; by the Pseudograph § 24, the ox double, -the sheep four-fold; but by Alfred Le. xvi., he who stole a cow and -a calf was to repay the worth of the cow and 401 for the calf. Goring -by an ox was the death of the ox, and the flesh not to be eaten. Exod. -xxi. 28. Pseud. Alfr. § 21 by Alfred Le. xxiv., the wounded person had -the ox. The Pseudograph makes municipal laws of the ten commandments, -§ 1--10, regulates concubinage, § 12, makes it death to strike or to -curse father or mother, § 14, 15, gives an eye for an eye, tooth for -a tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for -wound, strife for strife, § 19; sells the thief to repay his theft, § -24; obliges the fornicator to marry the woman he has lain with, § 29; -forbids interest on money, § 35; makes the laws of bailment, § 28, very -different from what Lord Holt delivers in Coggs v. Bernard, ante 92, and -what Sir William Jones tells us they were; and punishes witchcraft with -death, § 30, which Sir Matthew Hale, 1 H. P. C. B. 1, ch. 33, declares -was not a felony before the Stat. 1, Jac. 12. It was under that statute, -and not this forgery, that he hung Rose Cullender and Amy Duny, 16 Car. -2, (1662,) on whose trial he declared "that there were such creatures as -witches he made no doubt at all; for first the Scripture had affirmed so -much, secondly the wisdom of all nations had provided laws against such -persons, and such hath been the judgment of this kingdom, as appears by -that act of Parliament which hath provided punishment proportionable to -the quality of the offence." And we must certainly allow greater weight -to this position that "it was no felony till James' Statute," laid -down deliberately in his H. P. C., a work which he wrote to be printed, -finished, and transcribed for the press in his life time, than to the -hasty scripture that "at _common law_ witchcraft was punished with death -as heresy, by writ de Heretico Comburendo" in his Methodical Summary -of the P. C. p. 6, a work "not intended for the press, not fitted for -it, and which he declared himself he had never read over since it was -written;" Pref. Unless we understand his meaning in that to be that -witchcraft could not be punished at common law as witchcraft, but as -heresy. In either sense, however, it is a denial of this pretended law -of Alfred. Now, all men of reading know that these pretended laws of -homicide, concubinage, theft, retaliation, compulsory marriage, usury, -bailment, and others which might have been cited, from the Pseudograph, -were never the laws of England, not even in Alfred's time; and of course -that it is a forgery. Yet palpable as it must be to every lawyer, the -English judges have piously avoided lifting the veil under which it was -shrouded. In truth, the alliance between Church and State in England -has ever made their judges accomplices in the frauds of the clergy; and -even bolder than they are. For instead of being contented with these -four surreptitious chapters of Exodus, they have taken the whole leap, -and declared at once that the whole Bible and Testament in a lump, make -a part of the common law; ante 873: the first judicial declaration of -which was by this same Sir Matthew Hale. And thus they incorporate into -the English code laws made for the Jews alone, and the precepts of the -gospel, intended by their benevolent author as obligatory only in _foro -concientiæ_; and they arm the whole with the coercions of municipal law. -In doing this, too, they have not even used the Connecticut caution of -declaring, as is done in their blue laws, that the laws of God shall -be the laws of their land, except where their own contradict them; but -they swallow the yea and nay together. Finally, in answer to Fortescue -Aland's question why the ten commandments should not now be a part of -the common law of England? we may say they are not because they never -were made so by legislative authority, the document which has imposed -that doubt on him being a manifest forgery. - - -TO DR. JOHN MANNERS. - - MONTICELLO, February 22, 1814. - -SIR,--The opinion which, in your letter of January 24, you are pleased -to ask of me, on the comparative merits of the different methods of -classification adopted by different writers on Natural History, is one -which I could not have given satisfactorily, even at the earlier period -at which the subject was more familiar; still less, after a life of -continued occupation in civil concerns has so much withdrawn me from -studies of that kind. I can, therefore, answer but in a very general -way. And the text of this answer will be found in an observation in your -letter, where, speaking of nosological systems, you say that disease -has been found to be an unit. Nature has, in truth, produced units only -through all her works. Classes, orders, genera, species, are not of -her work. Her creation is of individuals. No two animals are exactly -alike; no two plants, nor even two leaves or blades of grass; no two -crystallizations. And if we may venture from what is within the cognizance -of such organs as ours, to conclude on that beyond their powers, we -must believe that no two particles of matter are of exact resemblance. -This infinitude of units or individuals being far beyond the capacity -of our memory, we are obliged, in aid of that, to distribute them into -masses, throwing into each of these all the individuals which have a -certain degree of resemblance; to subdivide these again into smaller -groups, according to certain points of dissimilitude observable in -them, and so on until we have formed what we call a system of classes, -orders, genera and species. In doing this, we fix arbitrarily on such -characteristic resemblances and differences as seem to us most prominent -and invariable in the several subjects, and most likely to take a strong -hold in our memories. Thus Ray formed one classification on such lines of -division as struck him most favorably; Klein adopted another; Brisson a -third, and other naturalists other designations, till Linnæus appeared. -Fortunately for science, he conceived in the three kingdoms of nature, -modes of classification which obtained the approbation of the learned of -all nations. His system was accordingly adopted by all, and united all -in a general language. It offered the three great desiderata: First, of -aiding the memory to retain a knowledge of the productions of nature. -Secondly, of rallying all to the same names for the same objects, so -that they could communicate understandingly on them. And Thirdly, of -enabling them, when a subject was first presented, to trace it by its -character up to the conventional name by which it was agreed to be -called. This classification was indeed liable to the imperfection of -bringing into the same group individuals which, though resembling in the -characteristics adopted by the author for his classification, yet have -strong marks of dissimilitude in other respects. But to this objection -every mode of classification must be liable, because the plan of creation -is inscrutable to our limited faculties. Nature has not arranged her -productions on a single and direct line. They branch at every step, and -in every direction, and he who attempts to reduce them into departments, -is left to do it by the lines of his own fancy. The objection of bringing -together what are disparata in nature, lies against the classifications -of Blumenbach and of Cuvier, as well as that of Linnæus, and must -forever lie against all. Perhaps not in equal degree; on this I do not -pronounce. But neither is this so important a consideration as that of -uniting all nations under one language in Natural History. This had been -happily effected by Linnæus, and can scarcely be hoped for a second time. -Nothing indeed is so desperate as to make all mankind agree in giving up -a language they possess, for one which they have to learn. The attempt -leads directly to the confusion of the tongues of Babel. Disciples of -Linnæus, of Blumenbach, and of Cuvier, exclusively possessing their own -nomenclatures, can no longer communicate intelligibly with one another. -However much, therefore, we are indebted to both these naturalists, and -to Cuvier especially, for the valuable additions they have made to the -sciences of nature, I cannot say they have rendered her a service in -this attempt to innovate in the settled nomenclature of her productions; -on the contrary, I think it will be a check on the progress of science, -greater or less, in proportion as their schemes shall more or less -prevail. They would have rendered greater service by holding fast to -the system on which we had once all agreed, and by inserting into that -such new genera, orders, or even classes, as new discoveries should call -for. Their systems, too, and especially that of Blumenbach, are liable -to the objection of giving too much into the province of anatomy. It -may be said, indeed, that anatomy is a part of natural history. In the -broad sense of the word, it certainly is. In that sense, however, it -would comprehend all the natural sciences, every created thing being a -subject of natural history in extenso. But in the subdivisions of general -science, as has been observed in the particular one of natural history, -it has been necessary to draw arbitrary lines, in order to accommodate -our limited views. According to these, as soon as the structure of any -natural production is destroyed by art, it ceases to be a subject of -natural history, and enters into the domain ascribed to chemistry, to -pharmacy, to anatomy, &c. Linnæus' method was liable to this objection -so far as it required the aid of anatomical dissection, as of the heart, -for instance, to ascertain the place of any animal, or of a chemical -process for that of a mineral substance. It would certainly be better to -adopt as much as possible such exterior and visible characteristics as -every traveller is competent to observe, to ascertain and to relate. But -with this objection, lying but in a small degree, Linnæus' method was -received, understood, and conventionally settled among the learned, and -was even getting into common use. To disturb it then was unfortunate. -The new system attempted in botany, by Jussieu, in mineralogy, by Haüy, -are subjects of the same regret, and so also the no-system of Buffon, -the great advocate of individualism in opposition to classification. He -would carry us back to the days and to the confusion of Aristotle and -Pliny, give up the improvements of twenty centuries, and co-operate with -the neologists in rendering the science of one generation useless to -the next by perpetual changes of its language. In botany, Wildenow and -Persoon have incorporated into Linnæus the new discovered plants. I do not -know whether any one has rendered us the same service as to his natural -history. It would be a very acceptable one. The materials furnished by -Humboldt, and those from New Holland particularly, require to be digested -into the Catholic system. Among these, the Ornithorhyncus mentioned -by you, is an amusing example of the anomalies by which nature sports -with our schemes of classification. Although without mammæ, naturalists -are obliged to place it in the class of mammiferæ; and Blumenbach, -particularly, arranges it in his order of Palmipeds and toothless genus, -with the walrus and manatie. In Linnæus' system it might be inserted as -a new genus between the anteater and manis, in the order of Bruta. It -seems, in truth, to have stronger relations with that class than any -other in the construction of the heart, its red and warm blood, hairy -integuments, in being quadruped and viviparous, and may we not say, in its -_tout ensemble_, which Buffon makes his sole principle of arrangement? -The mandible, as you observe, would draw it towards the birds, were not -this characteristic overbalanced by the weightier ones before mentioned. -That of the Cloaca is equivocal, because although a character of birds, -yet some mammalia, as the beaver and sloth, have the rectum and urinary -passage terminating at a common opening. Its ribs also, by their number -and structure, are nearer those of the bird than of the mammalia. It is -possible that further opportunities of examination may discover the mammæ. -Those of the Opossum are asserted, by the Chevalier d'Aboville, from his -own observations on that animal, made while here with the French army, -to be not discoverable until pregnancy, and to disappear as soon as the -young are weaned. The Duckbill has many additional particularities which -liken it to other genera, and some entirely peculiar. Its description -and history needs yet further information. - -In what I have said on the method of classing, I have not at all meant to -insinuate that that of Linnæus is intrinsically preferable to those of -Blumenbach and Cuvier. I adhere to the Linnean because it is sufficient -as a ground-work, admits of supplementary insertions as new productions -are discovered, and mainly because it has got into so general use that -it will not be easy to displace it, and still less to find another which -shall have the same singular fortune of obtaining the general consent. -During the attempt we shall become unintelligible to one another, and -science will be really retarded by efforts to advance it made by its -most favorite sons. I am not myself apt to be alarmed at innovations -recommended by reason. That dread belongs to those whose interests or -prejudices shrink from the advance of truth and science. My reluctance is -to give up an universal language of which we are in possession, without -an assurance of general consent to receive another. And the higher the -character of the authors recommending it, and the more excellent what -they offer, the greater the danger of producing schism. - -I should seem to need apology for these long remarks to you who are -so much more recent in these studies, but I find it in your particular -request and my own respect for it, and with that be pleased to accept -the assurance of my esteem and consideration. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, February, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I was nibbing my pen and brushing my faculties, to write a -polite letter of thanks to Mr. Counsellor Barton, for his valuable memoirs -of Dr. Rittenhouse, (though I could not account for his sending it to -me), when I received your favor of January 25th. I now most cordially -endorse my thanks over to you. The book is in the modern American style, -an able imitation of Marshall's Washington, though far more entertaining -and instructive; a Washington Mausoleum; an Egyptian pyramid. I shall -never read it any more than Taylor's aristocracy. Mrs. Adams reads it -with great delight, and reads to me what she finds interesting, and that -is indeed the whole book. I have not time to hear it all. - -Rittenhouse was a virtuous and amiable man, an exquisite mechanician, -master of the astronomy known in his time; an expert mathematician, a -patient calculator of numbers. But we have had a Winthrop, an Andrew -Oliver, a Willard, a Webber, his equals, and we have a Bowditch his -superior in all these particulars, except the mechanism. But you know -Philadelphia is the heart, the censorium, the pineal gland of the United -States. - -In politics, Rittenhouse was a good, simple, ignorant, well-meaning, -Franklinian democrat, totally ignorant of the world. As an anchorite, -an honest dupe of the French Revolution; a mere instrument of Jonathan -Dickinson Sargent, Dr. Hutchinson, Genet, and Mifflin, I give him all -the credit of his Planetarium. The improvement of the Orrery to the -Planetarium was an easy, natural thought, and nothing was wanting but -calculations of orbits Distranus, and periods of revolutions; all of which -were made to his hands long before he existed. Patience, perseverance, -and sleight of hand, is his undoubted merit and praise. I had read Taylor -in the Senate, till his style was so familiar to me that I had not read -three pages, before I suspected the author. I wrote a letter to him, -and he candidly acknowledged that the six hundred and fifty pages were -sent me with his consent. I wait with impatience for the publication, -and annunciation of the work. Arator ought not to have been adulterated -with politics, but his precept "Gather up the fragments that nothing be -lost," is of inestimable value in agriculture and horticulture. Every -weed, cob, husk, stalk, ought to be saved for manure. - -Your researches in the laws of England establishing Christianity as -the law of the land, and part of the common law, are curious and very -important. Questions without number will arise in this country. Religious -controversies, and ecclesiastical contests, are as common, and will be -as sharp as any in civil politics, foreign and domestic. In what sense, -and to what extent the Bible is law, may give rise to as many doubts and -quarrels as any of our civil, political, military, or maritime laws, -and will intermix with them all, to irritate factions of every sort. -I dare not look beyond my nose into futurity. Our money, our commerce, -our religion, our National and State Constitutions, even our arts and -sciences, are so many seed plots, of division, faction, sedition and -rebellion. Everything is transmuted into an instrument of electioneering. -Election is the grand Brahma, the immortal Lama, I had almost said, the -Juggernaut; for wives are almost ready to burn upon the pile, and children -to be thrown under the wheel. You will perceive, by these figures, that -I have been looking into oriental history, and Hindoo religion. I have -read voyages, and travels, and everything I could collect, and the last -is Priestley's "Comparison of the Institutions of Moses with those of -the Hindoos, and other Ancient Nations," a work of great labor, and -not less haste. I thank him for the labor, and forgive, though I lament -the hurry. You would be fatigued to read, and I, just recruiting from a -little longer confinement and indisposition than I have had for thirty -years, have not strength to write many observations. But I have been -disappointed in the principal points of my curiosity: - -1st. I am disappointed by finding that no just comparison can be made, -because the original Shasta, and the original Vedams are not obtained, -or if obtained, not yet translated into any European language. - -2d. In not finding such morsels of the sacred books as have been -translated and published, which are more honorable to the original Hindoo -religion than anything he has quoted. - -3d. In not finding a full development of the history of the doctrine of -the Metempsichosis which originated-- - -4th. In the history of the rebellion of innumerable hosts of angels in -Heaven against the Supreme Being, who after some thousands of years -of war, conquered them, and hurled them down to the regions of total -darkness, where they have suffered a part of the punishment of their -crime, and then were mercifully released from prison, permitted to -ascend to earth, and migrate into all sorts of animals, reptiles, birds, -beasts, and men, according to their rank and character, and even into -vegetables, and minerals, there to serve on probation. If they passed -without reproach their several gradations, they were permitted to become -cows and men. If as men they behaved well, _i. e._ to the satisfaction -of the priests, they were restored to their original rank and bliss in -Heaven. - -5th. In not finding the Trinity of Pythagoras and Plato, their contempt -of matter, flesh, and blood, their almost adoration of fire and water, -their metempsichosis, and even the prohibition of beans, so evidently -derived from India. - -6th. In not finding the prophecy of Enoch deduced from India, in which -the fallen angels make such a figure. But you are weary. Priestley has -proved the superiority of the Hebrews to the Hindoos, as they appear in -the Gentoo laws, and institutes of Menu; but the comparison remains to -be made with the Shasta. - -In his remarks on Mr. Dupuis, page 342, Priestley says: "The History -of the fallen angels is another circumstance, on which Mr. Dupuis lays -much stress. According to the Christians, he says, Vol. I, page 336, -there was from the beginning a division among the angels; some remaining -faithful to the light, and others taking the part of darkness, &c.; but -this supposed history is not found in the Scriptures. It has only been -inferred, from a wrong interpretation of one passage in the 2d epistle -of Peter, and a corresponding one in that of Jude, as has been shown by -judicious writers. That there is such a person as the Devil, is not a -part of my faith, nor that of many other Christians, nor am I sure that -it was the belief of any of the Christian writers. Neither do I believe -the doctrine of demoniacal possessions, whether it was believed by the -sacred writers or not; and yet my unbelief in these articles does not -affect my faith in the great facts of which the Evangelists were eye -and ear witnesses. They might not be competent judges in the one case, -though perfectly so with respect to the other." - -I will ask Priestley, when I see him, do you believe those passages in -Peter and Jude to be interpolations? If so, by whom made? And when? And -where? And for what end? Was it to support, or found, the doctrine of -the fall of man, original sin, the universal corruption, depravation and -guilt of human nature and mankind; and the subsequent incarnation of God -to make atonement and redemption? Or do you think that Peter and Jude -believed the book of Enoch to have been written by the seventh from Adam, -and one of the sacred canonical books of the Hebrew Prophets? Peter, -2d epistle, c. 2d, v. 4th, says "For if God spared not the angels that -sinned, but cast them down to _hell_, and delivered them into chains of -_darkness_ to be reserved unto Judgment." Jude, v. 6th says, "and the -angels which kept their first estate, but left their own habitations, -he hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness, unto the judgment -of the great day." Verse 14th, "And Enoch, also, the seventh from Adam, -prophesied of these sayings, behold the Lord cometh with ten thousands of -his saints, to execute judgment upon all," &c. Priestley says, "a wrong -interpretation" has been given to these texts. I wish he had favored -us with his right interpretation of them. In another place, page 326, -Priestley says, "There is no circumstance of which Mr. Dupuis avails -himself so much, or repeats so often, both with respect to the Jewish and -Christian religions, as the history of the _Fall of Man_, in the book of -Genesis." I believe with him, and have maintained in my writings, that -this history is either an allegory, or founded on uncertain tradition, -that it is an hypothesis to account for the origin of evil, adopted by -Moses, which by no means accounts for the facts. - -_March 3d._ So far was written almost a month ago; but sickness has -prevented progress. I had much more to say about this work. I shall never -be a disciple of Priestley. He is as absurd, inconsistent, credulous -and incomprehensible, as Athanasius. Read his letter to the Jews in this -volume. Could a rational creature write it? Aye! such rational creatures -as Rochefoucauld, and Condorcet, and John Taylor, in politics, and -Towers' Jurieus, and French Prophets in Theology. Priestley's account -of the philosophy and religion of India, appears to me to be such a -work as a man of busy research would produce--who should undertake to -describe Christianity from the sixth to the twelfth century, when a -deluge of wonders overflowed the world; when miracles were performed -and proclaimed from every convent, and monastery, hospital, churchyard, -mountain, valley, cave and cupola. - -There is a book which I wish I possessed. It has never crossed the -Atlantic. It is entitled Acta Sanctorum, in forty-seven volumes in folio. -It contains the lives of the Saints. It was compiled in the beginning -of the sixteenth century by Bollandus, Henschenius and Papebrock. What -would I give to possess in one immense mass, one stupendous draught, -all the legends, true, doubtful and false. - -These Bollandists dared to discuss some of the facts, and hint that -some of them were doubtful. E. G. Papebrock doubted the antiquity of the -Carmellites from Elias; and whether the face of Jesus Christ was painted -on the handkerchief of St. Véronique; and whether the prepuce of the -Saviour of the world, which was shown in the church of Antwerp, could -be proved to be genuine? For these bold scepticisms he was libelled in -pamphlets, and denounced by the Pope, and the Inquisition in Spain. The -Inquisition condemned him; but the Pope not daring to acquit or condemn -him, prohibited all writings pro. and con. But as the physicians cure one -disease by exciting another, as a fever by a salivation, this Bull was -produced by a new claim. The brothers of the Order of Charity asserted -a descent from Abraham, nine hundred years anterior to the Carmellites. - -A philosopher who should write a description of Christianism from the -Bollandistic Saints of the sixth and tenth century would probably produce -a work tolerably parallel to Priestley's upon the Hindoos. - - -TO GIDEON GRANGER, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, March 9, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of February 22d came to hand on the 4th instant. -Nothing is so painful to me as appeals to my memory on the subject of -past transactions. From 1775 to 1809, my life was an unremitting course -of public transactions, so numerous, so multifarious, and so diversified -by places and persons, that, like the figures of a magic lanthern, -their succession was with a rapidity that scarcely gave time for fixed -impressions. Add to this the decay of memory consequent on advancing -years, and it will not be deemed wonderful that I should be a stranger as -it were even to my own transactions. Of some indeed I retain recollections -of the particular, as well as general circumstances; of others a strong -impression of the general fact, with an oblivion of particulars; but -of a great mass, not a trace either of general or particular remains in -my mind. I have duly pondered the facts stated in your letter, and for -the refreshment of my memory have gone over the letters which passed -between us while I was in the administration of the government, have -examined my private notes, and such other papers as could assist me in -the recovery of the facts, and shall now state them seriatim from your -letter, and give the best account of them I am able to derive from the -joint sources of memory and papers. - -"I have been denounced as a Burrite; but you know that in 1800 I sent -Erving from Boston to inform Virginia of the danger resulting from his -intrigues." I well remember Mr. Erving's visit to this State about that -time, and his suggestions of the designs meditated in the quarter you -mention; but as my duties on the occasion were to be merely passive, he -of course, as I presume, addressed his communications more particularly -to those who were free to use them. I do not recollect his mentioning -you; but I find that in your letter to me of April 26, 1804, you state -your agency on that occasion, so that I have no reason to doubt the fact. - -"That in 1803-4, on my advice, you procured Erastus Granger to inform -De Witt Clinton of the plan to elevate Burr in New York." Here I do -not recollect the particulars; but I have a general recollection that -Colonel Burr's conduct had already, at that date rendered his designs -suspicious; that being for that reason laid aside by his constituents -as Vice President, and aiming to become the Governor of New York, it was -thought advisable that the persons of influence in that State should be -put on their guard; and Mr. Clinton being eminent, no one was more likely -to receive intimations from us, nor any one more likely to be confided -in for their communication than yourself. I have no doubt therefore of -the fact, and the less because in your letter to me of October 9, 1806, -you remind me of it. - -About the same period, that is, in the winter of 1803-4, another train -of facts took place which, although not specifically stated in your -letter, I think it but justice to yourself that I should state. I mean -the intrigues which were in agitation, and at the bottom of which we -believed Colonel Burr to be; to form a coalition of the five eastern -States, with New York and New Jersey, under the new appellation of the -seven eastern States; either to overawe the Union by the combination of -their power and their will, or by threats of separating themselves from -it. Your intimacy with some of those in the secret gave you opportunities -of searching into their proceedings, of which you made me daily and -confidential reports. This intimacy to which I had such useful recourse, -at the time, rendered you an object of suspicion with many as being -yourself a partisan of Colonel Burr, and engaged in the very combination -which you were faithfully employed in defeating. I never failed to -justify you to all those who brought their suspicions to me, and to assure -them of my knowledge of your fidelity. Many were the individuals, then -members of the legislature, who received these assurances from me, and -whose apprehensions were thereby quieted. This first project of Colonel -Burr having vanished in smoke, he directed to the western country those -views which are the subject of your next article. - -"That in 1806, I communicated by the first mail after I had got knowledge -of the fact, the supposed plans of Burr in his western expedition; -upon which communication your council was first called together to -take measures in relation to that subject." Not exactly on that single -communication; on the 15th and 18th of September, I had received letters -from Colonel George Morgan, and from a Mr. Nicholson of New York, -suggesting in a general way the manœuvres of Colonel Burr. Similar -information came to the Secretary of State from a Mr. Williams of -New York. The indications, however, were so vague that I only desired -their increased attention to the subject, and further communications -of what they should discover. Your letter of October 16, conveying -the communications of General Eaton to yourself and to Mr. Ely gave a -specific view of the objects of this new conspiracy, and corroborating -our previous information, I called the Cabinet together, on the 22d of -October, when specific measures were adopted for meeting the dangers -threatened in the various points in which they might occur. I say your -letter of October 16 gave this information, because its date, with the -circumstance of its being no longer on my files, induce me to infer it -was that particular letter, which having been transferred to the bundle -of the documents of that conspiracy, delivered to the Attorney General, -is no longer in my possession. - -Your mission of Mr. Pease on the route to New Orleans, at the time of -that conspiracy, with powers to see that the mails were expected, and -to dismiss at once every agent of the Post Office whose fidelity could -be justly doubted, and to substitute others on the spot was a necessary -measure, taken with my approbation; and he executed the trusts to my -satisfaction. I do not know however that my subsequent appointment of -him to the office of Surveyor General was influenced, as you suppose, by -those services. My motives in that appointment were my personal knowledge -of his mathematical qualifications and satisfactory informations of the -other parts of his character. - -With respect to the dismission of the prosecutions for sedition in -Connecticut, it is well known to have been a tenet of the republican -portion of our fellow citizens, that the sedition law was contrary to -the constitution and therefore void. On this ground I considered it -as a nullity wherever I met it in the course of my duties; and on this -ground I directed _nolle prosequis_ in all the prosecutions which had -been instituted under it, and as far as the public sentiment can be -inferred from the occurrences of the day, we may say that this opinion -had the sanction of the nation. The prosecutions, therefore, which were -afterwards instituted in Connecticut, of which two were against printers, -two against preachers, and one against a judge, were too inconsistent -with this principle to be permitted to go on. We were bound to administer -to others the same measure of law, not which they had meted to us, but -we to ourselves, and to extend to all equally the protection of the same -constitutional principles. These prosecutions, too, were chiefly for -charges against myself, and I had from the beginning laid it down as a -rule to notice nothing of the kind. I believed that the long course of -services in which I had acted on the public stage, and under the eye of -my fellow citizens, furnished better evidence to them of my character -and principles, than the angry invectives of adverse partisans in whose -eyes the very acts most approved by the majority were subjects of the -greatest demerit and censure. These prosecutions against them, therefore, -were to be dismissed as a matter of duty. But I wished it to be done with -all possible respect to the worthy citizens who had advised them, and -in such way as to spare their feelings which had been justly irritated -by the intemperance of their adversaries. As you were of that State and -intimate with these characters, the business was confided to you, and -you executed it to my perfect satisfaction. - -These I think are all the particular facts on which you have asked -my testimony, and I add with pleasure, and under a sense of duty, the -declaration that the increase of rapidity in the movement of the mails -which had been vainly attempted before, were readily undertaken by you -on your entrance into office, and zealously and effectually carried into -execution, and that the affairs of the office were conducted by you with -ability and diligence, so long as I had opportunities of observing them. - -With respect to the first article mentioned in your letter, in which I -am neither concerned nor consulted, I will yet, as a friend, volunteer -my advice. I never knew anything of it, nor would ever listen to such -gossiping trash. Be assured, my dear Sir, that the dragging such a -subject before the public will excite universal reprobation, and they -will drown in their indignation all the solid justifications which -they would otherwise have received and weighed with candor. Consult -your own experience, reflect on the similar cases which have happened -within your own knowledge, and see if ever there was a single one in -which such a mode of recrimination procured favor to him who used it. -You may give pain where perhaps you wish it, but be assured it will -re-act on yourself with double though delayed effect, and that it will -be one of those incidents of your life on which you will never reflect -with satisfaction. Be advised, then; erase it even from your memory, -and stand erect before the world on the high ground of your own merits, -without stooping to what is unworthy either of your or their notice. -Remember that we often repent of what we have said, but never, never -of that which we have not. You may have time enough hereafter to mend -your hold, if ever it can be mended by such matter as that. Take time -then, and do not commit your happiness and public estimation by too much -precipitancy. I am entirely uninformed of the state of things which you -say exists, and which will oblige you to make a solemn appeal to the -nation, in vindication of your character. But whatever that be, I feel -it a duty to bear testimony to the truth, and I have suggested with -frankness other considerations occurring to myself, because I wish you -well, and I add sincere assurances of my great respect and esteem. - - -TO HORATIO G. SPAFFORD. - - MONTICELLO, March 17, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I am an unpunctual correspondent at best. While my affairs -permit me to be within doors, I am too apt to take up a book and to forget -the calls of the writing-table. Besides this, I pass a considerable -portion of my time at a possession so distant, and uncertain as to its -mails, that my letters always await my return here. This must apologise -for my being so late in acknowledging your two favors of December 17th -and January 28th, as also that of the Gazetteer, which came safely to -hand. I have read it with pleasure, and derived from it much information -which I did not possess before. I wish we had as full a statement as to -all our States. We should know ourselves better, our circumstances and -resources, and the advantageous ground we stand on as a whole. We are -certainly much indebted to you for this fund of valuable information. -I join in your reprobation of our merchants, priests, and lawyers, for -their adherence to England and monarchy, in preference to their own -country and its constitution. But merchants have no country. The mere -spot they stand on does not constitute so strong an attachment as that -from which they draw their gains. In every country and in every age, the -priest has been hostile to liberty. He is always in alliance with the -despot, abetting his abuses in return for protection to his own. It is -easier to acquire wealth and power by this combination than by deserving -them, and to effect this, they have perverted the purest religion ever -preached to man into mystery and jargon, unintelligible to all mankind, -and therefore the safer engine for their purposes. With the lawyers it -is a new thing. They have, in the mother country, been generally the -firmest supporters of the free principles of their constitution. But -there too they have changed. I ascribe much of this to the substitution of -Blackstone for my Lord Coke, as an elementary work. In truth, Blackstone -and Hume have made tories of all England, and are making tories of those -young Americans whose native feelings of independence do not place them -above the wily sophistries of a Hume or a Blackstone. These two books, -but especially the former, have done more towards the suppression of the -liberties of man, than all the million of men in arms of Bonaparte and -the millions of human lives with the sacrifice of which he will stand -loaded before the judgment seat of his Maker. I fear nothing for our -liberty from the assaults of force; but I have seen and felt much, and -fear more from English books, English prejudices, English manners, and -the apes, the dupes, and designs among our professional crafts. When -I look around me for security against these seductions, I find it in -the wide-spread of our agricultural citizens, in their unsophisticated -minds, their independence and their power, if called on, to crush the -Humists of our cities, and to maintain the principles which severed us -from England. I see our safety in the extent of our confederacy, and -in the probability that in the proportion of that the sound parts will -always be sufficient to crush local poisons. In this hope I rest, and -tender you the assurance of my esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GIRARDIN. - - MONTICELLO, March 18, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--According to your request of the other day, I send you my -formula and explanation of Lord Napier's theorem, for the solution of -right-angled spherical triangles. With you I think it strange that the -French mathematicians have not used or noticed this method more than -they have done. Montucla, in his account of Lord Napier's inventions, -expresses a like surprise at this fact, and does justice to the ingenuity, -the elegance, and convenience of the theorem, which, by a single rule -easily preserved in the memory, supplies the whole table of cases given -in the books of spherical trigonometry. Yet he does not state the rule, -but refers for it to Wolf, Cours de Mathematiques. I have not the larger -work of Wolf; and in the French translation of his abridgement, (by -some member of the congregation of St. Maur,) the branch of spherical -trigonometry is entirely omitted. Potter, one of the English authors -of Courses of Mathematics, has given the Catholic proposition, as it -is called, but in terms unintelligible, and leading to error, until, by -repeated trials, we have ascertained the meaning of some of his equivocal -expressions. In Robert Simson's Euclid we have the theorem with its -demonstrations, but less aptly for the memory, divided into two rules, and -these are extended as the original was, only to the cases of right-angled -triangles. Hutton, in his Course of Mathematics, declines giving the -rules, as "too artificial to be applied by young computists." But I do -not think this. It is true that when we use them, their demonstration is -not always present to the mind; but neither is this the case generally in -using mathematical theorems, or in the various steps of an algebraical -process. We act on them, however, mechanically, and with confidence, -as truths of which we have heretofore been satisfied by demonstration, -although we do not at the moment retrace the processes which establish -them. Hutton, however, in his Mathematical Dictionary, under the terms -"circular parts," and "extremes," has given us the rules, and in all -their extensions to oblique spherical, and to plane triangles. I have -endeavored to reduce them to a form best adapted to my own frail memory, -by couching them in the fewest words possible, and such as cannot, I -think, mislead, or be misunderstood. My formula, with the explanation -which may be necessary for your pupils, is as follows: - -Lord Napier noted first the parts, or elements of a triangle, to wit, -the sides and angles; and expunging from these the right-angle, as if -it were a non-existence, he considered the other five parts, to wit, -the three sides, and two oblique angles, as arranged in a circle, and -therefore called them the circular parts; but chose, (for simplifying the -result,) instead of the hypothenuse and two oblique angles, themselves, -to substitute their complements. So that his five circular parts are -the two legs themselves, and the complements of the hypothenuse and -of the two oblique angles. If the three of these, given and required, -were all adjacent, he called it the case of conjunct parts, the middle -element the MIDDLE PART, and the two others the EXTREMES disjunct from -the middle or EXTREMES DISJUNCT. He then laid down his catholic rule, -to wit: - -"The rectangle of the radius, and sine of the middle part, is equal to -the rectangle of the _tangents_ of the two EXTREMES CONJUNCT, and to -that of the _cosines_ of the two EXTREMES DISJUNCT." - -And to aid our recollection in which case the tangents, and in which -the cosines are to be used, preserving the original designations of the -inventor, we may observe that the _tangent_ belongs to the _conjunct_ -case, terms of sufficient affinity to be associated in the memory; and -the sine _complement_ remains of course for the _disjunct case_; and -further, if you please, that the initials of radius and sine, which are -to be used together, are alphabetical consecutives. - -Lord Napier's rule may also be used for the solution of oblique spherical -triangles. For this purpose a perpendicular must be let fall from an -angle of the given triangle internally on the base, forming it into two -right-angled triangles, one of which may contain two of the data. Or, if -this cannot be done, then letting it fall externally on the prolongation -of the base, so as to form a right-angled triangle comprehending the -oblique one, wherein two of the data will be common to both. To secure -two of the data from mutilation, this perpendicular must always be let -fall from the end of a given side, and opposite to a given angle. - -But there will remain yet two cases wherein Lord Napier's rule cannot -be used, to wit, where all the sides, or all the angles alone are given. -To meet these two cases, Lord Buchan and Dr. Minto devised an analogous -rule. They considered the sides themselves, and the supplements of the -angles as circular parts in these cases; and, dropping a perpendicular -from any angle from which it would fall internally on the opposite side, -they assumed that angle, or that side, as the MIDDLE part, and the other -angles, or other sides, as the OPPOSITE or EXTREME parts, disjunct in -both cases. Then "the rectangle under the tangents of half the sum, and -half the difference of the segments of the MIDDLE part, is equal to the -rectangle under the tangents of half the sums, and half the difference -of the OPPOSITE PARTS." - -And, since every plane triangle may be considered as described on the -surface of a sphere of an infinite radius, these two rules may be applied -to plane right-angled triangles, and through them to the oblique. But -as Lord Napier's rule gives a direct solution only in the case of two -sides, and an uncomprised angle, one, two, or three operations, with -this combination of parts, may be necessary to get at that required. - - [Illustration: Triangular rule] - -You likewise requested for the use of your school, an explanation of a -method of platting the courses of a survey, which I mentioned to you as -of my own practice. This is so obvious and simple, that as it occurred -to myself, so I presume it has to others, although I have not seen -it stated in any of the books. For drawing parallel lines, I use the -triangular rule, the hypothenusal side of which being applied to the -side of a common straight rule, the triangle slides on that, as thus, -always parallel to itself. Instead of drawing meridians on his paper, -let the pupil draw a parallel of latitude, or east and west line, and -note in that a point for his first station, then applying to it his -protractor, lay off the first course and distance in the usual way to -ascertain his second station. For the second course, lay the triangular -rule to the east and west line, or first parallel, holding the straight -or guide rule firmly against its hypothenusal side. Then slide up the -triangle (for a northerly course) to the point of his second station, -and pressing it firmly there, lay the protractor to that, and mark off -the second course, and distance as before, for the third station. Then -lay the triangle to the first parallel again, and sliding it as before -to the point of the third station, there apply to it the protractor for -the third course and distance, which gives the fourth station; and so -on. Where a course is southwardly, lay the protractor, as before, to -the northern edge of the triangle, but prick its reversed course, which -reversed again in drawing, gives the true course. When the station has -got so far from the first parallel, as to be out of the reach of the -parallel rule sliding on its hypothenuse, another parallel must be drawn -by laying the edge, or longer leg of the triangle to the first parallel -as before, applying the guide-rule to the end, or short leg, (instead -of the hypothenuse,) as in the margin, and sliding the triangle up to -the point for the new parallel. I have found this, in practice, the -quickest and most correct method of platting which I have ever tried, -and the neatest also, because it disfigures the paper with the fewest -unnecessary lines. - - [Illustration: Angle] - -If these mathematical trifles can give any facilities to your pupils, -they may in their hands become matters of use, as in mine they have been -of amusement only. - -Ever and respectfully yours. - - -TO M. DUFIEF. - -MONTICELLO, April 19, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 6th instant is just received, and I shall -with equal willingness and truth, state the degree of agency you had, -respecting the copy of M. de Becourt's book, which came to my hands. -That gentleman informed me, by letter, that he was about to publish a -volume in French, "Sur la Création du Monde, un Systême d'Organisation -Primitive," which, its title promised to be, either a geological or -astronomical work. I subscribed; and, when published, he sent me a copy; -and as you were my correspondent in the book line in Philadelphia, I -took the liberty of desiring him to call on you for the price, which, he -afterwards informed me, you were so kind as to pay him for me, being, -I believe, two dollars. But the sole copy which came to me was from -himself directly, and, as far as I know, was never seen by you. - -I am really mortified to be told that, _in the United States of America_, -a fact like this can become a subject of inquiry, and of criminal -inquiry too, as an offence against religion; that a question about the -sale of a book can be carried before the civil magistrate. Is this then -our freedom of religion? and are we to have a censor whose imprimatur -shall say what books may be sold, and what we may buy? And who is thus -to dogmatize religious opinions for our citizens? Whose foot is to be -the measure to which ours are all to be cut or stretched? Is a priest to -be our inquisitor, or shall a layman, simple as ourselves, set up his -reason as the rule for what we are to read, and what we must believe? -It is an insult to our citizens to question whether they are rational -beings or not, and blasphemy against religion to suppose it cannot stand -the test of truth and reason. If M. de Becourt's book be false in its -facts, disprove them; if false in its reasoning, refute it. But, for -God's sake, let us freely hear both sides, if we choose. I know little -of its contents, having barely glanced over here and there a passage, -and over the table of contents. From this, the Newtonian philosophy -seemed the chief object of attack, the issue of which might be trusted -to the strength of the two combatants; Newton certainly not needing the -auxiliary arm of the government, and still less the holy author of our -religion, as to what in it concerns him. I thought the work would be -very innocent, and one which might be confided to the reason of any man; -not likely to be much read if let alone, but, if persecuted, it will -be generally read. Every man in the United States will think it a duty -to buy a copy, in vindication of his right to buy, and to read what he -pleases. I have been just reading the new constitution of Spain. One of -its fundamental basis is expressed in these words: "The _Roman Catholic_ -religion, the only true one, is, and always shall be, that of the Spanish -nation. The government protects it by wise and just laws, and prohibits -the exercise of any other whatever." Now I wish this presented to those -who question what you may sell, or we may buy, with a request to strike -out the words, "Roman Catholic," and to insert the denomination of their -own religion. This would ascertain the code of dogmas which each wishes -should domineer over the opinions of all others, and be taken, like the -Spanish religion, under the "protection of wise and just laws." It would -shew to what they wish to reduce the liberty for which one generation has -sacrificed life and happiness. It would present our boasted freedom of -religion as a thing of theory only, and not of practice, as what would -be a poor exchange for the theoretic thraldom, but practical freedom of -Europe. But it is impossible that the laws of Pennsylvania, which set -us the first example of the wholesome and happy effects of religious -freedom, can permit the inquisitorial functions to be proposed to their -courts. Under them you are surely safe. - -At the date of yours of the 6th, you had not received mine of the 3d -inst., asking a copy of an edition of Newton's Principia, which I had -seen advertised. When the cost of that shall be known, it shall be added -to the balance of $4.93, and incorporated with a larger remittance I -have to make to Philadelphia. Accept the assurance of my great esteem -and respect. - - -TO LE CHEVALIER DE ONIS. - - MONTICELLO, April 28, 1814. - -I thank you, Sir, for the copy of the new constitution of Spain which -you have been so kind as to send me; and I sincerely congratulate -yourself and the Spanish nation on this great stride towards political -happiness. The invasion of Spain has been the most unprecedented and -unprincipled of the transactions of modern times. The crimes of its -enemies, the licentiousness of its associates in defence, the exertions -and sufferings of its inhabitants under slaughter and famine, and its -consequent depopulation, will mark indelibly the baneful ascendancy of -the tyrants of the sea and continent, and characterize with blood and -wretchedness the age in which they have lived. Yet these sufferings of -Spain will be remunerated, her population restored and increased, under -the auspices and protection of this new constitution; and the miseries -of the present generation will be the price, and even the cheap price -of the prosperity of endless generations to come. - -There are parts of this constitution, however, in which you would expect -of course that we should not concur. One of these is the intolerance -of all but the Catholic religion; and no security provided against the -re-establishment of an Inquisition, the exclusive judge of Catholic -opinions, and authorized to proscribe and punish those it shall deem -anti-Catholic. Secondly, the aristocracy, _quater sublimata_, of her -legislators; for the ultimate electors of these will themselves have been -three times sifted from the mass of the people, and may choose from the -nation at large persons never named by any of the electoral bodies. But -there is one provision which will immortalize its inventors. It is that -which, after a certain epoch, disfranchises every citizen who cannot read -and write. This is new, and is the fruitful germ of the improvement of -everything good, and the correction of everything imperfect in the present -constitution. This will give you an enlightened people, and an energetic -public opinion which will control and enchain the aristocratic spirit of -the government. On the whole I hail your country as now likely to resume -and surpass its ancient splendor among nations. This might perhaps have -been better secured by a just confidence in the self-sufficient strength -of the peninsula itself; everything without its limits being its weakness -not its force. If the mother country has not the magnanimity to part -with the colonies in friendship, thereby making them, what they would -certainly be, her natural and firmest allies, these will emancipate -themselves, after exhausting her strength and resources in ineffectual -efforts to hold them in subjection. They will be rendered enemies of the -mother country, as England has rendered us by an unremitting course of -insulting injuries and silly provocations. I do not say this from the -impulse of national interest, for I do not know that the United States -would find an interest in the independence of neighbor nations, whose -produce and commerce would rivalize ours. It could only be that kind of -interest which every human being has in the happiness and prosperity of -every other. But putting right and reason out of the question, I have -no doubt that on calculations of interest alone, it is that of Spain to -anticipate voluntarily, and as a matter of grace, the independence of -her colonies, which otherwise necessity will enforce. - - * * * * * - - -TO MR. DELAPLAINE. - - MONTICELLO, May 3, 1814. - -SIR,--Your favors of April 16 and 19, on the subject of the portraits -of Columbus and Americus Vespucius were received on the 30th. While I -resided at Paris, knowing that these portraits and those of some other of -the early American worthies were in the gallery of Medicis at Florence, -I took measures for engaging a good artist to take and send me copies of -them. I considered it as even of some public concern that our country -should not be without the portraits of its first discoverers. These -copies have already run the risks of transportations from Florence to -Paris, to Philadelphia, to Washington, and lastly to this place, where -they are at length safely deposited. You request me "to forward them -to you at Philadelphia for the purpose of having engravings taken from -them for a work you propose to publish, and you pledge your honor that -they shall be restored to me in perfect safety." I have no doubt of -the sincerity of your intentions in this pledge; and that it would be -complied with as far as it would be in your power. But the injuries and -accidents of their transportation to Philadelphia and back again are -not within your control. Besides the rubbing through a land carriage of -six hundred miles, a carriage may overset in a river or creek, or be -crashed with everything in it. The frequency of such accidents to the -stages renders all insurance against them impossible. And were they to -escape the perils of this journey I should be liable to the same calls, -and they to the same or greater hazards from all those in other parts of -the continent who should propose to publish any work in which they might -wish to employ engravings of the same characters. From public, therefore, -as well as private considerations, I think that these portraits ought -not to be hazarded from their present deposit. Like public records, I -make them free to be copied, but, being as originals in this country, -they should not be exposed to the accidents or injuries of travelling -post. While I regret, therefore, the necessity of declining to comply -with your request, I freely and with pleasure offer to receive as a -guest any artist whom you shall think proper to engage, and will make -them welcome to take copies at their leisure for your use. I wish them -to be multiplied for safe preservation, and consider them as worthy a -place in every collection. Indeed I do not know how it happened that Mr. -Peale did not think of copying them while they were in Philadelphia; -and I think it not impossible that either the father or the son might -now undertake the journey for the use of their museum. On the ground of -our personal esteem for them, they would be at home in my family. - -When I received these portraits at Paris, Mr. Daniel Parker of -Massachusetts happened to be there, and determined to procure for himself -copies from the same originals at Florence; and I think he did obtain -them, and that I have heard of their being in the hands of some one -in Boston. If so, it might perhaps be easier to get some artist there -to take and send you copies. But be this as it may, you are perfectly -welcome to the benefit of mine in the way I have mentioned. - -The two original portraits of myself taken by Mr. Stewart, after which -you enquire, are both in his possession at Boston. One of them only is -my property. The President has a copy from that which Stewart considered -as the best of the two; but I believe it is at his seat in his State. - -I thank you for the print of Dr. Rush. He was one of my early and -intimate friends, and among the best of men. The engraving is excellent -as is everything from the hand of Mr. Edwin. Accept the assurance of my -respect, and good wishes for the success of your work. - - -TO MR. JOHN F. WATSON. - - MONTICELLO, May 17, 1814. - -SIR,--I have long been a subscriber to the edition of the Edinburgh -Review first published by Mr. Sargeant, and latterly by Eastburn, Kirk -& Co., and already possess from No. 30 to 42 inclusive; except that Nos. -31 and 37 never came to hand. These two and No. 29, I should be glad to -receive, with all subsequently published, through the channel of Messrs. -Fitzwhylson & Potter of Richmond, with whom I originally subscribed, -and to whom it is more convenient to make payment by a standing order -on my correspondent at Richmond. I willingly also subscribe for the -republication of the first twenty-eight numbers to be furnished me through -the same channel, for the convenience of payment. This work is certainly -unrivalled in merit, and if continued by the same talents, information -and principles which distinguish it in every department of science -which it reviews, it will become a real Encyclopedia, justly taking its -station in our libraries with the most valuable depositories of human -knowledge. Of the Quarterly Review I have not seen many numbers. As the -antagonist of the other it appears to me a pigmy against a giant. The -precept "audi alteram partem," on which it is republished here, should be -sacred with the judge who is to decide between the contending claims of -individual and individual. It is well enough for the young who have yet -opinions to make up in questions of principle in ethics or politics. But -to those who have gone through this process with industry, reflection, -and singleness of heart, who have formed their conclusions and acted -on them through life, to be reading over and over again what they have -already read, considered and condemned, is an idle waste of time. It -is not in the history of modern England or among the advocates of the -principles or practices of her government, that the friend of freedom, -or of political morality, is to seek instruction. There has indeed been -a period, during which both were to be found, not in her government, but -in the band of worthies who so boldly and ably reclaimed the rights of -the people, and wrested from their government theoretic acknowledgments -of them. This period began with the Stuarts, and continued but one reign -after them. Since that, the vital principle of the English constitution -is _corruption_, its practices the natural results of that principle, and -their consequences a pampered aristocracy, annihilation of the substantial -middle class, a degraded populace, oppressive taxes, general pauperism, -and national bankruptcy. Those who long for these blessings here will -find their generating principles well developed and advocated by the -antagonist of the Edinburgh Review. Still those who doubt should read -them; every man's reason being his own rightful umpire. This principle, -with that of acquiescence in the will of the majority will preserve us -free and prosperous as long as they are sacredly observed. Accept the -assurances of my respect. - - -TO MR. ABRAHAM SMALL. - - MONTICELLO, May 20, 1814. - -SIR,--I thank you for the copy of the American Speaker which you have -been so kind as to send me. It is a judicious selection of what has been -excellently spoken on both sides of the Atlantic; and according to your -request, I willingly add some suggestions, should another edition be -called for. To the speeches of Lord Chatham might be added his reply to -Horace Walpole, on the Seamen's bill, in the House of Commons, in 1740, -one of the severest which history has recorded. Indeed, the subsequent -speeches in order, to which that reply gave rise being few, short and -pithy, well merit insertion in such a collection as this. They are in -the twelfth volume of Chandler's Debates of the House of Commons. But -the finest thing, in my opinion, which the English language has produced, -is the defence of Eugene Aram, spoken by himself at the bar of the York -assizes, in 1759, on a charge of murder, and to be found in the Annual -Register of that date, or a little after. It had been upwards of fifty -years since I had read it, when the receipt of your letter induced me -to look up a MS. copy I had preserved, and on re-perusal at this age -and distance of time, it loses nothing of its high station in my mind -for classical style, close logic, and strong representation. I send you -this copy which was taken for me by a school-boy, replete with errors -of punctuation, of orthography, and sometimes substitutions of one word -for another. It would be better to recur to the Annual Register itself -for correctness, where also I think are stated the circumstances and -issue of the case. To these I would add the short, the nervous, the -unanswerable speech of Carnot, in 1803, on the proposition to declare -Bonaparte consul for life. This creed of republicanism should be well -translated, and placed in the hands and heart of every friend to the -rights of self-government. I consider these speeches of Aram and Carnot, -and that of Logan, inserted in your collection, as worthily standing in -a line with those of Scipio and Hannibal in Livy, and of Cato and Cæsar -in Sallust. On examining the Indian speeches in my possession, I find -none which are not already in your collection, except that my copy of -the corn-planter's has much in it which yours has not. But observing -that the omissions relate to special subjects only, I presume they are -made purposely and indeed properly. - -I must add more particular thanks for the kind expressions of your letter -towards myself. These testimonies of approbation from my fellow-citizens, -offered too when the lapse of time may have cooled and matured their -opinions, are an ample reward for such services as I have been able to -render them, and are peculiarly gratifying in a state of retirement and -reflection. I pray you to accept the assurance of my respect. - - -TO THOMAS LAW, ESQ. - - POPLAR FOREST, June 13, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--The copy of your Second Thoughts on Instinctive Impulses, -with the letter accompanying it, was received just as I was setting out -on a journey to this place, two or three days' distant from Monticello. -I brought it with me and read it with great satisfaction, and with the -more as it contained exactly my own creed on the foundation of morality -in man. It is really curious that on a question so fundamental, such -a variety of opinions should have prevailed among men, and those, too, -of the most exemplary virtue and first order of understanding. It shows -how necessary was the care of the Creator in making the moral principle -so much a part of our constitution as that no errors of reasoning or -of speculation might lead us astray from its observance in practice. Of -all the theories on this question, the most whimsical seems to have been -that of Wollaston, who considers _truth_ as the foundation of morality. -The thief who steals your guinea does wrong only inasmuch as he acts -a lie in using your guinea as if it were his own. Truth is certainly a -branch of morality, and a very important one to society. But presented -as its foundation, it is as if a tree taken up by the roots, had its -stem reversed in the air, and one of its branches planted in the ground. -Some have made the _love of God_ the foundation of morality. This, -too, is but a branch of our moral duties, which are generally divided -into duties to God and duties to man. If we did a good act merely from -the love of God and a belief that it is pleasing to Him, whence arises -the morality of the Atheist? It is idle to say, as some do, that no -such being exists. We have the same evidence of the fact as of most of -those we act on, to-wit: their own affirmations, and their reasonings -in support of them. I have observed, indeed, generally, that while in -protestant countries the defections from the Platonic Christianity of -the priests is to Deism, in catholic countries they are to Atheism. -Diderot, D'Alembert, D'Holbach, Condorcet, are known to have been among -the most virtuous of men. Their virtue, then, must have had some other -foundation than the love of God. - -The Το καλον of others is founded in a different faculty, that of taste, -which is not even a branch of morality. We have indeed an innate sense -of what we call beautiful, but that is exercised chiefly on subjects -addressed to the fancy, whether through the eye in visible forms, as -landscape, animal figure, dress, drapery, architecture, the composition -of colors, &c., or to the imagination directly, as imagery, style, or -measure in prose or poetry, or whatever else constitutes the domain -of criticism or taste, a faculty entirely distinct from the moral one. -Self-interest, or rather self-love, or _egoism_, has been more plausibly -substituted as the basis of morality. But I consider our relations with -others as constituting the boundaries of morality. With ourselves we -stand on the ground of identity, not of relation, which last, requiring -two subjects, excludes self-love confined to a single one. To ourselves, -in strict language, we can owe no duties, obligation requiring also -two parties. Self-love, therefore, is no part of morality. Indeed it is -exactly its counterpart. It is the sole antagonist of virtue, leading us -constantly by our propensities to self-gratification in violation of our -moral duties to others. Accordingly, it is against this enemy that are -erected the batteries of moralists and religionists, as the only obstacle -to the practice of morality. Take from man his selfish propensities, -and he can have nothing to seduce him from the practice of virtue. Or -subdue those propensities by education, instruction or restraint, and -virtue remains without a competitor. Egoism, in a broader sense, has -been thus presented as the source of moral action. It has been said -that we feed the hungry, clothe the naked, bind up the wounds of the -man beaten by thieves, pour oil and wine into them, set him on our own -beast and bring him to the inn, because we receive ourselves pleasure -from these acts. So Helvetius, one of the best men on earth, and the -most ingenious advocate of this principle, after defining "interest" -to mean not merely that which is pecuniary, but whatever may procure us -pleasure or withdraw us from pain, [_de l'esprit_ 2, 1,] says, [ib. 2, 2,] -"the humane man is he to whom the sight of misfortune is insupportable, -and who to rescue himself from this spectacle, is forced to succor the -unfortunate object." This indeed is true. But it is one step short of -the ultimate question. These good acts give us pleasure, but how happens -it that they give us pleasure? Because nature hath implanted in our -breasts a love of others, a sense of duty to them, a moral instinct, -in short, which prompts us irresistibly to feel and to succor their -distresses, and protests against the language of Helvetius, [ib. 2, 5,] -"what other motive than self-interest could determine a man to generous -actions? It is as impossible for him to love what is good for the sake -of good, as to love evil for the sake of evil." The Creator would indeed -have been a bungling artist, had he intended man for a social animal, -without planting in him social dispositions. It is true they are not -planted in every man, because there is no rule without exceptions; but -it is false reasoning which converts exceptions into the general rule. -Some men are born without the organs of sight, or of hearing, or without -hands. Yet it would be wrong to say that man is born without these -faculties, and sight, hearing, and hands may with truth enter into the -general definition of man. The want or imperfection of the moral sense -in some men, like the want or imperfection of the senses of sight and -hearing in others, is no proof that it is a general characteristic of -the species. When it is wanting, we endeavor to supply the defect by -education, by appeals to reason and calculation, by presenting to the -being so unhappily conformed, other motives to do good and to eschew -evil, such as the love, or the hatred, or rejection of those among whom -he lives, and whose society is necessary to his happiness and even -existence; demonstrations by sound calculation that honesty promotes -interest in the long run; the rewards and penalties established by the -laws; and ultimately the prospects of a future state of retribution for -the evil as well as the good done while here. These are the correctives -which are supplied by education, and which exercise the functions of -the moralist, the preacher, and legislator; and they lead into a course -of correct action all those whose disparity is not too profound to be -eradicated. Some have argued against the existence of a moral sense, -by saying that if nature had given us such a sense, impelling us to -virtuous actions, and warning us against those which are vicious, then -nature would also have designated, by some particular ear-marks, the -two sets of actions which are, in themselves, the one virtuous and the -other vicious. Whereas, we find, in fact, that the same actions are -deemed virtuous in one country and vicious in another. The answer is -that nature has constituted _utility_ to man the standard and best of -virtue. Men living in different countries, under different circumstances, -different habits and regimens, may have different utilities; the same -act, therefore, may be useful, and consequently virtuous in one country -which is injurious and vicious in another differently circumstanced. I -sincerely, then, believe with you in the general existence of a moral -instinct. I think it the brightest gem with which the human character is -studded, and the want of it as more degrading than the most hideous of -the bodily deformities. I am happy in reviewing the roll of associates in -this principle which you present in your second letter, some of which I -had not before met with. To these might be added Lord Kaims, one of the -ablest of our advocates, who goes so far as to say, in his Principles -of Natural Religion, that a man owes no duty to which he is not urged by -some impulsive feeling. This is correct, if referred to the standard of -general feeling in the given case, and not to the feeling of a single -individual. Perhaps I may misquote him, it being fifty years since I -read his book. - -The leisure and solitude of my situation here has led me to the -indiscretion of taxing you with a long letter on a subject whereon -nothing new can be offered you. I will indulge myself no farther than -to repeat the assurances of my continued esteem and respect. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, July 5, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Since mine of January the 24th, yours of March the 14th has -been received. It was not acknowledged in the short one of May the 18th, -by Mr. Rives, the only object of that having been to enable one of our -most promising young men to have the advantage of making his bow to you. -I learned with great regret the serious illness mentioned in your letter; -and I hope Mr. Rives will be able to tell me you are entirely restored. -But our machines have now been running seventy or eighty years, and we -must expect that, worn as they are, here a pivot, there a wheel, now -a pinion, next a spring, will be giving way; and however we may tinker -them up for awhile, all will at length surcease motion. Our watches, with -works of brass and steel, wear out within that period. Shall you and I -last to see the course the seven-fold wonders of the times will take? -The Attila of the age dethroned, the ruthless destroyer of ten millions -of the human race, whose thirst for blood appeared unquenchable, the -great oppressor of the rights and liberties of the world, shut up within -the circle of a little island of the Mediterranean, and dwindled to the -condition of an humble and degraded pensioner on the bounty of those he -had most injured. How miserably, how meanly, has he closed his inflated -career! What a sample of the bathos will his history present! He should -have perished on the swords of his enemies, under the walls of Paris. - - "Leon piagato a morte - Sente mancar la vita, - Guarda la sua ferita, - Ne s'avilisce ancor. - Cosi fra l'ire estrema - Rugge, minaccia, e freme, - Che fa tremar morendo - Tal volta il cacciator."--Metast. Adriano. - -But Bonaparte was a lion in the field only. In civil life, a cold-blooded, -calculating, unprincipled usurper, without a virtue; no statesman, -knowing nothing of commerce, political economy, or civil government, and -supplying ignorance by bold presumption. I had supposed him a great man -until his entrance into the Assembly _des cinq cens_, eighteen Brumaire -(an. 8.) From that date, however, I set him down as a great scoundrel -only. To the wonders of his rise and fall, we may add that of a Czar of -Muscovy, dictating, _in Paris_, laws and limits to all the successors of -the Cæsars, and holding even the balance in which the fortunes of this -new world are suspended. I own, that while I rejoice, for the good of -mankind, in the deliverance of Europe from the havoc which would never -have ceased while Bonaparte should have lived in power, I see with anxiety -the tyrant of the ocean remaining in vigor, and even participating in the -merit of crushing his brother tyrant. While the world is thus turned up -side down, on which of its sides are we? All the strong reasons, indeed, -place us on the side of peace; the interests of the continent, their -friendly dispositions, and even the interests of England. Her passions -alone are opposed to it. Peace would seem now to be an easy work, the -causes of the war being removed. Her orders of council will no doubt be -taken care of by the allied powers, and, war ceasing, her impressment -of our seamen ceases of course. But I fear there is foundation for the -design intimated in the public papers, of demanding a cession of our -right in the fisheries. What will Massachusetts say to this? I mean her -majority, which must be considered as speaking through the organs it has -appointed itself, as the index of its will. She chooses to sacrifice the -liberties of our seafaring citizens, in which we were all interested, -and with them her obligations to the co-States, rather than war with -England. Will she now sacrifice the fisheries to the same partialities? -This question is interesting to her alone; for to the middle, the -southern and western States, they are of no direct concern; of no more -than the culture of tobacco, rice and cotton, to Massachusetts. I am -really at a loss to conjecture what our refractory sister will say on -this occasion. I know what, as a citizen of the Union, I would say to -her. "Take this question _ad referendum_. It concerns you alone. If you -would rather give up the fisheries than war with England, we give them -up. If you had rather fight for them, we will defend your interests to -the last drop of our blood, choosing rather to set a good example than -follow a bad one." And I hope she will determine to fight for them. With -this, however, you and I shall have nothing to do; ours being truly the -case wherein "_non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis tempus eget_." -Quitting this subject, therefore I will turn over another leaf. - -I am just returned from one of my long absences, having been at my other -home for five weeks past. Having more leisure there than here for reading, -I amused myself with reading seriously Plato's Republic. I am wrong, -however, in calling it amusement, for it was the heaviest task-work I -ever went through. I had occasionally before taken up some of his other -works, but scarcely ever had patience to go through a whole dialogue. -While wading through the whimsies, the puerilities, and unintelligible -jargon of this work, I laid it down often to ask myself how it could have -been, that the world should have so long consented to give reputation -to such nonsense as this? How the _soi-disant_ Christian world, indeed, -should have done it, is a piece of historical curiosity. But how could -the Roman good sense do it? And particularly, how could Cicero bestow -such eulogies on Plato? Although Cicero did not wield the dense logic -of Demosthenes, yet he was able, learned, laborious, practised in the -business of the world, and honest. He could not be the dupe of mere style, -of which he was himself the first master in the world. With the moderns, -I think, it is rather a matter of fashion and authority. Education is -chiefly in the hands of persons who, from their profession, have an -interest in the reputation and the dreams of Plato. They give the tone -while at school, and few in their after years have occasion to revise -their college opinions. But fashion and authority apart, and bringing -Plato to the test of reason, take from him his sophisms, futilities -and incomprehensibilities, and what remains? In truth, he is one of the -race of genuine sophists, who has escaped the oblivion of his brethren, -first, by the elegance of his diction, but chiefly, by the adoption and -incorporation of his whimsies into the body of artificial Christianity. -His foggy mind is forever presenting the semblances of objects which, -half seen through a mist, can be defined neither in form nor dimensions. -Yet this, which should have consigned him to early oblivion, really -procured him immortality of fame and reverence. The Christian priesthood, -finding the doctrines of Christ levelled to every understanding, and too -plain to need explanation, saw in the mysticism of Plato materials with -which they might build up an artificial system, which might, from its -indistinctness, admit everlasting controversy, give employment for their -order, and introduce it to profit, power and pre-eminence. The doctrines -which flowed from the lips of Jesus himself are within the comprehension -of a child; but thousands of volumes have not yet explained the Platonisms -engrafted on them; and for this obvious reason, that nonsense can never -be explained. Their purposes, however, are answered. Plato is canonized; -and it is now deemed as impious to question his merits as those of an -Apostle of Jesus. He is peculiarly appealed to as an advocate of the -immortality of the soul; and yet I will venture to say, that were there -no better arguments than his in proof of it, not a man in the world -would believe it. It is fortunate for us, that Platonic republicanism -has not obtained the same favor as Platonic Christianity; or we should -now have been all living, men, women and children, pell mell together, -like beasts of the field or forest. Yet "Plato is a great philosopher," -said La Fontaine. But, says Fontenelle, "do you find his ideas very -clear?" "Oh no! he is of an obscurity impenetrable." "Do you not find -him full of contradictions?" "Certainly," replied La Fontaine, "he is -but a sophist." Yet immediately after, he exclaims again, "Oh, Plato was -a great philosopher." Socrates had reason, indeed, to complain of the -misrepresentations of Plato; for in truth, his dialogues are libels on -Socrates. - -But why am I dosing you with these antediluvian topics? Because I am glad -to have some one to whom they are familiar, and who will not receive them -as if dropped from the moon. Our post-revolutionary youth are born under -happier stars than you and I were. They acquire all learning in their -mother's womb, and bring it into the world ready made. The information of -books is no longer necessary; and all knowledge which is not innate, is -in contempt, or neglect at least. Every folly must run its round; and so, -I suppose, must that of self-learning and self-sufficiency; of rejecting -the knowledge acquired in past ages, and starting on the new ground of -intuition. When sobered by experience, I hope our successors will turn -their attention to the advantages of education. I mean of education on -the broad scale, and not that of the petty _academies_, as they call -themselves, which are starting up in every neighborhood, and where one -or two men, possessing Latin and sometimes Greek, a knowledge of the -globes, and the first six books of Euclid, imagine and communicate this -as the sum of science. They commit their pupils to the theatre of the -world, with just taste enough of learning to be alienated from industrious -pursuits, and not enough to do service in the ranks of science. We have -some exceptions, indeed. I presented one to you lately, and we have some -others. But the terms I use are general truths. I hope the necessity -will, at length, be seen of establishing institutions here, as in Europe, -where every branch of science, useful at this day, may be taught in its -highest degree. Have you ever turned your thoughts to the plan of such -an institution? I mean to a specification of the particular sciences of -real use in human affairs, and how they might be so grouped as to require -so many professors only as might bring them within the views of a just -but enlightened economy? I should be happy in a communication of your -ideas on this problem, either loose or digested. But to avoid my being -run away with by another subject, and adding to the length and ennui of -the present letter, I will here present to Mrs. Adams and yourself, the -assurance of my constant and sincere friendship and respect. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, July 16, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I received this morning your favor of the 5th, and as I can -never let a sheet of yours rest, I sit down immediately to acknowledge -it. - -Whenever Mr. Reeves, of whom I have heard nothing, shall arrive, he -shall receive all the cordial civilities in my power. - -I am sometimes afraid that my "machine" will not "surcease motion" soon -enough; for I dread nothing so much as "dying at top," and expiring -like Dean Swift, "a driveler and a show;" or like Sam Adams, a grief and -distress to his family, a weeping helpless object of compassion for years. - -I am bold to say, that neither you nor I will live to see the course which -the "wonders of the times" will take. Many years, and perhaps centuries -must pass, before the current will acquire a settled direction. If the -Christian religion, as I understand it, or as you understand it, should -maintain its ground, as I believe it will, yet Platonic, Pythagonic, -Hindoo, Cabalistical Christianity, which is Catholic Christianity, and -which has prevailed for 1,500 years, has received a mortal wound of -which the monster must finally die; yet so strong is his constitution, -that he may endure for centuries before he expires. - -Government has never been much studied by mankind, but their attention -has been drawn to it in the latter part of the last century, and the -beginning of this, more than at any former period; and the vast variety of -experiments that have been made of constitutions in America, in France, in -Holland, in Geneva, in Switzerland, and even in Spain and South America, -can never be forgotten. They will be catastrophes noted. The result, in -time, will be improvements; and I have no doubt that the honors we have -experienced for the last forty years, will ultimately terminate in the -advancement of civil and religious liberty, and ameliorations in the -condition of mankind; for I am a believer in the probable improvability -and improvement, the ameliorability and amelioration in human affairs; -though I never could understand the doctrine of the perfectability of -the human mind. This has always appeared to me like the philosophy, or -theology of the Gentoos, viz., that a Brachman, by certain studies, for -a certain time pursued, and by certain ceremonies, a certain number of -times repeated, becomes omniscient and almighty. - -Our hopes, however, of sudden tranquillity, ought not to be too sanguine. -Fanaticism and superstition will still be selfish, subtle, intriguing, -and at times furious. Despotism will still struggle for domination; -monarchy will still study to rival nobility in popularity; aristocracy -will continue to envy all above it, and despise and oppress all below it; -democracy will envy all, contend with all, endeavor to pull down all; and -when by chance it happens to get the upper hand for a short time, it will -be revengeful, bloody, and cruel. These, and other elements of fanaticism -and anarchy, will yet, for a long time, continue a fermentation, which -will excite alarms and require vigilance. - -Napoleon is a military fanatic like Achilles, Alexander, Cæsar, Mahomet, -Zingis, Kouli, Charles XII., &c. The maxim and principle of all of them -was the same: "Jura negat sibi lata, nihil non arrogat armis." - -But is it strict to call him an usurper? Was not his elevation to the -empire of France as legitimate and authentic a national act as that of -William the III., or the House of Hanover to the throne of the three -kingdoms? or as the election of Washington to the command of our army, -or to the chair of the States? - -Human nature, in no form of it, ever could bear prosperity. That peculiar -tribe of men called conquerors, more remarkably than any other, have -been swelled with vanity by any series of victories. - -Napoleon won so many mighty battles in such quick succession, and -for so long a time, that it was no wonder his brain became completely -intoxicated, and his enterprises rash, extravagant, and mad. - -Though France is humbled, Britain is not. Though Bonaparte is banished, -a greater tyrant and miser usurper still domineers. John Bull is quite -as unfeeling, as unprincipled, more powerful, has shed more blood, than -Bonaparte. John, by his money, his intrigues, and arms, by exciting -coalition after coalition against him, made him what he was, and, at -last, what he is. How shall the tyrant of tyrants be brought low? Aye! -there's the rub! I still think Bonaparte great, at least as any of -the conquerors. The wonders "of his rise and fall," may be seen in the -life of king Theodore, or Pascal Paoli, or Mazionetti, or Jack Cade, or -Wat Tyler, or Rienzi, or Dionicus. The only difference is that between -miniatures and full-length pictures. The schoolmaster at Corinth was -a greater _man_ than the tyrant of Syracuse, upon the principle that -he who conquers himself is greater than he who takes a city. Though -the ferocious roar of the wounded lion may terrify the hunter with the -possibility of another dangerous leap, Bonaparte was shot dead at once -by France. He could no longer roar or struggle, growl or paw; he could -only gasp the death. I wish that France may not still regret him. But -these are speculations in the clouds. I agree with you that the milk -of human kindness in the Bourbons, is safer for mankind than the fierce -ambition of Napoleon. - -The Autocrator appears in an imposing light. Fifty years ago, English -writers held up terrible consequences from "thawing out the monstrous -northern snake." If Cossacks, and Tartars, and Goths, and Vandals, and -Huns, and Riparians, should get a taste of European sweets, what may -happen? Could Wellingtons or Bonapartes resist them? - -The greatest trait of sagacity that Alexander has yet exhibited to -the world, is his courtship of the United States. But whether this is -a mature, well-digested policy, or only a transient gleam of thought, -still remains to be explained and proved by time. - -The refractory siston will not give up the fisheries. Not a man here -dares to hint at so base a thought. - -I am very glad you have seriously read Plato; and still more rejoiced to -find that your reflections upon him so perfectly harmonize with mine. Some -thirty years ago I took upon me the severe task of going through all his -works. With the help of two Latin translations, and one English and one -French translation, and comparing some of the most remarkable passages -with the Greek, I labored through the tedious toil. My disappointment -was very great, my astonishment was greater, and my disgust shocking. Two -things only did I learn from him. 1. That Franklin's ideas of exempting -husbandmen, and mariners, &c., from the depredations of war, was borrowed -from him. 2. That sneezing is a cure for the hickups. Accordingly, I -have cured myself, and all my friends, of that provoking disorder, for -thirty years, with a pinch of snuff. - -Some parts of some of his dialogues are entertaining like the writings -of Rousseau, but his laws and his republic, from which I expected most, -disappointed me most. - -I could scarcely exclude the suspicion that he intended the latter as -a bitter satire upon all republican government, as Xenophon undoubtedly -designed, by his essay on democracy, to ridicule that species of republic. -In a letter to the learned and ingenious Mr. Taylor, of Haslewood, -I suggested to him the project of writing a novel, in which the hero -should be sent upon his travels through Plato's republic, and all his -adventures, with his observations on the principles and opinions, the -arts and sciences, the manners, customs, and habits of the citizens, -should be recorded. Nothing can be conceived more destructive of human -happiness; more infallibly contrived to transform men and women into -brutes, Yahoos, or demons, than a community of wives and property. Yet -in what are the writings of Rousseau and Helvetius, wiser than those -of Plato? The man who first fenced a tobacco yard, and said this is -mine, ought instantly to have been put to death, says Rousseau. The -man who first pronounced the barbarous word _Dieu_, ought to have been -immediately destroyed, says Diderot. In short, philosophers, ancient and -modern, appear to me as mad as Hindoos, Mahometans, and Christians. No -doubt they would all think me mad, and, for anything I know, this globe -may be the bedlam, _Le Bicêtre_ of the universe. After all, as long as -property exists, it will accumulate in individuals and families. As long -as marriage exists, knowledge, property, and influence will accumulate -in families. Your and our equal partition of intestate estates, instead -of preventing, will, in time, augment the evil, if it is one. - -The French revolutionists saw this, and were so far consistent. When -they burned pedigrees and genealogical trees, they annihilated, as far -as they could, marriages, knowing that marriage, among a thousand other -things, was an infallible source of aristocracy. I repeat it, so sure -as the idea and existence of _property_ is admitted and established in -society, accumulations of it will be made; the snow-ball will grow as -it rolls. - -Cicero was educated in the Groves of Academus, where the name and memory -of Plato were idolized to such a degree, that if he had wholly renounced -the prejudices of his education, his reputation would have been lessened, -if not injured and ruined. In his two volumes of Discourses on Government, -we may presume that he fully examined Plato's laws and republic, as well -as Aristotle's writings on government. But these have been carefully -destroyed, not improbably with the general consent of philosophers, -politicians and priests. The loss is as much to be regretted as that of -any production of antiquity. - -Nothing seizes the attention of the staring animal so surely as paradox, -riddle, mystery, invention, discovery, wonder, temerity. Plato and -his disciples, from the fourth-century Christians to Rousseau and Tom -Paine, have been fully sensible of this weakness in mankind, and have -too successfully grounded upon it their pretensions to fame. - -I might, indeed, have mentioned Bolingbroke, Hume, Gibbon, Voltaire, -Turgot, Helvetius, Diderot, Condorcet, Buffon, and fifty others, all a -little cracked. Be to their faults a little blind, to their virtues ever -kind. - -Education! Oh Education! The greatest grief of my heart, and the greatest -affliction of my life! To my mortification I must confess that I have -never closely thought, or very deliberately reflected upon the subject -which never occurs to me now without producing a deep sigh, a heavy -groan, and sometimes tears. - -My cruel destiny separated me from my children, almost continually -from their birth to their manhood. I was compelled to leave them to -the ordinary routine of reading, writing and Latin school, academy and -college. John, alone, was much with me, and he but occasionally. If I -venture to give you any thoughts at all, they must be very crude. I have -turned over Locke, Milton, Condilac, Rousseau, and even Miss Edgeworth, -as a bird flies through the air. The Preceptor I have thought a good book. - -Grammar, rhetoric, logic, ethics, mathematics, cannot be neglected. -Classics, in spite of our friend Rush, I must think indispensable. -Natural history, mechanics and experimental philosophy, chemistry, &c., -at least their rudiments, cannot be forgotten. Geography, astronomy, -and even history and chronology, (although I am myself afflicted with -a kind of Pyrrhonism in the two latter,) I presume cannot be omitted. -Theology I would leave to Ray, Derham, Nicuentent, and Paley, rather -than to Luther, Zinzindorf, Swedenborg, Wesley or Whitefield, or Thomas -Aquinas or Wollebius. Metaphysics I would leave in the clouds with the -materialists and spiritualists, with Leibnitz, Berkley, Priestley and -Edwards, and I might add Hume and Reed, or if permitted to be read, it -should be with romances and novels. What shall I say of music, drawing, -fencing, dancing and gymnastic exercises? What of languages, oriental -and occidental? Of French, Italian, German or Russian? of Sanscrit or -Chinese? - -The task you have prescribed to me of grouping these sciences or arts -under professors, within the views of an enlightened economy, is far -beyond my forces. Loose indeed, and indigested, must be all the hints -I can note. Might grammar, rhetoric, logic, and ethics, be under one -professor? Might mathematics, mechanics, natural philosophy, be under -another? Geography and astronomy under a third? Laws and government, -history and chronology, under a fourth? Classics might require a fifth. - -Condilac's Course of Study has excellent parts. Among many systems of -mathematics, English, French and American, there is none preferable to -Besout's Course. La Harpe's Course of Literature is very valuable. - -But I am ashamed to add any more to the broken innuendos, except -assurances of my continued friendship. - - -TO THE BARON DE MOLL, PRIVY COUNSELLOR OF HIS MAJESTY THE KING -OF BAVARIA, SECRETARY OF THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES FOR THE CLASS OF -MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCES, AND OF THE AGRONOMIC SOCIETY OF -BAVARIA, AT MUNICH. - - MONTICELLO, July 31, 1814. - -SIR,--Within a few days only, I have received the letter which you did -me the honor to write on the 22d of July, 1812; a delay which I presume -must be ascribed to the interruption of the intercourse of the world by -the wars which have lately desolated it by sea and land. Still involved -ourselves with a nation possessing almost exclusively the ocean which -separates us, I fear the one I have now the honor of addressing you may -experience equal delay. I receive with much gratification the diploma -of the Agronomic Society of Bavaria, conferring on me the distinction -of being honorary member of their society. For this mark of their good -will, I pray you to be the channel of communicating to them my respectful -thanks. Age and distance will add their obstacles to the services I -shall ardently wish to render the society. Yet sincerely devoted to -this art, the basis of the subsistence, the comforts and the happiness -of man, and sensible of the general interest which all nations have -in communicating freely to each other discoveries of new and useful -processes and implements in it, I shall with zeal at all times meet the -wishes of the society, and especially rejoice in every opportunity which -their commands may present of being useful to them. With the homage of -my respects to them, be pleased to accept for yourself the assurances -of my particular and high consideration. - - -TO MR. WIRT. - - MONTICELLO, August 14, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I have been laying under contribution my memory, my private -papers, the printed records, gazettes and pamphlets in my possession, -to answer the inquiries of your letter of July 27, and I will give you -the result as correctly as I can. I kept no copy of the paper I sent -you on a former occasion on the same subject, nor do I retain an exact -recollection of its contents. But if in that I stated the question on -the loan office to have been in 1762, I did it with too slight attention -to the date, although not to the fact. I have examined the journals of -the House of Burgesses, of 1760-1-2, in my possession, and find no trace -of the proceeding in them. By those of 1764, I find that the famous -address to the king, and memorials to the Houses of Lords and Commons, -on the proposal of the Stamp Act, were of that date; and I know that Mr. -Henry was not a member of the legislature when they were passed. I know -also, because I was present, that Robinson, (who died in May, 1766,) was -in the chair on the question of the loan office. Mr. Henry, then, must -have come in between these two epochs, and consequently in 1765. Of this -year I have no journals to refresh my memory. The first session was in -May, and his first remarkable exhibition there was on the motion for -the establishment of an office for lending money on mortgages of real -property. I find in Royle's Virginia Gazette, of the 17th of that month -this proposition for the loan office brought forward, its advantages -detailed, and the plan explained; and it seems to have been done by a -borrowing member, from the feeling with which the motives are expressed; -and to have been preparatory to the intended motion. This was probably -made immediately after that date, and certainly before the 30th, which -was the date of Mr. Henry's famous resolutions. I had been intimate -with Mr. Henry since the winter of 1759-60, and felt an interest in what -concerned him, and I can never forget a particular exclamation of his in -the debate in which he electrified his hearers. It had been urged that -from certain unhappy circumstances of the colony, men of substantial -property had contracted debts, which, if exacted suddenly, must ruin them -and their families, but, with a little indulgence of time, might be paid -with ease. "What, Sir!" exclaimed Mr. Henry, in animadverting on this, -"is it proposed then to reclaim the spendthrift from his dissipation -and extravagance, by filling his pockets with money." These expressions -are indelibly impressed on my memory. He laid open with so much energy -the spirit of favoritism on which the proposition was founded, and the -abuses to which it would lead, that it was crushed in its birth. Abortive -motions are not always entered on the journals, or rather, they are -rarely entered. It is the modern introduction of yeas and nays which has -given the means of placing a rejected motion on the journals; and it is -likely that the speaker, who, as treasurer, was to be the loan officer, -and had the direction of the journals, would choose to omit an entry of -the motion in this case. This accounts sufficiently for the absence of -any trace of the motion in the journals. There was no suspicion then, -(as far, at least, as I know,) that Robinson had used the public money -in private loans to his friends, and that the secret object of this -scheme was to transfer those debtors to the public, and thus clear his -accounts. I have diligently examined the names of the members on the -journals of 1764, to see if any were still living to whose memory we -might recur on this subject, but I find not a single one now remaining -in life. - -Of the parson's cause I remember nothing remarkable. I was at school -with Mr. Maury during the years 1758 and 1759, and often heard them -inveigh against the iniquity of the act of 1758, called the two-penny -act. In 1763, when that cause was decided in Hanover, I was a law-student -in Williamsburg, and remember only that it was a subject of much -conversation, and of great paper-controversy, in which Camm, and Colonel -Bland, were the principal champions. - -The disputed election in which Mr. Henry made himself remarkable, must -have been that of Dandridge and Littlepage, in 1764, of which, however, I -recollect no particulars, although I was still a student in Williamsburg, -and paid attention to what was passing in the legislature. - -I proceed now to the resolution of 1765. The copies you enclose me, and -that inserted by Judge Marshall in his history, and copied verbatim by -Burke, are really embarrassing by their differences. 1. That of the four -resolutions taken from the records of the House, is the genuine copy -of what they passed, _as amended_ by themselves, cannot be doubted. 2. -That the copy which Mr. Henry left sealed up, is a true copy of these -four resolutions, _as reported_ by the committee, there is no reason to -doubt. 3. That Judge Marshall's version of three of these resolutions, -(for he has omitted one altogether,) is from an unauthentic source -is sufficiently proved by their great variation from the record in -diction, although equivalent in sentiment. But what are we to say of -Mr. Henry's fifth, and Mr. Marshall's two last, which we may call the -sixth and seventh resolutions? The fifth has clearly nothing to justify -the debate and proceedings which one of them produced. But the sixth is -of that character, and perfectly tallies with the idea impressed on my -mind, of that which was expunged. Judge Marshall tells us that two were -disagreed to by the House, which may be true. I do not indeed recollect -it, but I have no recollection to the contrary. My hypothesis, then, is -this, that the two disagreed to were the fifth and seventh. The fifth, -because merely tautologous of the third and fourth, and the seventh, -because leading to individual persecution, for which no mind was then -prepared. And that the sixth was the one passed by the House, by a -majority of a single vote, and expunged from the journals the next day. -I was standing at the door of communication between the house and lobby -during the debates and vote, and well remember, that after the numbers -on the division were told, and declared from the chair, Peyton Randolph -(then Attorney General) came out at the door where I was standing, -and exclaimed, "By God, I would have given one hundred guineas for a -single vote." For one vote would have divided the house, and Robinson -was in the chair, who he knew would have negatived the resolution. Mr. -Henry left town that evening, or the next morning; and Colonel Peter -Randolph, then a member of the Council, came to the House of Burgesses -about 10 o'clock of the forenoon, and sat at the clerk's table till -the House-bell rang, thumbing over the volumes of Journals to find a -precedent of expunging a vote of the House, which he said had taken place -while he was a member or clerk of the House, I do not recollect which. -I stood by him at the end of the table a considerable part of the time, -looking on as he turned over the leaves, but I do not recollect whether -he found the erasure. In the meantime, some of the timid members, who -had voted for the strongest resolution, had become alarmed, and as soon -as the House met, a motion was made, and carried, to expunge it from -the journals. And here I will observe, that Burke's statement with his -opponents, is entirely erroneous. I suppose the original journal was -among those destroyed by the British, or its obliterated face might be -appealed to. It is a pity this investigation was not made a few years -sooner, when some of the members of the day were still living. I think -inquiry should be made of Judge Marshall for the source from which -he derived his copy of the resolutions. This might throw light on the -sixth and seventh, which I verily believe, and especially the sixth, to -be genuine in substance. On the whole, I suppose the four resolutions -which are on the record, were passed and retained by the House; that -the sixth is that which was passed by a single vote and expunged, and -the fifth and seventh, the two which Judge Marshall says were disagreed -to. That Mr. Henry's copy, then, should not have stated all this, is -the remaining difficulty. This copy he probably sealed up long after -the transaction, for it was long afterwards that these resolutions, -instead of the address and memorials of the preceding year, were looked -back to as the commencement of legislative opposition. His own judgment -may, at a later date, have approved of the rejection of the sixth and -seventh, although not of the fifth, and he may have left and sealed up -a copy, in his own handwriting, as approved by his ultimate judgment. -This, to be sure, is conjecture, and may rightfully be rejected by any -one to whom a more plausible solution may occur; and there I must leave -it. The address of 1764 was drawn by Peyton Randolph. Who drew the -memorial to the Lords I do not recollect, but Mr. Wythe drew that to -the Commons. It was done with so much freedom, that, as he has told me -himself, his colleagues of the committee shrank from it as bearing the -aspect of treason, and smoothed its features to its present form. He -was, indeed, one of the very few, (for I can barely speak of them in the -plural number,) of either character, who, from the commencement of the -contest, hung our connection with Great Britain on its true hook, that -of a common king. His unassuming character, however, made him appear as -a follower, while his sound judgment kept him in a line with the freest -spirit. By these resolutions, Mr. Henry took the lead out of the hands -of those who had heretofore guided the proceedings of the House, that -is to say, of Pendleton, Wythe, Bland, Randolph, Nicholas. These were -honest and able men, had begun the opposition on the same grounds, but -with a moderation more adapted to their age and experience. Subsequent -events favored the bolder spirits of Henry, the Lees, Pages, Mason, &c., -with whom I went in all points. Sensible, however, of the importance -of unanimity among our constituents, although we often wished to have -gone faster, we slackened our pace, that our less ardent colleagues -might keep up with us; and they, on their part, differing nothing from -us in principle, quickened their gait somewhat beyond that which their -prudence might of itself have advised, and thus consolidated the phalanx -which breasted the power of Britain. By this harmony of the bold with -the cautious, we advanced with our constituents in undivided mass, and -with fewer examples of separation than, perhaps, existed in any other -part of the Union. - -I do not remember the topics of Mr. Henry's argument, but those of his -opposers were that the same sentiments had been expressed in the address -and memorials of the preceding session, to which an answer was expected -and not yet received. I well remember the cry of treason, the pause of -Mr. Henry at the name of George the III., and the presence of mind with -which he closed his sentence, and baffled the charge vociferated. I -do not think he took the position in the middle of the floor which you -mention. On the contrary, I think I recollect him standing in the very -place which he continued afterwards habitually to occupy in the house. - -The censure of Mr. E. Randolph on Mr. Henry in the case of Philips, -was without foundation. I remember the case, and took my part in it. -Philips was a mere robber, who availing himself of the troubles of the -times, collected a banditti, retired to the Dismal Swamp, and from thence -sallied forth, plundering and maltreating the neighboring inhabitants, and -covering himself, without authority, under the name of a British subject. -Mr. Henry, then Governor, communicated the case to me. We both thought -the best proceeding would be by bill of attainder, unless he delivered -himself up for trial within a given time. Philips was afterwards taken; -and Mr. Randolph being Attorney General, and apprehending he would plead -that he was a British subject, taken in arms, in support of his lawful -sovereign, and as a prisoner of war entitled to the protection of the law -of nations, he thought the safest proceeding would be to indict him at -common law as a felon and robber. Against this I believe Philips urged -the same plea: he was overruled and found guilty. - -I recollect nothing of a doubt on the re-eligibility of Mr. Henry to the -government when his term expired in 1779, nor can I conceive on what -ground such a doubt could have been entertained, unless perhaps that -his first election in June, 1776, having been before we were nationally -declared independent, some might suppose it should not be reckoned as -one of the three constitutional elections. - -Of the projects for appointing a Dictator there are said to have been two. -I know nothing of either but by hearsay. The first was in Williamsburg -in December, 1776. The Assembly had the month before appointed Mr. -Wythe, Mr. Pendleton, George Mason, Thomas L. Lee, and myself, to revise -the whole body of laws, and adapt them to our new form of government. -I left the House early in December to prepare to join the Committee at -Fredericksburg, the place of our first meeting. What passed, therefore, -in the House in December, I know not, and have not the journals of that -session to look into. The second proposition was in June, 1781, at the -Staunton session of the legislature. No trace of this last motion is -entered on the journals of that date, which I have examined. This is a -further proof that the silence of the journals is no evidence against the -fact of an abortive motion. Among the names of the members found on the -journal of the Staunton session, are John Taylor of Caroline, General -Andrew Moore, and General Edward Stevens of Culpeper, now living. It -would be well to ask information from each of them, that their errors -of memory, or of feeling, may be corrected by collation. - -You ask if I would have any objection to be quoted as to the fact of -rescinding the last of Mr. Henry's resolutions. None at all as to that -fact, or its having been passed by a majority of one vote only; the scene -being as present to my mind as that in which I am now writing. But I do -not affirm, although I believe it was the sixth resolution. - -It is truly unfortunate that those engaged in public affairs so rarely -make notes of transactions passing within their knowledge. Hence history -becomes fable instead of fact. The great outlines may be true, but the -incidents and coloring are according to the faith or fancy of the writer. -Had Judge Marshall taken half your pains in sifting and scrutinizing -facts, he would not have given to the world, as true history, a false -copy of a record under his eye. Burke again has copied him, and being a -second writer on the spot, doubles the credit of the copy. When writers -are so indifferent as to the correctness of facts, the verification -of which lies at their elbow, by what measure shall we estimate -their relation of things distant, or of those given to us through the -obliquities of their own vision? Our records, it is true, in the case -under contemplation, were destroyed by the malice and Vandalism of the -British military, perhaps of their government, under whose orders they -committed so much useless mischief. But printed copies remained, as your -examination has proved. Those which were apocryphal, then, ought not to -have been hazarded without examination. Should you be able to ascertain -the genuineness of the sixth and seventh resolutions, I would ask a line -of information, to rectify or to confirm my own impressions respecting -them. Ever affectionately yours. - - -TO THOMAS COOPER. - - MONTICELLO, August 25, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--In my letter of January 16th, I mentioned to you that it -had long been in contemplation to get an University established in this -State, in which all the branches of science useful _to us_, and _at this -day_, should be taught in their highest degree, and that this institution -should be incorporated with the College and funds of William and Mary. -But what are the sciences useful to us, and at this day thought useful to -anybody? A glance over Bacon's _arbor scientiæ_ will show the foundation -for this question, and how many of his ramifications of science are now -lopt off as nugatory. To be prepared for this new establishment, I have -taken some pains to ascertain those branches which men of sense, as well -as of science, deem worthy of cultivation. To the statements which I -have obtained from other sources, I should highly value an addition of -one from yourself. You know our country, its pursuits, its faculties, -its relations with others, its means of establishing and maintaining an -institution of general science, and the spirit of economy with which -it requires that these should be administered. Will you then so far -contribute to our views as to consider this subject, to make a statement -of the branches of science which you think worthy of being taught, as I -have before said, at this day, and in this country? But to accommodate -them to our economy, it will be necessary further to distribute them -into groups, each group comprehending as many branches as one industrious -Professor may competently teach, and, as much as may be, a duly associated -family, or class, of kindred sciences. The object of this is to bring -the whole circle of useful science under the direction of the smallest -number of professors possible, and that our means may be so frugally -employed as to effect the greatest possible good. We are about to make -an effort for the introduction of this institution. - -On the subject of patent rights, on which something has passed between -us before, you may have noted that the patent board, while it existed, -had proposed to reduce their decisions to a system of rules as fast -as the cases presented should furnish materials. They had done but -little when the business was turned over to the courts of justice, on -whom the same duty has now devolved. A rule has occurred to me, which -I think would reach many of our cases, and go far towards securing the -citizen against the vexation of frivolous patents. It is to consider the -invention of any new mechanical power, or of any new combination of the -mechanical powers already known, as entitled to an exclusive grant; but -that the purchaser of the right to use the invention should be free to -apply it to every purpose of which it is susceptible. For instance, the -combination of machinery for threshing wheat, should be applicable to -the threshing of rye, oats, beans, &c. The spinning machine to everything -of which it may be found capable; the chain of buckets, of which we have -been possessed thousands of years, we should be free to use for raising -water, ore, grains, meals, or anything else we can make it raise. These -rights appear sufficiently distinct, and the distinction sound enough, -to be adopted by the judges, to whom it could not be better suggested -than through the medium of the Emporium, should any future paper of that -furnish place for the hint. - -Since the change of government in France, I am in hopes the author of -the Review of Montesquieu will consent to be named, and perhaps may -publish there his original work; not that their press is free, but that -the present government will be restrained by public opinion, whereas -the late military despotism respected that of the army only. I salute -you with friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. DELAPLAINE. - - MONTICELLO, August 28, 1814. - -SIR,--Your letter of the 17th is received. I have not the book of -Munoz containing the print of Columbus. That work came out after I left -Europe, and we have not the same facility of acquiring new continental -publications here as there. I have no doubt that entire credit is to be -given to the account of the print rendered by him in the extract from his -work which you have sent me; and as you say that several have attempted -translations of it, each differing from the other, and none satisfactory -to yourself, I will add to your stock my understanding of it, that by a -collation of the several translations, the author's meaning may be the -better elicited. - -Translation. "This first volume presents at the beginning the portrait -of the discoverer, designed and engraved with care. Among many paintings -and prints which are falsely sold as his likenesses, I have seen one -only which can be such, and it is that which is preserved in the house of -the most excellent Duke of Berwick and Lina, a descendant of our hero; a -figure of the natural size, painted, as would seem, in the last century, -by an indifferent copyist, in which, nevertheless, appear some catches -from the hand of Antonio del Rincon, a celebrated painter of the Catholic -kings. The description given by Fernando Colon, of the countenance of -his father, has served to render the likeness more resembling, and to -correct the faults which are observable in some of the features either -imperfectly seized by the artist, or disfigured by the injuries of time." - -Paraphrase explanatory of the above. Columbus was employed by Ferdinand -and Isabella, on his voyage of discovery in 1492. Debry tells us that -"before his departure, his portrait was taken by order of the king and -queen," and most probably by Rincon, their first painter. Rincon died in -1500, and Columbus in 1506. Fernando, his son, an ecclesiastic, wrote -the life of his father in 1530, and describes in that his father's -countenance. An indifferent hand in the 17th century, copied Rincon's -painting, which copy is preserved in the house of the Duke of Berwick. In -1793, when a print of Columbus was wanting for the history of Munoz, the -artist from this copy, injured as it was by time, but still exhibiting -some catches of Rincon's style, and from the verbal description of the -countenance of Columbus in the history by his son, has been enabled to -correct the faults of the copy, whether those of the copyist or proceeding -from the injuries of time, and thus to furnish the best likeness. - -The Spanish text admits this construction, and well-known dates and -historical facts verify it. - -I have taken from the second volume of Debry a rough model of the leaf on -which is the print he has given of Columbus and his preface. It gives the -exact size and outline of the print which, with a part of the preface, -is on the first page of the leaf, and the rest on the second. I have -extracted from it what related to the print, which you will perceive -could not be cut out without a great mutilation of the book. This would -not be regarded as to its cost, which was twelve guineas for the three -volumes in Amsterdam, but that it seems to be the only copy of the work -in the United States, and I know from experience the difficulty, if -not impossibility, of getting another. I had orders lodged with several -eminent booksellers in the principal book-marts of Europe, to-wit: London, -Paris, Amsterdam, Frankfort, Madrid, several years before this copy was -obtained at the accidental sale of an old library in Amsterdam, on the -death of its proprietor. - -We have, then, three likenesses of Columbus, from which a choice is to -be made. - -1. The print in Munoz' work, from a copy of Rincon's original, taken in -the 17th century by an indifferent hand, with conjectural alterations -suggested by the verbal description of the younger Columbus of the -countenance of his father. - -2. The miniature of Debry, from a copy taken in the sixteenth century -from the portrait made by order of the king and queen, probably that of -Rincon. - -3. The copy in my possession of the size of life, taken for me from the -original, which is in the gallery of Florence. I say from an original, -because it is well known that in collections of any note, and that of -Florence is the first in the world, _no copy_ is ever admitted; and -an original existing in Genoa would readily be obtained for a royal -collection in Florence. Vasari, in his lives of the painters, names this -portrait in his catalogue of the paintings in that gallery, but does -not say by whom it was made. It has the aspect of a man of thirty-five, -still smooth-faced and in the vigor of life, which would place its date -about 1477, fifteen years earlier than that of Rincon. Accordingly, in -the miniature of Debry, the face appears more furrowed by time. On the -whole, I should have no hesitation at giving this the preference over -the conjectural one of Munoz, and the miniature of Debry. - -The book from which I cut the print of Vespucius which I sent you, has -the following title and date: "Elogio d'Amerigo Vespucci che ha riportato -il premio dalla nobile accademia Etrusca de Cortona nel dè 15 d'Ottobre -dell' Anno 1788, del P. Stanislao Canovai della scuole prie publico -professore di fisica. Matematica in Firenze 1788, nella stamp di Pietro -Allegrini." This print is unquestionably from the same original in the -gallery of Florence from which my copy was also taken. The portrait is -named in the catalogue of Vasari, and mentioned also by Bandini, in his -life of Americus Vespucius; but neither gives its history. Both tell us -there was a portrait of Vespucius taken by Domenico, and a fine head of -him by Da Vinci, which, however, are lost, so that it would seem that -this of Florence is the only one existing. - -With this offering of what occurs to me on the subject of these prints, -accept the assurance of my respect. - - -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 10, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I regret much that I was so late in consulting you on the -subject of the academy we wish to establish here. The progress of that -business has obliged me to prepare an address to the President of the -Board of Trustees,--a plan for its organization. I send you a copy of -it with a broad margin, that, if your answer to mine of August 25th be -not on the way, you may be so good as to write your suggestions either -in the margin or on a separate paper. We shall still be able to avail -ourselves of them by way of amendments. - -Your letter of August 17th is received. Mr. Ogilvie left us four days -ago, on a tour of health, which is to terminate at New York, from whence -he will take his passage to Britain to receive livery and seisin of his -new dignities and fortunes. I am in the daily hope of seeing M. Corrica, -and the more anxious as I must in two or three weeks commence a journey -of long absence from home. - -A comparison of the conditions of Great Britain and the United States, -which is the subject of your letter of August 17th, would be an -interesting theme indeed. To discuss it minutely and demonstratively -would be far beyond the limits of a letter. I will give you, therefore, -in brief only, the result of my reflections on the subject. I agree -with you in your facts, and in many of your reflections. My conclusion -is without doubt, as I am sure yours will be, when the appeal to -your sound judgment is seriously made. The population of England is -composed of three descriptions of persons, (for those of minor note -are too inconsiderable to affect a general estimate.) These are, 1. The -aristocracy, comprehending the nobility, the wealthy commoners, the high -grades of priesthood, and the officers of government. 2. The laboring -class. 3. The eleemosynary class, or paupers, who are about one-fifth of -the whole. The aristocracy, which has the laws and government in their -hands, have so managed them as to reduce the third description below -the means of supporting life, even by labor; and to force the second, -whether employed in agriculture or the arts, to the maximum of labor -which the construction of the human body can endure, and to the minimum -of food, and of the meanest kind, which will preserve it in life, and in -strength sufficient to perform its functions. To obtain food enough, and -clothing, not only their whole strength must be unremittingly exerted, -but the utmost dexterity also which they can acquire; and those of -great dexterity only can keep their ground, while those of less must -sink into the class of paupers. Nor is it manual dexterity alone, but -the acutest resources of the mind also which are impressed into this -struggle for life; and such as have means a little above the rest, as the -master-workmen, for instance, must strengthen themselves by acquiring as -much of the philosophy of their trade as will enable them to compete with -their rivals, and keep themselves above ground. Hence the industry and -manual dexterity of their journeymen and day-laborers, and the science -of their master-workmen, keep them in the foremost ranks of competition -with those of other nations; and the less dexterous individuals, -falling into the eleemosynary ranks, furnish materials for armies and -navies to defend their country, exercise piracy on the ocean, and carry -conflagration, plunder and devastation, on the shores of all those who -endeavor to withstand their aggressions. A society thus constituted -possesses certainly the means of defence. But what does it defend? The -pauperism of the lowest class, the abject oppression of the laboring, and -the luxury, the riot, the domination and the vicious happiness of the -aristocracy. In their hands, the paupers are used as tools to maintain -their own wretchedness, and to keep down the laboring portion by shooting -them whenever the desperation produced by the cravings of their stomachs -drives them into riots. Such is the happiness of scientific England; -now let us see the American side of the medal. - -And, first, we have no paupers, the old and crippled among us, who possess -nothing and have no families to take care of them, being too few to merit -notice as a separate section of society, or to affect a general estimate. -The great mass of our population is of laborers; our rich, who can live -without labor, either manual or professional, being few, and of moderate -wealth. Most of the laboring class possess property, cultivate their own -lands, have families, and from the demand for their labor are enabled -to exact from the rich and the competent such prices as enable them to -be fed abundantly, clothed above mere decency, to labor moderately and -raise their families. They are not driven to the ultimate resources of -dexterity and skill, because their wares will sell although not quite -so nice as those of England. The wealthy, on the other hand, and those -at their ease, know nothing of what the Europeans call luxury. They have -only somewhat more of the comforts and decencies of life than those who -furnish them. Can any condition of society be more desirable than this? -Nor in the class of laborers do I mean to withhold from the comparison -that portion whose color has condemned them, in certain parts of our -Union, to a subjection to the will of others. Even these are better fed -in these States, warmer clothed, and labor less than the journeymen or -day-laborers of England. They have the comfort, too, of numerous families, -in the midst of whom they live without want, or fear of it; a solace which -few of the laborers of England possess. They are subject, it is true, -to bodily coercion; but are not the hundreds of thousands of British -soldiers and seamen subject to the same, without seeing, at the end of -their career, when age and accident shall have rendered them unequal -to labor, the certainty, which the other has, that he will never want? -And has not the British seaman, as much as the African, been reduced to -this bondage by force, in flagrant violation of his own consent, and of -his natural right in his own person? and with the laborers of England -generally, does not the moral coercion of want subject their will as -despotically to that of their employer, as the physical constraint does -the soldier, the seaman, or the slave? But do not mistake me. I am not -advocating slavery. I am not justifying the wrongs we have committed -on a foreign people, by the example of another nation committing equal -wrongs on their own subjects. On the contrary, there is nothing I would -not sacrifice to a practicable plan of abolishing every vestige of this -moral and political depravity. But I am at present comparing the condition -and degree of suffering to which oppression has reduced the man of one -color, with the condition and degree of suffering to which oppression -has reduced the man of another color; equally condemning both. Now let -us compute by numbers the sum of happiness of the two countries. In -England, happiness is the lot of the aristocracy only; and the proportion -they bear to the laborers and paupers, you know better than I do. Were -I to guess that they are four in every hundred, then the happiness of -the nation would be to its misery as one in twenty-five. In the United -States it is as eight millions to zero, or as all to none. But it is -said they possess the means of defence, and that we do not. How so? Are -we not men? Yes; but our men are so happy at home that they will not -hire themselves to be shot at for a shilling a day. Hence we can have -no standing armies for defence, because we have no paupers to furnish -the materials. The Greeks and Romans had no standing armies, yet they -defended themselves. The Greeks by their laws, and the Romans by the -spirit of their people, took care to put into the hands of their rulers -no such engine of oppression as a standing army. Their system was to -make every man a soldier, and oblige him to repair to the standard of -his country whenever that was reared. This made them invincible; and -the same remedy will make us so. In the beginning of our government we -were willing to introduce the least coercion possible on the will of the -citizen. Hence a system of military duty was established too indulgent to -his indolence. This is the first opportunity we have had of trying it, -and it has completely failed; an issue foreseen by many, and for which -remedies have been proposed. That of classing the militia according to -age, and allotting each age to the particular kind of service to which -it was competent, was proposed to Congress in 1805, and subsequently; -and, on the last trial, was lost, I believe, by a single vote only. Had -it prevailed, what has now happened would not have happened. Instead -of burning our Capitol, we should have possessed theirs in Montreal and -Quebec. We must now adopt it, and all will be safe. We had in the United -States in 1805, in round numbers of free, able-bodied men, - - 120,000 of the ages of 18 to 21 inclusive. - 200,000 " " 22 " 26 " - 200,000 " " 27 " 35 " - 200,000 " " 35 " 45 " - ------- - In all, 720,000 " " 18 " 45 " - -With this force properly classed, organized, trained, armed and subject -to tours of a year of military duty, we have no more to fear for the -defence of our country than those who have the resources of despotism -and pauperism. - -But, you will say, we have been devastated in the meantime. True, some -of our public buildings have been burnt, and some scores of individuals -on the tide-water have lost their movable property and their houses. -I pity them, and execrate the barbarians who delight in unavailing -mischief. But these individuals have their lands and their hands left. -They are not paupers, they have still better means of subsistence -than 24/25 of the people of England. Again, the English have burnt our -Capitol and President's house by means of their force. We can burn their -St. James' and St. Paul's by means of our money, offered to their own -incendiaries, of whom there are thousands in London who would do it -rather than starve. But it is against the laws of civilized warfare to -employ secret incendiaries. Is it not equally so to destroy the works -of art by armed incendiaries? Bonaparte, possessed at times of almost -every capital of Europe, with all his despotism and power, injured no -monument of art. If a nation, breaking through all the restraints of -civilized character, uses its means of destruction (power, for example) -without distinction of objects, may we not use our means (_our_ money and -_their_ pauperism) to retaliate their barbarous ravages? Are we obliged -to use for resistance exactly the weapons chosen by them for aggression? -When they destroyed Copenhagen by superior force, against all the laws -of God and man, would it have been unjustifiable for the Danes to have -destroyed their ships by torpedoes? Clearly not; and they and we should -now be justifiable in the conflagration of St. James' and St. Paul's. -And if we do not carry it into execution, it is because we think it more -moral and more honorable to set a good example, than follow a bad one. - -So much for the happiness of the people of England, and the morality of -their government, in comparison with the happiness and the morality of -America. Let us pass to another subject. - -The crisis, then, of the abuses of banking is arrived. The banks have -pronounced their own sentence of death. Between two and three hundred -millions of dollars of their promissory notes are in the hands of the -people, for solid produce and property sold, and they formally declare -they will not pay them. This is an act of bankruptcy of course, and -will be so pronounced by any court before which it shall be brought. -But _cui bono_? The law can only uncover their insolvency, by opening to -its suitors their empty vaults. Thus by the dupery of our citizens, and -tame acquiescence of our legislators, the nation is plundered of two or -three hundred millions of dollars, treble the amount of debt contracted -in the revolutionary war, and which, instead of redeeming our liberty, -has been expended on sumptuous houses, carriages, and dinners. A fearful -tax! if equalized on all; but overwhelming and convulsive by its partial -fall. The crush will be tremendous; very different from that brought on -by our paper money. That rose and fell so gradually that it kept all on -their guard, and affected severely only early or long-winded contracts. -Here the contract of yesterday crushes in an instant the one or the -other party. The banks stopping payment suddenly, all their mercantile -and city debtors do the same; and all, in short, except those in the -country, who, possessing property, will be good in the end. But this -resource will not enable them to pay a cent on the dollar. From the -establishment of the United States Bank, to this day, I have preached -against this system, but have been sensible no cure could be hoped but in -the catastrophe now happening. The remedy was to let banks drop gradation -at the expiration of their charters, and for the State governments to -relinquish the power of establishing others. This would not, as it should -not, have given the power of establishing them to Congress. But Congress -could then have issued treasury notes payable within a fixed period, -and founded on a specific tax, the proceeds of which, as they came in, -should be exchangeable for the notes of that particular emission only. -This depended, it is true, on the will of the State legislatures, and -would have brought on us the phalanx of paper interest. But that interest -is now defunct. Their gossamer castles are dissolved, and they can no -longer impede and overawe the salutary measures of the government. Their -paper was received on a belief that it was cash on demand. Themselves -have declared it was nothing, and such scenes are now to take place as -will open the eyes of credulity and of insanity itself, to the dangers of -a paper medium abandoned to the discretion of avarice and of swindlers. -It is impossible not to deplore our past follies, and their present -consequences, but let them at least be warnings against like follies in -future. The banks have discontinued themselves. We are now without any -medium; and necessity, as well as patriotism and confidence, will make -us all eager to receive treasury notes, if founded on specific taxes. -Congress may now borrow of the public, and without interest, all the -money they may want, to the amount of a competent circulation, by merely -issuing their own promissory notes, of proper denominations for the -larger purposes of circulation, but not for the small. Leave that door -open for the entrance of metallic money. And, to give readier credit -to their bills, without obliging themselves to give cash for them on -demand, let their collectors be instructed to do so, when they have cash; -thus, in some measure, performing the functions of a bank, as to their -own notes. Providence seems, indeed, by a special dispensation, to have -put down for us, without a struggle, that very paper enemy which the -interest of our citizens long since required ourselves to put down, at -whatever risk. The work is done. The moment is pregnant with futurity, -and if not seized at once by Congress, I know not on what shoal our bark -is next to be stranded. The State legislatures should be immediately -urged to relinquish the right of establishing banks of discount. Most -of them will comply, on patriotic principles, under the convictions of -the moment; and the non-complying may be crowded into concurrence by -legitimate devices. _Vale, et me, ut amaris, ama._ - - -TO SAMUEL H. SMITH, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 21, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I learn from the newspapers that the Vandalism of our enemy -has triumphed at Washington over science as well as the arts, by the -destruction of the public library with the noble edifice in which it was -deposited. Of this transaction, as of that of Copenhagen, the world will -entertain but one sentiment. They will see a nation suddenly withdrawn -from a great war, full armed and full handed, taking advantage of -another whom they had recently forced into it, unarmed, and unprepared, -to indulge themselves in acts of barbarism which do not belong to a -civilized age. When Van Ghent destroyed their shipping at Chatham, and -De Ruyter rode triumphantly up the Thames, he might in like manner, by -the acknowledgment of their own historians, have forced all their ships -up to London bridge, and there have burnt them, the tower, and city, -had these examples been then set. London, when thus menaced, was near -a thousand years old, Washington is but in its teens. - -I presume it will be among the early objects of Congress to re-commence -their collection. This will be difficult while the war continues, and -intercourse with Europe is attended with so much risk. You know my -collection, its condition and extent. I have been fifty years making -it, and have spared no pains, opportunity or expense, to make it what it -is. While residing in Paris, I devoted every afternoon I was disengaged, -for a summer or two, in examining all the principal bookstores, turning -over every book with my own hand, and putting by everything which -related to America, and indeed whatever was rare and valuable in every -science. Besides this, I had standing orders during the whole time I -was in Europe, on its principal book-marts, particularly Amsterdam, -Frankfort, Madrid and London, for such works relating to America as could -not be found in Paris. So that in that department particularly, such a -collection was made as probably can never again be effected, because it -is hardly probable that the same opportunities, the same time, industry, -perseverance and expense, with some knowledge of the bibliography of -the subject, would again happen to be in concurrence. During the same -period, and after my return to America, I was led to procure, also, -whatever related to the duties of those in the high concerns of the -nation. So that the collection, which I suppose is of between nine and -ten thousand volumes, while it includes what is chiefly valuable in -science and literature generally, extends more particularly to whatever -belongs to the American statesman. In the diplomatic and parliamentary -branches, it is particularly full. It is long since I have been sensible -it ought not to continue private property, and had provided that at my -death, Congress should have the refusal of it at their own price. But -the loss they have now incurred, makes the present the proper moment -for their accommodation, without regard to the small remnant of time and -the barren use of my enjoying it. I ask of your friendship, therefore, -to make for me the tender of it to the library committee of Congress, -not knowing myself of whom the committee consists. I enclose you the -catalogue, which will enable them to judge of its contents. Nearly the -whole are well bound, abundance of them elegantly, and of the choicest -editions existing. They may be valued by persons named by themselves, -and the payment made convenient to the public. It may be, for instance, -in such annual instalments as the law of Congress has left at their -disposal, or in stock of any of their late loans, or of any loan they -may institute at this session, so as to spare the present calls of our -country, and await its days of peace and prosperity. They may enter, -nevertheless, into immediate use of it, as eighteen or twenty wagons -would place it in Washington in a single trip of a fortnight. I should be -willing indeed, to retain a few of the books, to amuse the time I have -yet to pass, which might be valued with the rest, but not included in -the sum of valuation until they should be restored at my death, which I -would carefully provide for, so that the whole library as it stands in the -catalogue at this moment should be theirs without any garbling. Those I -should like to retain would be chiefly classical and mathematical. Some -few in other branches, and particularly one of the five encyclopedias -in the catalogue. But this, if not acceptable, would not be urged. I -must add, that I have not revised the library since I came home to live, -so that it is probable some of the books may be missing, except in the -chapters of Law and Divinity, which have been revised and stand exactly as -in the catalogue. The return of the catalogue will of course be needed, -whether the tender be accepted or not. I do not know that it contains -any branch of science which Congress would wish to exclude from their -collection; there is, in fact, no subject to which a member of Congress -may not have occasion to refer. But such a wish would not correspond -with my views of preventing its dismemberment. My desire is either to -place it in their hands entire, or to preserve it so here. I am engaged -in making an alphabetical index of the author's names, to be annexed -to the catalogue, which I will forward to you as soon as completed. Any -agreement you shall be so good as to take the trouble of entering into -with the committee, I hereby confirm. Accept the assurance of my great -esteem and respect. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, September 24, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--It is very long since I troubled you with a letter, which -has proceeded from discretion and not want of inclination, because I -have really had nothing to write which ought to have occupied your time. -But in the late events at Washington I have felt so much for you that -I cannot withhold the expression of my sympathies. For although every -reasonable man must be sensible that all you can do is to order that -execution must depend on others, and failures be imputed to them alone, -yet I know that when such failures happen, they afflict even those who -have done everything they could to prevent them. Had General Washington -himself been now at the head of our affairs, the same event would -probably have happened. We all remember the disgraces which befell us -in his time in a trifling war with one or two petty tribes of Indians, -in which two armies were cut off by not half their numbers. Every one -knew, and I personally knew, because I was then of his council, that no -blame was imputable to him, and that his officers alone were the cause -of the disasters. They must now do the same justice. I am happy to turn -to a countervailing event, and to congratulate you on the destruction -of a second hostile fleet on the lakes by McDonough; of which, however, -we have not the details. While our enemies cannot but feel shame for -their barbarous achievements at Washington, they will be stung to the -soul by these repeated victories over them on that element on which they -wish the world to think them invincible. We have dissipated that error. -They must now feel a conviction themselves that we can beat them gun -to gun, ship to ship and fleet to fleet, and that their early successes -on the land have been either purchased from traitors, or obtained from -raw men entrusted of necessity with commands for which no experience -had qualified them, and that every day is adding that experience to -unquestioned bravery. - -I am afraid the failure of our banks will occasion embarrassment for -awhile, although it restores to us a fund which ought never to have been -surrendered by the nation, and which now, prudently used, will carry us -through all the fiscal difficulties of the war. At the request of Mr. -Eppes, who was chairman of the committee of finance at the preceding -session, I had written him some long letters on this subject. Colonel -Monroe asked the reading of them some time ago, and I now send him -another, written to a member of our legislature, who requested my ideas on -the recent bank events. They are too long for your reading, but Colonel -Monroe can, in a few sentences, state to you their outline. - -Learning by the papers the loss of the library of Congress, I have -sent my catalogue to S. H. Smith, to make to their library committee -the offer of my collection, now of about nine or ten thousand volumes, -which may be delivered to them instantly, on a valuation by persons -of their own naming, and be paid for in any way, and at any term they -please; in stock, for example, of any loan they have unissued, or of any -one they may institute at this session; or in such annual instalments -as are at the disposal of the committee. I believe you are acquainted -with the condition of the books, should they wish to be ascertained of -this. I have long been sensible that my library would be an interesting -possession for the public, and the loss Congress has recently sustained, -and the difficulty of replacing it, while our intercourse with Europe is -so obstructed, renders this the proper moment for placing it at their -service. Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship -and respect. - - -TO MR. MILES KING. - - MONTICELLO, September 26, 1814. - -SIR,--I duly received your letter of August 20th, and I thank you for -it, because I believe it was written with kind intentions, and a personal -concern for my future happiness. Whether the particular revelation which -you suppose to have been made to yourself were real or imaginary, your -reason alone is the competent judge. For dispute as long as we will on -religious tenets, our reason at last must ultimately decide, as it is -the only oracle which God has given us to determine between what really -comes from him and the phantasms of a disordered or deluded imagination. -When he means to make a personal revelation, he carries conviction of -its authenticity to the reason he has bestowed as the umpire of truth. -You believe you have been favored with such a special communication. -Your reason, not mine, is to judge of this; and if it shall be his -pleasure to favor me with a like admonition, I shall obey it with the -same fidelity with which I would obey his known will in all cases. -Hitherto I have been under the guidance of that portion of reason which -he has thought proper to deal out to me. I have followed it faithfully -in all important cases, to such a degree at least as leaves me without -uneasiness; and if on minor occasions I have erred from its dictates, -I have trust in him who made us what we are, and know it was not his -plan to make us always unerring. He has formed us moral agents. Not -that, in the perfection of his state, he can feel pain or pleasure in -anything we may do; he is far above our power; but that we may promote -the happiness of those with whom he has placed us in society, by acting -honestly towards all, benevolently to those who fall within our way, -respecting sacredly their rights, bodily and mental, and cherishing -especially their freedom of conscience, as we value our own. I must ever -believe that religion substantially good which produces an honest life, -and we have been authorized by one whom you and I equally respect, to -judge of the tree by its fruit. Our particular principles of religion -are a subject of accountability to our God alone. I inquire after no -man's, and trouble none with mine; nor is it given to us in this life -to know whether yours or mine, our friends or our foes, are exactly -the right. Nay, we have heard it said that there is not a Quaker or a -Baptist, a Presbyterian or an Episcopalian, a Catholic or a Protestant -in heaven; that, on entering that gate, we leave those badges of schism -behind, and find ourselves united in those principles only in which God -has united us all. Let us not be uneasy then about the different roads -we may pursue, as believing them the shortest, to that our last abode; -but, following the guidance of a good conscience, let us be happy in -the hope that by these different paths we shall all meet in the end. -And that you and I may there meet and embrace, is my earnest prayer. -And with this assurance I salute you with brotherly esteem and respect. - - -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 30, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--In my letter of the 23d, an important fact escaped me which, -lest it should not occur to you, I will mention. The monies arising from -the sales of the glebe lands in the several counties, have generally, -I believe, and under the sanction of the legislature, been deposited -in some of the banks. So also the funds of the literary society. These -debts, although parcelled among the counties, yet the counties constitute -the State, and their representatives the legislature, united into one -whole. It is right then that owing $300,000 to the banks, they should -stay so much of that sum in their own hands as will secure what the banks -owe to their constituents as divided into counties. Perhaps the loss of -these funds would be the most lasting of the evils proceeding from the -insolvency of the banks. Ever yours with great esteem and respect. - - -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, October 7, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Your several favors of September 15th, 21st, 22d, came all -together by our last mail. I have given to that of the 15th a single -reading only, because the hand writing (not your own) is microscopic -and difficult, and because I shall have an opportunity of studying it -in the Portfolio in print. According to your request I return it for -that publication, where it will do a great deal of good. It will give -our young men some idea of what constitutes a well-educated man; that -Cæsar and Virgil, and a few books of Euclid, do not really contain the -sum of all human knowledge, nor give to a man figure in the ranks of -science. Your letter will be a valuable source of consultation for us -in our Collegiate courses, when, and if ever, we advance to that stage -of our establishment. - -I agree with yours of the 22d, that a professorship of Theology should -have no place in our institution. But we cannot always do what is -absolutely best. Those with whom we act, entertaining different views, -have the power and the right of carrying them into practice. Truth -advances, and error recedes step by step only; and to do to our fellow-men -the most good in our power, we must lead where we can, follow where we -can not, and still go with them, watching always the favorable moment -for helping them to another step. Perhaps I should concur with you also -in excluding the _theory_ (not the _practice_) of medicine. This is the -charlatanerie of the body, as the other is of the mind. For classical -learning I have ever been a zealous advocate; and in this, as in his -theory of bleeding and mercury, I was ever opposed to my friend Rush, -whom I greatly loved; but who has done much harm, in the sincerest -persuasion that he was preserving life and happiness to all around him. -I have not, however, carried so far as you do my ideas of the importance -of a hypercritical knowledge of the Latin and Greek languages. I have -believed it sufficient to possess a substantial understanding of their -authors. - -In the exclusion of Anatomy and Botany from the eleventh grade of -education, which is that of the man of independent fortune, we separate -in opinion. In my view, no knowledge can be more satisfactory to a man -than that of his own frame, its parts, their functions and actions. -And Botany I rank with the most valuable sciences, whether we consider -its subjects as furnishing the principal subsistence of life to man -and beast, delicious varieties for our tables, refreshments from our -orchards, the adornments of our flower-borders, shade and perfume of our -groves, materials for our buildings, or medicaments for our bodies. To -the gentlemen it is certainly more interesting than mineralogy (which I -by no means, however, undervalue), and is more at hand for his amusement; -and to a country family it constitutes a great portion of their social -entertainment. No country gentleman should be without what amuses every -step he takes into his fields. - -I am sorry to learn the fate of your Emporium. It was adding fast to -our useful knowledge. Our artists particularly, and our statesmen, -will have cause to regret it. But my hope is that its suspension will -be temporary only; and that as soon as we get over the crisis of our -disordered circulation, your publishers will resume it among their first -enterprises. Accept my thanks for the benefit of your ideas to our scheme -of education, and the assurance of my constant esteem and respect. - - -To ----[12]. - - MONTICELLO, October 15, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for the information of your letter of the 10th. -It gives, at length, a fixed character to our prospects. The war, -undertaken, on both sides, to settle the questions of impressment, -and the orders of council, now that these are done away by events, is -declared by Great Britain to have changed its object, and to have become -a war of conquest, to be waged until she conquers from us our fisheries, -the province of Maine, the lakes, States and territories north of the -Ohio, and the navigation of the Mississippi; in other words, till she -reduces us to unconditional submission. On our part, then, we ought to -propose, as a counterchange of object, the establishment of the meridian -of the mouth of the Sorel northwardly, as the western boundary of all -her possessions. Two measures will enable us to effect it, and without -these, we cannot even defend ourselves. 1. To organize the militia into -classes, assigning to each class the duties for which it is fitted, -(which, had it been done when proposed, years ago, would have prevented -all our misfortunes,) abolishing by a declaratory law the doubts which -abstract scruples in some, and cowardice and treachery in others, -have conjured up about passing imaginary lines, and limiting, at the -same time, their services to the _contiguous_ provinces of the enemy. -The 2d is the ways and means. You have seen my ideas on this subject, -and I shall add nothing but a rectification of what either I have ill -expressed, or you have misapprehended. If I have used any expression -restraining the emissions of treasury notes to a _sufficient_ medium, -as your letter seems to imply, I have done it inadvertently, and under -the impression then possessing me, that the war would be very short. A -_sufficient_ medium would not, on the principles of any writer, exceed -thirty millions of dollars, and on those of some not ten millions. Our -experience has proved it may be run up to two or three hundred millions, -without more than doubling what would be the prices of things under -a _sufficient_ medium, or say a metallic one, which would always keep -itself at the _sufficient_ point; and, if they rise to this term, and the -descent from it be gradual, it would not produce sensible revolutions in -private fortunes. I shall be able to explain my views more definitely by -the use of numbers. Suppose we require, to carry on the war, an annual -loan of twenty millions, then I propose that, in the first year, you -shall lay a tax of two millions, and emit twenty millions of treasury -notes, of a size proper for circulation, and bearing no interest, to -the redemption of which the proceeds of that tax shall be inviolably -pledged and applied, by recalling annually their amount of the identical -bills funded on them. The second year lay another tax of two millions, -and emit twenty millions more. The third year the same, and so on, -until you have reached the maximum of taxes which ought to be imposed. -Let me suppose this maximum to be one dollar a head, or ten millions -of dollars, merely as an exemplification more familiar than would be -the algebraical symbols _x_ or _y_. You would reach this in five years. -The sixth year, then, still emit twenty millions of treasury notes, -and continue all the taxes two years longer. The seventh year twenty -millions more, and continue the whole taxes another two years; and so -on. Observe, that although you emit ten millions of dollars a year, you -call in ten millions, and, consequently, add but ten millions annually -to the circulation. It would be in thirty years, then, _primâ facie_, -that you would reach the present circulation of three hundred millions, -or the ultimate term to which we might adventure. But observe, also, -that in that time we shall have become thirty millions of people to -whom three hundred millions of dollars would be no more than one hundred -millions to us now; which sum would probably not have raised prices more -than fifty per cent. on what may be deemed the standard, or metallic -prices. This increased population and consumption, while it would be -increasing the proceeds of the redemption tax, and lessening the balance -annually thrown into circulation, would also absorb, without saturation, -more of the surplus medium, and enable us to push the same process to a -much higher term, to one which we might safely call indefinite, because -extending so far beyond the limits, either in time or expense, of any -supportable war. All we should have to do would be, when the war should -be ended, to leave the gradual extinction of these notes to the operation -of the taxes pledged for their redemption; not to suffer a dollar of -paper to be emitted either by public or private authority, but let the -metallic medium flow back into the channels of circulation, and occupy -them until another war should oblige us to recur, for its support, to -the same resource, and the same process, on the circulating medium. - -The citizens of a country like ours will never have unemployed capital. -Too many enterprises are open, offering high profits, to permit them -to lend their capitals on a regular and moderate interest. They are too -enterprizing and sanguine themselves not to believe they can do better -with it. I never did believe you could have gone beyond a first or a -second loan, not from a want of confidence in the public faith, which is -perfectly sound, but from a want of disposable funds in individuals. The -circulating fund is the only one we can ever command with certainty. It -is sufficient for all our wants; and the impossibility of even defending -the country without its aid as a borrowing fund, renders it indispensable -that the nation should take and keep it in their own hands, as their -exclusive resource. - -I have trespassed on your time so far, for explanation only. I will -do it no further than by adding the assurances of my affectionate and -respectful attachment. - - Years. Emissions. Taxes & Redemptions. Bal. in circulation - at end of year. - - 1815 20 millions 2 millions 18 millions - 1816 20 " 4 " 34 " - 1817 20 " 6 " 48 " - 1818 20 " 8 " 60 " - 1819 20 " 10 " 70 " - 1820 20 " 10 " 80 " - 1821 20 " 10 " 90 " - ---- - 140 - -Suppose the war to terminate here, to wit, at the end of seven years, -the reduction will proceed as follows: - - Years. Taxes & Redemptions. Bal. in cir. at end of year. - 1822 10 millions 80 millions - 1823 10 " 70 " - 1824 10 " 60 " - 1825 10 " 50 " - 1826 10 " 40 " - 1827 10 " 30 " - 1828 10 " 20 " - 1829 10 " 10 " - 1830 10 " 0 " - ---- - 140 - -This is a tabular statement of the amount of emission, taxes, redemptions, -and balances left in circulation every year, on the plan above sketched. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [12] Address lost. Probably to the President. - - -TO JAMES MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, October 16, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 10th has been duly received. The objects -of our contest being thus entirely changed by England, we must prepare -for interminable war. To this end we should put our house in order, by -providing men and money to indefinite extent. The former may be done -by classing our militia, and assigning each class to the description of -duties for which it is fit. It is nonsense to talk of regulars. They are -not to be had among a people so easy and happy at home as ours. We might -as well rely on calling down an army of angels from heaven. I trust it -is now seen that the refusal to class the militia, when proposed years -ago, is the real source of all our misfortunes in this war. The other -great and indispensable object is to enter on such a system of finance, -as can be permanently pursued to any length of time whatever. Let us -be allured by no projects of banks, public or private, or ephemeral -expedients, which, enabling us to gasp and flounder a little longer, -only increase, by protracting the agonies of death. - -Perceiving, in a letter from the President, that either I had ill -expressed my ideas on a particular part of this subject, in the letters -I sent you, or he had misapprehended them, I wrote him yesterday an -explanation; and as you have thought the other letters worth a perusal, -and a communication to the Secretary of the Treasury, I enclose you a -copy of this, lest I should be misunderstood by others also. Only be so -good as to return me the whole when done with, as I have no other copies. - -Since writing the letter now enclosed, I have seen the Report of the -committee of finance, proposing taxes to the amount of twenty millions. -This is a dashing proposition. But, if Congress pass it, I shall consider -it sufficient evidence that their constituents generally can pay the tax. -No man has greater confidence than I have, in the spirit of the people, -to a rational extent. Whatever they can, they will. But, without either -market or medium, I know not how it is to be done. All markets abroad, -and all at home, are shut to us; so that we have been feeding our horses -on wheat. Before the day of collection, bank-notes will be but as oak -leaves; and of specie, there is not within all the United States, one-half -of the proposed amount of the taxes. I had thought myself as bold as was -safe in contemplating, as possible, an annual taxation of ten millions, -as a fund for emissions of treasury notes; and, when further emissions -should be necessary, that it would be better to enlarge the time, than -the tax for redemption. Our position, with respect to our enemy, and our -markets, distinguishes us from all other nations; inasmuch, as a state -of war, with us, annihilates in an instant all our surplus produce, that -on which we depended for many comforts of life. This renders peculiarly -expedient the throwing a part of the burdens of war on times of peace -and commerce. Still, however, my hope is that others see resources, -which, in my abstraction from the world, are unseen by me; that there -will be both market and medium to meet these taxes, and that there are -circumstances which render it wiser to levy twenty millions at once on -the people, than to obtain the same sum on a tenth of the tax. - -I enclose you a letter from Colonel James Lewis, now of Tennessee, who -wishes to be appointed Indian agent, and I do it lest he should have -relied solely on this channel of communication. You know him better than I -do, as he was long your agent. I have always believed him an honest man, -and very good-humored and accommodating. Of his other qualifications for -the office, you are the best judge. Believe me to be ever affectionately -yours. - - -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. - - MONTICELLO, November 23, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I have heretofore confided to you my wishes to retire from the -chair of the Philosophical Society, which, however, under the influence -of your recommendations, I have hitherto deferred. I have never, however, -ceased from the purpose, and from everything I can observe or learn at -this distance, I suppose that a new choice can now be made with as much -harmony as may be expected at any future time. I send therefore, by this -mail, my resignation, with such entreaties to be omitted at the ensuing -election as I must hope will be yielded to, for in truth I cannot be -easy in holding, as a sinecure, an honor so justly due to the talents -and services of others. I pray your friendly assistance in assuring the -society of the sentiments of affectionate respect and gratitude with -which I retire from the high and honorable relation in which I have stood -with them, and that you will believe me to be ever and affectionately -yours. - - -TO ROBERT M. PATTERSON, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. - - MONTICELLO, November 23, 1814. - -SIR,--I solicited, on a former occasion, permission from the American -Philosophical Society, to retire from the honor of their chair, under -a consciousness that distance as well as other circumstances, denied -me the power of executing the duties of the station, and that those on -whom they devolved were best entitled to the honors they confer. It was -the pleasure of the society at that time, that I should remain in their -service, and they have continued since to renew the same marks of their -partiality. Of these I have been ever duly sensible, and now beg leave -to return my thanks for them with humble gratitude. Still, I have never -ceased, nor can I cease to feel that I am holding honors without yielding -requital, and justly belonging to others. As the period of election is -now therefore approaching, I take the occasion of begging to be withdrawn -from the attention of the society at their ensuing choice, and to be -permitted now to resign the office of president into their hands, which -I hereby do. I shall consider myself sufficiently honored in remaining -a private member of their body, and shall ever avail myself with zeal -of every occasion which may occur, of being useful to them, retaining -indelibly a profound sense of their past favors. - -I avail myself of the channel through which the last notification of the -pleasure of the society was conveyed to me, to make this communication, -and with the greater satisfaction, as it gratifies me with the occasion -of assuring you personally of my high respect for yourself, and of the -interest I shall ever take in learning that your worth and talents secure -to you the successes they merit. - - -TO W. SHORT, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, November 28, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of October 28th came to hand on the 15th instant only. -The settlement of your boundary with Colonel Monroe, is protracted -by circumstances which seem foreign to it. One would hardly have -expected that the hostile expedition to Washington could have had any -connection with an operation one hundred miles distant. Yet preventing -his attendance, nothing could be done. I am satisfied there is no -unwillingness on his part, but on the contrary a desire to have it -settled; and therefore, if he should think it indispensable to be present -at the investigation, as is possible, the very first time he comes here -I will press him to give a day to the decision, without regarding Mr. -Carter's absence. Such an occasion must certainly offer soon after the -fourth of March, when Congress rises of necessity and be assured I will -not lose one possible moment in effecting it. - -Although withdrawn from all anxious attention to political concerns, -yet I will state my impressions as to the present war, because your -letter leads to the subject. The essential grounds of the war were, 1st, -the orders of council; and 2d, the impressment of our citizens; (for I -put out of sight from the love of peace the multiplied insults on our -government and aggressions on our commerce, with which our pouch, like the -Indian's, had long been filled to the mouth.) What immediately produced -the declaration was, 1st, the proclamation of the Prince Regent that he -would never repeal the orders of council as to us, until Bonaparte should -have revoked his decrees as to all other nations as well as ours; and -2d, the declaration of his minister to ours that no arrangement whatever -could be devised, admissible in lieu of impressment. It was certainly a -misfortune that _they_ did not know themselves at the date of this silly -and insolent proclamation, that within one month they would repeal the -orders, and that _we_, at the date of our declaration, could not know -of the repeal which was then going on one thousand leagues distant. -Their determinations, as declared by themselves, could alone guide us, -and they shut the door on all further negotiation, throwing down to us -the gauntlet of war or submission as the only alternatives. We cannot -blame the government for choosing that of war, because certainly the -great majority of the nation thought it ought to be chosen, not that -they were to gain by it in dollars and cents; all men know that war is -a losing game to both parties. But they know also that if they do not -resist encroachment at some point, all will be taken from them, and -that more would then be lost even in dollars and cents by submission -than resistance. It is the case of giving a part to save the whole, a -limb to save life. It is the melancholy law of human societies to be -compelled sometimes to choose a great evil in order to ward off a greater; -to deter their neighbors from rapine by making it cost them more than -honest gains. The enemy are accordingly now disgorging what they had so -ravenously swallowed. The orders of council had taken from us near one -thousand vessels. Our list of captures from them is now one thousand -three hundred, and, just become sensible that it is small and not large -ships which gall them most, we shall probably add one thousand prizes -a year to their past losses. Again, supposing that, according to the -confession of their own minister in parliament, the Americans they had -impressed were something short of two thousand, the war against us alone -cannot cost them less than twenty millions of dollars a year, so that each -American impressed has already cost them ten thousand dollars, and every -year will add five thousand dollars more to his price. We, I suppose, -expend more; but had we adopted the other alternative of submission, no -mortal can tell what the cost would have been. I consider the war then -as entirely justifiable on our part, although I am still sensible it is -a deplorable misfortune to us. It has arrested the course of the most -remarkable tide of prosperity any nation ever experienced, and has closed -such prospects of future improvement as were never before in the view -of any people. Farewell all hopes of extinguishing public debt! farewell -all visions of applying surpluses of revenue to the improvements of peace -rather than the ravages of war. Our enemy has indeed the consolation of -Satan on removing our first parents from Paradise: from a peaceable and -agricultural nation, he makes us a military and manufacturing one. We -shall indeed survive the conflict. Breeders enough will remain to carry -on population. We shall retain our country, and rapid advances in the art -of war will soon enable us to beat our enemy, and probably drive him from -the continent. We have men enough, and I am in hopes the present session -of Congress will provide the means of commanding their services. But I -wish I could see them get into a better train of finance. Their banking -projects are like dosing dropsy with more water. If anything could revolt -our citizens against the war, it would be the extravagance with which -they are about to be taxed. It is strange indeed that at this day, and -in a country where English proceedings are so familiar, the principles -and advantages of funding should be neglected, and expedients resorted -to. Their new bank, if not abortive at its birth, will not last through -one campaign; and the taxes proposed cannot be paid. How can a people who -cannot get fifty cents a bushel for their wheat, while they pay twelve -dollars a bushel for their salt, pay five times the amount of taxes they -ever paid before? Yet that will be the case in all the States south of -the Potomac. Our resources are competent to the maintenance of the war -if duly economized and skillfuly employed in the way of anticipation. -However, we must suffer, I suppose, from our ignorance in funding, as -we did from that of fighting, until necessity teaches us both; and, -fortunately, our stamina are so vigorous as to rise superior to great -mismanagement. This year I think we shall have learnt how to call forth -our force, and by the next I hope our funds, and even if the state of -Europe should not by that time give the enemy employment enough nearer -home, we shall leave him nothing to fight for here. These are my views -of the war. They embrace a great deal of sufferance, trying privations, -and no benefit but that of teaching our enemy that he is never to gain by -wanton injuries on us. To me this state of things brings a sacrifice of -all tranquillity and comfort through the residue of life. For although -the debility of age disables me from the services and sufferings of the -field, yet, by the total annihilation in value of the produce which was -to give me subsistence and independence, I shall be like Tantalus, up -to the shoulders in water, yet dying with thirst. We can make indeed -enough to eat, drink and clothe ourselves; but nothing for our salt, -iron, groceries and taxes, which must be paid in money. For what can -we raise for the market? Wheat? we can only give it to our horses, as -we have been doing ever since harvest. Tobacco? it is not worth the -pipe it is smoked in. Some say Whiskey; but all mankind must become -drunkards to consume it. But although we feel, we shall not flinch. We -must consider now, as in the revolutionary war, that although the evils -of resistance are great, those of submission would be greater. We must -meet, therefore, the former as the casualties of tempests and earthquakes, -and like them necessarily resulting from the constitution of the world. -Your situation, my dear friend, is much better. For, although I do not -know with certainty the nature of your investments, yet I presume they -are not in banks, insurance companies or any other of those gossamer -castles. If in ground-rents, they are solid; if in stock of the United -States, they are equally so. I once thought that in the event of a war -we should be obliged to suspend paying the interest of the public debt. -But a dozen years more of experience and observation on our people and -government, have satisfied me it will never be done. The sense of the -necessity of public credit is so universal and so deeply rooted, that -no other necessity will prevail against it; and I am glad to see that -while the former eight millions are steadfastly applied to the sinking -of the old debt, the Senate have lately insisted on a sinking fund for -the new. This is the dawn of that improvement in the management of our -finances which I look to for salvation; and I trust that the light will -continue to advance, and point out their way to our legislators. They -will soon see that instead of taxes for the whole year's expenses, -which the people cannot pay, a tax to the amount of the interest and -a reasonable portion of the principal will command the whole sum, and -throw a part of the burthens of war on times of peace and prosperity. -A sacred payment of interest is the only way to make the most of their -resources, and a sense of that renders your income from our funds more -certain than mine from lands. Some apprehend danger from the defection -of Massachusetts. It is a disagreeable circumstance, but not a dangerous -one. If they become neutral, we are sufficient for one enemy without -them, and in fact we get no aid from them now. If their administration -determines to join the enemy, their force will be annihilated by equality -of division among themselves. Their federalists will then call in the -English army, the republicans ours, and it will only be a transfer of -the scene of war from Canada to Massachusetts; and we can get ten men to -go to Massachusetts for one who will go to Canada. Every one, too, must -know that we can at any moment make peace with England at the expense -of the navigation and fisheries of Massachusetts. But it will not come -to this. Their own people will put down these factionists as soon as -they see the real object of their opposition; and of this Vermont, New -Hampshire, and even Connecticut itself, furnish proofs. - -You intimate a possibility of your return to France, now that Bonaparte -is put down. I do not wonder at it, France, freed from that monster, -must again become the most agreeable country on earth. It would be the -second choice of all whose ties of family and fortune gives a preference -to some other one, and the first of all not under those ties. Yet I doubt -if the tranquillity of France is entirely settled. If her Pretorian bands -are not furnished with employment on her external enemies, I fear they -will recall the old, or set up some new cause. - -God bless you and preserve you in bodily health. Tranquillity of mind -depends much on ourselves, and greatly on due reflection "how much pain -have cost us the evils which have never happened." Affectionately adieu. - - -TO MR. MELLISH. - - MONTICELLO, December 10, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your favor of the map of the _sine quâ non_, -enclosed in your letter of November 12th. It was an excellent idea; -and if, with the Documents distributed by Congress, copies of these -had been sent to be posted up in every street, on every townhouse and -court-house, it would have painted to the eyes of those who cannot read -without reflecting, that reconquest is the ultimate object of Britain. -The first step towards this is to set a limit to their expansion by -taking from them that noble country which the foresight of their fathers -provided for their multiplying and needy offspring; to be followed up by -the compression, land-board and sea-board, of that Omnipotence which the -English fancy themselves now to possess. A vain and foolish imagination! -Instead of fearing and endeavoring to crush our prosperity, had they -cultivated it in friendship, it might have become a bulwark instead of a -breaker to them. There has never been an administration in this country -which would not gladly have met them more than half way on the road to -an equal, a just and solid connection of friendship and intercourse. -And as to repressing our growth, they might as well attempt to repress -the waves of the ocean. - -Your American Atlas is a useful undertaking for those who will live to see -and to use it. To me every mail, in the departure of some cotemporary, -brings warning to be in readiness myself also, and to cease from new -engagements. It is a warning of no alarm. When faculty after faculty -is retiring from us, and all the avenues to cheerful sensation closing, -sight failing now, hearing next, then memory, debility of body, trepitude -of mind, nothing remaining but a sickly vegetation, with scarcely the -relief of a little locomotion, the last cannot be but a _coup de grace_. - -You propose to me the preparation of a new edition of the Notes on -Virginia. I formerly entertained the idea, and from time to time noted -some new matter, which I thought I would arrange at leisure for a -posthumous edition. But I now begin to see that it is impracticable for -me. Nearly forty years of additional experience in the affairs of mankind -would lead me into dilatations ending I know not where. That experience -indeed has not altered a single principle. But it has furnished matter -of abundant development. Every moment, too, which I have to spare from -my daily exercise and affairs is engrossed by a correspondence, the -result of the extensive relations which my course of life has necessarily -occasioned. And now the act of writing itself is becoming slow, laborious -and irksome. I consider, therefore, the idea of preparing a new copy of -that work as no more to be entertained. The work itself indeed is nothing -more than the measure of a shadow, never stationary, but lengthening as -the sun advances, and to be taken anew from hour to hour. It must remain, -therefore, for some other hand to sketch its appearance at another epoch, -to furnish another element for calculating the course and motion of this -member of our federal system. For this, every day is adding new matter -and strange matter. That of reducing, by impulse instead of attraction, -a sister planet into its orbit, will be as new in our political as in -the planetary system. The operation, however, will be painful rather -than difficult. The sound part of our wandering star will probably, by -its own internal energies, keep the unsound within its course; or if a -foreign power is called in, we shall have to meet it but so much the -nearer, and with a more overwhelming force. It will probably shorten -the war. For I think it probable that the _sine quâ non_ was designedly -put into an impossible form to give time for the development of their -plots and concerts with the factionists of Boston, and that they are -holding off to see the issue, not of the Congress of Vienna, but that -of Hartford. This will begin a new chapter in our history, and with a -wish that you may live in health to see its easy close, I tender you -the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO M. CORREA DE SERRA. - - MONTICELLO, December 27, 1814. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 9th has been duly received, and I thank you -for the recipe for imitating purrolani, which I shall certainly try on -my cisterns the ensuing summer. The making them impermeable to water -is of great consequence to me. That one chemical subject may follow -another, I enclose you two morsels of ore found in this neighborhood, -and supposed to be of antimony. I am not certain, but I believe both are -from the same piece, and although the very spot where that was found is -not known, yet it is known to be within a certain space not too large -to be minutely examined, if the material be worth it. This you can have -ascertained in Philadelphia, where it is best known to the artists how -great a desideratum antimony is with them. - -You will have seen that I resigned the chair of the American Philosophical -Society, not awaiting your further information as to the settlement of -the general opinion on a successor without schism. I did it because the -term of election was too near to admit further delay. - -On the subject which entered incidentally into our conversation while -you were here, when I came to reflect maturely, I concluded to be silent. -To do wrong is a melancholy resource, even where retaliation renders it -indispensably necessary. It is better to suffer much from the scalpings, -the conflagrations, the rapes and rapine of savages, than to countenance -and strengthen such barbarisms by retortion. I have ever deemed it more -honorable and more profitable too, to set a good example than to follow -a bad one. The good opinion of mankind, like the lever of Archimedes, -with the given fulcrum, moves the world. I therefore have never proposed -or mentioned the subject to any one. - -I have received a letter from Mr. Say, in which he expresses a thought of -removing to this country, having discontinued the manufactory in which -he was engaged; and he asks information from me of the prices of land, -labor, produce, &c., in the neighborhood of Charlottesville, on which he -has cast his eye. Its neighborhood has certainly the advantages of good -soil, fine climate, navigation to market, and rational and republican -society. It would be a good enough position too for the re-establishment -of his cotton works, on a moderate scale, and combined with the small -plan of agriculture to which he seems solely to look. But when called -on to name prices, what is to be said? We have no fixed prices now. Our -dropsical medium is long since divested of the quality of a medium of -value; nor can I find any other. In most countries a fixed quantity of -wheat is perhaps the best permanent standard. But here the blockade of -our whole coast, preventing all access to a market, has depressed the -price of that, and exalted that of other things, in opposite directions, -and, combined with the effects of the paper deluge, leaves really no -common measure of values to be resorted to. This paper, too, received now -without confidence, and for momentary purposes only, may, in a moment, -be worth nothing. I shall think further on the subject, and give to Mr. -Say the best information in my power. To myself such an addition to our -rural society would be inestimable; and I can readily conceive that it -may be for the benefit of his children and their descendants to remove -to a country where, for enterprise and talents, so many avenues are open -to fortune and fame. But whether, at his time of life, and with habits -formed for the state of society in France, a change for one so entirely -different will be for his personal happiness, you can better judge than -myself. - -Mr. Say will be surprised to find, that forty years after the development -of sound financial principles by Adam Smith and the Economists, and a -dozen years after he has given them to us in a corrected, dense, and -lucid form, there should be so much ignorance of them in our country; -that instead of funding issues of paper on the hypothecation of specific -redeeming taxes, (the only method of anticipating, in a time of war, -the resources of times of peace, tested by the experience of nations,) -we are trusting to tricks of jugglers on the cards, to the illusions of -banking schemes for the resources of the war, and for the cure of colic -to inflations of more wind. The wise proposition of the Secretary at War, -too, for filling our ranks with regulars, and putting our militia into -an effective form, seems to be laid aside. I fear, therefore, that, if -the war continues, it will require another year of sufferance for men -and money to lead our legislators into such a military and financial -regimen as may carry us through a war of any length. But my hope is in -peace. The negotiators at Ghent are agreed now on every point save one, -the demand and cession of a portion of Maine. This, it is well known, -cannot be yielded by us, nor deemed by them an object for continuing -a war so expensive, so injurious to their commerce and manufactures, -and so odious in the eyes of the world. But it is a thread to hold by -until they can hear the result, not of the Congress of Vienna, but of -Hartford. When they shall know, as they will know, that nothing will be -done there, they will let go their hold, and complete the peace of the -world, by agreeing to the _status ante bellum_. Indemnity for the past, -and security for the future, which was our motto at the beginning of -this war, must be adjourned to another, when, disarmed and bankrupt, our -enemy shall be less able to insult and plunder the world with impunity. -This will be after my time. One war, such as that of our Revolution, is -enough for one life. Mine has been too much prolonged to make me the -witness of a second, and I hope for a _coup de grace_ before a third -shall come upon us. If, indeed, Europe has matters to settle which may -reduce this _hostis humani generis_ to a state of peace and moral order, -I shall see that with pleasure, and then sing, with old Simeon, _nunc -dimittas Domine_. For yourself, _cura ut valeas, et me, ut amaris, ama_. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, January 1, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters of November the 30th and December the 21st have -been received with great pleasure. A truth now and then projecting into -the ocean of newspaper lies, serves like head-lands to correct our course. -Indeed, my scepticism as to everything I see in a newspaper, makes me -indifferent whether I ever see one. The embarrassments at Washington, -in August last, I expected would be great in any state of things; but -they proved greater than expected. I never doubted that the plans of -the President were wise and sufficient. Their failure we all impute, 1, -to the insubordinate temper of Armstrong; and 2, to the indecision of -Winder. However, it ends well. It mortifies ourselves, and so may check, -perhaps, the silly boasting spirit of our newspapers, and it enlists the -feelings of the world on our side; and the advantage of public opinion -is like that of the weather-gauge in a naval action. In Europe, the -transient possession of our Capital can be no disgrace. Nearly every -Capital there was in possession of its enemy; some often and long. But -diabolical as they paint that enemy, he burnt neither public edifices nor -private dwellings. It was reserved for England to show that Bonaparte, -in atrocity, was an infant to their ministers and their generals. They -are taking his place in the eyes of Europe, and have turned into our -channel all its good will. This will be worth the million of dollars the -repairs of their conflagration will cost us. I hope that to preserve -this weather-gauge of public opinion, and to counteract the slanders -and falsehoods disseminated by the English papers, the government will -make it a standing instruction to their ministers at foreign courts, to -keep Europe truly informed of occurrences here, by publishing in their -papers the naked truth always, whether favorable or unfavorable. For -they will believe the good, if we candidly tell them the bad also. - -But you have two more serious causes of uneasiness; the want of men and -money. For the former, nothing more wise or efficient could have been -imagined than what you proposed. It would have filled our ranks with -regulars, and that, too, by throwing a just share of the burthen on the -purses of those whose persons are exempt either by age or office; and it -would have rendered our militia, like those of the Greeks and Romans, -a nation of warriors. But the go-by seems to have been given to your -proposition, and longer sufferance is necessary to force us to what is -best. We seem equally incorrigible to our financial course. Although -a century of British experience has proved to what a wonderful extent -the funding on specific redeeming taxes enables a nation to anticipate -in war the resources of peace, and although the other nations of Europe -have tried and trodden every path of force or folly in fruitless quest -of the same object, yet we still expect to find in juggling tricks and -banking dreams, that money can be made out of nothing, and in sufficient -quantity to meet the expenses of a heavy war by sea and land. It is said, -indeed, that money cannot be borrowed from our merchants as from those -of England. But it can be borrowed from our people. They will give you -all the necessaries of war they produce, if, instead of the bankrupt -trash they now are obliged to receive for want of any other, you will -give them a paper promise funded on a specific pledge, and of a size -for common circulation. But you say the merchants will not take this -paper. What the people take the merchants must take, or sell nothing. -All these doubts and fears prove only the extent of the dominion which -the banking institutions have obtained over the minds of our citizens, -and especially of those inhabiting cities or other banking places; -and this dominion must be broken, or it will break us. But here, as in -the other case, we must make up our minds to suffer yet longer before -we can get right. The misfortune is, that in the meantime we shall -plunge ourselves in unextinguishable debt, and entail on our posterity -an inheritance of eternal taxes, which will bring our government and -people into the condition of those of England, a nation of pikes and -gudgeons, the latter bred merely as food for the former. But, however -these difficulties of men and money may be disposed of, it is fortunate -that neither of them will affect our war by sea. Privateers will find -their own men and money. Let nothing be spared to encourage them. They -are the dagger which strikes at the heart of the enemy, their commerce. -Frigates and seventy-fours are a sacrifice we must make, heavy as it is, -to the prejudices of a part of our citizens. They have, indeed, rendered -a great moral service, which has delighted me as much as any one in the -United States. But they have had no physical effect sensible to the enemy; -and now, while we must fortify them in our harbors, and keep armies to -defend them, our _privateers_ are bearding and blockading the enemy in -their own seaports. Encourage them to burn all their prizes, and let the -public pay for them. They will cheat us enormously. No matter; they will -make the merchants of England feel, and squeal, and cry out for peace. - -I much regretted your acceptance of the war department. Not that I know -a person who I think would better conduct it. But, conduct it ever so -wisely, it will be a sacrifice of yourself. Were an angel from Heaven -to undertake that office, all our miscarriages would be ascribed to -him. Raw troops, no troops, insubordinate militia, want of arms, want of -money, want of provisions, all will be charged to want of management in -you. I speak from experience, when I was Governor of Virginia. Without -a regular in the State, and scarcely a musket to put into the hands -of the militia, invaded by two armies, Arnold's from the sea-board and -Cornwallis' from the southward, when we were driven from Richmond and -Charlottesville, and every member of my council fled from their homes, -it was not the total destitution of means, but the mismanagement of them, -which, in the querulous voice of the public, caused all our misfortunes. -It ended, indeed, in the capture of the whole hostile force, but not till -means were brought us by General Washington's army, and the French fleet -and army. And although the legislature, who were personally intimate -with both the means and measures, acquitted me with justice and thanks, -yet General Lee has put all those imputations among the romances of -his historical novel, for the amusement of credulous and uninquisitive -readers. Not that I have seen the least disposition to censure you. -On the contrary, your conduct on the attack of Washington has met the -praises of every one, and your plan for regulars and militia, their -approbation. But no campaign is as yet opened. No Generals have yet an -interest in shifting their own incompetence on you, no army agents their -rogueries. I sincerely pray you may never meet censure where you will -deserve most praise, and that your own happiness and prosperity may be -the result of your patriotic services. - -Ever and affectionately yours. - - -TO MR. GIRARDIN. - - MONTICELLO, January 15, 1815. - -I have no document respecting Clarke's expedition, except the letters of -which you are in possession, one of which, I believe, gives some account -of it; nor do I possess Imlay's history of Kentucky. - -Of Mr. Wythe's early history I scarcely know anything, except that he -was self-taught; and perhaps this might not have been as to the Latin -language, Dr. Small was his bosom friend, and to me as a father. To his -enlightened and affectionate guidance of my studies while at College, -I am indebted for everything. - -He was Professor of Mathematics at William and Mary, and, for some time, -was in the philosophical chair. He first introduced into both schools -rational and elevated courses of study, and, from an extraordinary -conjunction of eloquence and logic, was enabled to communicate them to -the students with great effect. He procured for me the patronage of Mr. -Wythe, and both of them, the attentions of Governor Fauquier, the ablest -man who ever filled the chair of government here. They were inseparable -friends, and at their frequent dinners with the Governor, (after his -family had returned to England,) he admitted me always, to make it a -_partie quarrée_. At these dinners I have heard more good sense, more -rational and philosophical conversations, than in all my life besides. -They were truly Attic societies. The Governor was musical also, and a -good performer, and associated me with two or three other amateurs in -his weekly concerts. He merits honorable mention in your history, if any -proper occasion offers. So also does Dabney Carr, father of Peter Carr, -mover of the proposition of March, 1773, for committees of correspondence, -the first fruit of which was the call of an American Congress. I return -your two pamphlets with my thanks, and salute you with esteem and respect. - - -TO CHARLES CLAS, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, January 29, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of December 20th was four weeks on its way to -me. I thank you for it; for although founded on a misconception, it -is evidence of that friendly concern for my peace and welfare, which -I have ever believed you to feel. Of publishing a book on religion, -my dear Sir, I never had an idea. I should as soon think of writing -for the reformation of Bedlam, as of the world of religious sects. Of -these there must be, at least, ten thousand, every individual of every -one of which believes all wrong but his own. To undertake to bring -them all right, would be like undertaking, single-handed, to fell the -forests of America. Probably you have heard me say I had taken the -four Evangelists, had cut out from them every text they had recorded -of the moral precepts of Jesus, and arranged them in a certain order, -and although they appeared but as fragments, yet fragments of the most -sublime edifice of morality which had ever been exhibited to man. This -I have probably mentioned to you, because it is true; and the idea of -its publication may have suggested itself as an inference of your own -mind. I not only write nothing on religion, but rarely permit myself to -speak on it, and never but in a reasonable society. I have probably said -more to you than to any other person, because we have had more hours -of conversation in _duetto_ in our meetings at the Forest. I abuse the -priests, indeed, who have so much abused the pure and holy doctrines of -their master, and who have laid me under no obligations of reticence -as to the tricks of their trade. The genuine system of Jesus, and the -artificial structures they have erected, to make them the instruments -of wealth, power, and preëminence to themselves, are as distinct things -in my view as light and darkness; and while I have classed them with -soothsayers and necromancers, I place him among the greatest reformers -of morals, and scourges of priest-craft that have ever existed. They -felt him as such, and never rested until they had silenced him by death. -But his heresies against Judaism prevailing in the long run, the priests -have tacked about, and rebuilt upon them the temple which he destroyed, -as splendid, as profitable, and as imposing as that. - -Government, as well as religion, has furnished its schisms, its -persecutions, and its devices for flattering idleness on the earnings of -the people. It has its hierarchy of emperors, kings, princes, and nobles, -as that has of popes, cardinals, archbishops, bishops, and priests. -In short, cannibals are not to be found in the wilds of America only, -but are revelling on the blood of every living people. Turning, then, -from this loathsome combination of Church and State, and weeping over -the follies of our fellow men, who yield themselves the willing dupes -and drudges of these mountebanks, I consider reformation and redress as -desperate, and abandon them to the Quixotism of more enthusiastic minds. - -I have received from Philadelphia, by mail, the spectacles you had -desired, and now forward them by the same conveyance, as equally safe -and more in time, than were they to await my own going. In a separate -case is a complete set of glasses, from early use to old age. I think -the pair now in the frames will suit your eyes, but should they not, you -will easily change them by the screws. I believe the largest numbers -are the smallest magnifiers, but am not certain. Trial will readily -ascertain it. You must do me the favor to accept them as a token of my -friendship, and with them the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR PLUMER. - - MONTICELLO, January 31, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 30th has been received. In answer to -your question whether in the course of my reading I have ever found that -any country or even considerable island was without inhabitants when first -discovered? I must answer, with Mr. Adams, in the negative. Although the -fact is curious, it had never before struck my attention. Some small -islands have been found, and are at this day, without inhabitants, -but this is easily accounted for. Man being a gregarious animal, will -not remain but where there can be a sufficient herd of his own kind to -satisfy his social propensities. Add to this that insulated settlements, -if small, would be liable to extirpations by occasional epidemics. - -I thank you for the pamphlet you have been so kind as to send me, and have -read it with much satisfaction. But with those to whom it is addressed -Moses and the prophets have no authority but when administering to their -worldly gain. The paradox with me is how any friend to the union of -our country can, in conscience, contribute a cent to the maintenance of -any one who perverts the sanctity of his desk to the open inculcation -of rebellion, civil war, dissolution of government, and the miseries -of anarchy. When England took alarm lest France, become republican, -should recover energies dangerous to her, she employed emissaries with -means to engage incendiaries and anarchists in the disorganization of -all government there. These, assuming exaggerated zeal for republican -government and the rights of the people, crowded their inscriptions -into the Jacobin societies, and overwhelming by their majorities the -honest and enlightened patriots of the original institution, distorted -its objects, pursued its genuine founders under the name of Brissotines -and Girondists unto death, intrigued themselves into the municipality -of Paris, controlled by terrorism the proceedings of the legislature, -in which they were faithfully aided by their costipendaries there, the -Dantons and Marats of the Mountain, murdered their king, septembrized -the nation, and thus accomplished their stipulated task of demolishing -liberty and government with it. England now fears the rising force of -this republican nation, and by the same means is endeavoring to effect -the same course of miseries and destruction here; it is impossible -where one sees like courses of events commence, not to ascribe them -to like causes. We know that the government of England, maintaining -itself by corruption at home, uses the same means in other countries of -which she has any jealousy, by subsidizing agitators and traitors among -themselves to distract and paralyze them. She sufficiently manifests -that she has no disposition to spare ours. We see in the proceedings -of Massachusetts, symptoms which plainly indicate such a course, and we -know as far as such practices can ever be dragged into light, that she -has practiced, and with success, on leading individuals of that State. -Nay further, we see those individuals acting on the very plan which our -information had warned us was settled between the parties. These elements -of explanation history cannot fail of putting together in recording the -crime of combining with the oppressors of the earth to extinguish the -last spark of human hope, that here, at length, will be preserved a model -of government, securing to man his rights and the fruits of his labor, -by an organization constantly subject to his own will. The crime indeed, -if accomplished, would immortalize its perpetrators, and their names -would descend in history with those of Robespierre and his associates, as -the guardian genii of despotism, and demons of human liberty. I do not -mean to say that all who are acting with these men are under the same -motives. I know some of them personally to be incapable of it. Nor was -that the case with the disorganizers and assassins of Paris. Delusions -there, and party perversions here, furnish unconscious assistants to the -hired actors in these atrocious scenes. But I have never entertained one -moment's fear on this subject. The people of this country enjoy too much -happiness to risk it for nothing; and I have never doubted that whenever -the incendiaries of Massachusetts should venture openly to raise the -standard of separation, its citizens would rise in mass and do justice -themselves to their own parricides. - -I am glad to learn that you persevere in your historical work. I am -sure it will be executed on sound principles of Americanism, and I hope -your opportunities will enable you to make the abortive crimes of the -present, useful as a lesson for future times. - -In aid of your general work I possess no materials whatever, or they -should be entirely at your service; and I am sorry that I have not a -single copy of the pamphlet you ask, entitled "A Summary View of the -Rights of British America." It was the draught of an instruction which -I had meant to propose for our delegates to the first Congress. Being -prevented by sickness from attending our convention, I sent it to them, -and they printed without adopting it, in the hope that conciliation was -not yet desperate. Its only merit was in being the first publication -which carried the claim of our rights their whole length, and asserted -that there was no rightful link of connection between us and England but -that of being under the same king. Haring's collection of our statutes -is published, I know, as far as the third volume, bringing them down to -1710; and I rather believe a fourth has appeared. One more will probably -complete the work of the revolution, and will be to us an inestimable -treasure, as being the only collection of all the acts of our legislatures -now extant in print or manuscript. - -Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO JOHN VAUGHAN, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, February 5, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Your very friendly letter of January 4th is but just received, -and I am much gratified by the interest taken by yourself, and others -of my colleagues of the Philosophical Society, in what concerned myself -on withdrawing from the presidency of the Society. My desire to do so -had been so long known to every member, and the continuance of it to -some, that I did not suppose it can be misunderstood by the public. -Setting aside the consideration of distance, which must be obvious to -all, nothing is more incumbent on the old, than to know when they should -get out of the way, and relinquish to younger successors the honors they -can no longer earn, and the duties they can no longer perform. I rejoice -in the election of Dr. Wistar, and trust that his senior standing in -the society will have been considered as a fair motive of preference of -those whose merits, standing alone, would have justly entitled them to -the honor, and who, as juniors, according to the course of nature, may -still expect their turn. - -I have received, with very great pleasure, the visit of Mr. Ticknor, -and find him highly distinguished by science and good sense. He -was accompanied by Mr. Gray, son of the late Lieutenant Governor of -Massachusetts, of great information and promise also. It gives me -ineffable comfort to see such subjects coming forward to take charge of -the political and civil rights, the establishment of which has cost us -such sacrifices. Mr. Ticknor will be fortunate if he can get under the -wing of Mr. Correa; and, if the happiness of Mr. Correa requires (as -I suppose it does) his return to Europe, we must sacrifice it to that -which his residence here would have given us, and acquiesce under the -regrets which our transient acquaintance with his worth cannot fail to -embody with our future recollections of him. Of Michaux's work I possess -three volumes, or rather _catriers_, one on Oaks, another on Beeches -and Birches, and a third on Pines. - -I salute you with great friendship and respect. - - -TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. CRAWFORD. - - MONTICELLO, February 11, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to thank you for your letter of June 16th. It presents -those special views of the state of things in Europe, for which we look -in vain into newspapers. They tell us only of the downfall of Bonaparte, -but nothing of the temper, the views, the secret workings of the high -agents in these transactions. Although we neither expected, nor wished -any act of friendship from Bonaparte, and always detested him as a -tyrant, yet he gave employment to much of the force of the nation who -was our common enemy. So far, his downfall was illy timed for us; it -gave to England an opportunity to turn full-handed on us, when we were -unprepared. No matter, we can beat her on our own soil, leaving the laws -of the ocean to be settled by the maritime powers of Europe, who are -equally oppressed and insulted by the usurpations of England on that -element. Our particular and separate grievance is only the impressment -of our citizens. We must sacrifice the last dollar and drop of blood to -rid us of that badge of slavery; and it must rest with England alone to -say whether it is worth eternal war, for eternal it must be if she holds -to the wrong. She will probably find that the six thousand citizens she -took from us by impressment have already cost her ten thousand guineas a -man, and will cost her, in addition, the half of that annually, during -the continuance of the war, besides the captures on the ocean, and the -loss of our commerce. She might certainly find cheaper means of manning -her fleet, or, if to be manned at this expense, her fleet will break -her down. The first year of our warfare by land was disastrous. Detroit, -Queenstown, Frenchtown, and Beaver Dam, witness that. But the second was -generally successful, and the third entirely so, both by sea and land. -For I set down the _coup de main_ at Washington as more disgraceful to -England than to us. The victories of the last year at Chippewa, Niagara, -Fort Erie, Plattsburg, and New Orleans, the capture of their two fleets -on Lakes Erie and Champlain, and repeated triumphs of our frigates over -hers, whenever engaging with equal force, show that we have officers now -becoming prominent, and capable of making them feel the superiority of -our means, in a war on our own soil. Our means are abundant both as to -men and money, wanting only skilful arrangement; and experience alone -brings skill. As to men, nothing wiser can be devised than what the -Secretary at War (Monroe) proposed in his Report at the commencement of -Congress. It would have kept our regular army always of necessity full, -and by classing our militia according to ages, would have put them into -a form ready for whatever service, distant or at home, should require -them. Congress have not adopted it, but their next experiment will lead -to it. Our financial system is, at least, arranged. The fatal possession -of the whole circulating medium by our banks, the excess of those -institutions, and their present discredit, cause all our difficulties. -Treasury notes of small as well as high denomination, bottomed on a tax -which would redeem them in ten years, would place at our disposal the -whole circulating medium of the United States; a fund of credit sufficient -to carry us through any probable length of war. A small issue of such -paper is now commencing. It will immediately supersede the bank paper; -nobody receiving that now but for the purposes of the day, and never in -payments which are to lie by for any time. In fact, all the banks having -declared they will not give cash in exchange for their own notes, these -circulate merely because there is no other medium of exchange. As soon -as the treasury notes get into circulation, the others will cease to -hold any competition with them. I trust that another year will confirm -this experiment, and restore this fund to the public, who ought never -more to permit its being filched from them by private speculators and -disorganizers of the circulation. - -Do they send you from Washington the Historical Register of the United -States? It is published there annually, and gives a succinct and judicious -history of the events of the war, not too long to be inserted in the -European newspapers, and would keep the European public truly informed, -by correcting the lying statements of the British papers. It gives, too, -all the public documents of any value. Niles' Weekly Register is also -an excellent repository of facts and documents, and has the advantage -of coming out weekly, whereas the other is yearly. - -This will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman of Boston, of -high education and great promise. After going through his studies here, -he goes to Europe to finish them, and to see what is to be seen there. -He brought me high recommendations from Mr. Adams and others, and from a -stay of some days with me, I was persuaded he merited them, as he will -whatever attentions you will be so good as to show him. I pray you to -accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - -P. S. _February 26th._ On the day of the date of this letter the news -of peace reached Washington, and this place two days after. I am glad -of it, although no provision being made against the impressment of our -seamen, it is in fact but an armistice, to be terminated by the first -act of impressment committed on an American citizen. It may be thought -that useless blood was spilt at New Orleans, after the treaty of peace -had been actually signed and ratified. I think it had many valuable -uses. It proved the fidelity of the Orleanese to the United States. It -proved that New Orleans can be defended both by land and water; that the -western country will fly to its relief (of which ourselves had doubted -before); that our militia are heroes when they have heroes to lead them -on; and that, when unembarrassed by field evolutions, which they do not -understand, their skill in the fire-arm, and deadly aim, give them great -advantages over regulars. What nonsense for the manakin Prince Regent -to talk of their conquest of the country east of the Penobscot river! -Then, as in the revolutionary war, their conquests were never more than -of the spot on which their army stood, never extended beyond the range -of their cannon shot. If England is now wise or just enough to settle -peaceably the question of impressment, the late treaty may become one -of peace, and of long peace. We owe to their past follies and wrongs -the incalculable advantage of being made independent of them for every -material manufacture. These have taken such root, in our private families -especially, that nothing now can ever extirpate them. - - -TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. - - MONTICELLO, February 14, 1815. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,--Your letter of August the 14th has been received and -read again, and again, with extraordinary pleasure. It is the first -glimpse which has been furnished me of the interior workings of the late -unexpected but fortunate revolution of your country. The newspapers -told us only that the great beast was fallen; but what part in this -the patriots acted, and what the egotists, whether the former slept -while the latter were awake to their own interests only, the hireling -scribblers of the English press said little and knew less. I see now -the mortifying alternative under which the patriot there is placed, -of being either silent, or disgraced by an association in opposition -with the remains of Bonapartism. A full measure of liberty is not now -perhaps to be expected by your nation, nor am I confident they are -prepared to preserve it. More than a generation will be requisite, -under the administration of reasonable laws favoring the progress of -knowledge in the general mass of the people, and their habituation to -an independent security of person and property, before they will be -capable of estimating the value of freedom, and the necessity of a sacred -adherence to the principles on which it rests for preservation. Instead -of that liberty which takes root and growth in the progress of reason, -if recovered by mere force or accident, it becomes, with an unprepared -people, a tyranny still, of the many, the few, or the one. Possibly -you may remember, at the date of the _jeu de paume_, how earnestly I -urged yourself and the patriots of my acquaintance, to enter then into -a compact with the king, securing freedom of religion, freedom of the -press, trial by jury, _habeas corpus_, and a national legislature, all of -which it was known he would then yield, to go home, and let these work -on the amelioration of the condition of the people, until they should -have rendered them capable of more, when occasions would not fail to -arise for communicating to them more. This was as much as I then thought -them able to bear, soberly and usefully for themselves. You thought -otherwise, and that the dose might still be larger. And I found you were -right; for subsequent events proved they were equal to the constitution -of 1791. Unfortunately, some of the most honest and enlightened of our -patriotic friends, (but closet politicians merely, unpractised in the -knowledge of man,) thought more could still be obtained and borne. They -did not weigh the hazards of a transition from one form of government to -another, the value of what they had already rescued from those hazards, -and might hold in security if they pleased, nor the imprudence of giving -up the certainty of such a degree of liberty, under a limited monarch, -for the uncertainty of a little more under the form of a republic. You -differed from them. You were for stopping there, and for securing the -constitution which the National Assembly had obtained. Here, too, you -were right; and from this fatal error of the republicans, from their -separation from yourself and the constitutionalists, in their councils, -flowed all the subsequent sufferings and crimes of the French nation. -The hazards of a second change fell upon them by the way. The foreigner -gained time to anarchise by gold the government he could not overthrow -by arms, to crush in their own councils the genuine republicans, by -the fraternal embraces of exaggerated and hired pretenders, and to turn -the machine of Jacobinism from the change to the destruction of order; -and, in the end, the limited monarchy they had secured was exchanged -for the unprincipled and bloody tyranny of Robespierre, and the equally -unprincipled and maniac tyranny of Bonaparte. You are now rid of him, -and I sincerely wish you may continue so. But this may depend on the -wisdom and moderation of the restored dynasty. It is for them now to -read a lesson in the fatal errors of the republicans; to be contented -with a certain portion of power, secured by formal compact with the -nation, rather than, grasping at more, hazard all upon uncertainty, and -risk meeting the fate of their predecessor, or a renewal of their own -exile. We are just informed, too, of an example which merits, if true, -their most profound contemplation. The gazettes say that Ferdinand of -Spain is dethroned, and his father re-established on the basis of their -new constitution. This order of magistrates must, therefore, see, that -although the attempts at reformation have not succeeded in their whole -length, and some secession from the ultimate point has taken place, yet -that men have by no means fallen back to their former passiveness, but -on the contrary, that a sense of their rights, and a restlessness to -obtain them, remain deeply impressed on every mind, and, if not quieted -by reasonable relaxations of power, will break out like a volcano on -the first occasion, and overwhelm everything again in its way. I always -thought the present king an honest and moderate man; and having no issue, -he is under a motive the less for yielding to personal considerations. -I cannot, therefore, but hope, that the patriots in and out of your -legislature, acting in phalanx, but temperately and wisely, pressing -unremittingly the principles omitted in the late capitulation of the king, -and watching the occasions which the course of events will create, may -get those principles engrafted into it, and sanctioned by the solemnity -of a national act. - -With us the affairs of war have taken the most favorable turn which was to -be expected. Our thirty years of peace had taken off, or superannuated, -all our revolutionary officers of experience and grade; and our first -draught in the lottery of untried characters had been most unfortunate. -The delivery of the fort and army of Detroit by the traitor Hull; the -disgrace at Queenstown, under Van Rensselaer; the massacre at Frenchtown -under Winchester; and surrender of Boerstler in an open field to one-third -of his own numbers, were the inauspicious beginnings of the first year of -our warfare. The second witnessed but the single miscarriage occasioned -by the disagreement of Wilkinson and Hampton, mentioned in my letter to -you of November the 30th, 1813, while it gave us the capture of York by -Dearborne and Pike; the capture of Fort George by Dearborne also; the -capture of Proctor's army on the Thames by Harrison, Shelby and Johnson, -and that of the whole British fleet on Lake Erie by Perry. The third -year has been a continued series of victories, to-wit: of Brown and -Scott at Chippewa; of the same at Niagara; of Gaines over Drummond at -Fort Erie; that of Brown over Drummond at the same place; the capture -of another fleet on Lake Champlain by M'Donough; the entire defeat of -their army under Prevost, on the same day, by M'Comb, and recently their -defeats at New Orleans by Jackson, Coffee and Carroll, with the loss -of four thousand men out of nine thousand and six hundred, with their -two Generals, Packingham and Gibbs killed, and a third, Keane, wounded, -mortally, as is said. - -This series of successes has been tarnished only by the conflagrations -at Washington, a _coup de main_ differing from that at Richmond, which -you remember, in the revolutionary war, in the circumstance only, that -we had, in that case, but forty-eight hours' notice that an enemy had -arrived within our capes; whereas, at Washington, there was abundant -previous notice. The force designated by the President was double of -what was necessary; but failed, as is the general opinion, through the -insubordination of Armstrong, who would never believe the attack intended -until it was actually made, and the sluggishness of Winder before the -occasion, and his indecision during it. Still, in the end, the transaction -has helped rather than hurt us, by arousing the general indignation of our -country, and by marking to the world of Europe the Vandalism and brutal -character of the English government. It has merely served to immortalize -their infamy. And add further, that through the whole period of the war, -we have beaten them single-handed at sea, and so thoroughly established -our superiority over them with equal force, that they retire from that -kind of contest, and never suffer their frigates to cruize singly. The -Endymion would never have engaged the frigate President, but knowing -herself backed by three frigates and a razee, who, though somewhat -slower sailers, would get up before she could be taken. The disclosure -to the world of the fatal secret that they can be beaten at sea with an -equal force, the evidence furnished by the military operations of the -last year that experience is rearing us officers who, when our means -shall be fully under way, will plant our standard on the walls of Quebec -and Halifax, their recent and signal disaster at New Orleans, and the -evaporation of their hopes from the Hartford convention, will probably -raise a clamor in the British nation, which will force their ministry -into peace. I say _force_ them, because, willingly, they would never -be at peace. The British ministers find in a state of war rather than -of peace, by riding the various contractors, and receiving _douceurs_ -on the vast expenditures of the war supplies, that they recruit their -broken fortunes, or make new ones, and therefore will not make peace as -long as by any delusions they can keep the temper of the nation up to -the war point. They found some hopes on the state of our finances. It -is true that the excess of our banking institutions, and their present -discredit, have shut us out from the best source of credit we could ever -command with certainty. But the foundations of credit still remain to -us, and need but skill which experience will soon produce, to marshal -them into an order which may carry us through any length of war. But they -have hoped more in their Hartford convention. Their fears of republican -France being now done away, they are directed to republican America, -and they are playing the same game for disorganization here, which they -played in your country. The Marats, the Dantons and Robespierres of -Massachusetts are in the same pay, under the same orders, and making the -same efforts to anarchise us, that their prototypes in France did there. - -I do not say that all who met at Hartford were under the same motives -of money, nor were those of France. Some of them are Outs, and wish to -be Inns; some the mere dupes of the agitators, or of their own party -passions, while the Maratists alone are in the real secret; but they have -very different materials to work on. The yeomanry of the United States -are not the _canaille_ of Paris. We might safely give them leave to go -through the United States recruiting their ranks, and I am satisfied they -could not raise one single regiment (gambling merchants and silk-stocking -clerks excepted) who would support them in any effort to separate from -the Union. The cement of this Union is in the heart-blood of every -American. I do not believe there is on earth a government established -on so immovable a basis. Let them, in any State, even in Massachusetts -itself, raise the standard of separation, and its citizens will rise -in mass, and do justice themselves on their own incendiaries. If they -could have induced the government to some effort of suppression, or -even to enter into discussion with them, it would have given them some -importance, have brought them into some notice. But they have not been -able to make themselves even a subject of conversation, either of public -or private societies. A silent contempt has been the sole notice they -excite; consoled, indeed, some of them, by the _palpable_ favors of -Philip. Have then no fears for us, my friend. The grounds of these exist -only in English newspapers, edited or endowed by the Castlereaghs or -the Cannings, or some other such models of pure and uncorrupted virtue. -Their military heroes, by land and sea, may sink our oyster boats, rob -our hen roosts, burn our negro huts, and run off. But a campaign or -two more will relieve them from further trouble or expense in defending -their American possessions. - -You once gave me a copy of the journal of your campaign in Virginia, in -1781, which I must have lent to some one of the undertakers to write the -history of the revolutionary war, and forgot to reclaim. I conclude this, -because it is no longer among my papers, which I have very diligently -searched for it, but in vain. An author of real ability is now writing -that part of the history of Virginia. He does it in my neighborhood, and -I lay open to him all my papers. But I possess none, nor has he any, -which can enable him to do justice to your faithful and able services -in that campaign. If you could be so good as to send me another copy, -by the very first vessel bound to any port in the United States, it -might be here in time; for although he expects to begin to print within -a month or two, yet you know the delays of these undertakings. At any -rate it might be got in as a supplement. The old Count Rochambeau gave -me also his _memoire_ of the operations at York, which is gone in the -same way, and I have no means of applying to his family for it. Perhaps -you could render them as well as us, the service of procuring another -copy. - -I learn, with real sorrow, the deaths of Monsieur and Madame de Tessé. -They made an interesting part in the idle reveries in which I have -sometimes indulged myself, of seeing all my friends of Paris once more, -for a month or two; a thing impossible, which, however, I never permitted -myself to despair of. The regrets, however, of seventy-three at the loss -of friends, may be the less, as the time is shorter within which we are -to meet again, according to the creed of our education. - -This letter will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman of -Boston, of great erudition, indefatigable industry, and preparation for -a life of distinction in his own country. He passed a few days with -me here, brought high recommendations from Mr. Adams and others, and -appeared in every respect to merit them. He is well worthy of those -attentions which you so kindly bestow on our countrymen, and for those -he may receive I shall join him in acknowledging personal obligations. - -I salute you with assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship -and respect. - -P. S. February 26th. My letter had not yet been sealed, when I received -news of our peace. I am glad of it, and especially that we closed our -war with the eclat of the action at New Orleans. But I consider it as an -armistice only, because no security is provided against the impressment -of our seamen. While this is unsettled we are in hostility of mind with -England, although actual deeds of arms may be suspended by a truce. If -she thinks the exercise of this outrage is worth eternal war, eternal -war it must be, or extermination of the one or the other party. The -first act of impressment she commits on an American, will be answered -by reprisal, or by a declaration of war here; and the interval must be -merely a state of preparation for it. In this we have much to do, in -further fortifying our seaport towns, providing military stores, classing -and disciplining our militia, arranging our financial system, and above -all, pushing our domestic manufactures, which have taken such root as -never again can be shaken. Once more, God bless you. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - MONTICELLO, February 28, 1815. - -MY DEAR AND RESPECTED FRIEND,--My last to you was of November 29th and -December 13th, 14th, since which I have received yours of July 14th. -I have to congratulate you, which I do sincerely on having got back -from Robespierre and Bonaparte, to your anti-revolutionary condition. -You are now nearly where you were at the _jeu de paume_ on the 20th of -June, 1789. The king would then have yielded, by convention, freedom -of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury, _habeas corpus_, -and a representative legislature. These I consider as the essentials -constituting free government, and that the organization of the Executive -is interesting, as it may ensure wisdom and integrity in the first -place, but next as it may favor or endanger the preservation of these -fundamentals. Although I do not think the late capitulation of the king -quite equal to all this, yet believing his dispositions to be moderate -and friendly to the happiness of the people, and seeing that he is -without the bias of issue, I am in hopes your patriots may, by constant -and prudent pressure, obtain from him what is still wanting to give you -a temperate degree of freedom and security. Should this not be done, I -should really apprehend a relapse into discontents, which might again -let in Bonaparte. - -Here, at length, we have peace. But I view it as an armistice only, -because no provision is made against the practice of impressment. As -this, then, will revive in the first moment of a war in Europe, its -revival will be a declaration of war here. Our whole business, in the -meantime, ought to be a sedulous preparation for it, fortifying our -seaports, filling our magazines, classing and disciplining our militia, -forming officers, and above all, establishing a sound system of finance. -You will see by the want of system in this last department, and even the -want of principles, how much we are in arrears in that science. With -sufficient means in the hands of our citizens, and sufficient will to -bestow them on the government, we are floundering in expedients equally -unproductive and ruinous; and proving how little are understood here those -sound principles of political economy first developed by the economists, -since commented and dilated by Smith, Say, yourself, and the luminous -reviewer of Montesquieu. I have been endeavoring to get the able paper -on this subject, which you addressed to me in July, 1810, and enlarged -in a copy received the last year, translated and printed here, in order -to draw the attention of our citizens to this subject; but have not as -yet succeeded. Our printers are enterprising only in novels and light -reading. The readers of works of science, although in considerable -number, are so sparse in their situations, that such works are of slow -circulation. But I shall persevere. - -This letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman -from Massachusetts, of much erudition and great merit. He has completed -his course of law and reading, and, before entering on the practice, -proposes to pass two or three years in seeing Europe, and adding to his -stores of knowledge which he can acquire there. Should he enter the career -of politics in his own country, he will go far in obtaining its honors -and powers. He is worthy of any friendly offices you may be so good -as to render him, and to his acknowledgments of them will be added my -own. By him I send you a copy of the Review of Montesquieu, from my own -shelf, the impression being, I believe, exhausted by the late President -of the College of Williamsburg having adopted it as the elementary book -there. I am persuading the author to permit me to give his name to the -public, and to permit the original to be printed in Paris. Although your -presses, I observe, are put under the leading strings of your government, -yet this is such a work as would have been licensed at any period, early -or late, of the reign of Louis XVI. Surely the present government will -not expect to repress the progress of the public mind further back than -that. I salute you with all veneration and affection. - - -TO JEAN BATISTE SAY. - - MONTICELLO, March 2, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of June 15th came to hand in December, and it is -not till the ratification of our peace, that a safe conveyance for an -answer could be obtained. I thank you for the copy of the new edition -of your work which accompanied your letter. I had considered it in its -first form as superseding all other works on that subject; and shall -set proportional value on any improvement of it. I should have been -happy to have received your son here, as expected from your letter, on -his passage through this State; and to have given proofs through him -of my respect for you. But I live far from the great stage road which -forms the communication of our States from north to south, and such -a deviation was probably not admitted by his business. The question -proposed in my letter of February 1st, 1804, has since become quite a -"question viseuse." I had then persuaded myself that a nation, distant -as we are from the contentions of Europe, avoiding all offences to other -powers, and not over-hasty in resenting offence from them, doing justice -to all, faithfully fulfilling the duties of neutrality, performing all -offices of amity, and administering to their interests by the benefits -of our commerce, that such a nation, I say, might expect to live in -peace, and consider itself merely as a member of the great family of -mankind; that in such case it might devote itself to whatever it could -best produce, secure of a peaceable exchange of surplus for what could -be more advantageously furnished by others, as takes place between one -county and another of France. But experience has shown that continued -peace depends not merely on our own justice and prudence, but on that of -others also; that when forced into war, the interception of exchanges -which must be made across a wide ocean, becomes a powerful weapon in -the hands of an enemy domineering over that element, and to the other -distresses of war adds the want of all those necessaries for which -we have permitted ourselves to be dependent on others, even arms and -clothing. This fact, therefore, solves the question by reducing it to its -ultimate form, whether profit or preservation is the first interest of a -State? We are consequently become manufacturers to a degree incredible -to those who do not see it, and who only consider the short period of -time during which we have been driven to them by the suicidal policy -of England. The prohibiting duties we lay on all articles of foreign -manufacture which prudence requires us to establish at home, with the -patriotic determination of every good citizen to use no foreign article -which can be made within ourselves, without regard to difference of -price, secures us against a relapse into foreign dependency. And this -circumstance may be worthy of your consideration, should you continue in -the disposition to emigrate to this country. Your manufactory of cotton, -on a moderate scale combined with a farm, might be preferable to either -singly, and the one or the other might become principal, as experience -should recommend. Cotton ready spun is in ready demand, and if woven, -still more so. - -I will proceed now to answer the inquiries which respect your views -of removal; and I am glad that, in looking over our map, your eye has -been attracted by the village of Charlottesville, because I am better -acquainted with that than any other portion of the United States, being -within three or four miles of the place of my birth and residence. It -is a portion of country which certainly possesses great advantages. Its -soil is equal in natural fertility to any high lands I have ever seen; -it is red and hilly, very like much of the country of Champagne and -Burgundy, on the route of Sens, Vermanton, Vitteaux, Dijon, and along -the Cote to Chagny, excellently adapted to wheat, maize, and clover; -like all mountainous countries it is perfectly healthy, liable to no -agues and fevers, or to any particular epidemic, as is evidenced by the -robust constitution of its inhabitants, and their numerous families. As -many instances of nonagenaires exist habitually in this neighborhood -as in the same degree of population anywhere. Its temperature may be -considered as a medium of that of the United States. The extreme of cold -in ordinary winters being about 7° of Reaumur below zero (French. =16°), -and in the severest, 12° (French. =5°), while the ordinary mornings are -above zero. The maximum of heat in summer is about 28° (French. =96°), -of which we have one or two instances in a summer for a few hours. About -ten or twelve days in July and August, the thermometer rises for two -or three hours to about 23° (French. =84°), while the ordinary mid-day -heat of those months is about 21° (French. =80°), the mercury continuing -at that two or three hours, and falling in the evening to about 17° -(French. =70°). White frosts commence about the middle of October, tender -vegetables are in danger from them till nearly the middle of April. The -mercury begins, about the middle of November, to be occasionally at the -freezing point, and ceases to be so about the middle of March. We have -of freezing nights about fifty in the course of the winter, but not -more than ten days in which the mercury does not rise above the freezing -point. Fire is desirable even in close apartments whenever the outward -air is below 10, (=55° Fahrenheit,) and that is the case with us through -the day, one hundred and thirty two days in the year, and on mornings -and evenings sixty-eight days more. So that we have constant fires five -months, and a little over two months more on mornings and evenings. -Observations made at Yorktown in the lower country, show that they need -seven days less of constant fires, and thirty-eight less of mornings and -evenings. On an average of seven years I have found our snows amount -in the whole to fifteen inches depth, and to cover the ground fifteen -days; these, with the rains, give us four feet of water in the year. The -garden pea, which we are now sowing, comes to table about the 12th of -May; strawberries and cherries about the same time; asparagus the 1st -of April. The artichoke stands the winter without cover; lettuce and -endive with a slight one of bushes, and often without any; and the fig, -protected by a little straw, begins to ripen in July; if unprotected, -not till the 1st of September. There is navigation for boats of six tons -from Charlottesville to Richmond, the nearest tide-water, and principal -market for our produce. The country is what we call well inhabited, there -being in our county, Albemarle, of about seven hundred and fifty square -miles, about twenty thousand inhabitants, or twenty-seven to a square -mile, of whom, however, one half are people of color, either slaves or -free. The society is much better than is common in country situations; -perhaps there is not a better _country_ society in the United States. -But do not imagine this a Parisian or an academical society. It consists -of plain, honest, and rational neighbors, some of them well informed and -men of reading, all superintending their farms, hospitable and friendly, -and speaking nothing but English. The manners of every nation are the -standard of orthodoxy within itself. But these standards being arbitrary, -reasonable people in all allow free toleration for the manners, as -for the religion of others. Our culture is of wheat for market, and of -maize, oats, peas, and clover, for the support of the farm. We reckon -it a good distribution to divide a farm into three fields, putting one -into wheat, half a one into maize, the other half into oats or peas, -and the third into clover, and to tend the fields successively in this -rotation. Some woodland in addition, is always necessary to furnish -fuel, fences, and timber for constructions. Our best farmers (such as -Mr. Randolph, my son-in-law) get from ten to twenty bushels of wheat to -the acre; our worst (such as myself) from six to eighteen, with little -or more manuring. The bushel of wheat is worth in common times about -one dollar. The common produce of maize is from ten to twenty bushels, -worth half a dollar the bushel, which is of a cubic foot and a quarter, -or, more exactly, of two thousand one hundred and seventy-eight cubic -inches. From these data you may judge best for yourself of the size of -the farm which would suit your family; bearing in mind, that while you -can be furnished by the farm itself for consumption, with every article -it is adapted to produce, the sale of your wheat at market is to furnish -the fund for all other necessary articles. I will add that both soil and -climate are admirably adapted to the vine, which is the abundant natural -production of our forests, and that you cannot bring a more valuable -laborer than one acquainted with both its culture and manipulation into -wine. - -Your only inquiry now unanswered is, the price of these lands. To answer -this with precision, would require details too long for a letter; the -fact being, that we have no metallic measure of values at present, while -we are overwhelmed with bank paper. The depreciation of this swells -nominal prices, without furnishing any stable index of real value. I -will endeavor briefly to give you an idea of this state of things by an -outline of its history. - - In 1781 we had 1 bank, its capital $1,000,000 - " 1791 " 6 " 13,135,000 - " 1794 " 17 " 18,642,000 - " 1796 " 24 " 20,472,000 - " 1803 " 34 " 29,112,000 - " 1804 " 66 their amount of capital not known. - -And at this time we have probably one hundred banks, with capitals -amounting to one hundred millions of dollars, on which they are authorized -by law to issue notes to three times that amount, so that our circulating -medium may now be estimated at from two to three hundred millions of -dollars, on a population of eight and a half millions. The banks were -able, for awhile, to keep this trash at par with metallic money, or -rather to depreciate the metals to a par with their paper, by keeping -deposits of cash sufficient to exchange for such of their notes as they -were called on to pay in cash. But the circumstances of the war draining -away all our specie, all these banks have stopped payment, but with a -promise to resume specie exchanges whenever circumstances shall produce a -return of the metals. Some of the most prudent and honest will possibly -do this; but the mass of them never will nor can. Yet, having no other -medium, we take their paper, of necessity, for purposes of the instant, -but never to lay by us. The government is now issuing treasury notes for -circulation, bottomed on solid funds, and bearing interest. The banking -confederacy (and the merchants bound to them by their debts) will endeavor -to crush the credit of these notes; but the country is eager for them, -as something they can trust to, and so soon as a convenient quantity -of them can get into circulation, the bank notes die. You may judge -that, in this state of things, the holders of bank notes will give free -prices for lands, and that were I to tell you simply the present prices -of lands in this medium, it would give you no idea on which you could -calculate. But I will state to you the progressive prices which have -been paid for particular parcels of land for some years back, which may -enable you to distinguish between the real increase of value regularly -produced by our advancement in population, wealth, and skill, and the -bloated value arising from the present disordered and dropsical state -of our medium. There are two tracts of land adjoining me, and another -not far off, all of excellent quality, which happen to have been sold -at different epochs as follows: - - One was sold in 1793 for $4 an acre, in 1812, at $10, - and is now rated $16. - The 2d " 1786 " 5⅓ " 1803 " 10 - and is now rated $20. - The 3d " 1797 " 7 " 1811 " 16 - and is now rated $20. - -On the whole, however, I suppose we may estimate that the steady annual -rise of our lands is in a geometrical ratio of 5 per cent.; that were -our medium now in a wholesome state, they might be estimated at from -twelve to fifteen dollars the acre; and I may add, I believe with -correctness, that there is not any part of the Atlantic States where -lands of equal quality and advantages can be had as cheap. When sold -with a dwelling-house on them, little additional is generally asked for -the house. These buildings are generally of wooden materials, and of -indifferent structure and accommodation. Most of the hired labor here is -of people of color, either slaves or free. An able-bodied man has sixty -dollars a year, and is clothed and fed by the employer; a woman half that. -White laborers may be had, but they are less subordinate, their wages -higher, and their nourishment much more expensive. A good horse for the -plough costs fifty or sixty dollars. A draught ox twenty to twenty-five -dollars. A milch cow fifteen to eighteen dollars. A sheep two dollars. -Beef is about five cents, mutton and pork seven cents the pound. A turkey -or goose fifty cents apiece, a chicken eight and one-third cents; a -dozen eggs the same. Fresh butter twenty to twenty-five cents the pound. -And, to render as full as I can the information which may enable you -to calculate for yourself, I enclose you a Philadelphia price-current, -giving the prices in regular times of most of the articles of produce -or manufacture, foreign and domestic. - -That it may be for the benefit of your children and their descendants to -remove to a country where, for enterprise and talents, so many avenues -are open to fortune and fame, I have little doubt. But I should be afraid -to affirm that, at your time of life, and with habits formed on the state -of society in France, a change for one so entirely different would be -for your personal happiness. Fearful therefore to persuade, I shall add -with sincere truth, that I shall very highly estimate the addition of -such a neighbor to our society, and that there is no service within my -power which I shall not render with pleasure and promptitude. With this -assurance be pleased to accept that of my great esteem and respect. - -P. S. This letter will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman -of Massachusetts, of great erudition and worth, and who will be gratified -by the occasion of being presented to the author of the Traité d'Economie -Politique. - - -TO FRANCIS C. GRAY, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, March 4, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Despatching to Mr. Ticknor my packet of letters for Paris, -it occurs to me that I committed an error in a matter of information -which you asked of me while here. It is indeed of little importance, -yet as well corrected as otherwise, and the rather as it gives me an -occasion of renewing my respects to you. You asked me in conversation, -what constituted a mulatto by our law? And I believe I told you four -crossings with the whites. I looked afterwards into our law, and found -it to be in these words: "Every person, other than a negro, of whose -grandfathers or grandmothers any one shall have been a negro, shall be -deemed a mulatto, and so every such person who shall have one-fourth -part or more of negro blood, shall in like manner be deemed a mulatto"; -L. Virgà 1792, December 17: the case put in the first member of this -paragraph of the law is _exempli gratiâ_. The latter contains the true -canon, which is that one-fourth of negro blood, mixed with any portion -of white, constitutes the mulatto. As the issue has one-half of the -blood of each parent, and the blood of each of these may be made up -of a variety of fractional mixtures, the estimate of their compound in -some cases may be intricate, it becomes a mathematical problem of the -same class with those on the mixtures of different liquors or different -metals; as in these, therefore, the algebraical notation is the most -convenient and intelligible. Let us express the pure blood of the white -in the capital letters of the printed alphabet, the pure blood of the -negro in the small letters of the printed alphabet, and any given mixture -of either, by way of abridgement in MS. letters. - -Let the first crossing be of _a_, pure negro, with A, pure white. The -unit of blood of the issue being composed of the half of that of each -parent, will be _a_/2 + A/2. Call it, for abbreviation, _h_ (half blood.) - -Let the second crossing be of _h_ and B, the blood of the issue will be -_h_/2 + B/2, or substituting for _h_/2 its equivalent, it will be _a_/4 -+ A/4 + B/2 call it _q_ (quarteroon) being 1/4 negro blood. - -Let the third crossing be of _q_ and C, their offspring will be _q_/2 + -C/2 = _a_/8 + A/8 + B/4 + C/2, call this _e_ (eighth), who having less -than 1/4 of _a_, or of pure negro blood, to wit 1/8 only, is no longer a -mulatto, so that a third cross clears the blood. - -From these elements let us examine their compounds. For example, let -_h_ and _q_ cohabit, their issue will be _h_/2 + _q_/2 = _a_/4 + A/4 + -_a_/8 + A/8 + B/4 = 3_a_/8 + 3A/8 + B/4 wherein we find 3/8 of _a_, or -negro blood. - -Let _h_ and _e_ cohabit, their issue will be _h_/2 + _e_/2 = _a_/4 + -A/4 + _a_/16 + A/16 + B/8 + _c_/4 = 5_a_/16 + 5A/16 + B/8 + _c_/4, -wherein 5/16 _a_ makes still a mulatto. - -Let _q_ and _e_ cohabit, the half of the blood of each will be _q_/2 + -_e_/2 = _a_/8 + A/8 + B/4 + _a_/16 + A/16 + B/8 + C/4 = 3_a_/16 + 3A/16 -+ 3B/8 + C/4, wherein 3/16 of _a_ is no longer a mulatto, and thus may -every compound be noted and summed, the sum of the fractions composing -the blood of the issue being always equal to unit. It is understood in -natural history that a fourth cross of one race of animals with another -gives an issue equivalent for all sensible purposes to the original -blood. Thus a Merino ram being crossed, first with a country ewe, second -with his daughter, third with his granddaughter, and fourth with the -great-granddaughter, the last issue is deemed pure Merino, having in -fact but 1/16 of the country blood. Our canon considers two crosses with -the pure white, and a third with any degree of mixture, however small, -as clearing the issue of the negro blood. But observe, that this does -not re-establish freedom, which depends on the condition of the mother, -the principle of the civil law, _partus sequitur ventrem_, being adopted -here. But if _e_ be emancipated, he becomes a free _white_ man, and a -citizen of the United States to all intents and purposes. So much for -this trifle by way of correction. - -I sincerely congratulate you on the peace, and more especially on the -close of our war with so much eclat. Our second and third campaigns -here, I trust, more than redeemed the disgraces of the first, and proved -that although a republican government is slow to move, yet, when once -in motion, its momentum becomes irresistible; and I am persuaded it -would have been found so in the last war, had it continued. Experience -had just begun to elicit those among our officers who had talents for -war, and under the guidance of these one campaign would have planted -our standard on the walls of Quebec, and another on those of Halifax. -But peace is better for us all; and if it could be followed by a cordial -conciliation between us and England, it would ensure the happiness and -prosperity of both. The bag of wind, however, on which they are now -riding, must be suffered to blow out before they will be able soberly to -settle on their true bottom. If they adopt a course of friendship with -us, the commerce of one hundred millions of people, which some now born -will live to see here, will maintain them forever as a great unit of -the European family. But if they go on checking, irritating, injuring -and hostilizing us, they will force on us the motto "_Carthago delenda -est_." And some Scipio Americanus will leave to posterity the problem of -conjecturing where stood once the ancient and splendid city of London! -Nothing more simple or certain than the elements of this circulation. I -hope the good sense of both parties will concur in travelling rather the -paths of peace, of affection, and reciprocations of interest. I salute -you with sincere and friendly esteem, and if the homage offered to the -virtues of your father can be acceptable to him, place mine at his feet. - - -TO MR. GIRARDIN. - - MONTICELLO, March 12, 1815. - -I return the three Cativers, which I have perused with the usual -satisfaction. You will find a few pencilled notes merely verbal. - -But in one place I have taken a greater liberty than I ever took before, -or ever indeed had occasion to take. It is in the case of Josiah Philips, -which I find strangely represented by Judge Tucker and Mr. Edmund -Randolph, and very negligently vindicated by Mr. Henry. That case is -personally known to me, because I was of the legislature at the time, -was one of those consulted by Mr. Henry, and had my share in the passage -of the bill. I never before saw the observations of those gentlemen, -which you quote on this case, and will now therefore briefly make some -strictures on them. - -Judge Tucker, instead of a definition of the functions of bills of -attainder, has given a diatribe against their abuse. The occasion and -proper office of a bill of attainder is this: When a person charged with -a crime withdraws from justice, or resists it by force, either in his -own or a foreign country, no other means of bringing him to trial or -punishment being practicable, a special act is passed by the legislature -adapted to the particular case. This prescribes to him a sufficient time -to appear and submit to a trial by his peers; declares that his refusal -to appear shall be taken as a confession of guilt, as in the ordinary -case of an offender at the bar refusing to plead, and pronounces the -sentence which would have been rendered on his confession or conviction -in a court of law. No doubt that these acts of attainder have been abused -in England as instruments of vengeance by a successful over a defeated -party. But what institution is insusceptible of abuse in wicked hands? - -Again, the judge says "the court refused to pass sentence of execution -pursuant to the directions of the act." The court could not refuse -this, because it was never proposed to them; and my authority for this -assertion shall be presently given. - -For the perversion of a fact so intimately known to himself, Mr. -Randolph can be excused only by our indulgence for orators who, pressed -by a powerful adversary, lose sight, in the ardor of conflict of the -rigorous accuracies of fact, and permit their imagination to distort -and color them to the views of the moment. He was Attorney General at -the time, and told me himself, the first time I saw him after the trial -of Philips, that when taken and delivered up to justice, he had thought -it best to make no use of the act of attainder, and to take no measure -under it; that he had indicted him at the common law either for murder -or robbery (I forgot which and whether for both); that he was tried on -this indictment in the ordinary way, found guilty by the jury, sentenced -and executed under the common law; a course which every one approves, -because the first object of the act of attainder was to bring him to -fair trial. Whether Mr. Randolph was right in this information to me, or -when in the debate with Mr. Henry, he represents this atrocious offender -as sentenced and executed under the act of attainder, let the record of -the case decide. - -"Without being confronted with his accusers and witnesses, without the -privilege of calling for evidence in his behalf, he was sentenced to -death, and afterwards actually executed." I appeal to the universe to -produce one single instance from the first establishment of government -in this State to the present day, where, in a trial at bar, a criminal -has been refused confrontation with his accusers and witnesses, or denied -the privilege of calling for evidence in his behalf; had it been done in -this case, I would have asked of the Attorney General why he proposed or -permitted it. But without having seen the record, I will venture on the -character of our courts, to deny that it was done. But if Mr. Randolph -meant only that Philips had not these advantages on the passage of the -bill of attainder, how idle to charge the legislature with omitting to -confront the culprit with his witnesses, when he was standing out in arms -and in defiance of their authority, and their sentence was to take effect -only on his own refusal to come in and be confronted. We must either -therefore consider this as a mere hyperbolism of imagination in the heat -of debate, or what I should rather, believe a defective statement by -the reporter of Mr. Randolph's argument. I suspect this last the rather -because this point in the charge of Mr. Randolph is equally omitted in -the defence of Mr. Henry. This gentleman must have known that Philips -was tried and executed under the common law, and yet, according to his -report, he rests his defence on a justification of the attainder only. -But all who knew Mr. Henry, know that when at ease in argument, he was -sometimes careless, not giving himself the trouble of ransacking either -his memory or imagination for all the topics of his subject, or his -audience that of hearing them. No man on earth knew better when he had -said enough for his hearers. - -Mr. Randolph charges us with having read the bill three times in the -same day. I do not remember the fact, nor whether this was enforced on -us by the urgency of the ravages of Philips, or of the time at which -the bill was introduced. I have some idea it was at or near the close -of the session; the journals, which I have not, will ascertain the fact. - -After the particular strictures I will proceed to propose, 1st, that the -word "substantially," page 92, l. 8., be changed for "which has been -charged with," [subjoining a note of reference. 1 Tucker's Blackst. -Append., 292. Debates of Virginia Convention.] - -2. That the whole of the quotations from Tucker, Randolph and Henry, be -struck out, and instead of the text beginning page 92 l. 12, with the -words "bills of attainder, &.," to the words "so often merited," page -95 l. 4, be inserted the following, to-wit: - -"This was passed on the following occasion. A certain Josiah Philips, -laborer of the parish of Lynhaven, in the county of Princess Anne, a man -of daring and ferocious disposition, associating with other individuals -of a similar cast, spread terror and desolation through the lower country, -committing murders, burning houses, wasting farms, and perpetrating other -enormities, at the bare mention of which humanity shudders. Every effort -to apprehend him proved abortive. Strong in the number of his ruffian -associates, or where force would have failed resorting to stratagem -and ambush, striking the deadly blow or applying the fatal torch at -the midnight hour, and in those places which their insulated situation -left almost unprotected, he retired with impunity to his secret haunts, -reeking with blood, and loaded with plunder. [So far the text of Mr. -Girardin is preserved.] The inhabitants of the counties which were the -theatre of his crimes, never secure a moment by day or by night, in -their fields or their beds, sent representations of their distresses -to the governor, claiming the public protection. He consulted with some -members of the legislature then sitting, on the best method of proceeding -against the atrocious offender. Too powerful to be arrested by the sheriff -and his _posse comitatus_, it was not doubted but an armed force might -be sent to hunt and destroy him and his accomplices in their morasses -and fastnesses wherever found. But the proceeding concluded to be most -consonant with the forms and principles of our government, was that the -legislature should pass an act giving him a reasonable but limited day -to surrender himself to justice, and to submit to a trial by his peers. -According to the laws of the land, to consider a refusal as a confession -of guilt, and divesting him as an outlaw of the character of citizen, to -pass on him the sentence prescribed by the law; and the public officer -being defied, to make every one his deputy, and especially those whose -safety hourly depended on his destruction. The case was laid before the -legislature, the proofs were ample, his outrages as notorious as those -of the public enemy, and well known to the members of both houses from -those counties. No one pretended then that the perpetrator of crimes who -could successfully resist the officers of justice, should be protected -in the continuance of them by the privileges of his citizenship, and -that baffling ordinary process, nothing extraordinary could be rightfully -adopted to protect the citizens against him. No one doubted that society -had a right to erase from the roll of its members any one who rendered -his own existence inconsistent with theirs; to withdraw from him the -protection of their laws, and to remove him from among them by exile, -or even by death if necessary. An enemy in lawful war, putting to death -in cold blood the prisoner he has taken, authorizes retaliation, which -would be inflicted with peculiar justice on the individual guilty of the -deed, were it to happen that he should be taken. And could the murders -and robberies of a pirate or outlaw entitle him to more tenderness? They -passed the law, therefore, and without opposition. He did not come in -before the day prescribed; continued his lawless outrages; was afterwards -taken in arms, but delivered over to the ordinary justice of the county. -The Attorney General for the commonwealth, the immediate agent of the -government, waiving all appeal to the act of attainder, indicted him -at the common law as a murderer and robber. He was arraigned on that -indictment in the usual forms, before a jury of his vicinage, and no use -whatever made of the act of attainder in any part of the proceedings. -He pleaded that he was a British subject, authorized to bear arms by a -commission from Lord Dunmore; that he was therefore a mere prisoner of -war, and under the protection of the law of nations. The court being of -opinion that a commission from an enemy could not protect a citizen in -deeds of murder and robbery, overruled his plea; he was found guilty by -his jury, sentenced by the court, and executed by the ordinary officer -of justice, and all according to the forms and rules of the common law." - -I recommend an examination of the records for ascertaining the facts of -this case, for although my memory assures me of the leading ones, I am -not so certain in my recollection of the details. I am not sure of the -character of the particular crimes committed by Philips, or charged in -his indictment, whether his plea of alien enemy was formally put in and -overruled, what were the specific provisions of the act of attainder, -the urgency which caused it to be read three times in one day, if the -fact were, &c., &c. - - -TO MR. WENDOVER.[13] - - MONTICELLO, March 13, 1815. - -SIR,--Your favor of January the 30th was received after long delay on -the road, and I have to thank you for the volume of discourses which -you have been so kind as to send me. I have gone over them with great -satisfaction, and concur with the able preacher in his estimate of the -character of the belligerents in our late war, and lawfulness of defensive -war. I consider the war, with him, as "made on good advice," that is, -for just causes, and its dispensation as providential, inasmuch as it -has exercised our patriotism and submission to order, has planted and -invigorated among us arts of urgent necessity, has manifested the strong -and the weak parts of our republican institutions, and the excellence of a -representative democracy compared with the misrule of kings, has rallied -the opinions of mankind to the natural rights of expatriation, and of a -common property in the ocean, and raised us to that grade in the scale -of nations which the bravery and liberality of our citizen soldiers, by -land and by sea, the wisdom of our institutions and their observance of -justice, entitled us to in the eyes of the world. All this Mr. McLeod -has well proved, and from those sources of argument particularly which -belong to his profession. On one question only I differ from him, and it -is that which constitutes the subject of his first discourse, the right -of discussing public affairs _in the pulpit_. I add the last words, -because I admit the right in _general conversation_ and in _writing_; -in which last form it has been exercised in the valuable book you have -now favored me with. - -The mass of human concerns, moral and physical, is so vast, the field of -knowledge requisite for man to conduct them to the best advantage is so -extensive, that no human being can acquire the whole himself, and much -less in that degree necessary for the instruction of others. It has of -necessity, then, been distributed into different departments, each of -which, singly, may give occupation enough to the whole time and attention -of a single individual. Thus we have teachers of Languages, teachers of -Mathematics, of Natural Philosophy, of Chemistry, of Medicine, of Law, -of History, of Government, &c. Religion, too, is a separate department, -and happens to be the only one deemed requisite for all men, however -high or low. Collections of men associate together, under the name of -congregations, and employ a religious teacher of the particular sect of -opinions of which they happen to be, and contribute to make up a stipend -as a compensation for the trouble of delivering them, at such periods -as they agree on, lessons in the religion they profess. If they want -instruction in other sciences or arts, they apply to other instructors; -and this is generally the business of early life. But I suppose there -is not an instance of a single congregation which has employed their -preacher for the mixed purposes of lecturing them _from the pulpit_ -in Chemistry, in Medicine, in Law, in the science and principles of -Government, or in anything but Religion exclusively. Whenever, therefore, -preachers, instead of a lesson in religion, put them off with a discourse -on the Copernican system, on chemical affinities, on the construction -of government, or the characters or conduct of those administering it, -it is a breach of contract, depriving their audience of the kind of -service for which they are salaried, and giving them, instead of it, what -they did not want, or, if wanted, would rather seek from better sources -in that particular art or science. In choosing our pastor we look to -his religious qualifications, without inquiring into his physical or -political dogmas, with which we mean to have nothing to do. I am aware -that arguments may be found, which may twist a thread of politics into -the cord of religious duties. So may they for every other branch of human -art or science. Thus, for example, it is a religious duty to obey the -laws of our country; the teacher of religion, therefore, must instruct -us in those laws, that we may know how to obey them. It is a religious -duty to assist our sick neighbors; the preacher must, therefore, teach -us medicine, that we may do it understandingly. It is a religious duty -to preserve our own health; our religious teacher, then, must tell us -what dishes are wholesome, and give us recipes in cookery, that we may -learn how to prepare them. And so, ingenuity, by generalizing more and -more, may amalgamate all the branches of science into any one of them, -and the physician who is paid to visit the sick, may give a sermon -instead of medicine, and the merchant to whom money is sent for a hat, -may send a handkerchief instead of it. But notwithstanding this possible -confusion of all sciences into one, common sense draws lines between -them sufficiently distinct for the general purposes of life, and no one -is at a loss to understand that a recipe in medicine or cookery, or a -demonstration in geometry, is not a lesson in religion. I do not deny -that a congregation may, if they please, agree with their preacher that -he shall instruct them in Medicine also, or Law, or Politics. Then, -lectures in these, from the pulpit, become not only a matter of right, -but of duty also. But this must be with the consent of every individual; -because the association being voluntary, the mere majority has no right -to apply the contributions of the minority to purposes unspecified in the -agreement of the congregation. I agree, too, that on all other occasions, -the preacher has the right, equally with every other citizen, to express -his sentiments, in speaking or writing; on the subjects of Medicine, -Law, Politics, &c., his leisure time being his own, and his congregation -not obliged to listen to his conversation or to read his writings; and -no one would have regretted more than myself, had any scruple as to -this right withheld from us the valuable discourses which have led to -the expression of an opinion as to the true limits of the right. I feel -my portion of indebtment to the reverend author for the distinguished -learning, the logic and the eloquence with which he has proved that -religion, as well as reason, confirms the soundness of those principles -on which our government has been founded and its rights asserted. - -These are my views on this question. They are in opposition to those -of the highly respected and able preacher, and are, therefore, the more -doubtingly offered. Difference of opinion leads to inquiry, and inquiry -to truth; and that, I am sure, is the ultimate and sincere object of us -both. We both value too much the freedom of opinion sanctioned by our -constitution, not to cherish its exercise even where in opposition to -ourselves. - -Unaccustomed to reserve or mystery in the expression of my opinions, I -have opened myself frankly on a question suggested by your letter and -present. And although I have not the honor of your acquaintance, this -mark of attention, and still more the sentiments of esteem so kindly -expressed in your letter, are entitled to a confidence that observations -not intended for the public will not be ushered to their notice, as has -happened to me sometimes. Tranquillity, at my age, is the balm of life. -While I know I am safe in the honor and charity of a McLeod, I do not -wish to be cast forth to the Marats, the Dantons, and the Robespierres -of the priesthood; I mean the Parishes, the Ogdens, and the Gardiners -of Massachusetts. - -I pray you to accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [13] [This is endorsed "not sent."] - - -TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY. - - MONTICELLO, March 16, 1815. - -MY DEAR FRIEND AND ANCIENT COLLEAGUE,--Your letter of February the 19th -has been received with very sincere pleasure. It recalls to memory the -sociability, the friendship, and the harmony of action which united -personal happiness with public duties, during the portion of our lives in -which we acted together. Indeed, the affectionate harmony of our cabinet -is among the sweetest of my recollections. I have just received a letter -of friendship from General Dearborne. He writes me that he is now retiring -from every species of public occupation, to pass the remainder of life -as a private citizen; and he promises me a visit in the course of the -summer. As you hold out a hope of the same gratification, if chance or -purpose could time your visits together, it would make a real jubilee. -But come as you will or as you can, it will always be joy enough to -me. Only you must give me a month's notice; because I go three or four -times a year to a possession ninety miles southwestward, and am absent -a month at a time, and the mortification would be indelible of losing -such a visit by a mistimed absence. You will find me in habitual good -health, great contentedness, enfeebled in body, impaired in memory, but -without decay in my friendships. - -Great, indeed, have been the revolutions in the world, since you and I -have had anything to do with it. To me they have been like the howlings -of the winter storm over the battlements, while warm in my bed. The -unprincipled tyrant of the land is fallen, his power reduced to its -original nothingness, his person only not yet in the mad-house, where -it ought always to have been. His equally unprincipled competitor, the -tyrant of the ocean, in the mad-house indeed, in person, but his power -still stalking over the deep. "_Quem deus vult perdere, prius dementat._" -The madness is acknowledged; the perdition of course impending. Are we -to be the instruments? A friendly, a just, and a reasonable conduct -on their part, might make us the main pillar of their prosperity and -existence. But their deep-rooted hatred to us seems to be the means -which Providence permits to lead them to their final catastrophe. -"_Nullam enim in terris gentem esse, nullum infestiorem populum, nomini -Romano_," said the General who erased Capua from the list of powers. -What nourishment and support would not England receive from an hundred -millions of industrious descendants, whom some of her people now born -will live to see here? What their energies are, she has lately tried. -And what has she not to fear from an hundred millions of such men, if -she continues her maniac course of hatred and hostility to them. I hope -in God she will change. There is not a nation on the globe with whom I -have more earnestly wished a friendly intercourse on equal conditions. -On no other would I hold out the hand of friendship to any. I know that -their creatures represent me as personally an enemy to England. But fools -only can believe this, or those who think me a fool. I am an enemy to -her insults and injuries. I am an enemy to the flagitious principles of -her administration, and to those which govern her conduct towards other -nations. But would she give to morality some place in her political -code, and especially would she exercise decency, and at least neutral -passions towards us, there is not, I repeat it, a people on earth with -whom I would sacrifice so much to be in friendship. They can do us, as -enemies, more harm than any other nation; and in peace and in war, they -have more means of disturbing us internally. Their merchants established -among us, the bonds by which our own are chained to their feet, and the -banking combinations interwoven with the whole, have shown the extent -of their control, even during a war with her. They are the workers of -all the embarrassments our finances have experienced during the war. -Declaring themselves bankrupt, they have been able still to chain the -government to a dependence on them, and had the war continued, they would -have reduced us to the inability to command a single dollar. They dared -to proclaim that they would not pay their own paper obligations, yet our -government could not venture to avail themselves of this opportunity -of sweeping their paper from the circulation, and substituting their -own notes bottomed on specific taxes for redemption, which every one -would have eagerly taken and trusted, rather than the baseless trash of -bankrupt companies; our government, I say, have still been overawed from -a contest with them, and has even countenanced and strengthened their -influence, by proposing new establishments, with authority to swindle -yet greater sums from our citizens. This is the British influence to -which I am an enemy, and which we must subject to our government, or it -will subject us to that of Britain. - - * * * * * - -Come, and gratify, by seeing you once more, a friend who assures you -with sincerity of his constant and affectionate attachment and respect. - - -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, March 17, 1815. - -MY DEAR GENERAL, FRIEND, AND ANCIENT COLLEAGUE,--I have received your -favor of February the 27th, with very great pleasure, and sincerely -reciprocate congratulations on late events. Peace was indeed desirable; -yet it would not have been as welcome without the successes of New -Orleans. These last have established truths too important not to be -valued; that the people of Louisiana are sincerely attached to the -Union; that their city can be defended; that the western States make its -defence their peculiar concern; that the militia are brave; that their -deadly aim countervails the manœuvering skill of their enemy; that we -have officers of natural genius now starting forward from the mass; and -that, putting together all our conflicts, we can beat the British by -sea and by land, with equal numbers. All this being now proved, I am -glad of the pacification of Ghent, and shall still be more so, if, by -a reasonable arrangement against impressment, they will make it truly -a treaty of peace, and not a mere truce, as we must all consider it, -until the principle of the war is settled. Nor, among the incidents of -the war, will we forget your services. After the disasters produced by -the treason or the cowardice, or both, of Hull, and the follies of some -others, your capture of York and Fort George, first turned the tide of -success in our favor; and the subsequent campaigns sufficiently wiped -away the disgrace of the first. If it were justifiable to look to your -own happiness only, your resolution to retire from all public business -could not but be approved. But you are too young to ask a discharge as -yet, and the public counsels too much needing the wisdom of our ablest -citizens, to relinquish their claim on you. And surely none needs your -aid more than your own State. Oh, Massachusetts! how have I lamented -the degradation of your apostasy! Massachusetts, with whom I went -with pride in 1776, whose vote was my vote on every public question, -and whose principles were then the standard of whatever was free or -fearless. But she was then under the counsels of the two Adamses; while -Strong, her present leader, was promoting petitions for submission to -British power and British usurpation. While under her present counsels, -she must be contented to be nothing; as having a vote, indeed, to be -counted, but not respected. But should the State once more buckle on -her republican harness, we shall receive her again as a sister, and -recollect her wanderings among the crimes only of the parricide party, -which would have basely sold what their fathers so bravely won from the -same enemy. Let us look forward, then, to the act of repentance, which, -by dismissing her venal traitors, shall be the signal of return to the -bosom and to the principles of her brethren; and if her late humiliation -can just give her modesty enough to suppose that her southern brethren -are somewhat on a par with her in wisdom, in information, in patriotism, -in bravery, and even in honesty, although not in psalm singing, she -will more justly estimate her own relative momentum in the Union. With -her ancient principles, she would really be great, if she did not think -herself the whole. I should be pleased to hear that you go into her -counsels, and assist in bringing her back to those principles, and to -a sober satisfaction with her proportionable share in the direction of -our affairs. - - * * * * * - -Be so good as to lay my homage at the feet of Mrs. Dearborne and be -assured that I am ever and affectionately yours. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, March 23, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--I duly received your favor of the 12th, and with it the -pamphlet on the causes and conduct of the war, which I now return. I -have read it with great pleasure, but with irresistible desire that -it should be published. The reasons in favor of this are strong, and -those against it are so easily gotten over, that there appears to me -no balance between them. 1. We need it in Europe. They have totally -mistaken our character. Accustomed to rise at a feather themselves, -and to be always fighting, they will see in our conduct, fairly stated, -that acquiescence under wrong, to a certain degree, is wisdom, and not -pusillanimity; and that peace and happiness are preferable to that false -honor which, by eternal wars, keeps their people in eternal labor, want, -and wretchedness. 2. It is necessary for the people of England, who -have been deceived as to the causes and conduct of the war, and do not -entertain a doubt, that it was entirely wanton and wicked on our part, -and under the order of Bonaparte. By rectifying their ideas, it will -tend to that conciliation which is absolutely necessary to the peace and -prosperity of both nations. 3. It is necessary for our own people, who, -although they have known the details as they went along, yet have been -so plied with false facts and false views by the federalists, that some -impression has been left that all has not been right. It may be said -that it will be thought unfriendly. But truths necessary for our own -character, must not be suppressed out of tenderness to its calumniators. -Although written, generally, with great moderation, there may be some -things in the pamphlet which may perhaps irritate. The characterizing -every act, for example, by its appropriate epithet, is not necessary to -show its deformity to an intelligent reader. The naked narrative will -present it truly to his mind, and the more strongly, from its moderation, -as he will perceive that no exaggeration is aimed at. Rubbing down these -roughnesses, and they are neither many nor prominent, and preserving -the original date, might, I think, remove all the offensiveness, and -give more effect to the publication. Indeed, I think that a soothing -postscript, addressed to the interests, the prospects, and the sober -reason of both nations, would make it acceptable to both. The trifling -expense of reprinting it ought not to be considered a moment. Mr. Gallatin -could have it translated into French, and suffer it to get abroad in -Europe without either avowal or disavowal. But it would be useful to -print some copies of an appendix, containing all the documents referred -to, to be preserved in libraries, and to facilitate to the present and -future writers of history, the acquisition of the materials which test -the truth it contains. - -I sincerely congratulate you on the peace, and, more especially on the -eclat with which the war was closed. The affair of New Orleans was fraught -with useful lessons to ourselves, our enemies, and our friends, and will -powerfully influence our future relations with the nations of Europe. It -will show them we mean to take no part in their wars, and count no odds -when engaged in our own. I presume that, having spared to the pride of -England her formal acknowledgment of the atrocity of impressment in an -article of the treaty, she will concur in a convention for relinquishing -it. Without this, she must understand that the present is but a truce, -determinable on the first act of impressment of an American citizen, -committed by any officer of hers. Would it not be better that this -convention should be a separate act, unconnected with any treaty of -commerce, and made an indispensable preliminary to all other treaty? If -blended with a treaty of commerce, she will make it the price of injurious -concessions. Indeed, we are infinitely better without such treaties with -any nation. We cannot too distinctly detach ourselves from the European -system, which is essentially belligerent, nor too sedulously cultivate -an American system, essentially pacific. But if we go into commercial -treaties at all, they should be with all, at the same time, with whom we -have important commercial relations. France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, -Denmark, Sweden, Russia, all should proceed _pari passu_. Our ministers -marching in phalanx on the same line, and intercommunicating freely, -each will be supported by the weight of the whole mass, and the facility -with which the other nations will agree to equal terms of intercourse, -will discountenance the selfish higglings of England, or justify our -rejection of them. Perhaps, with all of them, it would be best to have -but the single article _gentis amicissimæ_, leaving everything else to -the usages and courtesies of civilized nations. But all these things -will occur to yourself, with their counter-consideration. - -Mr. Smith wrote to me on the transportation of the library, and, -particularly, that it is submitted to your direction. He mentioned, also, -that Dougherty would be engaged to superintend it. No one will more -carefully and faithfully execute all those duties which would belong -to a wagon master. But it requires a character acquainted with books, -to receive the library. I am now employing as many hours of every day -as my strength will permit, in arranging the books, and putting every -one in its place on the shelves, corresponding with its order on the -catalogue, and shall have them numbered correspondently. This operation -will employ me a considerable time yet. Then I should wish a competent -agent to attend, and, with the catalogue in his hand, see that every -book is on the shelves, and have their lids nailed on, one by one, as -he proceeds. This would take such a person about two days; after which, -Dougherty's business would be the mere mechanical removal, at convenience. -I enclose you a letter from Mr. Milligan, offering his service, which -would not cost more than eight or ten days' reasonable compensation. -This is necessary for my safety and your satisfaction, as a just caution -for the public. You know that there are persons, both in and out of the -public councils, who will seize every occasion of imputation on either of -us, the more difficult to be repelled in this case, in which a negative -could not be proved. If you approve of it, therefore, as soon as I am -through the review, I will give notice to Mr. Milligan, or any other -person you will name, to come on immediately. Indeed it would be well -worth while to add to his duty, that of covering the books with a little -paper, (the good bindings, at least,) and filling the vacancies of the -presses with paper parings, to be brought from Washington. This would -add little more to the time, as he could carry on both operations at once. - -Accept the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and -respect. - - -TO MR. GIRARDIN. - - MONTICELLO, March 27, 1815. - -I return your 14th chapter with only two or three unimportant alterations -as usual, and with a note suggested, of doubtful admissibility. I believe -it would be acceptable to the reader of every nation except England, and -I do not suppose that, even without it, your book will be a popular one -there, however you will decide for yourself. - -As to what is to be said of myself, I of course am not the judge. But -my sincere wish is that the faithful historian, like the able surgeon, -would consider me in his hands, while living, as a dead subject, that -the same judgment may now be expressed which will be rendered hereafter, -so far as my small agency in human affairs may attract future notice; -and I would of choice now stand as at the bar of posterity, "_Cum semel -occidaris, et de te ultima Minos Fecerit arbitria_." The only exact -testimony of a man is his actions, leaving the reader to pronounce on -them his own judgment. In anticipating this, too little is safer than -too much; and I sincerely assure you that you will please me most by a -rigorous suppression of all friendly partialities. This candid expression -of sentiments once delivered, passive silence becomes the future duty. - -It is with real regret I inform you that the day of delivering the library -is close at hand. A letter by last mail informs me that Mr. Millegan is -ordered to come on the instant I am ready to deliver. I shall complete -the arrangement of the books on Saturday. There will then remain only to -paste on them their numbers, which will be begun on Sunday. Of this Mr. -Millegan has notice, and may be expected every hour after Monday next. -He will examine the books by the catalogue, and nail up the presses, -one by one, as he gets through them. But it is indispensable for me to -have all the books in their places when we begin to number them, and it -would be a great convenience to have all you can do without now, to put -them into the places they should occupy. Ancient history is numbered. -Modern history comes next. The bearer carries a basket to receive what -he can bring of those you are done with. I salute you with friendship -and respect. - - -TO MR. BARROW. - - MONTICELLO, May 1, 1815. - -SIR,--I have duly received your favor of March 20th, and am truly -thankful for the favorable sentiments expressed in it towards myself. -If, in the course of my life, it has been in any degree useful to the -cause of humanity, the fact itself bears its full reward. The particular -subject of the pamphlet you enclosed me was one of early and tender -consideration with me, and had I continued in the councils of my own -State, it should never have been out of sight. The only practicable -plan I could ever devise is stated under the 14th quære of the Notes on -Virginia, and it is still the one most sound in my judgment. Unhappily it -is a case for which both parties require long and difficult preparation. -The mind of the master is to be apprized by reflection, and strengthened -by the energies of conscience, against the obstacles of self interest -to an acquiescence in the rights of others; that of the slave is to -be prepared by instruction and habit for self government, and for the -honest pursuits of industry and social duty. Both of these courses of -preparation require time, and the former must precede the latter. Some -progress is sensibly made in it; yet not so much as I had hoped and -expected. But it will yield in time to temperate and steady pursuit, to -the enlargement of the human mind, and its advancement in science. We -are not in a world ungoverned by the laws and the power of a superior -agent. Our efforts are in his hand, and directed by it; and he will -give them their effect in his own time. Where the disease is most deeply -seated, there it will be slowest in eradication. In the northern States -it was merely superficial, and easily corrected. In the southern it is -incorporated with the whole system, and requires time, patience, and -perseverance in the curative process. That it may finally be effected, -and its progress hastened, will be the last and fondest prayer of him -who now salutes you with respect and consideration. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - MONTICELLO, May 15, 1815. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,--The newspapers tell us you are arrived in the United -States. I congratulate my country on this as a manifestation that you -consider its civil advantages as more than equivalent to the physical -comforts and social delights of a country which possesses both in the -highest degree of any one on earth. You despair of your country, and so -do I. A military despotism is now fixed upon it permanently, especially if -the son of the tyrant should have virtues and talents. What a treat would -it be to me, to be with you, and to learn from you all the intrigues, -apostasies and treacheries which have produced this last death's blow -to the hopes of France. For, although not in the will, there was in the -imbecility of the Bourbons a foundation of hope that the patriots of -France might obtain a moderate representative government. Here you will -find rejoicings on this event, and by a strange _qui pro quo_, not by -the party hostile to liberty, but by its zealous friends. In this they -see nothing but the scourge reproduced for the back of England, they do -not permit themselves to see in it the blast of all the hopes of mankind, -and that however it may jeopardize England, it gives to her self-defence -the lying countenance again of being the sole champion of the rights of -man, to which in all other nations she is most adverse. I wrote to you -on the 28th of February, by a Mr. Ticknor, then proposing to sail for -France, but the conclusion of peace induced him to go first to England. -I hope he will keep my letter out of the post offices of France; for it -was written for the inspection of those now in power. You will now be -a witness of our deplorable ignorance in finance and political economy -generally. I mentioned in my letter of February that I was endeavoring -to get your memoir on that subject printed. I have not yet succeeded. I -am just setting out to a distant possession of mine, and shall be absent -three weeks. God bless you. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, June 10, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--It is long since we have exchanged a letter, and yet what -volumes might have been written on the occurrences even of the last three -months. In the first place, peace, God bless it! has returned to put us -all again into a course of lawful and laudable pursuits; a new trial of -the Bourbons has proved to the world their incompetence to the functions -of the station they have occupied; and the recall of the usurper has -clothed him with the semblance of a legitimate autocrat. If adversity -should have taught him wisdom, of which I have little expectation, he may -yet render some service to mankind, by teaching the ancient dynasties -that they can be changed for misrule, and by wearing down the maritime -power of England to limitable and safe dimensions. But it is not possible -he should love us; and of that our commerce had sufficient proof during -his power. Our military achievements, indeed, which he is capable of -estimating, may, in some degree, moderate the effect of his aversions; -and he may perhaps fancy that we are to become the natural enemies of -England, as England herself has so steadily endeavored to make us, and -as some of our own over-zealous patriots would be willing to proclaim; -and, in this view, he may admit a cold toleration of some intercourse -and commerce between the two nations. He has certainly had time to see -the folly of turning the industry of France from the cultures for which -nature has so highly endowed her, to those of sugar, cotton, tobacco, -and others, which the same creative power has given to other climates; -and, on the whole, if he can conquer the passions of his tyrannical soul, -if he has understanding enough to pursue from motives of interest, what -no moral motives lead him to, the tranquil happiness and prosperity of -his country, rather than a ravenous thirst for human blood, his return -may become of more advantage than injury to us. And if, again, some -great man could arise in England, who could see and correct the follies -of his nation in their conduct as to us, and by exercising justice and -comity towards ours, bring both into a state of temperate and useful -friendship, it is possible we might thus attain the place we ought to -occupy between these two nations, without being degraded to the condition -of mere partisans of either. - -A little time will now inform us, whether France, within its proper -limits, is big enough for its ruler, on the one hand, and whether, on the -other, the allied powers are either wicked or foolish enough to attempt -the forcing on the French a ruler and government which they refuse? -Whether they will risk their own thrones to re-establish that of the -Bourbons? If this is attempted, and the European world again committed -to war, will the jealousy of England at the commerce which neutrality -will give us, induce her again to add us to the number of her enemies, -rather than see us prosper in the pursuit of peace and industry? And -have our commercial citizens merited from their country its encountering -another war to protect their gambling enterprises? That the persons -of our citizens shall be safe in freely traversing the ocean, that the -transportation of our own produce, in our own vessels, to the markets -of our choice, and the return to us of the articles we want for our own -use, shall be unmolested, I hold to be fundamental, and the gauntlet -that must be for ever hurled at him who questions it. But whether we -shall engage in every war of Europe, to protect the mere agency of our -merchants and ship-owners in carrying on the commerce of other nations, -even were these merchants and ship-owners to take the side of their -country in the contest, instead of that of the enemy, is a question of -deep and serious consideration, with which, however, you and I shall -have nothing to do; so we will leave it to those whom it will concern. - -I thank you for making known to me Mr. Ticknor and Mr. Gray. They are fine -young men, indeed, and if Massachusetts can raise a few more such, it is -probable she would be better counselled as to social rights and social -duties. Mr. Ticknor is, particularly, the best bibliograph I have met -with, and very kindly and opportunely offered me the means of re-procuring -some part of the literary treasures which I have ceded to Congress, to -replace the devastations of British Vandalism at Washington. I cannot -live without books. But fewer will suffice, where amusement, and not -use, is the only future object. I am about sending him a catalogue, to -which less than his critical knowledge of books would hardly be adequate. - -Present my high respects to Mrs. Adams, and accept yourself the assurance -of my affectionate attachment. - - -TO MR. W. H. TORRANCE. - - MONTICELLO, June 11, 1815. - -SIR,--I received a few days ago your favor of May 5th, stating a question -on a law of the State of Georgia which suspends judgments for a limited -time, and asking my opinion whether it may be valid under the inhibition -of our constitution to pass laws impairing the obligations of contracts. -It is more than forty years since I have quitted the practice of the -law, and been engaged in vocations which furnished little occasion of -preserving a familiarity with that science. I am far, therefore, from -being qualified to decide on the problems it presents, and certainly -not disposed to obtrude in a case where gentlemen have been consulted -of the first qualifications, and of actual and daily familiarity with -the subject, especially too in a question on the law of another State. -We have in this State a law resembling in some degree that you quote, -suspending executions until a year after the treaty of peace; but no -question under it has been raised before the courts. It is also, I -believe, expected that when this shall expire, in consideration of the -absolute impossibility of procuring coin to satisfy judgments, a law -will be passed, similar to that passed in England, on suspending the -cash payments of their bank, that provided that on refusal by a party to -receive notes of the Bank of England in any case either of past or future -contracts, the judgment should be suspended during the continuance of -that act, bearing, however, legal interest. They seemed to consider that -it was not this law which changed the conditions of the contract, but the -circumstances which had arisen, and had rendered its literal execution -impossible; by the disappearance of the metallic medium stipulated by -the contract, that the parties not concurring in a reasonable and just -accommodation, it became the duty of the legislature to arbitrate between -them; and that less restrained than the Duke of Venice by the letter of -decree, they were free to adjudge to Shylock a reasonable equivalent. -And I believe that in our States this umpirage of the legislatures has -been generally interposed in cases where a literal execution of contract -has, by a change of circumstances, become impossible, or, if enforced, -would produce a disproportion between the subject of the contract and its -price, which the parties did not contemplate at the time of the contract. - -The second question, whether the judges are invested with exclusive -authority to decide on the constitutionality of a law, has been heretofore -a subject of consideration with me in the exercise of official duties. -Certainly there is not a word in the constitution which has given -that power to them more than to the executive or legislative branches. -Questions of property, of character and of crime being ascribed to the -judges, through a definite course of legal proceeding, laws involving -such questions belong, of course, to them; and as they decide on them -ultimately and without appeal, they of course decide _for themselves_. The -constitutional validity of the law or laws again prescribing executive -action, and to be administered by that branch ultimately and without -appeal, the executive must decide for _themselves_ also, whether, under -the constitution, they are valid or not. So also as to laws governing -the proceedings of the legislature, that body must judge _for itself_ -the constitutionality of the law, and equally without appeal or control -from its co-ordinate branches. And, in general, that branch which is to -act ultimately, and without appeal, on any law, is the rightful expositor -of the validity of the law, uncontrolled by the opinions of the other -co-ordinate authorities. It may be said that contradictory decisions may -arise in such case, and produce inconvenience. This is possible, and is -a necessary failing in all human proceedings. Yet the prudence of the -public functionaries, and authority of public opinion, will generally -produce accommodation. Such an instance of difference occurred between -the judges of England (in the time of Lord Holt) and the House of -Commons, but the prudence of those bodies prevented inconvenience from -it. So in the cases of Duane and of William Smith of South Carolina, -whose characters of citizenship stood precisely on the same ground, the -judges in a question of meum and tuum which came before them, decided -that Duane was not a citizen; and in a question of membership, the -House of Representatives, under the same words of the same provision, -adjudged William Smith to be a citizen. Yet no inconvenience has ensued -from these contradictory decisions. This is what I believe myself to -be sound. But there is another opinion entertained by some men of such -judgment and information as to lessen my confidence in my own. That is, -that the legislature alone is the exclusive expounder of the sense of -the constitution, in every part of it whatever. And they allege in its -support, that this branch has authority to impeach and punish a member -of either of the others acting contrary to its declaration of the sense -of the constitution. It may indeed be answered, that an act may still be -valid although the party is punished for it, right or wrong. However, -this opinion which ascribes exclusive exposition to the legislature, -merits respect for its safety, there being in the body of the nation a -control over them, which, if expressed by rejection on the subsequent -exercise of their elective franchise, enlists public opinion against their -exposition, and encourages a judge or executive on a future occasion to -adhere to their former opinion. Between these two doctrines, every one -has a right to choose, and I know of no third meriting any respect. - -I have thus, Sir, frankly, without the honor of your acquaintance, -confided to you my opinion; trusting assuredly that no use will be made -of it which shall commit me to the contentions of the newspapers. From -that field of disquietude my age asks exemption, and permission to enjoy -the privileged tranquillity of a private and unmeddling citizen. In this -confidence accept the assurances of my respect and consideration. - - -TO MR. LEIPER. - - MONTICELLO, June 12, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--A journey soon after the receipt of your favor of April the -17th, and an absence from home of some continuance, have prevented my -earlier acknowledgment of it. In that came safely my letter of January -the 2d, 1814. In our principles of government we differ not at all; -nor in the general object and tenor of political measures. We concur -in considering the government of England as totally without morality, -insolent beyond bearing, inflated with vanity and ambition, aiming at -the exclusive dominion of the sea, lost in corruption, of deep-rooted -hatred towards us, hostile to liberty wherever it endeavors to show -its head, and the eternal disturber of the peace of the world. In our -estimate of Bonaparte, I suspect we differ. I view him as a political -engine only, and a very wicked one; you, I believe, as both political -and religious, and obeying, as an instrument, an unseen hand. I still -deprecate his becoming sole lord of the continent of Europe, which he -would have been, had he reached in triumph the gates of St. Petersburg. -The establishment in our day of another Roman empire, spreading vassalage -and depravity over the face of the globe, is not, I hope, within the -purposes of Heaven. Nor does the return of Bonaparte give me pleasure -unmixed; I see in his expulsion of the Bourbons, a valuable lesson to -the world, as showing that its ancient dynasties may be changed for -their misrule. Should the allied powers presume to dictate a ruler and -government to France, and follow the example he had set of parcelling -and usurping to themselves their neighbor nations, I hope he will give -them another lesson in vindication of the rights of independence and -self-government, which himself had heretofore so much abused; and that -in this contest he will wear down the maritime power of England to -limitable and safe dimensions. So far, good. It cannot be denied, on -the other hand, that his successful perversion of the force (committed -to him for vindicating the rights and liberties of his country) to -usurp its government, and to enchain it under an hereditary despotism, -is of baneful effect in encouraging future usurpations, and deterring -those under oppression from rising to redress themselves. His restless -spirit leaves no hope of peace to the world; and his hatred of us is -only a little less than that he bears to England, and England to us. -Our form of government is odious to him, as a standing contrast between -republican and despotic rule; and as much from that hatred, as from -ignorance in political economy, he had excluded intercourse between us -and his people, by prohibiting the only articles they wanted from us, -that is, cotton and tobacco. Whether the war we have had with England, -and the achievements of that war, and the hope that we may become his -instruments and partisans against that enemy, may induce him, in future, -to tolerate our commercial intercourse with his people, is still to be -seen. For my part, I wish that all nations may recover and retain their -independence; that those which are overgrown may not advance beyond safe -measures of power, that a salutary balance may be ever maintained among -nations, and that our peace, commerce, and friendship, may be sought -and cultivated by all. It is our business to manufacture for ourselves -whatever we can, to keep our markets open for what we can spare or want; -and the less we have to do with the amities or enmities of Europe, the -better. Not in our day, but at no distant one, we may shake a rod over -the heads of all, which may make the stoutest of them tremble. But I -hope our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us, that the less -we use our power, the greater it will be. - -The federal misrepresentation of my sentiments, which occasioned my -former letter to you, was gross enough; but that and all others are -exceeded by the impudence and falsehood of the printed extract you -sent me from Ralph's paper. That a continuance of the embargo for two -months longer would have prevented our war; that the non-importation law -which succeeded it was a wise and powerful measure, I have constantly -maintained. My friendship for Mr. Madison, my confidence in his wisdom -and virtue, and my approbation of all his measures, and especially of his -taking up at length the gauntlet against England, is known to all with -whom I have ever conversed or corresponded on these measures. The word -_federal_, or its synonyma _lie_, may therefore be written under every -word of Mr. Ralph's paragraph. I have ransacked my memory to recollect -any incident which might have given countenance to any particle of it, -but I find none. For if you will except the bringing into power and -importance those who were enemies to himself as well as to the principles -of republican government, I do not recollect a single measure of the -President which I have not approved. Of those under him, and of some very -near him, there have been many acts of which we have all disapproved, -and he more than we. We have at times dissented from the measures, -and lamented the dilatoriness of Congress. I recollect an instance the -first winter of the war, when, from sloth of proceedings, an embargo was -permitted to run through the winter, while the enemy could not cruise, -nor consequently restrain the exportation of our whole produce, and was -taken off in the spring, as soon as they could resume their stations. -But this procrastination is unavoidable. How can expedition be expected -from a body which we have saddled with an hundred lawyers, whose trade -is talking? But lies, to sow division among us, is so stale an artifice -of the federal prints, and are so well understood, that they need neither -contradiction nor explanation. As to myself, my confidence in the wisdom -and integrity of the administration is so entire, that I scarcely notice -what is passing, and have almost ceased to read newspapers. Mine remain -in our post office a week or ten days, sometimes, unasked for. I find -more amusement in studies to which I was always more attached, and from -which I was dragged by the events of the times in which I have happened -to live. - -I rejoice exceedingly that our war with England was single-handed. In -that of the Revolution, we had France, Spain, and Holland on our side, -and the credit of its success was given to them. On the late occasion, -unprepared and unexpecting war, we were compelled to declare it, and to -receive the attack of England, just issuing from a general war, fully -armed, and freed from all other enemies, and have not only made her -sick of it, but glad to prevent, by peace, the capture of her adjacent -possessions, which one or two campaigns more would infallibly have made -ours. She has found that we can do her more injury than any other enemy -on earth, and henceforward will better estimate the value of our peace. -But whether her government has power, in opposition to the aristocracy -of her navy, to restrain their piracies within the limits of national -rights, may well be doubted. I pray, therefore, for peace, as best for -all the world, best for us, and best for me, who have already lived to -see three wars, and now pant for nothing more than to be permitted to -depart in peace. That you also, who have longer to live, may continue to -enjoy this blessing with health and prosperity, through as long a life -as you desire, is the prayer of yours affectionately. - -P. S. June the 14th.--Before I had sent my letter to the post office, I -received the new treaty of the allied powers, declaring that the French -nation shall not have Bonaparte, and shall have Louis XVIII. for their -ruler. They are all then as great rascals as Bonaparte himself. While he -was in the wrong, I wished him exactly as much success as would answer -our purposes, and no more. Now that they are wrong and he in the right, -he shall have all my prayers for success, and that he may dethrone every -man of them. - - -TO MR. MAURY. - - MONTICELLO, June 15, 1815. - -I congratulate you, my dear and ancient friend, on the return of peace, -and the restoration of intercourse between our two countries. What has -passed may be a lesson to both of the injury which either can do the -other, and the peace now opened may show what would be the value of a -cordial friendship; and I hope the first moments of it will be employed -to remove the stumbling block which must otherwise keep us eternal -enemies. I mean the impressment of our citizens. This was the sole object -of the continuance of the late war, which the repeal of the orders of -council would otherwise have ended at its beginning. If according to our -estimates, England impressed into her navy 6,000 of our citizens, let -her count the cost of the war, and a greater number of men lost in it, -and she will find this resource for manning her navy the most expensive -she can adopt, each of these men having cost her £30,000 sterling, and a -man of her own besides. On that point we have thrown away the scabbard, -and the moment an European war brings her back to this practice, adds us -again to her enemies. But I hope an arrangement is already made on this -subject. Have you no statesmen who can look forward two or three score -years? It is but forty years since the battle of Lexington. One-third of -those now living saw that day, when we were about two millions of people, -and have lived to see this, when we are ten millions. One-third of those -now living, who see us at ten millions, will live another forty years, and -see us forty millions; and looking forward only through such a portion -of time as has passed since you and I were scanning Virgil together, -(which I believe is near three score years,) we shall be seen to have a -population of eighty millions, and of not more than double the average -density of the present. What may not such a people be worth to England -as customers and friends? and what might she not apprehend from such -a nation as enemies? Now, what is the price we ask for our friendship? -Justice, and the comity usually observed between nation and nation. Would -there not be more of dignity in this, more character and satisfaction, -than in her teasings and harassings, her briberies and intrigues, to -sow party discord among us, which can never have more effect here than -the opposition within herself has there; which can never obstruct the -begetting children, the efficient source of growth; and by nourishing a -deadly hatred, will only produce and hasten events which both of us, in -moments of sober reflection, should deplore and deprecate. One half of the -attention employed in decent observances towards our government, would -be worth more to her than all the Yankee duperies played off upon her, -at a great expense on her part of money and meanness, and of nourishment -to the vices and treacheries of the Henrys and Hulls of both nations. As -we never can be at war with any other nation, (for no other nation can -get at us but Spain, and her own people will manage her,) the idea may -be generated that we are natural enemies, and a calamitous one it will -be to both. I hope in God her government will come to a sense of this, -and will see that honesty and interest are as intimately connected in the -public as in the private code of morality. Her ministers have been weak -enough to believe from the newspapers that Mr. Madison and myself are -personally her enemies. Such an idea is unworthy a man of sense; as we -should have been unworthy our trusts could we have felt such a motive of -public action. No two men in the United States have more sincerely wished -for cordial friendship with her; not as her vassals or dirty partisans, -but as members of co-equal States, respecting each other, and sensible -of the good as well as the harm each is capable of doing the other. On -this ground there was never a moment we did not wish to embrace her. -But repelled by their aversions, feeling their hatred at every point -of contact, and justly indignant at its supercilious manifestations, -that happened which has happened, that will follow which must follow, -in progressive ratio, while such dispositions continue to be indulged. -I hope they will see this, and do their part towards healing the minds -and cooling the temper of both nations. The irritation here is great -and general, because the mode of warfare both on the maritime and inland -frontiers has been most exasperating. We perceive the English passions -to be high also, nourished by the newspapers, that first of all human -contrivances for generating war. But it is the office of the rulers on -both sides to rise above these vulgar vehicles of passion; to assuage -angry feelings, and by examples and expressions of mutual regard in -their public intercourse, to lead their citizens into good temper with -each other. No one feels more indignation than myself when reflecting on -the insults and injuries of that country to this. But the interests of -both require that these should be left to history, and in the meantime -be smothered in the living mind. I have indeed little personal concern -in it. Time is drawing her curtain on me. But I should make my bow with -more satisfaction, if I had more hope of seeing our countries shake hands -together cordially. In this sentiment I am sure you are with me, and -this assurance must apologize for my indulging myself in expressing it -to you, with that of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect. - - -TO MR. MAURY. - - MONTICELLO, June 16, 1815. - -MY DEAR SIR,--Just as I was about to close my preceding letter, yours of -April 29th is put into my hands, and with it the papers your kindness -forwards to me. I am glad to see in them expressions of regard for our -friendship and intercourse from one side of the houses of parliament. But -I would rather have seen them from the other, if not from both. What comes -from the opposition is understood to be the converse of the sentiments -of the government, and we would not there, as they do here, give up the -government for the opposition. The views of the Prince and his ministers -are unfortunately to be taken from the speech of Earl Bathurst, in one -of the papers you sent me. But what is incomprehensible to me is that -the Marquis of Wellesley, advocating us, on the ground of opposition, -says that "the aggression which led to the war, was from the United -States, not from England." Is there a person in the world who, knowing -the circumstances, thinks this? The acts which produced the war were, -1st, the impressment of our citizens by their ships of war, and, 2d, the -orders of council forbidding our vessels to trade with any country but -England, without going to England to obtain a special license. On the -first subject the British minister declared to our Chargé, Mr. Russel, -that this practice of their ships of war would not be discontinued, and -that no admissible arrangement could be proposed; and as to the second, -the Prince Regent, by his proclamation of April 21st, 1812, declared in -effect solemnly that he would not revoke the orders of council _as to us_, -on the ground that Bonaparte had revoked his decrees _as to us_; that, -on the contrary, we should continue under them until Bonaparte should -revoke _as to all the world_. These categorical and definite answers -put an end to negotiation, and were a declaration of a continuance of -the war in which they had already taken from us one thousand ships and -six thousand seamen. We determined then to defend ourselves, and to -oppose further hostilities by war on our side also. Now, had we taken -one thousand British ships and six thousand of her seamen without any -declaration of war, would the Marquis of Wellesley have considered a -declaration of war by Great Britain as an aggression on her part? They -say we denied their maritime rights. We never denied a single one. It -was their taking our citizens, native as well as naturalized, for which -we went into war, and because they forbade us to trade with any nation -without entering and paying duties in their ports on both the outward -and inward cargo. Thus to carry a cargo of cotton from Savanna to St. -Mary's, and take returns in fruits, for example, our vessel was to go to -England, enter and pay a duty on her cottons there, return to St. Mary's, -then go back to England to enter and pay a duty on her fruits, and then -return to Savanna, after crossing the Atlantic four times, and paying -tributes on both cargoes to England, instead of the direct passage of a -few hours. And the taking ships for not doing this, the Marquis says, is -no aggression. However, it is now all over, and I hope forever over. Yet -I should have had more confidence in this, had the friendly expressions -of the Marquis come from the ministers of the Prince. On the contrary, -we see them scarcely admitting that the war ought to have been ended. -Earl Bathurst shuffles together chaotic ideas merely to darken and cover -the views of the ministers in protracting the war; the truth being, that -they expected to give us an exemplary scourging, to separate from us -the States east of the Hudson, take for their Indian allies those west -of the Ohio, placing three hundred thousand American citizens under the -government of the savages, and to leave the residuum a powerless enemy, -if not submissive subjects. I cannot conceive what is the use of your -Bedlam when such men are out of it. And yet that such were their views -we have evidence, under the hand of their Secretary of State in Henry's -case, and of their Commissioners at Ghent. Even now they insinuate -the peace in Europe has not suspended the practices which produced the -war. I trust, however, they are speaking a different language to our -ministers, and join in the hope you express that the provocations which -occasioned the late rupture will not be repeated. The interruption of -our intercourse with England has rendered us one essential service in -planting radically and firmly coarse manufactures among us. I make in -my family two thousand yards of cloth a year, which I formerly bought -from England, and it only employs a few women, children and invalids, -who could do little on the farm. The State generally does the same, -and allowing ten yards to a person, this amounts to ten millions of -yards; and if we are about the medium degree of manufacturers in the -whole Union, as I believe we are, the whole will amount to one hundred -millions of yards a year, which will soon reimburse us the expenses of -the war. Carding machines in every neighborhood, spinning machines in -large families and wheels in the small, are too radically established -ever to be relinquished. The finer fabrics perhaps, and even probably, -will be sought again in Europe, except broad-cloth, which the vast -multiplication of merinos among us will enable us to make much cheaper -than can be done in Europe. - -Your practice of the cold bath thrice a week during the winter, and at -the age of seventy, is a bold one, which I should not, _à priori_, have -pronounced salutary. But all theory must yield to experience, and every -constitution has its own laws. I have for fifty years bathed my feet in -cold water every morning (as you mention), and having been remarkably -exempted from colds (not having had one in every seven years of my life -on an average), I have supposed it might be ascribed to that practice. -When we see two facts accompanying one another for a long time, we are -apt to suppose them related as cause and effect. - -Our tobacco trade is strangely changed. We no longer know how to fit -the plant to the market. Differences of from four to twelve dollars the -hundred are now made on qualities appearing to us entirely whimsical. -The British orders of council had obliged us to abandon the culture -generally; we are now, however, returning to it, and experience will -soon decide what description of lands may continue it to advantage. -Those which produce the qualities under seven or eight dollars, must, -I think, relinquish it finally. Your friends here are well as far as I -have heard. So I hope you are; and that you may continue so as long as -you shall think the continuance of life itself desirable, is the prayer -of yours sincerely and affectionately. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, June 20, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--The fit of recollection came upon both of us so nearly at -the same time, that I may, some time or other, begin to think there -is something in Priestley's and Hartley's vibrations. The day before -yesterday I sent to the post-office a letter to you, and last night I -received your kind favor of the 10th. - -The question before the human race is, whether the God of Nature shall -govern the world by his own laws, or whether priests and kings shall -rule it by fictitious miracles? Or, in other words, whether authority is -originally in the people? or whether it has descended for 1800 years in -a succession of popes and bishops, or brought down from heaven by the -Holy Ghost in the form of a dove, in a phial of holy oil? - -Who shall take the side of God and Nature? Brachmans? Mandarins? Druids? -or Tecumseh and his brother the prophet? Or shall we become disciples -of the Philosophers? And who are the Philosophers? Frederic? Voltaire? -Rousseau? Buffon? Diderot? or Condorsett? These philosophers have shown -themselves as incapable of governing mankind, as the Bourbons or the -Guelphs. Condorsett has let the cat out of the bag. He has made precious -confessions. I regret that I have only an English translation of his -"Outlines of an Historical View of the Progress of the Human mind." But -in pages 247, 248, and 249, you will find it frankly acknowledged, that -the philosophers of the eighteenth century, adopted all the maxims, -and practiced all the arts of the Pharisees, the ancient priests of all -countries, the Jesuits, the Machiavillians, &c., &c., to overthrow the -institutions that such arts had established. This new philosophy was, by -his own account, as insidious, fraudulent, hypocritical, and cruel, as -the old policy of the priests, nobles, and kings. When and where were -ever found, or will be found, sincerity, honesty, or veracity, in any -sect or party in religion, government, or philosophy? Johnson and Burke -were more of Catholics than Protestants at heart, and Gibbon became an -advocate for the inquisition. - -There is no act of uniformity in the Church, or State, philosophic. -As many sects and systems among them, as among Quakers and Baptists. -Bonaparte will not revive inquisitions, Jesuits, or slave trade, for -which habitudes the Bourbons have been driven again into exile. - -We shall get along with, or without war. I have at last procured the -Marquis D'Argens' Occellus, Timæus, and Julian. Three such volumes I -never read. They are a most perfect exemplification of Condorsett's -precious confessions. It is astonishing they have not made more noise -in the world. Our Athanasians have printed in a pamphlet in Boston, your -letters and Priestley's from Belsham's Lindsey. It will do you no harm. -Our correspondence shall not again be so long interrupted. Affectionately. - -Mrs. Adams thanks Mr. Jefferson for his friendly remembrance of her, -and reciprocates to him a thousand good wishes. - -P. S. Ticknor and Gray were highly delighted with their visit; charmed -with the whole family. Have you read Carnot? Is it not afflicting to see -a man of such large views, so many noble sentiments, and such exalted -integrity, groping in the dark for a remedy, a balance, or a mediator -between independence and despotism? How shall his "love of country," -"his honor," and his "national spirit," be produced? - -I cannot write a hundredth part of what I wish to say to you. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, June 22, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Can you give me any information concerning A. G. Camus? -Is he a Chateaubriand? or a Marquis D'Argens? Does he mean to abolish -Christianity? or to restore the Inquisition, the Jesuits, the Pope and -the Devil? - -Within a few days I have received a thing as unexpected to me as an -apparition from the dead: Rapport à l'Institut National. Par A. G. Camus, -imprimè par ordre de l'Institut, Pluviose An XI. - -In page 55 of this report, he says, "Certain pieces which I found in the -chamber of accounts in Brussels, gave me useful indications concerning -the grand collection of the Bollandists; and conducted me to make -researches into the state of that work, unfortunately interrupted at -this day. It would add to the Institute to propose to government the -means of completing it; as it has done with success for the collection -of the historians of France, of diplomas and ordinances.[14]" - -Permit me to dwell a few minutes on this important work. - -"Almost all the history of Europe, and a part of that of the east, from -the seventh century to the thirteenth, is in the lives of personages to -whom have been given the title of Saints. Every one may have remarked, -that in reading history, there is no event of any importance, in civil -order, in which some Bishop, some Abbé, some Monk, or some Saint, did not -take a part. It is, therefore, a great service, rendered by the Jesuits -(known under the name of the Bollandists) to those who would write -history, to have formed the immense collection, extended to fifty-two -volumes in folio, known under the title of the Acts of the Saints. The -service they have rendered to literature, is considerably augmented, by -the insertion, in their acts of the Saints, a great number of diplomas -and dissertations, the greatest part of which are models of criticism. -There is no man, among the learned, who does not interest himself in this -great collection. My intention is not to recall to your recollection -the original authors, or their first labors. We may easily know them -by turning over the leaves of the collection, or if we would find the -result already written, it is in the Historical Library of Mensel, T. -1, part 1, p. 306, or in the Manual of Literary History, by Bougine, T. -2, p. 641. - -"I shall date what I have to say to you only from the epoch of the -suppression of the society, of which the Bollandists were members. - -"At that time, three Jesuits were employed in the collection of the -Acts of the Saints; to wit, the Fathers De Bie, De Bue, and Hubens. -The Father Gesquière, who had also labored at the Acts of the Saints, -reduced a particular collection, entitled Select Fragments from Belgical -Writers, and extracts or references to matters contained in a collection -entitled Museum of Bellarmine. These four monks inhabited the house of -the Jesuits at Antwerp. Independently of the use of the library of the -convent, the Bollandists had their particular library, the most important -portion of which was a state of the Lives of the Saints for every day -of the month, with indications of the books in which were found those -which were already printed, and the original manuscripts, or the copies -of manuscripts, which were not yet printed. They frequently quote this -particular collection in their general collection. The greatest part -of the copies they had assembled, were the fruit of a journey of the -Fathers Papebrock and Henshen, made to Rome in 1660. They remained there -till 1662. Papebrock and his associate brought from Rome copies of seven -hundred Lives of Saints, in Greek or in Latin. The citizen La Serna, -has in his library a copy, taken by himself, from the originals, of the -relation of the journey of Papebrock to Rome, and of the correspondence -of Henshen with his colleagues. The relation and the correspondence are -in Latin. See Catalogue de la Serna, T. 3, N. 3903. - -"After the suppression of the Jesuits, the commissioners apposed their -seals upon the library of the Bollandists, as well as on that of the -Jesuits of Antwerp. But Mr. Girard, then Secretary of the Academy at -Brussels, who is still living, and who furnished me a part of the -documents I use, charged with the inventory and sale of the books, -withdrew those of the Bollandists, and transported them to Brussels. - -"The Academy of Brussels proposed to continue the Acts of the Saints -under its own name, and for this purpose to admit the four Jesuits -into the number of its members. The Father Gesquière alone consented to -this arrangement. The other Jesuits obtained of government, through the -intervention of the Bishop of Newstadt, the assurance, that they might -continue their collection. In effect, the Empress Maria Theresa approved, -by a decree of the 19th of June, 1778, a plan which was presented to -her, for the continuation of the works, both by the Bollandists and of -Gesquière. This plan is in ample detail. It contains twenty articles, -and would be useful to consult, if any persons should resume the Acts -of the Saints. The establishment of the Jesuits was fixed in the Abby of -Candenberg, at Brussels; the library of the Bollandists was transported -to that place; one of the monks of the Abby was associated with them; -and the Father Hubens being dead, was replaced by the Father Berthod, -a Benedictine, who died in 1789. The Abby of Candenberg having been -suppressed, the government assigned to the Bollandists a place in the -ancient College of the Jesuits, at Brussels. They there placed their -library, and went there to live. There they published the fifty-first -volume of their collection in 1786, the fifth tome of the month of -October, printed at Brussels, at the printing press Imperial and Royal, -(in _typis Cæsario regiis_.) They had then two associates, and they -flattered themselves that the Emperor would continue to furnish the -expense of their labors. Nevertheless, in 1788, the establishment of -the Bollandists was suppressed, and they even proposed to sell the -stock of the printed volumes; but, by an instruction (Avis) of the 6th -of December, 1788, the ecclesiastical commission superseded the sale, -till the result could be known of a negociation which the Father De Bie -had commenced with the Abbé of St. Blaise, to establish the authors, -and transport the stock of the work, as well as the materials for its -continuation at St. Blaise. - -"In the meantime, the Abby of Tongerloo offered the government to -purchase the library and stock of the Bollandists, and to cause the -work to be continued by the ancient Bollandists, with the monks of -Tongerloo associated with them. These propositions were accepted. The -Fathers De Bie, De Bue, and Gesquière, removed to Tongerloo; the monks -of Candenberg refused to follow them, though they had been associated -with them. On the entry of the French troops into Belgium, the monks of -Tongerloo quitted their Abby; the Fathers De Bie, and Gesquière, retired -to Germany, where they died; the Father De Bue retired to the City Hall, -heretofore Province of Hainault, his native country. He lives, but is -very aged. One of the monks of Tongerloo, who had been associated with -them, is the Father Heylen; they were not able to inform me of the place -of his residence. Another monk associated with the Bollandists of 1780, -is the Father Fonson, who resides at Brussels. - -"In the midst of these troubles, the Bollandists have caused to be printed -the fifty-second volume of the Acts of the Saints, the sixth volume of -the month of October. The fifty-first volume is not common in commerce, -because the sale of it has been interrupted by the continual changes of -the residence of the Bollandists. The fifty-second volume, or the sixth -of the same month of October, is much more rare. Few persons know its -existence. - -"The citizen La Serna has given me the two hundred and ninety-six first -pages of the volume, which he believes were printed at Tongerloo. He is -persuaded that the rest of the volume exists, and he thinks it was at -Rome that it was finished (_terminé_). - -"The citizen De Herbonville, Prefect of the two Niths at Antwerp, has -made, for about eighteen months, attempts with the ancient Bollandists, -to engage them to resume their labors. They have not had success. Perhaps -the present moment would be the most critical, (opportune,) especially -if the government should consent to give to the Bollandists assurance -of their safety. - -"The essential point would be to make sure of the existence of the -manuscripts which I have indicated; and which, by the relation of the -citizen La Serna, filled a body of a library of about three toises in -length, and two in breadth. If these manuscripts still exist, it is -easy to terminate the Acts of the Saints; because we shall have all the -necessary materials. If these manuscripts are lost, we must despair to -see this collection completed. - -"I have enlarged a little on this digression on the Acts of the Saints, -because it is a work of great importance; and because these documents, -which cannot be obtained with any exactitude but upon the spots, seem -to me to be among the principal objects which your travellers have to -collect, and of which they ought to give you an account." - -Now, my friend Jefferson! I await your observations on this morsel. You -may think I waste my time and yours. I do not think so. If you will look -into the "Nouveau Dictionaire Historique," under the words "Bollandus, -Heinshernius, and Papebrock," you will find more particulars of the rise -and progress of this great work, "The Acts of the Saints." - -I shall make only an observation or two. - -1. The Pope never suppressed the work, and Maria Theresa established -it. It therefore must be Catholic. - -2. Notwithstanding the professions of the Bollandists, to discriminate -the true from the false miracles, and the dubious from both, I suspect -that the false will be found the fewest, the dubious the next, and the -true the most numerous of all. - -3. From all that I have read, of the legends, of the lives, and writings -of the saints, and even of the Fathers, and of ecclesiastical history in -general, I have no doubt that the _Acta Sanctorum_ is the most enormous -mass of lies, frauds, hypocrisy, and imposture, that ever was heaped -together on this globe. If it were impartially consulted, it would do -more to open the eyes of mankind, than all the philosophers of the 18th -century, who were as great hypocrites as any of the philosophers or -theologians of antiquity. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [14] "The Committee of the Institute, for proposing and - superintending the literary labors, in the month of Frimaire, - An XI., wrote to the Minister of the Interior, requesting him to - give orders to the Prefect of the Dyle, and to the Prefect of the - Two Nithes, to summon the citizens De Bue, Fonson, Heyten, and - all others who had taken any part in the sequel of the work of - the Bollandists, to confer with these persons, as well concerning - the continuation of this work, as concerning the cession of the - materials destined for the continuation of it; to promise to - the continuators of the Bollandists the support of the French - Government, and to render an account of their conferences." - - -TO MR. CORREA. - - MONTICELLO, June 28, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--When I learned that you proposed to give a course of Botanical -lectures in Philadelphia, I feared it would retard the promised visit -to Monticello. On my return from Bedford, however, on the 4th instant, -I received a letter from M. Dupont flattering me with the prospect that -he and yourself would be with us as soon as my return should be known. I -therefore in the instant wrote him of my return, and my hope of seeing -you both shortly. I am still without that pleasure, but not without -the hope. Europe has been a second time turned topsy-turvy since we -were together; and so many things have happened there that I have lost -my compass. As far as we can judge from appearances, Bonaparte, from -being a mere military usurper, seems to have become the choice of his -nation; and the allies in their turn, the usurpers and spoliators of the -European world. The right of nations to self-government being my polar -star, my partialities are steered by it, without asking whether it is a -Bonaparte or an Alexander towards whom the helm is directed. Believing -that England has enough on her hands without us, and therefore has by -this time settled the question of impressment with Mr. Adams, I look on -this new conflict of the European gladiators, as from the higher forms -of the amphitheatre, wondering that man, like the wild beasts of the -forest, should permit himself to be led by his keeper into the arena, -the spectacle and sport of the lookers on. Nor do I see the issue of -this tragedy with the sanguine hopes of our friend M. Dupont. I fear, -from the experience of the last twenty-five years, that morals do not -of necessity advance hand in hand with the sciences. These, however, are -speculations which may be adjourned to our meeting at Monticello, where -I will continue to hope that I may receive you with our friend Dupont, -and in the meantime repeat the assurances of my affectionate friendship -and respect. - - -TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN. - - MONTICELLO, July 3, 1815. - -DEAR MADAM,--I considered your letter of November 10th, 12th, as an -evidence of the interest you were so kind as to take in the welfare of -the United States, and I was even flattered by your exhortations to -avoid taking any part in the war then raging in Europe, because they -were a confirmation of the policy I had myself pursued, and which I -thought and still think should be the governing canon of our republic. -Distance, and difference of pursuits, of interests, of connections -and other circumstances, prescribe to us a different system, having -no object in common with Europe, but a peaceful interchange of mutual -comforts for mutual wants. But this may not always depend on ourselves; -and injuries may be so accumulated by an European power, as to pass all -bounds of wise forbearance. This was our situation at the date of your -letter. A long course of injuries, systematically pursued by England, -and finally, formal declarations that she would neither redress nor -discontinue their infliction, had fixed the epoch which rendered an appeal -to arms unavoidable. In the letter of May 28th, 1813, which I had the -honor of writing you, I entered into such details of these injuries, and -of our unremitting endeavors to bring them to a peaceable end, as the -narrow limits of a letter permitted. Resistance on our part at length -brought our enemy to reflect, to calculate, and to meet us in peaceable -conferences at Ghent; but the extravagance of the pretensions brought -forward by her negotiators there, when first made known in the United -States, dissipated at once every hope of a just peace, and prepared us -for a war of utter extremity. Our government, in that state of things, -respecting the opinion of the world, thought it a duty to present to it -a justification of the course which was likely to be forced upon us; -and with this view the pamphlet was prepared which I now enclose. It -was already printed, when (instead of their ministers whom they hourly -expected from a fruitless negotiation) they received the treaty of -pacification signed at Ghent and ratified at London. They endeavored to -suppress the pamphlet as now unreasonable--but the proof sheets having -been surreptitiously withdrawn, soon made their appearance in the public -papers, and in the form now sent. This vindication is so exact in its -facts, so cogent in its reasonings, so authenticated by the documents -to which it appeals, that it cannot fail to bring the world to a single -opinion on our case. The concern you manifested on our entrance into this -contest, assures me you will take the trouble of reading it; which I wish -the more earnestly, because it will fully explain the very imperfect views -which my letter had presented; and because we cannot be indifferent as -to the opinion which yourself personally shall ultimately form of the -course we have pursued. - -I learned with great pleasure your return to your native country. It is -the only one which offers elements of society analogous to the powers -of your mind, and sensible of the flattering distinction of possessing -them. It is true that the great events which made an opening for your -return, have been reversed. But not so, I hope, the circumstances which -may admit its continuance. On these events I shall say nothing. At -our distance, we hear too little truth and too much falsehood to form -correct judgments concerning them; and they are moreover foreign to -our umpirage. We wish the happiness and prosperity of every nation; we -did not believe either of these promoted by the former pursuits of the -present ruler of France, and hope that his return, if the nation wills -it to be permanent, may be marked by those changes which the solid good -of his own country, and the peace and well-being of the world, may call -for. But these things I leave to whom they belong; the object of this -letter being only to convey to you a vindication of my own country, and -to have the honor on a new occasion of tendering you the homage of my -great consideration, and respectful attachment. - - -TO ANDREW C. MITCHELL, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, July 16, 1815. - -I thank you, Sir, for the pamphlet which you have been so kind as to -send me. I have read it with attention and satisfaction. It is replete -with sound views, some of which will doubtless be adopted. Some may be -checked by difficulties. None more likely to be so than the proposition -to amend the Constitution, so as to authorize Congress to tax exports. -The provision against this in the framing of that instrument, was a _sine -quâ non_ with the States of peculiar productions, as rice, indigo, cotton -and tobacco, to which may now be added sugar. A jealousy prevailing that -to the few States producing these articles, the justice of the others -might not be a sufficient protection in opposition to their interest, -they moored themselves to this anchor. Since the hostile dispositions -lately manifested by the Eastern States, they would be less willing than -before to place themselves at their mercy; and the rather, as the Eastern -States have no exports which can be taxed equivalently. It is possible, -however, that this difficulty might be got over; but the subject looking -forward beyond my time, I leave it to those to whom its burthens and -benefits will belong, adding only my prayers for whatever may be best -for our country, and assurances to yourself of my great respect. - - -TO WM. WIRT, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, August 5, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of July 24th came to hand on the 31st, and I will -proceed to answer your inquiries in the order they are presented as far -as I am able. - -I have no doubt that the fifth of the Rhode Island resolutions of which -you have sent me a copy, is exactly the one erased from our journals. The -Mr. Lees, and especially Richard Henry, who was industrious, had a close -correspondence, I know, with the two Adams', and probably with others in -that and the other Eastern States; and I think it was said at the time -that copies were sent off by them to the northward the very evening of -the day on which they were passed. I can readily enough believe these -resolutions were written by Mr. Henry himself. They bear the stamp of -his mind, strong without precision. That they were written by Johnson -who seconded them, was only the rumor of the day, and very possibly -unfounded. But how Edmund Randolph should have said they were written -by William Fleming, and Mr. Henry should have written that he showed -them to William Fleming, is to me incomprehensible. There was no William -Fleming then but the judge now living, whom nobody will ever suspect of -taking the lead in rebellion. I am certain he was not then a member, and -I think was never a member until the revolution had made some progress. -Of this, however, he will inform us with candor and truth. His eldest -brother, John Fleming, was a member, and a great speaker in debate. -To him they may have been shown. Yet I should not have expected this, -because he was extremely attached to Robinson, Peyton Randolph, &c., and -at their beck, and had no independence or boldness of mind. However, -he was attentive to his own popularity, might have been overruled by -views to that, and without correction of the christian name, Mr. Henry's -note is sufficient authority to suppose he took the popular side on -that occasion. I remember nothing to the contrary. The opposers of the -resolutions were Robinson, Peyton Randolph, Pendleton, Wythe, Bland, and -all the cyphers of the aristocracy. No longer possessing the journals, I -cannot recollect nominally the others. They opposed them on the ground -that the same principles had been expressed in the petition, &c., of -the preceding year, to which an answer, not yet received, was daily -expected, that they were therein expressed in more conciliatory terms, -and therefore more likely to have good effect. The resolutions were -carried chiefly by the vote of the middle and upper country. To state the -differences between the classes of society and the lines of demarkation -which separated them, would be difficult. The law, you know, admitted -none except as to the twelve counsellors. Yet in a country insulated -from the European world, insulated from its sister colonies, with whom -there was scarcely any intercourse, little visited by foreigners, and -having little matter to act upon within itself, certain families had -risen to splendor by wealth and the preservation of it from generation -to generation under the law entails; some had produced a series of men -of talents; families in general had remained stationary on the grounds -of their forefathers, for there was no emigration to the westward in -those days. The wild Irish, who had gotten possession of the valley -between the Blue Ridge and North Mountain, forming a barrier over which -none ventured to leap, and would still less venture to settle among. -In such a state of things, scarcely admitting any change of station, -society would settle itself down into several strata, separated by no -marked lines, but shading off imperceptibly from top to bottom, nothing -disturbing the order of their repose. There were then aristocrats, -half-breeds, pretenders, a solid independent yeomanry, looking askance -at those above, yet not venturing to jostle them, and last and lowest, -a seculum of beings called overseers, the most abject, degraded and -unprincipled race, always cap in hand to the Dons who employed them, -and furnishing materials for the exercise of their pride, insolence and -spirit of domination. Your characters are inimitably and justly drawn. -I am not certain if more might not be said of Colonel Richard Bland. He -was the most learned and logical man of those who took prominent lead -in public affairs, profound in constitutional lore, a most ungraceful -speaker, (as were Peyton Randolph and Robinson, in a remarkable degree.) -He wrote the first pamphlet on the nature of the connection with Great -Britain which had any pretension to accuracy of view on that subject, but -it was a singular one. He would set out on sound principles, pursue them -logically till he found them leading to the precipice which he had to -leap, start back alarmed, then resume his ground, go over it in another -direction, be led again by the correctness of his reasoning to the same -place, and again back about, and try other processes to reconcile right -and wrong, but finally left his reader and himself bewildered between -the steady index of the compass in their hand, and the phantasm to which -it seemed to point. Still there was more sound matter in his pamphlet -than in the celebrated Farmer's letters, which were really but an _ignus -fatuus_, misleading us from true principles. - -Landon Carter's measure you may take from the first volume of the American -Philosophical transactions, where he has one or more long papers on the -weavil, and perhaps other subjects. His speeches, like his writings, -were dull, vapid, verbose, egotistical, smooth as the lullaby of the -nurse, and commanding, like that, the repose only of the hearer. - -You ask if you may quote me, first, for the loan office; second, Phillips' -case; and third, the addresses prepared for Congress by Henry and Lee. -For the two first certainly, because within my own knowledge, especially -citing the record in Phillips' case, which of itself refutes the diatribes -published on that subject; but not for the addresses, because I was not -present, nor know anything relative to them but by hearsay from others. -My first and principal information on that subject I know I had from -Ben Harrison, on his return from the first session of the old Congress. -Mr. Pendleton, also, I am tolerably certain, mentioned it to me; but the -transaction is too distant, and my memory too indistinct, to hazard as -with precision, even what I think I heard from them. In this decay of -memory Mr. Edmund Randolph must have suffered at a much earlier period -of life than myself. I cannot otherwise account for his saying to you -that Robert Carter Nicholas came into the Legislature only on the death -of Peyton Randolph, which was in 1776. Seven years before that period, I -went first into the Legislature myself, to-wit: in 1769, and Mr. Nicholas -was then a member, and I think not a new one. I remember it from an -impressive circumstance. It was the first assembly of Lord Botetourt, -being called on his arrival. On receiving the Governor's speech, it -was usual to move resolutions as heads for an address. Mr. Pendleton -asked me to draw the resolutions, which I did. They were accepted by the -house, and Pendleton, Nicholas, myself and some others, were appointed -a committee to prepare the address. The committee desired me to do it, -but when presented it was thought to pursue too strictly the diction of -the resolutions, and that their subjects were not sufficiently amplified. -Mr. Nicholas chiefly objected to it, and was desired by the committee to -draw one more at large, which he did with amplification enough, and it -was accepted. Being a young man as well as a young member, it made on me -an impression proportioned to the sensibility of that time of life. On a -similar occasion some years after, I had reason to retain a remembrance -of his presence while Peyton Randolph was living. On the receipt of -Lord North's propositions, in May or June, 1775, Lord Dunmore called -the assembly. Peyton Randolph, then President of Congress and Speaker of -the House of Burgesses, left the former body and came home to hold the -assembly, leaving in Congress the other delegates who were the ancient -leaders of our house. He therefore asked me to prepare the answer to -Lord North's propositions, which I did. Mr. Nicholas, whose mind had as -yet acquired no tone for that contest, combated the answer from _alpha_ -to _omega_, and succeeded in diluting it in one or two small instances. -It was firmly supported however, in committee of the whole, by Peyton -Randolph, who had brought with him the spirit of the body over which he -had presided, and it was carried, with very little alteration, by strong -majorities. I was the bearer of it myself to Congress, by whom, as it -was the first answer given to those propositions by any legislature, -it was received with peculiar satisfaction. I am sure that from 1769, -if not earlier, to 1775, you will find Mr. Nicholas' name constantly -in the journals, for he was an active member. I think he represented -James City county. Whether on the death of Peyton Randolph he succeeded -him for Williamsburg, I do not know. If he did, it may account for Mr. -Randolph's error. - -You ask some account of Mr. Henry's mind, information and manners in -1759-'60, when I first became acquainted with him. We met at Nathan -Dandridge's, in Hanover, about the Christmas of that winter, and passed -perhaps a fortnight together at the revelries of the neighborhood and -season. His manners had something of the coarseness of the society he -had frequented; his passion was fiddling, dancing and pleasantry. He -excelled in the last, and it attached every one to him. The occasion -perhaps, as much as his idle disposition, prevented his engaging in -any conversation which might give the measure either of his mind or -information. Opportunity was not wanting, because Mr. John Campbell was -there, who had married Mrs. Spotswood, the sister of Colonel Dandridge. -He was a man of science, and often introduced conversations on scientific -subjects. Mr. Henry had a little before broke up his store, or rather it -had broken him up, and within three months after he came to Williamsburg -for his license, and told me, I think, he had read law not more than six -weeks. I have by this time, probably, tired you with these old histories, -and shall, therefore, only add the assurance of my great friendship and -respect. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, August 10, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--The simultaneous movements in our correspondence have been -remarkable on several occasions. It would seem as if the state of the -air, or state of the times, or some other unknown cause, produced a -sympathetic effect on our mutual recollections. I had sat down to answer -your letters of June the 19th, 20th and 22d, with pen, ink and paper -before me, when I received from our mail that of July the 30th. You ask -information on the subject of Camus. All I recollect of him is, that he -was one of the deputies sent to arrest Dumourier at the head of his army, -who were, however, themselves arrested by Dumourier, and long detained -as prisoners. I presume, therefore, he was a Jacobin. You will find his -character in the most excellent revolutionary history of Toulongeon. I -believe, also, he may be the same person who has given us a translation -of Aristotle's Natural History, from the Greek into French. Of his report -to the National Institute on the subject of the Bollandists, your letter -gives me the first information. I had supposed them defunct with the -society of Jesuits, of which they were; and that their works, although -above ground, were, from their bulk and insignificance, as effectually -entombed on their shelves, as if in the graves of their authors. Fifty-two -volumes in folio, of the acta sanctorum, in dog-Latin, would be a -formidable enterprise to the most laborious German. I expect, with you, -they are the most enormous mass of lies, frauds, hypocrisy and imposture, -that was ever heaped together on this globe. By what chemical process -M. Camus supposed that an extract of truth could be obtained from such -a farrago of falsehood, I must leave to the chemists and moralists of -the age to divine. - -On the subject of the history of the American Revolution, you ask who -shall write it? Who can write it? And who will ever be able to write it? -Nobody; except merely its external facts; all its councils, designs and -discussions having been conducted by Congress with closed doors, and -no members, as far as I know, having even made notes of them. These, -which are the life and soul of history, must forever be unknown. Botta, -as you observe, has put his own speculations and reasonings into the -mouths of persons whom he names, but who, you and I know, never made such -speeches. In this he has followed the example of the ancients, who made -their great men deliver long speeches, all of them in the same style, -and in that of the author himself. The work is nevertheless a good one, -more judicious, more chaste, more classical, and more true than the -party diatribe of Marshall. Its greatest fault is in having taken too -much from him. I possessed the work, and often recurred to considerable -portions of it, although I never read it through. But a very judicious and -well-informed neighbor of mine went through it with great attention, and -spoke very highly of it. I have said that no member of the old Congress, -as far as I knew, made notes of the discussion. I did not know of the -speeches you mention of Dickinson and Witherspoon. But on the questions -of Independence, and on the two articles of Confederation respecting -taxes and votings, I took minutes of the heads of the arguments. On -the first, I threw all into one mass, without ascribing to the speakers -their respective arguments; pretty much in the manner of Hume's summary -digests of the reasonings in parliament for and against a measure. On the -last, I stated the heads of the arguments used by each speaker. But the -whole of my notes on the question of Independence does not occupy more -than five pages, such as of this letter; and on the other questions, two -such sheets. They have never been communicated to any one. Do you know -that there exists in manuscript the ablest work of this kind ever yet -executed, of the debates of the constitutional convention of Philadelphia -in 1788? The whole of everything said and done there was taken down by -Mr. Madison, with a labor and exactness beyond comprehension. - -I presume that our correspondence has been observed at the post offices, -and thus has attracted notice. Would you believe, that a printer has -had the effrontery to propose to me the letting him publish it? These -people think they have a right to everything, however secret or sacred. -I had not before heard of the Boston pamphlet with Priestley's letters -and mine. - -At length Bonaparte has got on the right side of a question. From the -time of his entering the legislative hall to his retreat to Elba, no man -has execrated him more than myself. I will not except even the members -of the Essex Junto; although for very different reasons; I, because he -was warring against the liberty of his own country, and independence -of others; they, because he was the enemy of England, the Pope, and the -Inquisition. But at length, and as far as we can judge, he seems to have -become the choice of his nation. At least, he is defending the cause -of his nation, and that of all mankind, the rights of every people to -independence and self-government. He and the allies have now changed -sides. They are parcelling out among themselves Poland, Belgium, Saxony, -Italy, dictating a ruler and government to France, and looking askance -at our republic, the splendid libel on their governments, and he is -fighting for the principles of national independence, of which his whole -life hitherto has been a continued violation. He has promised a free -government to his own country, and to respect the rights of others; and -although his former conduct inspires little confidence in his promises, -yet we had better take the chance of his word for doing right, than the -certainty of the wrong which his adversaries are doing and avowing. If -they succeed, ours is only the boon of the Cyclops to Ulysses, of being -the last devoured. - -Present me affectionately and respectfully to Mrs. Adams, and Heaven -give you both as much more of life as you wish, and bless it with health -and happiness. - -P. S. August the 11th.--I had finished my letter yesterday, and this -morning receive the news of Bonaparte's second abdication. Very well. For -him personally, I have no feeling but reprobation. The representatives of -the nation have deposed him. They have taken the allies at their word, -that they had no object in the war but his removal. The nation is now -free to give itself a good government, either with or without a Bourbon; -and France unsubdued, will still be a bridle on the enterprises of the -combined powers, and a bulwark to others. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, August 24, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--If I am neither deceived by the little information I have, -or by my wishes for its truth, I should say that France is the most -_Protestant_ country of Europe at this time, though I cannot think it -the most _reformed_. In consequence of these reveries, I have imagined -that Camus and the Institute, meant, by the revival and continuance -of the _Acta Sanctorum_, to destroy the Pope, and the Catholic church -and Hierarchies, _de fonde en comble_, or in the language of Frederick -Pollair, D'Alembert, &c., "_ecraser le miserable_"--"Crush the wretch." -This great work must contain the most complete history of the corruptions -of Christianity that has ever appeared, Priestley's not excepted and -his history of ancient opinions not excepted. - -As to the History of the Revolution, my ideas may be peculiar, perhaps -singular. What do we mean by the Revolution? The war? That was no part -of the Revolution. It was only an effect, and consequence of it. The -revolution was in the minds of the people, and this was effected, from -1760 to 1775, in the course of fifteen years, before a drop of blood was -drawn at Lexington. The records of thirteen Legislatures, the pamphlets, -newspapers, in all the colonies ought to be consulted, during that period, -to ascertain the steps by which the public opinion was enlightened and -informed, concerning the authority of Parliament over the colonies. The -Congress of 1774 resembled in some respects, though I hope not in many, -the council of Nice in ecclesiastical history. It assembled the Priests -from the east and the west, the north and the south, who compared notes, -engaged in discussions and debates, and formed results by one vote, and -by two votes, which went out to the world as unanimous. - -Mr. Madison's Notes of the Convention of 1787 or 1788 are consistent -with his indefatigable character. I shall never see them, but I hope -posterity will. - -That our correspondence has been observed is no wonder; for your hand -is more universally known than your face. No printer has asked me for -copies; but it is no surprise that you have been requested. These gentry -will print whatever will sell; and our correspondence is thought such an -oddity by both parties, that the printers imagine an edition would soon -go off, and yield them a profit. There has, however, been no tampering -with your letters to me. They have all arrived in good order. - -Poor Bonaparte! Poor Devil! What has, and what will become of him? Going -the way of King Theodore, Alexander, Cæsar, Charles XIIth, Cromwell, -Wat Tyler, and Jack Cade, _i.e._, to a bad end. And what will become of -Wellington? Envied, hated, despised, by all the barons, earls, viscounts, -marquises, as an upstart, a parvenue elevated over their heads. For these -people have no idea of any merit, but birth. Wellington must pass the -rest of his days buffeted, ridiculed, scorned and insulted by factions, -as Marlborough and his Duchess did. Military glory dazzles the eyes of -mankind, and for a time eclipses all wisdom and virtue, all laws, human -and divine; and after this it would be bathos to descend to services -merely civil or political. - -Napoleon has imposed kings upon Spain, Holland, Sweden, Westphalia, -Saxony, Naples, &c. The combined emperors and kings are about to -retaliate upon France, by imposing a king upon her. These are all -abominable examples, detestable precedents. When will the rights of -mankind, the liberties and independence of nations, be respected? When -the perfectibility of the human mind shall arrive at perfection. When -the progress of Manillius' _Ratio_ shall have not only _eripuit cœlo -fulmen, Jouvisque fulgores_, but made mankind rational creatures. - -It remains to be seen whether the allies were honest in their declaration -that they were at war only with Napoleon. - -Can the French ever be cordially reconciled to the Bourbons again? If -not, who can they find for a head? the infant, or one of the generals? -Innumerable difficulties will embarrass either project. I am, as ever - - -TO JUDGE ROANE. - - MONTICELLO, October 12, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--I received in a letter from Colonel Monroe the enclosed paper -communicated, as he said, with your permission, and even with a wish to -know my sentiments on the important question it discusses. It is now -more than forty years since I have ceased to be habitually conversant -with legal questions; and my pursuits through that period have seldom -required or permitted a renewal of my former familiarity with them. My -ideas at present, therefore, on such questions, have no claim to respect -but such as might be yielded to the common auditors of a law argument. - -I well knew that in certain federal cases the laws of the United States -had given to a foreign party, whether plaintiff or defendant, a right to -carry his cause into the federal court; but I did not know that where he -had himself elected the State judicature, he could, after an unfavorable -decision there, remove his case to the federal court, and thus take the -benefit of two chances where others have but one; nor that the right of -entertaining the question in this case had been exercised, or claimed -by the federal judiciary after it had been postponed on the party's -first election. His failure, too, to place on the record the particular -ground which might give jurisdiction to the federal court, appears to me -an additional objection of great weight. The question is of the first -importance. The removal of it seems to be out of the analogies which -guide the two governments on their separate tracts, and claims the solemn -attention of both judicatures, and of the nation itself. I should fear to -make up a final opinion on it, until I could see as able a development of -the grounds of the federal claim as that which I have now read against -it. I confess myself unable to foresee what those grounds would be. The -paper enclosed must call them forth, and silence them too, unless they -are beyond my ken. I am glad, therefore, that the claim is arrested, and -made the subject of special and mature deliberation. I hope our courts -will never countenance the sweeping pretensions which have been set up -under the words "general defence and public welfare." These words only -express the motives which induced the Convention to give to the ordinary -legislature certain specified powers which they enumerate, and which -they thought might be trusted to the ordinary legislature, and not to -give them the unspecified also; or why any specification? They could -not be so awkward in language as to mean, as we say, "all and some." And -should this construction prevail, all limits to the federal government -are done away. This opinion, formed on the first rise of the question, -I have never seen reason to change, whether in or out of power; but, -on the contrary, find it strengthened and confirmed by five and twenty -years of additional reflection and experience: and any countenance given -to it by any regular organ of the government, I should consider more -ominous than anything which has yet occurred. - -I am sensible how much these slight observations, on a question which -you have so profoundly considered, need apology. They must find this -in my zeal for the administration of our government according to its -true spirit, federal as well as republican, and in my respect for any -wish which you might be supposed to entertain for opinions of so little -value. I salute you with sincere and high respect and esteem. - - -TO CAPT. A. PARTRIDGE OF THE CORPS OF ENGINEERS, WEST POINT, NEW YORK. - - MONTICELLO, October 12, 1815. - -SIR,--I thank you for the statement of altitudes, which you have been -so kind as to send me of our northern mountains. It came opportunely, -as I was about making inquiries for the height of the White Mountains -of New Hampshire, which have the reputation of being the highest in -our maritime States, and purpose shortly to measure geometrically the -height of the Peaks of Otter, which I suppose the highest _from their -base_, of any on the east side of the Mississippi, except the White -Mountains, and not far short of their height, if they are but of 4,885 -feet. The method of estimating heights by the barometer, is convenient -and useful, as being ready, and furnishing an approximation to truth. Of -what degree of accuracy it is susceptible we know not as yet; no certain -theory being established for ascertaining the density and weight of that -portion of the column of atmosphere contiguous to the mountain; from -the weight of which, nevertheless, we are to infer the height of the -mountain. The most plausible seems to be that which supposes the mercury -of barometer divided into horizontal lamina of equal _thickness_; and -a similar column of the atmosphere into lamina of equal _weights_. The -former divisions give a set of arithmetical, the latter of geometrical -progressionals, which being the character of Logarithms and their numbers, -the tables of these furnish ready computations, needing, however, the -corrections which the state of the thermometer calls for. It is probable -that in taking heights in the vicinity of each other in this way, there -may be no considerable error, because the passage between them may be -quick and repeated. The height of a mountain from its base, thus taken, -merits, therefore, a very different degree of credit from that of its -height above the level of the sea, where that is distant. According, -for example, to the theory above mentioned, the height of Monticello -from its base is 580 feet, and its base 610 feet 8 inches, above the -level of the ocean; the former, from other facts, I judge to be near the -truth; but a knowledge of the different falls of water from hence to the -tide-water at Richmond, a distance of seventy-five miles, enables us to -say that the whole descent to that place is but 170 or 180 feet. From -thence to the ocean may be a distance of one hundred miles; it is all -tide-water, and through a level country. I know not what to conjecture as -the amount of descent, but certainly not 435 feet, as that theory would -suppose, nor the quarter part of it. I do not know by what rule General -Williams made his computations; he reckons the foot of the Blue Ridge, -twenty miles from here, but 100 feet above the tide-water at Richmond. -We know the descent, as before observed, to be at least 170 feet from -hence, to which is to be added that from the Blue Ridge to this place, -a very hilly country, with constant and great waterfalls. His estimate, -therefore, must be much below truth. Results so different prove that -for distant comparisons of height, the barometer is not to be relied -on according to any theory yet known. While, therefore, we give a good -degree of credit to the results of operations between the summit of a -mountain and its base, we must give less to those between its summit -and the level of the ocean. - -I will do myself the pleasure of sending you my estimate of the Peaks -of Otter, which I count on undertaking in the course of the next month. -In the meantime accept the assurance of my great respect. - - -TO DOCTOR LOGAN. - - MONTICELLO, October 15,1815. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for the extract in yours of August 16th respecting -the Emperor Alexander. It arrived here a day or two after I had left this -place, from which I have been absent seven or eight weeks. I had from -other information formed the most favorable opinion of the virtues of -Alexander, and considered his partiality to this country as a prominent -proof of them. The magnanimity of his conduct on the first capture of -Paris still magnified everything we had believed of him; but how he will -come out of his present trial remains to be seen. That the sufferings -which France had inflicted on other countries justified severe reprisals, -cannot be questioned; but I have not yet learned what crimes of Poland, -Saxony, Belgium, Venice, Lombardy and Genoa, had merited for them, not -merely a temporary punishment, but that of permanent subjugation and a -destitution of independence and self-government. The fable of Æsop of -the lion dividing the spoils, is, I fear, becoming true history, and -the moral code of Napoleon and the English government a substitute for -that of Grotius, of Puffendorf, and even of the pure doctrine of the -great author of our own religion. We were safe ourselves from Bonaparte, -because he had not the British fleets at his command. We were safe from -the British fleets, because they had Bonaparte at their back; but the -British fleets and the conquerors of Bonaparte being now combined, and -the Hartford nation drawn off to them, we have uncommon reason to look -to our own affairs. This, however, I leave to others, offering prayers to -heaven, the only contribution of old age, for the safety of our country. -Be so good as to present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and to accept -yourself the assurance of my esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - MONTICELLO, October 16, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--A long absence from home must apologize for my so late -acknowledgment of your welcome favor of September 6th. Our storm of the -4th of that month gave me great uneasiness for you; for I was certain -you must be on the coast, and your actual arrival was unknown to me. -It was such a wind as I have not witnessed since the year 1769. It did, -however, little damage with us, only prostrating our corn, and tearing -tobacco, without essential injury to either. It could have been nothing -compared with that of the 23d, off the coast of New England, of which we -had not a breath, but on the contrary, fine, fair weather. Is this the -judgment of God between us? I congratulate you sincerely on your safe -return to your own country, and without knowing your own wishes, mine -are that you would never leave it again. I know you would be useful to -us at Paris, and so you would anywhere; but nowhere so useful as here. -We are undone, my dear Sir, if this banking mania be not suppressed. -_Aut Carthago, aut Roma delenda est._ The war, had it proceeded, would -have upset our government; and a new one, whenever tried, will do -it. And so it must be while our money, the nerve of war, is much or -little, real or imaginary, as our bitterest enemies choose to make it. -Put down the banks, and if this country could not be carried through -the longest war against her most powerful enemy, without ever knowing -the want of a dollar, without dependence on the traitorous classes of -her citizens, without bearing hard on the resources of the people, or -loading the public with an indefinite burthen of debt, I know nothing -of my countrymen. Not by any novel project, not by any charlatanerie, -but by ordinary and well-experienced means; by the total prohibition of -all private paper at all times, by reasonable taxes in war aided by the -necessary emissions of public paper of circulating size, this bottomed -on special taxes, redeemable annually as this special tax comes in, and -finally within a moderate period,--even with the flood of private paper -by which we were deluged, would the treasury have ventured its credit in -bills of circulating size, as of five or ten dollars, &c., they would -have been greedily received by the people in preference to bank paper. -But unhappily the towns of America were considered as the nation of -America, the dispositions of the inhabitants of the former as those of -the latter, and the treasury, for want of confidence in the country, -delivered itself bound hand and foot to bold and bankrupt adventurers -and pretenders to be money-holders, whom it could have crushed at any -moment. Even the last half-bold half-timid threat of the treasury, showed -at once that these jugglers were at the feet of government. For it never -was, and is not, any confidence in their frothy bubbles, but the want of -all other medium, which induced, or now induces, the _country_ people to -take their paper; and at this moment, when nothing else is to be had, -no man will receive it but to pass it away instantly, none for distant -purposes. We are now without any common measure of the value of property, -and private fortunes are up or down at the will of the worst of our -citizens. Yet there is no hope of relief from the legislatures who have -immediate control over this subject. As little seems to be known of the -principles of political economy as if nothing had ever been written or -practised on the subject, or as was known in old times, when the Jews -had their rulers under the hammer. It is an evil, therefore, which we -must make up our minds to meet and to endure as those of hurricanes, -earthquakes and other casualties: let us turn over therefore another leaf. - -I grieve for France; although it cannot be denied that by the afflictions -with which she wantonly and wickedly overwhelmed other nations, she has -merited severe reprisals. For it is no excuse to lay the enormities to -the wretch who led to them, and who has been the author of more misery -and suffering to the world, than any being who ever lived before him. -After destroying the liberties of his country, he has exhausted all its -resources, physical and moral, to indulge his own maniac ambition, his -own tyrannical and overbearing spirit. His sufferings cannot be too great. -But theirs I sincerely deplore, and what is to be their term? The will of -the allies? There is no more moderation, forbearance, or even honesty in -theirs, than in that of Bonaparte. They have proved that their object, -like his, is plunder. They, like him, are shuffling nations together, -or into their own hands, as if all were right which they feel a power -to do. In the exhausted state in which Bonaparte has left France, I -see no period to her sufferings, until this combination of robbers fall -together by the ears. The French may then rise up and choose their side. -And I trust they will finally establish for themselves a government of -rational and well-tempered liberty. So much science cannot be lost; so -much light shed over them can never fail to produce to them some good, -in the end. Till then we may ourselves fervently pray, with the liturgy -a little parodied, "Give peace till that time, oh Lord, because there -is none other that will fight for us but only thee, oh God." It is rare -that I indulge in these poetical effusions; but your former and latter -relations with both subjects have associated you with them in my mind, -and led me beyond the limits of attention I ordinarily give to them. -Whether you go or stay with us, you have always the prayers of yours -affectionately. - -P. S. The two letters you enclosed me were from Warden and De Lormerie, -and neither from La Fayette, as you supposed. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, November 13, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--The fundamental article of my political creed is, that -despotism, or unlimited sovereignty, or absolute power, is the same in a -majority of a popular assembly, an aristocratical council, an oligarchical -junto, and a single emperor; equally arbitrary, cruel, bloody, and in -every respect diabolical. - -Accordingly, arbitrary power, wherever it has resided, ha never failed -to destroy all the records, memorials, and histories of former times -which it did not like, and to corrupt and interpolate such as it was -cunning enough to preserve or tolerate. We cannot therefore say with -much confidence, what knowledge or what virtues may have prevailed in -some former ages in some quarters of the world. - -Nevertheless, according to the few lights that remain to us, we may say -that the eighteenth century, notwithstanding all its errors and vices, -has been, of all that are past, the most honorable to human nature. -Knowledge and virtues were increased and diffused. Arts, sciences useful -to men, ameliorating their condition, were improved more than in any -former equal period. - -But what are we to say now? Is the nineteenth century to be a contrast to -the eighteenth? Is it to extinguish all the lights of its predecessors? -Are the Sorbonne, the Inquisition, the Index Expurgatorius, and the -knights-errant of St. Ignatius Loyola to be revived and restored to all -their salutary powers of supporting and propagating the mild spirit of -Christianity? The proceedings of the allies and their Congress at Vienna, -the accounts from Spain, France, &c., the Chateaubriands and the Genti's, -indicate which way the wind blows. The priests are at their old work -again. The Protestants are denounced, and another St. Bartholomew's day -threatened. - -This, however, will probably, twenty-five years hence, be honored with -the character of "_The effusions of a splenetic mind, rather than as the -sober reflections of an unbiased understanding_." I have received Memoirs -of the Life of Dr. Price, by William Morgan, F.R.S. In pages 151 and 155 -Mr. Morgan says: "So well assured was Dr. Price of the establishment -of a free constitution in France, and of the subsequent overthrow of -despotism throughout Europe, as the consequence of it, that he never -failed to express his gratitude to heaven for having extended his life -to the present happy period, in which after sharing the benefits of one -revolution, he has been spared to be a witness to two other revolutions, -both glorious." But some of his correspondents were not quite so sanguine -in their expectations from the last of the revolutions; and among these, -the late American Ambassador, Mr. John Adams. In a long letter which he -wrote to Dr. Price at this time, so far from congratulating him on the -occasion, he expresses himself in terms of contempt, in regard to the -French revolution; and after asking rather too severely what good was -to be expected from a nation of Atheists, he concluded with foretelling -the destruction of a million of human beings as the probable consequence -of it. These harsh censures and gloomy predictions were particularly -ungrateful to Dr. Price, nor can it be denied that they must have then -appeared as the _effusions of a splenetic mind, rather than as the sober -reflections_ of an unbiased understanding. - -I know not what a candid public will think of this practice of Mr. -Morgan, after the example of Mr. Belsham, who, finding private letters -in the Cabinet of a great and good man, after his decease, written in -the utmost freedom and confidence of intimate friendship, by persons -still living, though after the lapse of a quarter of a century, produces -them before the world. - -Dr. Disney had different feelings and a different judgment. Finding some -cursory letters among the papers of Mr. Hollis, he would not publish -them without my consent. In answer to his request, I submitted them to -his discretion, and might have done the same to Mr. Morgan; indeed, had -Mr. Morgan published my letter entire, I should not have given him nor -myself any concern about it. But as in his summary he has not done the -latter justice, I shall give it with all its faults. - -Mr. Morgan has been more discreet and complaisant to you than to me. He -has mentioned respectfully your letters from Paris to Dr. Price, but has -given us none of them. As I would give more for these letters than for -all the rest of the book, I am more angry with him for disappointing -me, than for all he says of me and my letter, which, scambling as it -is, contains nothing but the sure words of prophecy. I am, as usual, yours - - -TO MR. WM. BENTLEY. - - MONTICELLO, December 28, 1815. - -DEAR SIR,--At the date of your letter of October 30th, I had just left -home on a journey from which I am recently returned. I had many years -ago understood that Professor Ebeling was engaged in a geographical -work which would comprehend the United States, and indeed I expected -it was finished and published. I am glad to learn that his candor and -discrimination have been sufficient to guard him against trusting the -libel of Dr. Morse on this State. I wish it were in my power to give him -the aid you ask, but it is not. The whole forenoon with me is engrossed -by correspondence too extensive and laborious for my age. Health, habit, -and necessary attention to my farms, require me then to be on horseback -until a late dinner, and the society of my family and friends, with some -reading, furnish the necessary relaxations of the rest of the day. Add -to this that the cession of my library to Congress has left me without -materials for such an undertaking. I wish the part of his work which -gives the geography of this country may be translated and published, that -ourselves and the world may at length have something like a dispassionate -account of these States. Poor human nature! when we are obliged to appeal -for the truth of mere facts from an eye-witness to one whose faculties -for discovering it are only an honest candor and caution in sifting the -grain from its chaff! - -The Professor's history of Hamburg is doubtless interesting and -instructive, and valuable as a corrective of the false information -we derive from newspapers. I should read it with pleasure, but I -fear its transportation and return would expose it to too much risk. -Notwithstanding all the French and British atrocities, which will forever -disgrace the present era of history, their shameless prostration of all -the laws of morality which constitute the security, the peace and comfort -of man--notwithstanding the waste of human life, and measure of human -suffering which they have inflicted on the world--nations hitherto in -slavery have descried through all this bloody mist a glimmering of their -own rights, have dared to open their eyes, and to see that their own -power and their own will suffice for their emancipation. Their tyrants -must now give them more moderate forms of government, and they seem now -to be sensible of this themselves. Instead of the parricide treason -of Bonaparte in employing the means confided to him as a republican -magistrate to the overthrow of that republic, and establishment of a -military despotism in himself and his descendants, to the subversion of -the neighboring governments, and erection of thrones for his brothers, -his sisters and sycophants, had he honestly employed that power in -the establishment and support of the freedom of his own country, there -is not a nation in Europe which would not at this day have had a more -rational government, one in which the will of the people should have had -a moderating and salutary influence. The work will now be longer, will -swell more rivers with blood, produce more sufferings and more crimes. -But it will be consummated; and that it may be will be the theme of -my constant prayers while I shall remain on the earth beneath, or in -the heavens above. To these I add sincere wishes for your health and -happiness. - - -TO MR. GEORGE FLEMING. - - MONTICELLO, December 29, 1815. - -SIR,--At the date of your favor of October 30th, I had just left home on -a journey to a distant possession of mine, from which I am but recently -returned, and I wish that the matter of my answer could compensate for -its delay. But, Sir, it happens that of all the machines which have been -employed to aid human labor, I have made myself the least acquainted with -(that which is certainly the most powerful of all) the steam engine. In -its original and simple form indeed, as first constructed by Newcomen and -Savary, it had been a subject of my early studies; but once possessed of -the principle, I ceased to follow up the numerous modifications of the -machinery for employing it, of which I do not know whether England or -our own country has produced the greatest number. Hence, I am entirely -incompetent to form a judgment of the comparative merit of yours with -those preceding it; and the cession of my library to Congress has left me -without any examples to turn to. I see, indeed, in yours, the valuable -properties of simplicity, cheapness and accommodation to the small and -more numerous calls of life, and the calculations of its power appear -sound and correct. Yet experience and frequent disappointment have taught -me not to be over-confident in theories or calculations, until actual -trial of the whole combination has stamped it with approbation. Should -this sanction be added, the importance of your construction will be -enhanced by the consideration that a smaller agent, applicable to our -daily concerns, is infinitely more valuable than the greatest which can -be used only for great objects. For these interest the few alone, the -former the many. I once had an idea that it might perhaps be possible -to economize the steam of a common pot, kept boiling on the kitchen -fire until its accumulation should be sufficient to give a stroke, and -although the strokes might not be rapid, there would be enough of them -in the day to raise from an adjacent well the water necessary for daily -use; to wash the linen, knead the bread, beat the homony, churn the -butter, turn the spit, and do all other household offices which require -only a regular mechanical motion. The unproductive hands now necessarily -employed in these, might then increase the produce of our fields. I -proposed it to Mr. Rumsey, one of our greatest mechanics, who believed -in its possibility, and promised to turn his mind to it. But his death -soon after disappointed this hope. Of how much more value would this be -to ordinary life than Watts & Bolton's thirty pair of mill-stones to be -turned by one engine, of which I saw seven pair in actual operation. It -is an interesting part of your question, how much fuel would be requisite -for your machine? - -Your letter being evidence of your attention to mechanical things, and to -their application to matters of daily interest, I will mention a trifle -in this way, which yet is not without value. I presume, like the rest of -us in the country, you are in the habit of household manufacture, and -that you will not, like too many, abandon it on the return of peace, -to enrich our late enemy, and to nourish foreign agents in our bosom, -whose baneful influence and intrigues cost us so much embarrassment and -dissension. The shirting for our laborers has been an object of some -difficulty. Flax is injurious to our lands, and of so scanty produce -that I have never attempted it. Hemp, on the other hand, is abundantly -productive, and will grow forever on the same spot. But the breaking and -beating it, which has been always done by hand, is so slow, so laborious, -and so much complained of by our laborers, that I had given it up and -purchased and manufactured cotton for their shirting. The advanced -price of this, however, now makes it a serious item of expense; and -in the meantime, a method of removing the difficulty of preparing hemp -occurred to me, so simple and so cheap, that I return to its culture and -manufacture. To a person having a threshing machine, the addition of a -hemp-break will not cost more than twelve or fifteen dollars. You know -that the first mover in that machine is a horizontal horse-wheel with -cogs on its upper face. On these is placed a wallower and shaft, which -give motion to the threshing apparatus. On the opposite side of this -same wheel I place another wallower and shaft, through which, and near -its outer end, I pass a cross-arm of sufficient strength, projecting on -each side fifteen inches in this form: [Illustration] nearly under the -cross-arm is placed a very strong hemp-break, much stronger and heavier -than those for the hand. Its head block particularly is massive, and four -feet high, and near its upper end in front, is fixed a strong pin (which -we may call its horn), by this the cross-arm lifts and lets fall the -break twice in every revolution of the wallower. A man feeds the break -with hemp stalks, and a little person holds under the head block a large -twist of the hemp which has been broken, resembling a twist of tobacco -but larger, where it is more perfectly beaten than I have ever seen done -by hand. If the horse-wheel has one hundred and forty-four cogs, the -wallower eleven rounds, and the horse goes three times round in a minute, -it will give about eighty strokes in a minute. I had fixed a break to be -moved by the gate of my saw-mill, which broke and beat at the rate of -two hundred pounds a day. But the inconveniences of interrupting that, -induced me to try the power of a horse, and I have found it to answer -perfectly. The power being less, so also probably will be the effect, -of which I cannot make a fair trial until I commence on my new crop. -I expect that a single horse will do the breaking and beating of ten -men. Something of this kind has been so long wanted by the cultivators -of hemp, that as soon as I can speak of its effect with certainty, I -shall probably describe it anonymously in the public papers, in order -to forestall the prevention of its use by some interloping patentee. I -shall be happy to learn that an actual experiment of your steam engine -fulfils the expectations we form of it, and I pray you to accept the -assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - MONTICELLO, December 31, 1815. - -Nothing, my very dear and ancient friend, could have equalled the -mortification I felt on my arrival at home, and receipt of the information -that I had lost the happiness of your visit. The season had so far -advanced, and the weather become so severe, that together with the -information given me by Mr. Correa, so early as September, that your -friends even then were dissuading the journey, I had set it down as -certain it would be postponed to a milder season of the ensuing year. -I had yielded, therefore, with the less reluctance to a detention in -Bedford by a slower progress of my workmen than had been counted on. I -have never more desired anything than a full and free conversation with -you. I have not understood the transactions in France during the years -'14 and '15. From the newspapers we cannot even conjecture the secret -and real history; and I had looked for it to your visit. A pamphlet -(_Le Conciliateur_) received from M. Jullien, had given me some idea -of the obliquities and imbecilities of the Bourbons, during their first -restoration. Some manœuvres of both parties I had learnt from Lafayette, -and more recently from Gallatin. But the note you referred me to at page -360 of your letter to Say, has possessed me more intimately of the views, -the conduct and consequences of the last apparition of Napoleon. Still -much is wanting. I wish to know what were the intrigues which brought -him back, and what those which finally crushed him? What parts were acted -by A, B, C, D., &c, some of whom I know, and some I do not? How did the -body of the nation stand affectioned, comparatively, between the fool -and the tyrant? &c., &c., &c. From the account my family gives me of -your sound health, and of the vivacity and vigor of your mind, I will -still hope we shall meet again, and that the fine temperature of our -early summer, to wit, of May and June, may suggest to you the salutary -effects of exercise, and change of air and scene. _En attendant_, we -will turn to other subjects. - -That your opinion of the hostile intentions of Great Britain towards us -is sound, I am satisfied, from her movements north and south of us, as -well as from her temper. She feels the gloriole of her late _golden_ -achievements tarnished by our successes against her by sea and land; -and will not be contented until she has wiped it off by triumphs over us -also. I rely, however, on the volcanic state of Europe to present other -objects for her arms and her apprehensions; and am not without hope we -shall be permitted to proceed peaceably in making children, and maturing -and moulding our strength and resources. It is impossible that France -should rest under her present oppressions and humiliations. She will -rise in that gigantic strength which cannot be annihilated, and will -fatten her fields with the blood of her enemies. I only wish she may -exercise patience and forbearance until divisions among them may give -her a choice of sides. To the overwhelming power of England I see but -two chances of limit. The first is her bankruptcy, which will deprive -her of the _golden_ instrument of all her successes. The other in that -ascendency which nature destines for us by immutable laws. But to hasten -this last consummation, we too must exercise patience and forbearance. -For twenty years to come we should consider peace as the _summum bonum_ -of our country. At the end of that period we shall be twenty millions in -number, and forty in energy, when encountering the starved and rickety -paupers and dwarfs of English workshops. By that time I hope your grandson -will have become one of our High-admirals, and bear distinguished part -in retorting the wrongs of both his countries on the most implacable -and cruel of their enemies. In this hope, and because I love you, and -all who are dear to you, I wrote to the President in the instant of -reading your letter of the 7th, on the subject of his adoption into -our navy. I did it because I was gratified in doing it, while I knew it -was unnecessary. The sincere respect and high estimation in which the -President holds you, is such that there is no gratification, within the -regular exercise of his functions, which he would withhold from you. Be -assured then that, if within that compass, this business is safe. - -Were you any other than whom you are, I should shrink from the task you -have proposed to me, of undertaking to judge of the merit of your own -translation of the excellent letter on education. After having done all -which good sense and eloquence could do on the original, you must not -ambition the double need of English eloquence also. Did you ever know an -instance of one who could write in a foreign language with the elegance -of a native? Cicero wrote Commentaries of his own Consulship in Greek; -they perished unknown, while his native compositions have immortalized -him with themselves. No, my dear friend; you must not risk the success -of your letter on foreignisms of style which may weaken its effect. Some -native pen must give it to our countrymen in a native dress, faithful -to its original. You will find such with the aid of our friend Correa, -who knows everybody, and will readily think of some one who has time and -talent for this work. I have neither. Till noon I am daily engaged in a -correspondence much too extensive and laborious for my age. From noon to -dinner health, habit, and business, require me to be on horseback; and -render the society of my family and friends a necessary relaxation for -the rest of the day. These occupations scarcely leave time for the papers -of the day; and to renounce entirely the sciences and belles-lettres is -impossible. Had not Mr. Gilmer just taken his place in the ranks of the -bar, I think we could have engaged him in this work. But I am persuaded -that Mr. Correa's intimacy with the persons of promise in our country, -will leave you without difficulty in laying this work of instruction -open to our citizens at large. - -I have not yet had time to read your Equinoctial republics, nor the -letter of Say; because I am still engrossed by the letters which had -accumulated during my absence. The latter I accept with thankfulness, and -will speedily read and return the former. God bless you, and maintain -you in strength of body, and mind, until your own wishes shall be to -resign both. - - -TO CAPT. A. PARTRIDGE. - - MONTICELLO, January 2d, 1816. - -SIR,--I am but recently returned from my journey to the neighborhood of -the Peaks of Otter, and find here your favors of November 23d and December -9th. I have therefore to thank you for your meteorological table and the -corrections of Colonel Williams' altitudes of the mountains of Virginia, -which I had not before seen; but especially for the very able extract on -Barometrical measures. The precision of the calculations, and soundness -of the principles on which they are founded, furnish, I am satisfied, a -great approximation towards truth, and raise that method of estimating -heights to a considerable degree of rivalship with the trigonometrical. -The last is not without some sources of inaccuracy, as you have truly -stated. The admeasurement of the base is liable to errors which can be -rendered insensible only by such degrees of care as have been exhibited -by the mathematicians who have been employed in measuring degrees on -the surface of the earth. The measure of the angles by the wonderful -perfection to which the graduation of instruments has been brought by -a Bird, a Ramsden, a Troughton, removes nearly all distrust from that -operation; and we may add that the effect of refraction, rarely worth -notice in short distances, admits of correction by well-established laws; -these sources of error once reduced to be insensible, their geometrical -employment is certainty itself. No two men can differ on a principle of -trigonometry. Not so as to the theories of Barometrical mensuration. On -these have been great differences of opinion, and among characters of -just celebrity. - -Dr. Halley reckoned one-tenth inch of Mercury equal to 90 feet altitude -of the atmosphere. Derham thought it equal to something less than 90 -feet. Cassini's tables to 24° of the Barometer allowed 676 toises of -altitudes. - - Mariole's, to the same 544 toises. - Schruchzer's " 559 " - -Nettleton's tables applied to a difference of .5975 of mercury, in a -particular instance gave 512.17 feet of altitude, and Bonguor's and De -Luc's rules, to the same difference gave 579.5 feet. Sir Isaac Newton -had established that at heights in arithmetrical progression the ratio -of rarity in the air would be geometrical, and this being the character -of the natural numbers and their Logarithms, Bonguor adopted the ratio -in his mensuration of the mountains of South America, and stating in -French lignes the height of the mercury of different stations, took their -Logarithms to five places only, including the index, and considered the -resulting difference as expressing that of the altitudes in French toises. -He then applied corrections required by the effect of the temperature -of the moment on the air and mercury. His process, on the whole, agrees -very exactly with that established in your excellent extract. In 1776 -I observed the height of the mercury at the base and summit of the -mountain I live on, and by Nettleton's tables, estimated the height at -512.17 feet, and called it about 500 feet in the Notes on Virginia. But -calculating it since on the same observations, according to Bonguor's -method with De Luc's improvements, the result was 579.5 feet; and lately -I measured the same height trigonometrically, with the aid of a base -of 1,175 feet in a vertical plane with the summit, and at the distance -of about 1,500 yards from the axis of the mountain, and made it 599.35 -feet. I consider this as testing the advance of the barometrical process -towards truth by the adoption of the Logarithmic ratio of heights and -densities; and continued observations and experiments will continue to -advance it still more. But the first character of a common measure of -things being that of invariability, I can never suppose that a substance -so heterogeneous and variable as the atmospheric fluid, changing daily and -hourly its weight and dimensions to the amount, sometimes, of one-tenth -of the whole, can be applied as a standard of measure to anything, with -as much mathematical exactness, as a trigonometrical process. It is -still, however, a resource of great value for these purposes, because -its use is so easy, in comparison with the other, and especially where -the grounds are unfavorable for a base; and its results are so near the -truth as to answer all the common purposes of information. Indeed, I -should in all cases prefer the use of both, to warn us against gross -error, and to put us, when that is suspected, on a repetition of our -process. When lately measuring trigonometrically the height of the Peaks -of Otter (as my letter of October 12th informed you I was about to do), -I very much wished for a barometer, to try the height of that also. But -it was too far and hazardous to carry my own, and there was not one in -that neighborhood. On the subject of that admeasurement, I must premise -that my object was only to gratify a common curiosity as to the height -of those mountains, which we deem our highest, and to furnish an _à -peu près_, sufficient to satisfy us in a comparison of them with the -other mountains of our own, or of other countries. I therefore neither -provided such instruments, nor aimed at such extraordinary accuracy in -the measures of my base, as abler operators would have employed in the -more important object of measuring a degree, or of ascertaining the -relative position of different places for astronomical or geographical -purposes. My instrument was a theodolite by Ramsden, whose horizontal -and vertical circles were of 3½ inches radius, its graduation subdivided -by noniuses to one-third, admitting however by its intervals, a further -subdivision by the eye to a single minute, with two telescopes, the one -fixed, the other movable, and a Gunter's chain of four poles, accurately -adjusted in its length, and carefully attended on its application to the -base line. The Sharp, or southern peak, was first measured by a base of -2806.32 feet in the vertical plane of the axis of the mountain. A base -then nearly parallel with the two mountains of 6,589 feet was measured, -and observations taken at each end, of the altitudes and horizontal -angles of each apex, and such other auxiliary observations made as to the -stations, inclination of the base, &c., as a good degree of correctness -in the result would require. The ground of our bases was favorable, -being an open plain of close grazed meadow on both sides of the Otter -river, declining so uniformly with the descent of the river as to give no -other trouble than an observation of its angle of inclination, in order -to reduce the base to the plane of the horizon. From the summit of the -Sharp peak I took also the angle of altitude of the flat or northern one -above it, my other observations sufficing to give their distance from -one another. The result was, the mean height of the Sharp peak above -the surface of Otter river - - 2946.5 inches. - Mean height of the flat peak above the surface of Otter - river 3103.5 inches. - - The distance between the two summits 9507.73 inches. - -Their rhumb N. 33° 50´ E. the distance of the stations of observation -from the points in the bases of the mountains vertically under their -summits was, the shortest 19002.2 feet, the longest 24523.3 feet. These -mountains are computed to be visible to fifteen counties of the State, -without the advantage of counter-elevations, and to several more with -that advantage. I must add that I have gone over my calculations but -once, and nothing is more possible than the mistake of a figure, now -and then, in calculating so many triangles, which may occasion some -variation in the result. I mean, therefore, when I have leisure, to go -again over the whole. The ridge of mountains of which Monticello is one, -is generally low; there is one in it, however, called Peter's mountain, -considerably higher than the general ridge. This being within a dozen -miles of me, north-eastwardly, I think in the spring of the year to -measure it by both processes, which may serve as another trial of the -Logarithmic theory. Should I do this you shall know the result. In the -meantime accept assurances of my great respect and esteem. - - -TO COLONEL YANCEY. - - MONTICELLO, January 6, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--I am favored with yours of December 24th, and perceive you -have many matters before you of great moment. I have no fear but that -the legislature will do on all of them what is wise and just. On the -particular subject of our river, in the navigation of which our county -has so great an interest, I think the power of permitting dams to be -erected across it, ought to be taken from the courts, so far as the -stream has water enough for navigation. The value of our property is -sensibly lessened by the dam which the court of Fluvana authorized not -long since to be erected, but a little above its mouth. This power over -the value and convenience of our lands is of much too high a character -to be placed at the will of a county court, and that of a county, too, -which has not a common interest in the preservation of the navigation -for those above them. As to the existing dams, if any conditions are -proposed more than those to which they were subjected on their original -erection, I think they would be allowed the alternative of opening a -sluice for the passage of navigation, so as to put the river into as -good a condition for navigation as it was before the erection of their -dam, or as it would be if their dam were away. Those interested in the -navigation might then use the sluices or make locks as should be thought -best. Nature and reason, as well as all our constitutions, condemn -retrospective conditions as mere acts of power against right. - -I recommend to your patronage our Central College. I look to it as a -germ from which a great tree may spread itself. - -There is before the assembly a petition of a Captain Miller which I have -at heart, because I have great esteem for the petitioner as an honest -and useful man. He is about to settle in our county, and to establish -a brewery, in which art I think him as skilful a man as has ever come -to America. I wish to see this beverage become common instead of the -whiskey which kills one-third of our citizens and ruins their families. -He is staying with me until he can fix himself, and I should be thankful -for information from time to time of the progress of his petition. - -Like a dropsical man calling out for water, water, our deluded citizens -are clamoring for more banks, more banks. The American mind is now in -that state of fever which the world has so often seen in the history -of other nations. We are under the bank bubble, as England was under -the South Sea bubble, France under the Mississippi bubble, and as every -nation is liable to be, under whatever bubble, design, or delusion may -puff up in moments when off their guard. We are now taught to believe -that legerdemain tricks upon paper can produce as solid wealth as hard -labor in the earth. It is vain for common sense to urge that _nothing_ -can produce but _nothing_; that it is an idle dream to believe in a -philosopher's stone which is to turn everything into gold, and to redeem -man from the original sentence of his Maker, "in the sweat of his brow -shall he eat his bread." Not Quixot enough, however, to attempt to reason -Bedlam to rights, my anxieties are turned to the most practicable means -of withdrawing us from the ruin into which we have run. Two hundred -millions of paper in the hands of the people, (and less cannot be from the -employment of a banking capital known to exceed one hundred millions,) -is a fearful tax to fall at hap-hazard on their heads. The debt which -purchased our independence was but of eighty millions, of which twenty -years of taxation had in 1809 paid but the one half. And what have we -purchased with this tax of two hundred millions which we are to pay -by wholesale but usury, swindling, and new forms of demoralization. -Revolutionary history has warned us of the probable moment when this -baseless trash is to receive its fiat. Whenever so much of the precious -metals shall have returned into the circulation as that every one can -get some in exchange for his produce, paper, as in the revolutionary -war, will experience at once an universal rejection. When public opinion -changes, it is with the rapidity of thought. Confidence is already on the -totter, and every one now handles this paper as if playing at Robin's -alive. That in the present state of the circulation the banks should -resume payments in specie, would require their vaults to be like the -widow's cruise. The thing to be aimed at is, that the excesses of their -emissions should be withdrawn as gradually, but as speedily, too, as is -practicable, without so much alarm as to bring on the crisis dreaded. -Some banks are said to be calling in their paper. But ought we to let -this depend on their discretion? Is it not the duty of the legislature -to endeavor to avert from their constituents such a catastrophe as the -extinguishment of two hundred millions of paper in their hands? The -difficulty is indeed great; and the greater, because the patient revolts -against all medicine. I am far from presuming to say that any plan can be -relied on with certainty, because the bubble may burst from one moment -to another; but if it fails, we shall be but where we should have been -without any effort to save ourselves. Different persons, doubtless, will -devise different schemes of relief. One would be to suppress instantly -the currency of all paper not issued under the authority of our own -State or of the General Government; to interdict after a few months the -circulation of all bills of five dollars and under; after a few months -more, all of ten dollars and under; after other terms, those of twenty, -fifty, and so on to one hundred dollars, which last, if any must be -left in circulation, should be the lowest denomination. These might be -a convenience in mercantile transactions and transmissions, and would be -excluded by their size from ordinary circulation. But the disease may be -too pressing to await such a remedy. With the legislature I cheerfully -leave it to apply this medicine, or no medicine at all. I am sure their -intentions are faithful; and embarked in the same bottom, I am willing -to swim or sink with my fellow citizens. If the latter is their choice, -I will go down with them without a murmur. But my exhortation would -rather be "not to give up the ship." - -I am a great friend to the improvements of roads, canals, and schools. -But I wish I could see some provision for the former as solid as that -of the latter,--something better than fog. The literary fund is a solid -provision, unless lost in the impending bankruptcy. If the legislature -would add to that a perpetual tax of a cent a head on the population of -the State, it would set agoing at once, and forever maintain, a system -of primary or ward schools, and an university where might be taught, -in its highest degree, every branch of science useful in our time and -country; and it would rescue us from the tax of toryism, fanaticism, and -indifferentism to their own State, which we now send our youth to bring -from those of New England. If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, -in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be. -The functionaries of every government have propensities to command at -will the liberty and property of their constituents. There is no safe -deposit for these but with the people themselves; nor can they be safe -with them without information. Where the press is free, and every man -able to read, all is safe. The frankness of this communication will, I am -sure, suggest to you a discreet use of it. I wish to avoid all collisions -of opinion with all mankind. Show it to Mr. Maury, with expressions of -my great esteem. It pretends to convey no more than the opinions of one -of your thousand constituents, and to claim no more attention than every -other of that thousand. - -I will ask you once more to take care of Miller and our College, and to -accept assurances of my esteem and respect. - - -TO CHARLES THOMPSON. - - MONTICELLO, January 9, 1816. - -MY DEAR AND ANCIENT FRIEND,--An acquaintance of fifty-two years, for I -think ours dates from 1764, calls for an interchange of notice now and -then, that we remain in existence, the monuments of another age, and -examples of a friendship unaffected by the jarring elements by which -we have been surrounded, of revolutions of government, of party and of -opinion. I am reminded of this duty by the receipt, through our friend -Dr. Patterson, of your synopsis of the four Evangelists. I had procured -it as soon as I saw it advertised, and had become familiar with its -use; but this copy is the more valued as it comes from your hand. This -work bears the stamp of that accuracy which marks everything from you, -and will be useful to those who, not taking things on trust, recur for -themselves to the fountain of pure morals. I, too, have made a wee-little -book from the same materials, which I call the Philosophy of Jesus; it is -a paradigma of his doctrines, made by cutting the texts out of the book, -and arranging them on the pages of a blank book, in a certain order of -time or subject. A more beautiful or precious morsel of ethics I have -never seen; it is a document in proof that _I_ am a _real Christian_, -that is to say, a disciple of the doctrines of Jesus, very different from -the Platonists, who call _me_ infidel and _themselves_ Christians and -preachers of the gospel, while they draw all their characteristic dogmas -from what its author never said nor saw. They have compounded from the -heathen mysteries a system beyond the comprehension of man, of which the -great reformer of the vicious ethics and deism of the Jews, were he to -return on earth, would not recognize one feature. If I had time I would -add to my little book the Greek, Latin and French texts, in columns side -by side. And I wish I could subjoin a translation of Gosindi's Syntagma -of the doctrines of Epicurus, which, notwithstanding the calumnies of the -Stoics and caricatures of Cicero, is the most rational system remaining -of the philosophy of the ancients, as frugal of vicious indulgence, and -fruitful of virtue as the hyperbolical extravagances of his rival sects. - -I retain good health, am rather feeble to walk much, but ride with -ease, passing two or three hours a day on horseback, and every three -or four months taking in a carriage a journey of ninety miles to a -distant possession, where I pass a good deal of my time. My eyes need -the aid of glasses by night, and with small print in the day also; my -hearing is not quite so sensible as it used to be; no tooth shaking yet, -but shivering and shrinking in body from the cold we now experience, -my thermometer having been as low as 12° this morning. My greatest -oppression is a correspondence afflictingly laborious, the extent of -which I have been long endeavoring to curtail. This keeps me at the -drudgery of the writing-table all the prime hours of the day, leaving -for the gratification of my appetite for reading, only what I can steal -from the hours of sleep. Could I reduce this epistolary corvée within -the limits of my friends and affairs, and give the time redeemed from -it to reading and reflection, to history, ethics, mathematics, my life -would be as happy as the infirmities of age would admit, and I should -look on its consummation with the composure of one "_qui summum nec me -tuit diem nec optat_." - -So much as to myself, and I have given you this string of egotisms -in the hope of drawing a similar one from yourself. I have heard from -others that you retain your health, a good degree of activity, and all -the vivacity and cheerfulness of your mind, but I wish to learn it more -minutely from yourself. How has time affected your health and spirits? -What are your amusements, literary and social? Tell me everything about -yourself, because all will be interesting to me who retains for you ever -the same constant and affectionate friendship and respect. - - -TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, January 9, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 21st has been received, and I am first -to thank you for the pamphlet it covered. The same description of persons -which is the subject of that is so much multiplied here too, as to be -almost a grievance, and by their numbers in the public councils, have -wrested from the public hand the direction of the pruning knife. But with -us as a body, they are republican, and mostly moderate in their views; -so far, therefore, less objects of jealousy than with you. Your opinions -on the events which have taken place in France, are entirely just, so -far as these events are yet developed. But they have not reached their -ultimate termination. There is still an awful void between the present -and what is to be the last chapter of that history; and I fear it is -to be filled with abominations as frightful as those which have already -disgraced it. That nation is too high-minded, has too much innate force, -intelligence and elasticity, to remain under its present compression. -Samson will arise in his strength, as of old, and as of old will burst -asunder the withes and the cords, and the webs of the Philistines. But -what are to be the scenes of havoc and horror, and how widely they -may spread between brethren of the same house, our ignorance of the -interior feuds and antipathies of the country places beyond our ken. It -will end, nevertheless, in a representative government, in a government -in which the will of the people will be an effective ingredient. This -important element has taken root in the European mind, and will have -its growth; their despots, sensible of this, are already offering this -modification of their governments, as if of their own accord. Instead -of the parricide treason of Bonaparte, in perverting the means confided -to him as a republican magistrate, to the subversion of that republic -and erection of a military despotism for himself and his family, had he -used it honestly for the establishment and support of a free government -in his own country, France would now have been in freedom and rest; and -her example operating in a contrary direction, every nation in Europe -would have had a government over which the will of the people would -have had some control. His atrocious egotism has checked the salutary -progress of principle, and deluged it with rivers of blood which are -not yet run out. To the vast sum of devastation and of human misery, of -which he has been the guilty cause, much is still to be added. But the -object is fixed in the eye of nations, and they will press on to its -accomplishment and to the general amelioration of the condition of man. -What a germ have we planted, and how faithfully should we cherish the -parent tree at home! - -You tell me I am quoted by those who wish to continue our dependence -on England for manufactures. There was a time when I might have been -so quoted with more candor, but within the thirty years which have -since elapsed, how are circumstances changed! We were then in peace. -Our independent place among nations was acknowledged. A commerce which -offered the raw material in exchange for the same material after receiving -the last touch of industry, was worthy of welcome to all nations. It -was expected that those especially to whom manufacturing industry was -important, would cherish the friendship of such customers by every -favor, by every inducement, and particularly cultivate their peace by -every act of justice and friendship. Under this prospect the question -seemed legitimate, whether, with such an immensity of unimproved land, -courting the hand of husbandry, the industry of agriculture, or that -of manufactures, would add most to the national wealth? And the doubt -was entertained on this consideration chiefly, that to the labor of -the husbandman a vast addition is made by the spontaneous energies of -the earth on which it is employed: for one grain of wheat committed to -the earth, she renders twenty, thirty, and even fifty fold, whereas to -the labor of the manufacturer nothing is added. Pounds of flax, in his -hands, yield, on the contrary, but pennyweights of lace. This exchange, -too, laborious as it might seem, what a field did it promise for the -occupations of the ocean; what a nursery for that class of citizens who -were to exercise and maintain our equal rights on that element? This was -the state of things in 1785, when the "Notes on Virginia" were first -printed; when, the ocean being open to all nations, and their common -right in it acknowledged and exercised under regulations sanctioned by the -assent and usage of all, it was thought that the doubt might claim some -consideration. But who in 1785 could foresee the rapid depravity which -was to render the close of that century the disgrace of the history of -man? Who could have imagined that the two most distinguished in the rank -of nations, for science and civilization, would have suddenly descended -from that honorable eminence, and setting at defiance all those moral laws -established by the Author of nature between nation and nation, as between -man and man, would cover earth and sea with robberies and piracies, -merely because strong enough to do it with temporal impunity; and that -under this disbandment of nations from social order, we should have been -despoiled of a thousand ships, and have thousands of our citizens reduced -to Algerine slavery. Yet all this has taken place. One of these nations -interdicted to our vessels all harbors of the globe without having first -proceeded to some one of hers, there paid a tribute proportioned to the -cargo, and obtained her license to proceed to the port of destination. The -other declared them to be lawful prize if they had touched at the port, -or been visited by a ship of the enemy nation. Thus were we completely -excluded from the ocean. Compare this state of things with that of '85, -and say whether an opinion founded in the circumstances of that day can -be fairly applied to those of the present. We have experienced what we -did not then believe, that there exists both profligacy and power enough -to exclude us from the field of interchange with other nations: that to -be independent for the comforts of life we must fabricate them ourselves. -We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. -The former question is suppressed, or rather assumes a new form. Shall -we make our own comforts, or go without them, at the will of a foreign -nation? He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufacture, must be -for reducing us either to dependence on that foreign nation, or to be -clothed in skins, and to live like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I -am not one of these; experience has taught me that manufactures are now -as necessary to our independence as to our comfort; and if those who -quote me as of a different opinion, will keep pace with me in purchasing -nothing foreign where an equivalent of domestic fabric can be obtained, -without regard to difference of price, it will not be our fault if we -do not soon have a supply at home equal to our demand, and wrest that -weapon of distress from the hand which has wielded it. If it shall be -proposed to go beyond our own supply, the question of '85 will then -recur, will our _surplus_ labor be then most beneficially employed in the -culture of the earth, or in the fabrications of art? We have time yet for -consideration, before that question will press upon us; and the maxim -to be applied will depend on the circumstances which shall then exist; -for in so complicated a science as political economy, no one axiom can -be laid down as wise and expedient for all times and circumstances, and -for their contraries. Inattention to this is what has called for this -explanation, which reflection would have rendered unnecessary with the -candid, while nothing will do it with those who use the former opinion -only as a stalking horse, to cover their disloyal propensities to keep -us in eternal vassalage to a foreign and unfriendly people. - -I salute you with assurances of great respect and esteem. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, January 11, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Of the last five months I have passed four at my other domicil, -for such it is in a considerable degree. No letters are forwarded to me -there, because the cross post to that place is circuitous and uncertain; -during my absence, therefore, they are accumulating here, and awaiting -acknowledgments. This has been the fate of your favor of November 13th. - -I agree with you in all its eulogies on the eighteenth century. It -certainly witnessed the sciences and arts, manners and morals, advanced -to a higher degree than the world had ever before seen. And might we not -go back to the æra of the Borgias, by which time the barbarous ages had -reduced national morality to its lowest point of depravity, and observe -that the arts and sciences, rising from that point, advanced gradually -through all the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, softening -and correcting the manners and morals of man? I think, too, we may add to -the great honor of science and the arts, that their natural effect is, -by illuminating public opinion, to erect it into a censor, before which -the most exalted tremble for their future, as well as present fame. With -some exceptions only, through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, -morality occupied an honorable chapter in the political code of nations. -You must have observed while in Europe, as I thought I did, that those -who administered the governments of the greater powers at least, had -a respect to faith, and considered the dignity of their government as -involved in its integrity. A wound indeed was inflicted on this character -of honor in the eighteenth century by the partition of Poland. But this -was the atrocity of a barbarous government chiefly, in conjunction with -a smaller one still scrambling to become great, while one only of those -already great, and having character to lose, descended to the baseness -of an accomplice in the crime. France, England, Spain, shared in it only -inasmuch as they stood aloof and permitted its perpetration. - -How then has it happened that these nations, France especially and -England, so great, so dignified, so distinguished by science and the -arts, plunged all at once into all the depths of human enormity, threw -off suddenly and openly all the restraints of morality, all sensation to -character, and unblushingly avowed and acted on the principle that power -was right? Can this sudden apostasy from national rectitude be accounted -for? The treaty of Pilnitz seems to have begun it, suggested perhaps by -the baneful precedent of Poland. Was it from the terror of monarchs, -alarmed at the light returning on them from the west, and kindling a -volcano under their thrones? Was it a combination to extinguish that -light, and to bring back, as their best auxiliaries, those enumerated -by you, the Sorbonne, the Inquisition, the Index Expurgatorius, and the -knights of Loyola? Whatever it was, the close of the century saw the -moral world thrown back again to the age of the Borgias, to the point from -which it had departed three hundred years before. France, after crushing -and punishing the conspiracy of Pilnitz, went herself deeper and deeper -into the crimes she had been chastising. I say France and not Bonaparte; -for, although he was the head and mouth, the nation furnished the hands -which executed his enormities. England, although in opposition, kept -full pace with France, not indeed by the manly force of her own arms, -but by oppressing the weak and bribing the strong. At length the whole -choir joined and divided the weaker nations among them. Your prophecies -to Dr. Price proved truer than mine; and yet fell short of the fact, for -instead of a million, the destruction of eight or ten millions of human -beings has probably been the effect of these convulsions. I did not, -in '89, believe they would have lasted so long, nor have cost so much -blood. But although your prophecy has proved true so far, I hope it does -not preclude a better final result. That same light from our west seems -to have spread and illuminated the very engines employed to extinguish -it. It has given them a glimmering of their rights and their power. The -idea of representative government has taken root and growth among them. -Their masters feel it, and are saving themselves by timely offers of -this modification of their powers. Belgium, Prussia, Poland, Lombardy, -&c., are now offered a representative organization; illusive probably at -first, but it will grow into power in the end. Opinion is power, and that -opinion will come. Even France will yet attain representative government. -You observe it makes the basis of every constitution which has been -demanded or offered,--of that demanded by their Senate; of that offered by -Bonaparte; and of that granted by Louis XVIII. The idea then is rooted, -and will be established, although rivers of blood may yet flow between -them and their object. The allied armies now couching upon them are first -to be destroyed, and destroyed they will surely be. A nation united can -never be conquered. We have seen what the ignorant, bigoted and unarmed -Spaniards could do against the disciplined veterans of their invaders. -What then may we not expect from the power and character of the French -nation? The oppressors may cut off heads after heads, but like those of -the Hydra they multiply at every stroke. The recruits within a nation's -own limits are prompt and without number; while those of their invaders -from a distance are slow, limited, and must come to an end. I think, too, -we perceive that all these allies do not see the same interest in the -annihilation of the power of France. There are certainly some symptoms -of foresight in Alexander that France might produce a salutary diversion -of force were Austria and Prussia to become her enemies. France, too, -is the neutral ally of the Turk, as having no interfering interests, -and might be useful in neutralizing and perhaps turning that power on -Austria. That a re-acting jealousy, too, exists with Austria and Prussia, -I think their late strict alliance indicates; and I should not wonder -if Spain should discover a sympathy with them. Italy is so divided as -to be nothing. Here then we see new coalitions in embryo, which, after -France shall in turn have suffered a just punishment for her crimes, -will not only raise her from the earth on which she is prostrate, but -give her an opportunity to establish a government of as much liberty -as she can bear--enough to ensure her happiness and prosperity. When -insurrection begins, be it where it will, all the partitioned countries -will rush to arms, and Europe again become an arena of gladiators. And -what is the definite object they will propose? A restoration certainly -of the _status quo prius_, of the state of possession of '89. I see no -other principle on which Europe can ever again settle down in lasting -peace. I hope your prophecies will go thus far, as my wishes do, and that -they, like the former, will prove to have been the sober dictates of a -superior understanding, and a sound calculation of effects from causes -well understood. Some future Morgan will then have an opportunity of doing -you justice, and of counterbalancing the breach of confidence of which you -so justly complain, and in which no one has had more frequent occasion -of fellow-feeling than myself. Permit me to place here my affectionate -respects to Mrs. Adams, and to add for yourself the assurances of cordial -friendship and esteem. - - -TO DABNEY CARR. - - MONTICELLO, January 19, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--At the date of your letter of December the 1st, I was in -Bedford, and since my return, so many letters, accumulated during my -absence, have been pressing for answers, that this is the first moment -I have been able to attend to the subject of yours. While Mr. Girardin -was in this neighborhood writing his continuation of Burke's history, -I had suggested to him a proper notice of the establishment of the -committee of correspondence here in 1773, and of Mr. Carr, your father, -who introduced it. He has doubtless done this, and his work is now in -the press. My books, journals of the times, &c., being all gone, I have -nothing now but an impaired memory to resort to for the more particular -statement you wish. But I give it with the more confidence, as I find -that I remember old things better than new. The transaction took place -in the session of Assembly of March 1773. Patrick Henry, Richard Henry -Lee, Frank Lee, your father and myself, met by agreement, one evening, -about the close of the session, at the Raleigh Tavern, to consult on -the measures which the circumstances of the times seemed to call for. -We agreed, in result, that concert in the operations of the several -colonies was indispensable; and that to produce this, some channel of -correspondence between them must be opened; that therefore, we would -propose to our House the appointment of a committee of correspondence, -which should be authorized and instructed to write to the Speakers of -the House of Representatives of the several Colonies, recommending the -appointment of similar committees on their part, who, by a communication -of sentiment on the transactions threatening us all, might promote a -harmony of action salutary to all. This was the substance, not pretending -to remember the words. We proposed the resolution, and your father was -agreed on to make the motion. He did it the next day, March the 12th, -with great ability, reconciling all to it, not only by the reasonings, -but by the temper and moderation with which it was developed. It was -adopted by a very general vote. Peyton Randolph, some of us who proposed -it, and who else I do not remember, were appointed of the committee. -We immediately despatched letters by expresses to the Speakers of all -the other Assemblies. I remember that Mr. Carr and myself, returning -home together, and conversing on the subject by the way, concurred in -the conclusion that that measure must inevitably beget the meeting of a -Congress of Deputies from all the colonies, for the purpose of uniting -all in the same principles and measures for the maintenance of our -rights. My memory cannot deceive me, when I affirm that we did it in -consequence of no such proposition from any other colony. No doubt the -resolution itself and the journals of the day will show that ours was -original, and not merely responsive to one from any other quarter. Yet, -I am certain I remember also, that a similar proposition, and nearly -cotemporary, was made by Massachusetts, and that our northern messenger -passed theirs on the road. This, too, may be settled by recurrence to the -records of Massachusetts. The proposition was generally acceded to by the -other colonies, and the first effect, as expected, was the meeting of a -Congress at New York the ensuing year. The committee of correspondence -appointed by Massachusetts, as quoted by you from Marshall, under -the date of 1770, must have been for a special purpose, and _functus -officio_ before the date of 1773, or Massachusetts herself would not -then have proposed another. Records should be examined to settle this -accurately. I well remember the pleasure expressed in the countenance -and conversation of the members generally, on this _debut_ of Mr. Carr, -and the hopes they conceived as well from the talents as the patriotism -it manifested. But he died within two months after, and in him we lost a -powerful fellow-laborer. His character was of a high order. A spotless -integrity, sound judgment, handsome imagination, enriched by education -and reading, quick and clear in his conceptions, of correct and ready -elocution, impressing every hearer with the sincerity of the heart from -which it flowed. His firmness was inflexible in whatever he thought was -right; but when no moral principle stood in the way, never had man more -of the milk of human kindness, of indulgence, of softness, of pleasantry -of conversation and conduct. The number of his friends, and the warmth -of their affection, were proofs of his worth, and of their estimate of -it. To give to those now living, an idea of the affliction produced by -his death in the minds of all who knew him, I liken it to that lately -felt by themselves on the death of his eldest son, Peter Carr, so like -him in all his endowments and moral qualities, and whose recollection -can never recur without a deep-drawn sigh from the bosom of any one who -knew him. You mention that I showed you an inscription I had proposed -for the tomb stone of your father. Did I leave it in your hands to be -copied? I ask the question, not that I have any such recollection, but -that I find it no longer in the place of its deposit, and think I never -took it out but on that occasion. Ever and affectionately yours. - - -TO DR. PETER WILSON, PROFESSOR OF LANGUAGES, COLUMBIA COLLEGE, NEW YORK. - - MONTICELLO, January 20, 1816. - -SIR,--Of the last five months, I have been absent four from home, which -must apologize for so very late an acknowledgment of your favor of -November 22d, and I wish the delay could be compensated by the matter -of the answer. But an unfortunate accident puts that out of my power. -During the course of my public life, and from a very early period of -it, I omitted no opportunity of procuring vocabularies of the Indian -languages, and for that purpose formed a model expressing such objects -in nature as must be familiar to every people, savage or civilized. -This being made the standard to which all were brought, would exhibit -readily whatever affinities of language there be between the several -tribes. It was my intention, on retiring from public business, to have -digested these into some order, so as to show not only what relations of -language existed among our own aborigines, but by a collation with the -great Russian vocabulary of the languages of Europe and Asia, whether -there were any between them and the other nations of the continent. On my -removal from Washington, the package in which this collection was coming -by water, was stolen and destroyed. It consisted of between thirty and -forty vocabularies, of which I can, from memory, say nothing particular; -but that I am certain more than half of them differed as radically, -each from every other, as the Greek, the Latin, and Islandic. And even -of those which seemed to be derived from the same radix, the departure -was such that the tribes speaking them could not probably understand -one another. Single words, or two or three together, might perhaps be -understood, but not a whole sentence of any extent or construction. I -think, therefore, the pious missionaries who shall go to the several -tribes to instruct them in the Christian religion, will have to learn -a language for every tribe they go to; nay, more, that they will have -to create a new language for every one, that is to say, to add to -theirs new words for the new ideas they will have to communicate. Law, -medicine, chemistry, mathematics, every science has a language of its -own, and divinity not less than others. Their barren vocabularies cannot -be vehicles for ideas of the fall of man, his redemption, the triune -composition of the Godhead, and other mystical doctrines considered -by most Christians of the present date as essential elements of faith. -The enterprise is therefore arduous, but the more inviting perhaps to -missionary zeal, in proportion as the merit of surmounting it will be -greater. Again repeating my regrets that I am able to give so little -satisfaction on the subject of your inquiry, I pray you to accept the -assurance of my great consideration and esteem. - - -TO MR. AMOS J. COOK, PRECEPTOR OF FRYEBURG ACADEMY IN THE DISTRICT OF -MAINE. - - MONTICELLO, January 21, 1816. - -SIR,--Your favor of December 18th was exactly a month on its way to -this place; and I have to thank you for the elegant and philosophical -lines communicated by the Nestor of our Revolution. Whether the style -or sentiment be considered, they were well worthy the trouble of being -copied and communicated by his pen. Nor am I less thankful for the happy -translation of them. It adds another to the rare instances of a rival -to its original: superior indeed in one respect, as the same outline -of sentiment is brought within a compass of better proportion. For if -the original be liable to any criticism, it is that of giving too great -extension to the same general idea. Yet it has a great authority to -support it, that of a wiser man than all of us. "I sought in my heart -to give myself unto wine; I made me great works; I builded me houses; -I planted me vineyards; I made me gardens, and orchards, and pools to -water them; I got me servants and maidens, and great possessions of -cattle; I gathered me also silver and gold, and men singers and women -singers, and the delights of the sons of men, and musical instruments -of all sorts; and whatsoever mine eyes desired I kept not from them; -I withheld not my heart from any joy. Then I looked on all the works -that my hands had wrought, and behold! all was vanity and vexation of -spirit! I saw that wisdom excelleth folly, as far as light excelleth -darkness." The Preacher, whom I abridge, has indulged in a much larger -amplification of his subject. I am not so happy as my friend and ancient -colleague, Mr. Adams, in possessing anything original, _inedited_, and -worthy of comparison with the epigraph of the Spanish monk. I can offer -but humble prose, from the hand indeed of the father of eloquence and -philosophy; a moral morsel, which our young friends under your tuition -should keep ever in their eye, as the ultimate term of your instructions, -and of their labors. "Hic, quisquis est, qui moderatione et constantia -quietus animo est, sibique ipse placatus; ut nec tabescat molestiis, -nec frangatur timore, nec sitienter quid expectens ardeat desiderio, nec -alacritate futili gestiens deliquescat; is est sapiens, quem quaerimus; -is est beatus; cui nihil humanarum rerum aut intolerabile ad dimittendum -animum, aut nimis lactabile ad efferendum, videri potest." Or if a -poetical dress will be more acceptable to the fancy of the juvenile -student: - - "Quisnam igitur liber? Sapiens, sibique imperiosus: - Quem neque pauperies, neque mors, neque vincula terrent: - Responsare cupidinibus, contemnere honores - Fortis, et in scipso totus teres, atque rotundus; - Externi ne quid valeat per laeve morari: - In quem manea ruit semper Fortuna." - -And if the Wise be the happy man, as these sages say, he must be virtuous -too; for, without virtue, happiness cannot be. This then is the true -scope of all academical emulation. - -You request something in the handwriting of General Washington. I enclose -you a letter which I received from him while in Paris, covering a copy -of the new Constitution; it is offered merely as what you ask, a specimen -of his handwriting. - -On the subject of your Museum, I fear I cannot flatter myself with being -useful to it. Were the obstacle of distance out of the way, age and -retirement have withdrawn me from the opportunities of procuring objects -in that line. With every wish for the prosperity of your institution, -accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. THOMAS RITCHIE. - - MONTICELLO, January 21, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--In answering the letter of a northern correspondent lately, -I indulged in a tirade against a pamphlet recently published in this -quarter. On revising my letter, however, I thought it unsafe to commit -myself so far to a stranger. I struck out the passage therefore, yet I -think the pamphlet of such a character as not to be unknown, or unnoticed -by the people of the United States. It is the most bold and impudent -stride New England has ever made in arrogating an ascendency over the -rest of the Union. The first form of the pamphlet was an address from -the Reverend Lyman Beecher, chairman of the Connecticut Society for the -education of _pious_ young men for the ministry. Its matter was then -adopted and published in a sermon by Reverend Mr. Pearson of Andover in -Massachusetts, where they have a _theological_ college; and where the -address "with circumstantial variations to adopt it to more general use" -is reprinted on a sheet and a half of paper, in so cheap a form as to -be distributed, I imagine, gratis, for it has a final note indicating -six thousand copies of the first edition printed. So far as it respects -Virginia, the extract of my letter gives the outline. I therefore send -it to you to publish or burn, abridge or alter, as you think best. -You understand the public palate better than I do. Only give it such -a title as may lead to no suspicion from whom you receive it. I am the -more induced to offer it to you because it is possible mine may be the -only copy in the State, and because, too, it may be _à propos_ for the -petition for the establishment of _a theological society_ now before the -legislature, and to which they have shown the unusual respect of hearing -an advocate for it at their bar. From what quarter this theological -society comes forward I know not; perhaps from our own tramontaine clergy, -of New England religion and politics; perhaps it is the entering wedge -from its _theological_ sister in Andover, for the body of "qualified -religious instructors" proposed by their pious brethren of the East "to -evangelize and catechize," to edify our daughters by weekly lectures, and -our wives by "family visits" from these pious young monks from Harvard -and Yale. However, do with this what you please, and be assured of my -friendship and respect. - - -TO NATHANIEL MACON. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 7th, after being a fortnight on the road, -reached this the last night. On the subject of the statue of General -Washington, which the legislature of North Carolina has ordered to be -procured, and set up in their capitol, I shall willingly give you my -best information and opinions. - -1. Your first inquiry is whether one worthy the character it is to -represent, and the State which erects it, can be made in the United -States? Certainly it cannot. I do not know that there is a single marble -statuary in the United States, but I am sure there cannot be one who would -offer himself as qualified to undertake this monument of gratitude and -taste. Besides, no quarry of statuary marble has yet, I believe, been -opened in the United States, that is to say, of a marble pure white, -and in blocks of sufficient size, without vein or flaw. The quarry of -Carara, in Italy, is the only one in the accessible parts of Europe which -furnishes such blocks. It was from thence we brought to Paris that for -the statue of General Washington, made there on account of this State; -and it is from there that all the southern and maritime parts of Europe -are supplied with that character of marble. - -2. Who should make it? There can be but one answer to this. Old Canova, -of Rome. No artist in Europe would place himself in a line with him; -and for thirty years, within my own knowledge, he has been considered -by all Europe as without a rival. He draws his blocks from Carara, and -delivers the statue complete, and packed for transportation, at Rome; -from thence it descends the Tiber, but whether it must go to Leghorn, -or some other shipping port, I do not know. - -3. Price, time, size, and style? It will probably take a couple of years -to be ready. I am not able to be exact as to the price. We gave Houdon, -at Paris, one thousand guineas for the one he made for this State; but -he solemnly and feelingly protested against the inadequacy of the price, -and evidently undertook it on motives of reputation alone. He was the -first artist in France, and being willing to come over to take the model -of the General, which we could not have got Canova to have done, that -circumstance decided on his employment. We paid him additionally for -coming over about five hundred guineas; and when the statue was done, -we paid the expenses of one of his under workmen to come over and set -it up, which might, perhaps, be one hundred guineas more. I suppose, -therefore, it cost us, in the whole, eight thousand dollars. But this -was only of the size of life. Yours should be something larger. The -difference it makes in the impression can scarcely be conceived. As to -the style or costume, I am sure the artist, and every person of taste in -Europe, would be for the Roman, the effect of which is undoubtedly of -a different order. Our boots and regimentals have a very puny effect. -Works of this kind are about one-third cheaper at Rome than Paris; but -Canova's eminence will be a sensible ingredient in price. I think that for -such a statue, with a plain pedestal, you would have a good bargain from -Canova at seven or eight thousand dollars, and should not be surprised -were he to require ten thousand dollars, to which you would have to add -the charges of bringing over and setting up. The one-half of the price -would probably have to be advanced, and the other half paid on delivery. - -4. From what model? Ciracchi made the bust of General Washington in -plaster. It was the finest which came from his hand, and my own opinion -of Ciracchi was, that he was second to no sculptor living except Canova; -and, if he had lived, would have rivalled him. His style had been -formed on the fine models of antiquity in Italy, and he had caught their -ineffable majesty of expression. On his return to Rome, he made the bust -of the General in marble, from that in plaster; it was sent over here, -was universally considered as the best effigy of him ever executed, was -bought by the Spanish Minister for the king of Spain, and sent to Madrid. -After the death of Ciracchi, Mr. Appleton, our Consul at Leghorn, a man -of worth and taste, purchased of his widow the original plaster, with -a view to profit by copies of marble and plaster from it. He still has -it at Leghorn; and it is the only original from which the statue can be -formed. But the exterior of the figure will also be wanting, that is -to say, the outward lineaments of the body and members, to enable the -artist to give to them also their true forms and proportions. There are, -I believe, in Philadelphia, whole length paintings of General Washington, -from which, I presume, old Mr. Peale or his son would sketch on canvas -the mere outlines at no great charge. This sketch, with Ciracchi's bust, -will suffice. - -5. Through whose agency? None so ready or so competent as Mr. Appleton -himself; he has had relations with Canova, is a judge of price, convenient -to engage the work, to attend to its progress, to receive and forward -it to North Carolina. Besides the accommodation of the original bust to -be asked from him, he will probably have to go to Rome himself, to make -the contract, and will incur a great deal of trouble besides, from that -time to the delivery in North Carolina; and it should therefore be made -a matter of interest with him to act in it, as his time and trouble is -his support. I imagine his agency from beginning to end would not be -worth less than from one to two hundred guineas. I particularize all -these things, that you may not be surprised with after-claps of expense, -not counted on beforehand. Mr. Appleton has two nephews at Baltimore, -both in the mercantile line, and in correspondence with him. Should the -Governor adopt this channel of execution, he will have no other trouble -than that of sending to them his communications for Mr. Appleton, and -making the remittances agreed on as shall be convenient to himself. A -letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Appleton, informing him that -any service he can render the State of North Carolina in this business, -would be gratifying to his government, would not be without effect. - -Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. - - MONTICELLO, January 24, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 16th experienced great delay on the road, -and to avoid that of another mail, I must answer very briefly. - -My letter to Peter Carr contains all I ever wrote on the subject of the -College, a plan for the institution being the only thing the trustees -asked or expected from me. Were it to go into execution, I should -certainly interest myself further and strongly in procuring proper -professors. - -The establishment of a Proctor is taken from the practice of Europe, -where an equivalent officer is made a part, and is a very essential -one, of every such institution; and as the nature of his functions -requires that he should always be a man of discretion, understanding, -and integrity above the common level, it was thought that he would never -be less worthy of being trusted with the powers of a justice, within -the limits of institution here, than the neighboring justices generally -are; and the vesting him with the conservation of the peace within -that limit, was intended, while it should equally secure its object, to -shield the young and unguarded student from the disgrace of the common -prison, except where the case was an aggravated one. A confinement to -his own room was meant as an act of tenderness to him, his parents and -friends; in fine, it was to give them a complete police of their own, -tempered by the paternal attentions of their tutors. And, certainly, -in no country is such a provision more called for than in this, as has -been proved from times of old, from the regular annual riots and battles -between the students of William and Mary with the town boys, before the -revolution, _quorum pars fui_, and the many and more serious affrays of -later times. Observe, too, that our bill proposes no exclusion of the -ordinary magistrate, if the one attached to the institution is thought -to execute his power either partially or remissly. - -The transfer of the power to give commencement to the Ward or Elementary -Schools from the court and aldermen to the visitors, was proposed because -the experience of twenty years has proved that no court will ever begin -it. The reason is obvious. The members of the courts are the wealthy -members of the counties; and as the expenses of the schools are to be -defrayed by a contribution proportioned to the aggregate of other taxes -which every one pays, they consider it as a plan to educate the poor at -the expense of the rich. It proceeded, too, from a hope that the example -and good effects being exhibited in one county, they would spread from -county to county and become general. The modification of the law, by -authorizing the alderman to require the expense of tutorage from such -parents as are able, would render trifling, if not wholly prevent, any -call on the county for pecuniary aid. You know that nothing better than a -log-house is required for these schools, and there is not a neighborhood -which would not meet and build this themselves for the sake of having -a school near them. - -I know of no peculiar advantage which Charlottesville offers for Mr. -Braidwood's school of deaf and dumb. On the contrary, I should think -the vicinity of the seat of government most favorable to it. I should -not like to have it made a member of our College. The objects of the two -institutions are fundamentally distinct. The one is science, the other -mere charity. It would be gratuitously taking a boat in tow which may -impede, but cannot aid the motion of the principal institution. - -Ever and affectionately yours. - - -TO REV. MR. WORCESTER. - - MONTICELLO, January 29, 1816. - -SIR,--Your letter bearing date October 18th, 1815, came only to hand the -day before yesterday, which is mentioned to explain the date of mine. I -have to thank you for the pamphlets accompanying it, to wit, the Solemn -Review, the Friend of Peace or Special Interview, and the Friend of -Peace, No. 2; the first of these I had received through another channel -some months ago. I have not read the two last steadily through, because -where one assents to propositions as soon as announced it is loss of -time to read the arguments in support of them. These numbers discuss the -first branch of the causes of war, that is to say, wars undertaken for -the _point of honor_, which you aptly analogize with the act of duelling -between individuals, and reason with justice from the one to the other. -Undoubtedly this class of wars is, in the general, what you state them to -be, "needless, unjust and inhuman, as well as anti-Christian." The second -branch of this subject, to wit, wars undertaken on account of _wrong -done_, and which may be likened to the act of robbery in private life, I -presume will be treated of in your future numbers. I observe this class -mentioned in the Solemn Review, p. 10, and the question asked, "Is it -common for a nation to obtain a _redress_ of wrongs by war?" The answer -to this question you will of course draw from history. In the meantime, -reason will answer it on grounds of probability, that where the wrong has -been done by a weaker nation, the stronger one has generally been able -to enforce redress; but where by a stronger nation, redress by war has -been neither obtained nor expected by the weaker. On the contrary, the -loss has been increased by the expenses of the war in blood and treasure. -Yet it may have obtained another object equally securing itself from -future wrong. It may have retaliated on the aggressor losses of blood -and treasure far beyond the value to him of the wrong he had committed, -and thus have made the advantage of that too dear a purchase to leave -him in a disposition to renew the wrong in future. In this way the loss -by the war may have secured the weaker nation from loss by future wrong. -The case you state of two boxers both of whom get a "terrible bruising," -is opposite to this. He of the two who committed the aggression on the -other, although victor in the scuffle, yet probably finds his aggression -not worth the bruising it has cost him. To explain this by numbers, -it is alleged that Great Britain took from us before the late war near -one thousand vessels, and that during the war we took from her fourteen -hundred. That before the war she seized and made slaves of six thousand -of our citizens, and that in the war we killed more than six thousand -of her subjects, and caused her to expend such a sum as amounted to four -or five thousand guineas a head for every slave she made. She might have -purchased the vessels she took for less than the value of those she lost, -and have used the six thousand of her men killed for the purposes to -which she applied ours, have saved the four or five thousand guineas a -head, and obtained a character of justice which is valuable to a nation -as to an individual. These considerations, therefore, leave her without -inducement to plunder property and take men in future on such dear -terms. I neither affirm nor deny the truth of these allegations, nor is -their truth material to the question. They are possible, and therefore -present a case which will claim your consideration in a discussion of -the general question whether any degree of injury can render a recourse -to war expedient? Still less do I propose to draw to myself any part in -this discussion. Age and its effects both on body and mind, has weaned -my attentions from public subjects, and left me unequal to the labors -of correspondence beyond the limits of my personal concerns. I retire, -therefore, from the question, with a sincere wish that your writings -may have effect in lessening this greatest of human evils, and that -you may retain life and health to enjoy the contemplation of this happy -spectacle; and pray you to be assured of my great respect. - - -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, February 2d, 1816 - -DEAR SIR,--Your favors of the 23d and 24th ult., were a week coming -to us. I instantly enclosed to you the deeds of Capt. Miller, but I -understand that the Post Master, having locked his mail before they got -to the office, would not unlock it to give them a passage. - -Having been prevented from retaining my collection of the acts and -journals of our legislature by the lumping manner in which the Committee -of Congress chose to take my library, it may be useful to our public -bodies to know what acts and journals I had, and where they can now -have access to them. I therefore enclose you a copy of my catalogue, -which I pray you to deposit in the council office for public use. It -is in the eighteenth and twenty-fourth chapters they will find what is -interesting to them. The form of the catalogue has been much injured -in the publication; for although they have preserved my division into -chapters, they have reduced the books in each chapter to alphabetical -order, instead of the chronological or analytical arrangements I had -given them. You will see sketches of what were my arrangements at the -heads of some of the chapters. - -The bill on the obstructions in our navigable waters appears to me -proper; as do also the amendments proposed. I think the State should -reserve a right to the use of the waters for navigation, and that -where an individual landholder impedes that use, he shall remove that -impediment, and leave the subject in as good a state as nature formed -it. This I hold to be the true principle; and to this Colonel Green's -amendments go. All I ask in my own case is, that the legislature will -not take from me _my own works_. I am ready to cut my dam in any place, -and at any moment requisite, so as to remove that impediment, if it be -thought one, and to leave those interested to make the most of the natural -circumstances of the place. But I hope they will never take from me my -canal, made through the body of my own lands, at an expense of twenty -thousand dollars, and which is no impediment to the navigation of the -river. I have permitted the riparian proprietors above (and they not -more than a dozen or twenty) to use it gratis, and shall not withdraw the -permission unless they so use it as to obstruct too much the operations -of my mills, of which there is some likelihood. - -Doctor Smith, you say, asks what is the best elementary book on the -principles of government? None in the world equal to the Review of -Montesquieu, printed at Philadelphia a few years ago. It has the -advantage, too, of being equally sound and corrective of the principles of -political economy; and all within the compass of a thin 8vo. Chipman's and -Priestley's Principles of Government, and the Federalists, are excellent -in many respects, but for fundamental principles not comparable to the -Review. I have no objections to the printing my letter to Mr. Carr, if -it will promote the interests of science; although it was not written -with a view to its publication. - -My letter of the 24th ult. conveyed to you the grounds of the two -articles objected to in the College bill. Your last presents one of them -in a new point of view, that of the commencement of the ward schools -as likely to render the law unpopular to the country. It must be a very -inconsiderate and rough process of execution that would do this. My idea -of the mode of carrying it into execution would be this: Declare the -county _ipso facto_ divided into wards for the present, by the boundaries -of the militia captaincies; somebody attend the ordinary muster of each -company, having first desired the captain to call together a full one. -There explain the object of the law to the people of the company, put -to their vote whether they will have a school established, and the most -central and convenient place for it; get them to meet and build a log -school-house; have a roll taken of the children who would attend it, -and of those of them able to pay. These would probably be sufficient to -support a common teacher, instructing gratis the few unable to pay. If -there should be a deficiency, it would require too trifling a contribution -from the county to be complained of; and especially as the whole county -would participate, where necessary, in the same resource. Should the -company, by its vote, decide that it would have no school, let them -remain without one. The advantages of this proceeding would be that it -would become the duty of the alderman elected by the county, to take -an active part in pressing the introduction of schools, and to look out -for tutors. If, however, it is intended that the State government shall -take this business into its own hands, and provide schools for every -county, then by all means strike out this provision of our bill. I would -never wish that it should be placed on a worse footing than the rest of -the State. But if it is believed that these elementary schools will be -better managed by the governor and council, the commissioners of the -literary fund, or any other general authority of the government, than -by the parents within each ward, it is a belief against all experience. -Try the principle one step further, and amend the bill so as to commit -to the governor and council the management of all our farms, our mills, -and merchants' stores. No, my friend, the way to have good and safe -government, is not to trust it all to one, but to divide it among the -many, distributing to every one exactly the functions he is competent -to. Let the national government be entrusted with the defence of the -nation, and its foreign and federal relations; the State governments with -the civil rights, laws, police, and administration of what concerns the -State generally; the counties with the local concerns of the counties, -and each ward direct the interests within itself. It is by dividing and -subdividing these republics from the great national one down through -all its subordinations, until it ends in the administration of every -man's farm by himself; by placing under every one what his own eye may -superintend, that all will be done for the best. What has destroyed -liberty and the rights of man in every government which has ever existed -under the sun? The generalizing and concentrating all cares and powers -into one body, no matter whether of the autocrats of Russia or France, -or of the aristocrats of a Venetian senate. And I do believe that if -the Almighty has not decreed that man shall never be free, (and it is -a blasphemy to believe it,) that the secret will be found to be in the -making himself the depository of the powers respecting himself, so far as -he is competent to them, and delegating only what is beyond his competence -by a synthetical process, to higher and higher orders of functionaries, so -as to trust fewer and fewer powers in proportion as the trustees become -more and more oligarchical. The elementary republics of the wards, the -county republics, the State republics, and the republic of the Union, -would form a gradation of authorities, standing each on the basis of -law, holding every one its delegated share of powers, and constituting -truly a system of fundamental balances and checks for the government. -Where every man is a sharer in the direction of his ward-republic, or -of some of the higher ones, and feels that he is a participator in the -government of affairs, not merely at an election one day in the year, -but every day; when there shall not be a man in the State who will not -be a member of some one of its councils, great or small, he will let -the heart be torn out of his body sooner than his power be wrested from -him by a Cæsar or a Bonaparte. How powerfully did we feel the energy of -this organization in the case of embargo? I felt the foundations of the -government shaken under my feet by the New England townships. There was -not an individual in their States whose body was not thrown with all -its momentum into action; and although the whole of the other States -were known to be in favor of the measure, yet the organization of this -little selfish minority enabled it to overrule the Union. What would -the unwieldy counties of the middle, the south, and the west do? Call a -county meeting, and the drunken loungers at and about the court houses -would have collected, the distances being too great for the good people -and the industrious generally to attend. The character of those who -really met would have been the measure of the weight they would have had -in the scale of public opinion. As Cato, then, concluded every speech -with the words, "_Carthago delenda est_," so do I every opinion, with -the injunction, "divide the counties into wards." Begin them only for -a single purpose; they will soon show for what others they are the best -instruments. God bless you, and all our rulers, and give them the wisdom, -as I am sure they have the will, to fortify us against the degeneracy -of one government, and the concentration of all its powers in the hands -of the one, the few, the well-born or the many. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, February 2, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--I know not what to think of your letter of the 11th of January, -but that it is one of the most consolatory I ever received. - -To trace the commencement of the Reformation, I suspect we must go -farther back than Borgia, or even Huss or Wickliff, and I want the _Acta -Sanctorum_ to assist me in this research. That stupendous monument of -human hypocrisy and fanaticism, the church of St. Peter at Rome, which -was a century and a half in building, excited the ambition of Leo the -Xth, who believed no more of the Christian religion than Diderot, to -finish it; and finding St. Peter's pence insufficient, he deluged all -Europe with indulgences for sale, and excited Luther to controvert his -authority to grant them. Luther, and his associates and followers, went -less than half way in detecting the corruptions of Christianity, but -they acquired reverence and authority among their followers almost as -absolute as that of the Popes had been. - -To enter into details would be endless; but I agree with you, that the -natural effect of science and arts is to erect public opinion into a -censor, which must in some degree be respected by all. - -There is no difference of opinion or feeling between us, concerning the -partition of Poland, the intended partitions of Pilnitz, or the more -daring partitions of Vienna. - -Your question "How the apostasy from national rectitude can be accounted -for?"--is too deep and wide for my capacity to answer. I leave Fisher Ames -to dogmatize up the affairs of Europe and mankind. I have done too much -in this way. A burned child dreads the fire. I can only say at present, -that it should seem that human reason, and human conscience, though I -believe there are such things, are not a match for human passions, human -imaginations, and human enthusiasm. You, however, I believe, have hit -one. Mark, "the fires the governments of Europe felt kindling under their -seats;" and I will hazard a shot at another, the priests of all nations -imagined they felt approaching such flames, as they had so often kindled -about the bodies of honest men. Priests and politicians, never before, -so suddenly and so unanimously concurred in re-establishing darkness -and ignorance, superstition and despotism. The morality of Tacitus is -the morality of patriotism, and Britain and France have adopted his -creed; _i. e._, that all things were made for Rome. "_Jura negat sibi -lata, nihil non arrogat armis_," said Achilles. "Laws were not made for -me," said the Regent of France, and his cardinal minister Du Bois. The -universe was made for me, says man. Jesus despised and condemned such -patriotism; but what nation, or what christian, has adopted his system? -He was, as you say, "the most benevolent Being that ever appeared on -earth." France and England, Bourbons and Bonaparte, and all the sovereigns -at Vienna, have acted on the same principle. "All things were made for -my use. So man for mine, replies a pampered goose." The philosophers of -the eighteenth century have acted on the same principle. When it is to -combat evil, 'tis lawful to employ the devil. _Bonus populus vult decipi, -decipiatur._ They have employed the same falsehood, the same deceit, -which philosophers and priests of all ages have employed for their own -selfish purposes. We now know how their efforts have succeeded. The -old deceivers have triumphed over the new. Truth must be more respected -than it has ever been, before any great improvement can be expected in -the condition of mankind. As Rochfaucauld his maxims drew "from history -and from practice," I believe them true. From the whole nature of man, -moral, intellectual, and physical, he did not draw them. - -We must come to the principles of Jesus. But when will all men and -all nations do as they would be done by? Forgive all injuries, and -love their enemies as themselves? I leave those profound philosophers, -whose sagacity perceives the perfectibility of human nature; and those -illuminated theologians, who expect the Apocalyptic reign;--to enjoy -their transporting hopes, provided always that they will not engage us -in crusades and French Revolutions, nor burn us for doubting. My spirit -of prophecy reaches no farther than, _New England_ GUESSES. - -You ask, how it has happened that all Europe has acted on the principle, -"that Power was Right." I know not what answer to give you, but this, -that Power always sincerely, conscientiously, _de tres bon foi_, believes -itself right. Power always thinks it has a great soul, and vast views, -beyond the comprehension of the weak; and that it is doing God service, -when it is violating all his laws. Our passions, ambition, avarice, -love, resentment, &c., possess so much metaphysical subtlety, and so -much overpowering eloquence, that they insinuate themselves into the -understanding and the conscience, and convert both to their party; and -I may be deceived as much as any of them, when I say, that Power must -never be trusted without a check. - -Morgan has misrepresented my guess. There is not a word in my letter -about "a million of human beings." Civil wars, of an hundred years, -throughout Europe, were guessed at; and this is broad enough for your -ideas; for eighteen or twenty millions would be a moderate computation -for a century of civil wars throughout Europe. I still pray that a century -of civil wars, may not desolate Europe and America too, south and north. - -Your speculations into futurity in Europe are so probable, that I can -suggest no doubt to their disadvantage. All will depend on the progress of -knowledge. But how shall knowledge advance? Independent of temporal and -spiritual power, the course of science and literature is obstructed and -discouraged by so many causes that it is to be feared their motions will -be slow. I have just finished reading four volumes of D'Israeli's--two -on the "Calamities," and two on the "Quarrels of Authors." These would -be sufficient to show that, slow rises genius by poverty and envy -oppressed. Even Newton, and Locke, and Grotius could not escape. France -could furnish four other volumes of the woes and wars of authors. - -My compliments to Mrs. Randolph, her daughter Ellen, and all her other -children; and believe me, as ever. - -To which Mrs. Adams adds her affectionate regard, and a wish that distance -did not separate souls congenial. - - -TO THOMAS W. MAURY. - - MONTICELLO, February 3, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 24th ultimo was a week on its way to me, -and this is our first subsequent mail day. Mr. Cabell had written to -me also on the want of the deeds in Captain Miller's case; and as the -bill was in that house, I enclosed them immediately to him. I forgot, -however, to desire that they might be returned when done with, and must, -therefore, ask this friendly attention of you. - -You ask me for observations on the memorandum you transcribe, relating -to a map of the States, a mineralogical survey and statistical tables. -The field is very broad, and new to me. I have never turned my mind to -this combination of objects, nor am I at all prepared to give an opinion -on it. On what principles the association of objects may go that far and -not farther, whether we could find a character who would undertake the -mineralogical survey, and who is qualified for it, whether there would -be room for its designations on a well-filled geographical map, and -also for the statistical details, I cannot say. The best mineralogical -charts I have seen, have had nothing geographical but the water courses, -ranges of hills, and most remarkable places, and have been colored, -so as to present to the eye the mineralogical ranges. For the articles -of a statistical table, I think the last census of Congress presented -what was proper, as far as it went, but did not go far enough. It -required detailed accounts of our manufactures, and an enumeration of -our people, according to ages, sexes, and colors. But to this should be -added an enumeration according to their occupations. We should know what -proportion of our people are employed in agriculture, what proportion -are carpenters, smiths, shoemakers, tailors, bricklayers, merchants, -seamen, &c. No question is more curious than that of the distribution of -society into occupations, and none more wanting. I have never heard of -such tables being effected but in the instance of Spain, where it was -first done under the administration, I believe, of Count D'Aranda, and -a second time under the Count de Florida Blanca, and these have been -considered as the most curious and valuable tables in the world. The -combination of callings with us would occasion some difficulty, many of -our tradesmen being, for instance, agriculturalists also; but they might -be classed under their principal occupation. On the geographical branch -I have reflected occasionally. I suppose a person would be employed in -every county to put together the private surveys, either taken from the -surveyors' books or borrowed from the proprietors, to connect them by -supplementary surveys, and to survey the public roads, noting towns, -habitations, and remarkable places, by which means a special delineation -of watercourses, roads, &c., will be obtained. But it will be further -indispensable to obtain the latitudes and longitudes of principal points -in every county, in order to correct the errors of the topographical -surveys, to bring them together, and to assign to each county its exact -space on the map. These observations of latitude and longitude might be -taken for the whole State, by a single person well qualified, in the -course of a couple of years. I could offer some ideas on that subject -to abridge and facilitate the operations, and as to the instruments -to be used; but such details are probably not within the scope of your -inquiries,--they would be in time if communicated to those who will have -the direction of the work. I am sorry I am so little prepared to offer -anything more satisfactory to your inquiries than these extempore hints. -But I have no doubt that what is best will occur to those gentlemen of -the legislature who have had the subject under their contemplation, and -who, impressed with its importance, are exerting themselves to procure -its execution. Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. - - -TO JAMES MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, February 4, 1816 - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter concerning that of General Scott is received, and -his is now returned. I am very thankful for these communications. From -forty years' experience of the wretched guess-work of the newspapers -of what is not done in open daylight, and of their falsehood even as -to that, I rarely think them worth reading, and almost never worth -notice. A ray, therefore, now and then, from the fountain of light, is -like sight restored to the blind. It tells me where I am; and that to a -mariner who has long been without sight of land or sun, is a rallying -of reckoning which places him at ease. The ground you have taken with -Spain is sound in every part. It is the true ground, especially, as to -the South Americans. When subjects are able to maintain themselves in -the field, they are then an independent power as to all neutral nations, -are entitled to their commerce, and to protection within their limits. -Every kindness which can be shown the South Americans, every friendly -office and aid within the limits of the law of nations, I would extend -to them, without fearing Spain or her Swiss auxiliaries. For this is -but an assertion of our own independence. But to join in their war, as -General Scott proposes, and to which even some members of Congress seem -to squint, is what we ought not to do as yet. On the question of our -interest in their independence, were that alone a sufficient motive of -action, much may be said on both sides. When they are free, they will -drive every article of our produce from every market, by underselling -it, and change the condition of our existence, forcing us into other -habits and pursuits. We shall, indeed, have in exchange some commerce -with them, but in what I know not, for we shall have nothing to offer -which they cannot raise cheaper; and their separation from Spain seals -our everlasting peace with her. On the other hand, so long as they are -dependent, Spain, from her jealousy, is our natural enemy, and always in -either open or secret hostility with us. These countries, too, in war, -will be a powerful weight in her scale, and, in peace, totally shut to us. -Interest then, on the whole, would wish their independence, and justice -makes the wish a duty. They have a right to be free, and we a right to -aid them, as a strong man has a right to assist a weak one assailed by -a robber or murderer. That a war is brewing between us and Spain cannot -be doubted. When that disposition is matured on both sides, and open -rupture can no longer be deferred, then will be the time for our joining -the South Americans, and entering into treaties of alliance with them. -There will then be but one opinion, at home or abroad, that we shall be -justifiable in choosing to have them with us, rather than against us. In -the meantime, they will have organized regular governments, and perhaps -have formed themselves into one or more confederacies; more than one I -hope, as in single mass they would be a very formidable neighbor. The -geography of their country seems to indicate three: 1. What is north of -the Isthmus. 2. What is south of it on the Atlantic; and 3. The southern -part on the Pacific. In this form, we might be the balancing power. _À -propos_ of the dispute with Spain, as to the boundary of Louisiana. On our -acquisition of that country, there was found in possession of the family -of the late Governor Messier, a most valuable and original MS. history -of the settlement of Louisiana by the French, written by Bernard de la -Harpe, a principal agent through the whole of it. It commences with the -first permanent settlement of 1699, (that by de la Salle in 1684, having -been broken up,) and continues to 1723, and shows clearly the continual -claim of France to the Province of Texas, as far as the Rio Bravo, and -to all the waters running into the Mississippi, and how, by the roguery -of St. Denis, an agent of Crozat the merchant, to whom the colony was -granted for ten years, the settlements of the Spaniards at Nacadoches, -Adais, Assinays, and Natchitoches, were fraudulently invited and connived -at. Crozat's object was commerce, and especially contraband, with the -Spaniards, and these posts were settled as convenient smuggling stages -on the way to Mexico. The history bears such marks of authenticity as -place it beyond question. Governor Claiborne obtained the MS. for us, -and thinking it too hazardous to risk its loss by the way, unless a copy -were retained, he had a copy taken. The original having arrived safe -at Washington, he sent me the copy, which I now have. Is the original -still in your office? or was it among the papers burnt by the British? -If lost, I will send you my copy; if preserved, it is my wish to deposit -the copy for safe keeping with the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, -where it will be safer than on my shelves. I do not mean that any part -of this letter shall give to yourself the trouble of an answer; only -desire Mr. Graham to see if the original still exists in your office, -and to drop me a line saying yea or nay; and I shall know what to do. -Indeed the MS. ought to be printed, and I see a note to my copy which -shows it has been in contemplation, and that it was computed to be of -twenty sheets at sixteen dollars a sheet, for three hundred and twenty -copies, which would sell at one dollar apiece, and reimburse the expense. - -On the question of giving to La Motte the consulship of Havre, I know -the obstacle of the Senate. Their determination to appoint natives only -is generally proper, but not always. These places are for the most part -of little consequence to the public; and if they can be made resources -of profit to our ex-military worthies, they are so far advantageous. You -and I, however, know that one of these new novices, knowing nothing of -the laws or authorities of his port, nor speaking a word of its language, -is of no more account than the fifth wheel of a coach. Had the Senate a -power of removing as well as of rejecting, I should have fears, from their -foreign antipathies, for my old friend Cathalan, Consul at Marseilles. -His father was appointed by Dr. Franklin, early in the revolutionary war, -but being old, the business was done by the son. On the establishment of -our present government, the commission was given by General Washington -to the son, at the request of the father. He has been the consul now -twenty-six years, and has done its duties nearly forty years. He is a -man of understanding, integrity and zeal, of high mercantile standing, -an early citizen of the United States, and speaks and writes our language -as fluently as French. His conduct in office has been without a fault. I -have known him personally and intimately for thirty years, have a great -and affectionate esteem for him, and should feel as much hurt were he -to be removed as if removed myself from an office. But I trust he is out -of the reach of the Senate, and secure under the wings of the executive -government. Let me recommend him to your particular care and patronage, -as well deserving it, and end the trouble of reading a long letter with -assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship. - - -TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, February 9, 1816. - -SIR,--Your favor of January 25th is just now received. I am in general -extremely unwilling to be carried into the newspapers, no matter what -the subject; the whole pack of the Essex kennel would open upon me. With -respect, however, to so much of my letter of January 9th as relates to -manufactures, I have less repugnance, because there is perhaps a degree of -duty to avow a change of opinion called for by a change of circumstances, -and especially on a point now become peculiarly interesting. - -What relates to Bonaparte stands on different ground. You think it -will silence the misrepresentations of my enemies as to my opinions of -him. No, Sir; it will not silence them. They had no ground either in my -words or actions for these misrepresentations before, and cannot have -less afterwards; nor will they calumniate less. There is, however, a -consideration respecting our own friends, which may merit attention. I -have grieved to see even good republicans so infatuated as to this man, -as to consider his downfall as calamitous to the cause of liberty. In -their indignation against England which is just, they seem to consider -all _her_ enemies as _our_ friends, when it is well known there was -not a being on earth who bore us so deadly a hatred. In fact, he saw -nothing in this world but himself, and looked on the people under him as -his cattle, beasts for burthen and slaughter. Promises cost him nothing -when they could serve his purpose. On his return from Elba, what did he -not promise? But those who had credited them a little, soon saw their -total insignificance, and, satisfied they could not fall under worse -hands, refused every effort after the defeat of Waterloo. Their present -sufferings will have a term; his iron despotism would have had none. -France has now a family of fools at its head, from whom, whenever it -can shake off its foreign riders, it will extort a free constitution, -or dismount them and establish some other on the solid basis of national -right. To whine after this exorcised demon is a disgrace to republicans, -and must have arisen either from want of reflection, or the indulgence -of passion against principle. If anything I have said could lead them -to take correcter views, to rally to the polar principles of genuine -republicanism, I could consent that that part of my letter also should -go into a newspaper. This I leave to yourself and such candid friends -as you may consult. There is one word in the letter, however, which -decency towards the allied sovereigns requires should be softened. -Instead of _despots_, call them _rulers_. The first paragraph, too, of -seven or eight lines, must be wholly omitted. Trusting all the rest to -your discretion, I salute you with great esteem and respect. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, March 2, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--I cannot be serious! I am about to write you the most frivolous -letter you ever read. - -Would you go back to your cradle and live over again your seventy years? -I believe you would return me a New England answer, by asking me another -question. Would you live your eighty years over again? - -I am prepared to give you an explicit answer, the question involves so -many considerations of metaphysics and physics, of theology and ethics, -of philosophy and history, of experience and romance, of tragedy, comedy -and farce, that I would not give my opinion without writing a volume to -justify it. - -I have lately lived over again, in part, from 1753, when I was junior -sophister at college, till 1769, when I was digging in the mines as a -barrister at law, for silver and gold, in the town of Boston; and got -as much of the shining dross for my labor as my utmost avarice at that -time craved. - -At the hazard of all the little vision that is left me, I have read the -history of that period of sixteen years, in the volumes of the Baron de -Grimm. In a late letter to you, I expressed a wish to see a history of -quarrels and calamities of authors in France, like that of D'Israeli in -England. I did not expect it so soon; but now I have it in a manner more -masterly than I ever hoped to see it. It is not only a narration of the -incessant great wars between the ecclesiastics and the philosophers, but -of the little skirmishes and squabbles of Poets, Musicians, Sculptors, -Painters, Architects, Tragedians, Comedians, Opera-Singers and Dancers, -Chansons, Vaudevilles, Epigrams, Madrigals, Epitaphs, Anagrams, Sonnets, -&c. No man is more sensible than I am of the service to science and -letters, Humanity, Fraternity and Liberty, that would have been rendered -by the Encyclopedists and Economists, by Voltaire, D'Alembert, Buffon, -Diderot, Rousseau La Lande, Frederick and Catherine, if they had possessed -common sense. But they were all totally destitute of it. They all seemed -to think that all christendom was convinced as they were, that all -religion was "visions Judaicques," and that their effulgent lights had -illuminated all the world. They seemed to believe, that whole nations -and continents had been changed in their principles, opinions, habits -and feelings, by the sovereign grace of their Almighty philosophy, -almost as suddenly as Catholics and Calvinists believe in instantaneous -conversion. They had not considered the force of early education on the -millions of minds who had never heard of their philosophy. And what -was their philosophy? Atheism; pure, unadulterated Atheism. Diderot, -D'Alembert, Frederick, De La Lande and Grimm, were indubitable Atheists. -The universe was matter only, and eternal; spirit was a word without a -meaning; liberty was a word without a meaning. There was no liberty in -the Universe; liberty was a word void of sense. Every thought, word, -passion, sentiment, feeling, all motion and action was necessary. All -beings and attributes were of eternal necessity; conscience, morality, -were all nothing but fate. - -This was their creed, and this was to perfect human nature, and convert -the earth into a paradise of pleasure. - -Who, and what is this fate? He must be a sensible fellow. He must be -a master of science. He must be a master of spherical Trigonometry -and great circle sailing. He must calculate eclipses in his head by -intuition. He must be master of the science of infinitesimal--"_Le science -des infinimens petits_." He must involve and extract all the roots by -intuition, and be familiar with all possible or imaginable sections of -the cone. He must be a master of arts, mechanical and imitative. He must -have more eloquence than Demosthenes, more wit than Swift or Voltaire, -more humor than Butler or Trumbull, and what is more comfortable than -all the rest, he must be good natured; for this is upon the whole a good -world. There is ten times as much pleasure as pain in it. - -Why then should we abhor the word God, and fall in love with the word -Fate? We know there exists energy and intellect enough to produce -such a world as this, which is a sublime and beautiful one, and a very -benevolent one, notwithstanding all our snarling; and a happy one, if -it is not made otherwise by our own fault. Ask a mite, in the centre of -your mammoth cheese, what he thinks of the "το παν." - -I should prefer the philosophy of Timæus, of Locris, before that of -Grimm and Diderot, Frederick and D'Alembert. I should even prefer the -Shasta of Hindostan, or the Chaldean, Egyptian, Indian, Greek, Christian, -Mahometan, Tubonic, or Celtic Theology. Timæus and Picellus taught that -three principles were eternal, God, Matter and Form. God was good, and -had ideas. Matter was necessity. Fate dead--without ideas--without form, -without feeling--perverse, untractable; capable, however, of being cut -into forms, spheres, circles, triangles, squares, cubes, cones, &c. The -ideas of the good God labored upon matter to bring it into form; but -matter was fate, necessity, dulness, obstinacy--and would not always -conform to the ideas of the good God who desired to make the best of -all possible worlds; but Matter, Fate, Necessity, resisted, and would -not let him complete his idea. Hence all the evil and disorder, pain, -misery and imperfection of the Universe. - -We all curse Robespierre and Bonaparte, but were they not both such -restless, vain, extravagant animals as Diderot and Voltaire? Voltaire -was the greatest literary character, and Bonaparte the greatest military -character of the eighteenth century. There is all the difference between -them. Both equally heroes and equally cowards. - -When you ask my opinion of a University--it would have been easy to advise -Mathematics, experimental Philosophy, Natural History, Chemistry and -Astronomy, Geography and the Fine Arts; to the exclusion of Metaphysics -and Theology. But knowing the eager impatience of the human mind to -search into eternity and infinity, the first cause and last end of all -things--I thought best to leave it its liberty to inquire till it is -convinced, as I have been these fifty years, that there is but one Being -in the Universe who comprehends it; and our last resource is resignation. - -This Grimm must have been in Paris when you were there. Did you know -him, or hear of him? - -I have this moment received two volumes more, but these are from 1777 -to 1782,--leaving the chain broken from 1769 to 1777. I hope hereafter -to get the two intervening volumes. I am your old friend. - - - March 13, 1816. - -A writer in the National Intelligencer of February 24th, who signs -himself B., is endeavoring to shelter under the cloak of General -Washington, the present enterprise of the Senate to wrest from the -House of Representatives the power, given them by the constitution, of -participating with the Senate in the establishment and continuance of -laws on specified subjects. Their aim is, by associating an Indian chief, -or foreign government, in form of a treaty, to possess themselves of the -power of repealing laws become obnoxious to them, without the assent of -the third branch, although that assent was necessary to make it a law. -We are then to depend for the secure possession of our laws, not on our -immediate representatives chosen by ourselves, and amenable to ourselves -every other year, but on Senators chosen by the legislatures, amenable -to them only, and that but at intervals of six years, which is nearly -the common estimate for a term for life. But no act of that sainted -worthy, no thought of General Washington, ever countenanced a change of -our constitution so vital as would be the rendering insignificant the -popular, and giving to the aristocratical branch of our government, the -power of depriving us of our laws. - -The case for which General Washington is quoted is that of his treaty -with the Creeks, wherein was a stipulation that their supplies of goods -should continue to be imported duty free. The writer of this article -was then a member of the legislature, as he was of that which afterwards -discussed the British treaty, and recollects the facts of the day, and -the ideas which were afloat. The goods for the supplies of the Creeks -were always imported into the Spanish ports of St. Augustine, Pensacola, -Mobile, New Orleans, &c., (the United States not owning then one foot -of coast on the gulf of Mexico, or south of St. Mary's,) and from these -ports they were carried directly into the Creek country, without ever -entering the jurisdiction of the United States. In that country their -laws pretended to no more force than in Florida or Canada. No officer of -their customs could go to levy duties in the Spanish or Creek countries, -out of which these goods never came. General Washington's stipulation in -that treaty therefore, was nothing more than that our laws should not -levy duties where we have no right to levy them, that is, in foreign -ports, or foreign countries. These transactions took place while the -Creek deputation was in New York, in the month of July 1790, and in March -preceding we had passed a law delineating specially the line between -their country and ours. The only subject of curiosity is how so nugatory -a stipulation should have been placed in a treaty? It was from the fears -of Mr. Gillevray, who was the head of the deputation, who possessed from -the Creeks themselves the exclusive right to supply them with goods, -and to whom this monopoly was the principle source of income. - -The same writer quotes from a note in Marshal's history, an opinion of -Mr. Jefferson, given to General Washington on the same occasion of the -Creek treaty. Two or three little lines only of that opinion are given -us, which do indeed express the doctrine in broad and general terms. Yet -we know how often a few words withdrawn from their place may seem to bear -a general meaning, when their context would show that their meaning must -have been limited to the subject with respect to which they were used. -If we could see the whole opinion, it might probably appear that its -foundation was the peculiar circumstances of the Creek nation. We may -say too, on this opinion, as on that of a judge whose positions beyond -the limits of the case before him are considered as obiter sayings, -never to be relied on as authority. - -In July '90, moreover, the government was but just getting under way. -The duty law was not passed until the succeeding month of August. This -question of the effect of a treaty was then of the first impression; -and none of us, I suppose, will pretend that on our first reading of the -constitution we saw at once all its intentions, all the bearings of every -word of it, as fully and as correctly as we have since understood them, -after they have become subjects of public investigation and discussion; -and I well remember the fact that, although Mr. Jefferson had retired -from office before Mr. Jay's mission, and the question on the British -treaty, yet during its discussion we were well assured of his entire -concurrence in opinion with Mr. Madison and others who maintained the -rights of the House of Representatives, so that, if on a _primâ facie_ -view of the question, his opinion had been too general, on stricter -investigation, and more mature consideration, his ultimate opinion was -with those who thought that the subjects which were confided to the -House of Representatives in conjunction with the President and Senate, -were exceptions to the general treaty power given to the President and -Senate alone; (according to the general rule that an instrument is to -be so construed as to reconcile and give meaning and effect to all its -parts;) that whenever a treaty stipulation interferes with a law of the -three branches, the consent of the third branch is necessary to give -it effect; and that there is to this but the single exception of the -question of war and peace. There the constitution expressly requires -the concurrence of the three branches to commit us to the state of war, -but permits two of them, the President and Senate, to change it to that -of peace, for reasons as obvious as they are wise. I think then I may -affirm, in contradiction to B., that the present attempt of the Senate -is not sanctioned by the opinion either of General Washington or of Mr. -Jefferson. - -I meant to confine myself to the case of the Creek treaty, and not to -go into the general reasoning, for after the logical and demonstrative -arguments of Mr. Wilde of Georgia, and others on the floor of Congress, -if any man remains unconvinced I pretend not the powers of convincing him. - - -TO GOVERNOR NICHOLAS. - - MONTICELLO, April 2, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of March 22d has been received. It finds me -more laboriously and imperiously engaged than almost on any occasion -of my life. It is not, therefore, in my power to take into immediate -consideration all the subjects it proposes; they cover a broad surface, -and will require some development. They respect, - -I. Defence. - -II. Education. - -III. The map of the State. - -This last will comprise, - -1. An astronomical survey, to wit, Longitudes and Latitudes. - -2. A geometrical survey of the external boundaries, the mountains and -rivers. - -3. A typographical survey of the counties. - -4. A mineralogical survey. - -Each of these heads require distinct consideration. I will take them up -one at a time, and communicate my ideas as leisure will permit. - -I. On the subject of Defence, I will state to you what has been heretofore -contemplated and proposed. Some time before I retired from office, when -the clouds between England and the United States thickened so as to -threaten war at hand, and while we were fortifying various assailable -points on our sea-board, the defence of the Chesapeake became, as it -ought to have been, a subject of serious consideration, and the problem -occurred, whether it could be defended at its mouth? its effectual defence -in detail being obviously impossible. My idea was that we should find -or prepare a station near its mouth for a very great force of vessels of -annoyance of such a character as to assail, when the weather and position -of an enemy suited, and keep or withdraw themselves into their station -when adverse. These means of annoyance were to consist of gun-boats, -row-boats, floating batteries, bomb-ketches, fire-ships, rafts, turtles, -torpedoes, rockets, and whatever else could be desired to destroy a -ship becalmed, to which could now be added Fulton scows. I thought it -possible that a station might be made on the middle grounds, (which -are always shallow, and have been known to be uncovered by water,) by a -circumvallation of stones dropped loosely on one another, so as to take -their own level, and raised sufficiently high to protect the vessels -within them from the waves and boat attacks. It is by such a wall that -the harbor of Cherbury has been made. The middle grounds have a firmer -bottom, and lie two or three miles from the ship channel on either side, -and so near the Cape as to be at hand for any enemy moored or becalmed -within them. A survey of them was desired, and some officer of the navy -received orders on the subject, who being opposed to our possessing -anything below a frigate or line of battle ship, either visited or did -not visit them, and verbally expressed his opinion of impracticability. -I state these things from memory, and may err in small circumstances, -but not in the general impression. - -A second station offering itself was the mouth of Lynhaven river, which -having but four or five feet water, the vessels would be to be adapted -to that, or its entrance deepened; but there it would be requisite to -have, first, a fort protecting the vessels within it, and strong enough -to hold out until a competent force of militia could be collected for -its relief. And, second, a canal uniting the tide waters of Lynhaven -river and the eastern branch, three or four miles apart only of low -level country. This would afford to the vessels a retreat for their own -safety, and a communication with Norfolk and Albemarle Sound, so as to -give succor to these places if attacked, or receive it from them for a -special enterprise. It was believed that such a canal would then have -cost about thirty thousand dollars. - -This being a case of personal as well as public interest, I thought -a private application not improper, and indeed preferable to a more -general one, with an executive needing no stimulus to do what is right; -and therefore, in May and June, 1813, I took the liberty of writing to -them on this subject, the defence of Chesapeake; and to what is before -stated I added some observations on the importance and pressure of the -case. A view of the map of the United States shows that the Chesapeake -receives either the whole or important waters of five of the most -producing of the Atlantic States, to wit: North Carolina, (for the Dismal -canal makes Albemarle Sound a water of the Chesapeake, and Norfolk its -port of exportation,) Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania and New York. We -know that the waters of the Chesapeake, from the Genesee to the Sawra -towns and Albemarle Sound, comprehend two-fifths of the population of -the Atlantic States, and furnish probably more than half their exported -produce; that the loss of James river alone, in that year, was estimated -at two hundred thousand barrels of flour, fed away to horses or sold at -half-price, which was a levy of a million of dollars on a single one of -these numerous waters, and that levy to be repeated every year during -the war; that this important country can all be shut up by two or three -ships of the enemy, lying at the mouth of the bay; that an injury so vast -to us and so cheap to the enemy, must forever be resorted to by them, -and maintained constantly through every war; that this was a hard trial -of the spirit of the Middle States, a trial which, backed by impossible -taxes, might produce a demand for peace on any terms; that when it was -considered that the Union had already expended four millions of dollars -for the defence of the single city of Norfolk, and the waters of a -single river, the Hudson, (which we entirely approved, and now we might -probably add four more since expended on the same spot,) we thought it -very moderate for so great a portion of the country, the population, the -wealth, and contributing industry and strength of the Atlantic States, -to ask a few hundred thousand dollars, to save the harassment of their -militia, conflagrations of their towns and houses, devastations of their -farms, and annihilation of all the annual fruits of their labor. The idea -of defending the bay at its mouth was approved, but the necessary works -were deemed inexecutable during a war, and an answer more cogent was -furnished by the fact that our treasury and credit were both exhausted. -Since the war, I have learned (I cannot say how) that the Executive -has taken up the subject and sent on an engineer to examine and report -the localities, and that this engineer thought favorably of the middle -grounds. But my recollection is too indistinct but to suggest inquiry -to you. After having once taken the liberty of soliciting the Executive -on this subject, I do not think it would be respectful for me to do -it a second time, nor can it be necessary with persons who need only -suggestions of what is right, and not importunities to do it. If the -subject is brought before them, they can readily recall or recur to my -letters, if worth it. But would it not be advisable in the first place, -to have surveys made of the middle grounds and the grounds between the -tidewaters of Lynhaven and the Eastern branch, that your representations -may be made on known facts? These would be parts only of the surveys you -are authorized to make, and might, for so good a reason, be anticipated -and executed before the general work can be done. - -Perhaps, however, the view is directed to a defence by frigates or ships -of the line, stationed at York or elsewhere. Against this, in my opinion, -both reason and experience declaim. Had we half a dozen seventy-fours -stationed at York, the enemy would place a dozen at the capes. This great -force called there would enable them to make large detachments against -Norfolk when it suited them, to harass and devastate the bay coasts -incessantly, and would oblige us to keep large armies of militia at York -to defend the ships, and at Norfolk to defend that. The experience of -New London proves how certain and destructive this blockade would be; -for New London owed its blockade and the depredations on its coasts to -the presence of a frigate sent there for its defence; and did the frigate -at Norfolk bring us defence or assault? - -II. _Education._--The President and Directors of the literary fund are -desired to digest and report a system of public education, comprehending -the establishment of an university, additional colleges or academies, -and schools. The resolution does not define the portions of science to -be taught in each of these institutions, but the first and last admit no -doubt. The university must be intended for all useful sciences, and the -schools mean elementary ones, for the instruction of the people, answering -to our present English schools; the middle-term colleges or academies may -be more conjectural. But we must understand from it some middle-grade of -education. Now, when we advert that the ancient classical languages are -considered as the foundation preparatory for all the sciences; that we -have always had schools scattered over the country for teaching these -languages, which often were the ultimate term of education; that these -languages are entered on at the age of nine or ten years, at which age -parents would be unwilling to send their children from every part of -the State to a central and distant university, and when we observe that -the resolution supposes there are to be a plurality of them, we may well -conclude that the Greek and Latin are the objects of these colleges. It -is probable, also, that the legislature might have under their eye the -bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge, printed in the revised -code of 1779, which proposed these three grades of institution, to-wit: -an university, district colleges, or grammar schools, and county or ward -schools. I think, therefore, we may say that the object of these colleges -is the classical languages, and that they are intended as the portico -of entry to the university. As to their numbers, I know no better rule -to be assumed than to place one within a day's ride of every man's door, -in consideration of the infancy of the pledges he has at it. This would -require one for every eight miles square. - -Supposing this the object of the Colleges, the Report will have to -present the plan of an University, analyzing the sciences, selecting -those which are useful, grouping them into professorships, commensurate -each with the time and faculties of one man, and prescribing the regimen -and all other necessary details. On this subject I can offer nothing -new. A letter of mine to Peter Carr, which was published during the last -Session of Assembly, is a digest of all the information I possess on -the subject, from which the Board will judge whether they can extract -anything useful; the professorship of the classical languages being of -course to be expunged, as more effectually supplied by the establishment -of the colleges. - -As the buildings to be erected will also enter into their Report, 1 -would strongly recommend to their consideration, instead of one immense -building, to have a small one for every professorship, arranged at proper -distances around a square, to admit extension, connected by a piazza, -so that they may go dry from one school to another. This village form is -preferable to a single great building for many reasons, particularly on -account of fire, health, economy, peace and quiet. Such a plan had been -approved in the case of the Albemarle college, which was the subject of -the letter above mentioned; and should the idea be approved by the Board, -more may be said hereafter on the opportunity these small buildings -will afford, of exhibiting models in architecture of the purest forms -of antiquity, furnishing to the student examples of the precepts he will -be taught in that art. - -The Elementary or Ward schools is the last branch of this subject; on -this, too, my ideas have been long deposited in the Bill for the diffusion -of knowledge, before mentioned, and time and reflection have continued -to strengthen them as to the general principle, that of a division of -every county into wards, with a school in each ward. The details of the -bill will of course be varied as the difference of present circumstances -from those of that day will require. - -My partiality for that division is not founded in views of education -solely, but infinitely more as the means of a better administration -of our government, and the eternal preservation of its republican -principles. The example of this most admirable of all human contrivances -in government, is to be seen in our Eastern States; and its powerful -effect in the order and economy of their internal affairs, and the -momentum it gives them as a nation, is the single circumstance which -distinguishes them so remarkably from every other national association. -In a letter to Mr. Adams a few years ago, I had occasion to explain to -him the structure of our scheme of education as proposed in the bill for -the diffusion of knowledge, and the views of this particular section of -it; and in another lately to Mr. Cabell, on the occasion of the bill for -the Albemarle College, I also took a view of the political effects of -the proposed division into wards, which being more easily copied than -thrown into new form here, I take the liberty of enclosing extracts from -them. Should the Board of Directors approve of the plan, and make ward -divisions the substratum of their elementary schools, their report may -furnish a happy occasion of introducing them, leaving all their other -uses to be adopted from time to time hereafter as occasions shall occur. - -With these subjects I shall close the present letter, but that it may be -necessary to anticipate on the next one so far as respects proper persons -for carrying into execution the astronomical and geometrical surveys. I -know no one in the State equal to the first who could be engaged in it; -but my acquaintance in the State is very limited. There is a person near -Washington possessing every quality which could be desired, among our -first mathematicians and astronomers, of good bodily activity, used to -rough living, of great experience in field operations, and of the most -perfect integrity. I speak of Isaac Briggs, who was Surveyor-General -south of Ohio, and who was employed to trace the route from Washington -to New Orleans, below the mountains, which he did with great accuracy -by observations of longitude and latitude only, on a journey thither. I -do not know that he would undertake the present work, but I have learnt -that he is at this time disengaged; I know he is poor, and was always -moderate in his views. This is the most important of all the surveys, -and if done by him, I will answer for this part of your work standing -the test of time and criticism. If you should desire it, I could write -and press him to undertake it; but it would be necessary to say something -about compensation. - -John Wood, of the Petersburg Academy, has written to me that he would be -willing to undertake the geometrical survey of the external boundaries, -and internal divisions. We have certainly no abler mathematician; and he -informs me he has had good experience in the works of the field. He is -a great walker, and is, therefore, probably equal to the bodily fatigue, -which is a material qualification. But he is so much better known where -you are, that I need only mention his readiness to undertake, and your -own personal knowledge or inquiries will best determine what should be -done. It is the part of the work above the tide waters which he would -undertake; that below, where soundings are to be taken, requiring nautical -apparatus and practice. - -Whether he is a mineralogist or not, I do not know. It would be a -convenient and economical association with that of the geometrical survey. - -I am obliged to postpone for some days the consideration of the remaining -subjects of your letter. Accept the assurance of my great esteem and -high consideration. - - -TO MR. JOSEPH MILLIGAN. - - MONTICELLO, April 6, 1816. - -SIR,--Your favor of March 6th did not come to hand until the 15th. I -then expected I should finish revising the translation of Tracy's book -within a week, and could send the whole together. I got through it, but, -on further consideration, thought I ought to read it over again, lest -any errors should have been left in it. It was fortunate I did so, for -I found several little errors. The whole is now done and forwarded by -this mail, with a title, and something I have written which may serve for -a Prospectus, and indeed for a Preface also, with a little alteration. -You will see from the face of the work what a horrible job I have had -in the revisal. It is so defaced that it is absolutely necessary you -should have a fair copy taken, and by a person of good understanding, for -that will be necessary to decipher the erasures, interlineations, &c., -of the translation. The translator's orthography, too, will need great -correction, as you will find a multitude of words shamefully misspelt; -and he seems to have had no idea of the use of stops: he uses the comma -very commonly for a full stop; and as often the full stop, followed by a -capital letter, for a comma. Your copyist will, therefore, have to stop -it properly quite through the work. Still, there will be places where -it cannot be stopped correctly without reference to the original; for -I observed many instances where a member of a sentence might be given -either to the preceding or following one, grammatically, which would -yet make the sense very different, and could, therefore, be rectified -only by the original. I have, therefore, thought it would be better for -you to send me the proof sheets as they come out of the press. We have -two mails a week, which leave this Wednesdays and Saturdays, and you -should always receive it by return of the first mail. Only observe that -I set out for Bedford in five or six days, and shall not be back till -the first week in May. - -The original construction of the style of the translation was so bungling, -that although I have made it render the author's sense faithfully, yet -it was impossible to change the structure of the sentences to anything -good. I have endeavored to apologize for it in the Prospectus; as also -to prepare the reader for the dry, and to most of them, uninteresting -character of the preliminary tracts, advising him to pass at once to the -beginning of the main work, where, also, you will see I have recommended -the beginning the principal series of pages. In this I have departed -from the order of pages adopted by the author. - -My name must in nowise appear connected with the work. I have no objection -to your naming me _in conversation_, but not in print, as the person -to whom the original was communicated. Although the author puts his -name to the work, yet, if called to account for it by his government, -he means to disavow it, which its publication at such a distance will -enable him to do. But he would not think himself at liberty to do this -if avowedly sanctioned by me here. The best open mark of approbation I -can give is to subscribe for a dozen copies; or if you would prefer it, -you may place on your subscription paper a letter in these words: "Sir, -I subscribe with pleasure for a dozen copies of the invaluable book you -are about to publish on Political Economy. I should be happy to see it -in the hands of every American citizen." - -The Ainsworth, Ovid, Cornelius Nepos and Virgil, as also of the two -books below mentioned,[15] and formerly written for. I fear I shall not -get the Ovid and Nepos I sent to be bound, in time for the pocket in my -Bedford trip. Accept my best wishes and respects. - -TITLE.--"A Treatise on Political Economy by the Count Dustutt Tracy, -member of the Senate and Institute of France, and of the American -Philosophical Society, to which is prefixed a supplement to a preceding -work on the Understanding or Elements of Ideology, by the same author, -with an analytical table and an introduction on the faculty of the will, -translated from the unpublished French original." - -_Prospectus._--Political economy in modern times assumed the form of -a regular science first in the hands of the political sect in France, -called the Economists. They made it a branch only of a comprehensive -system on the natural order of societies. Quesnai first, Gournay, Le -Frosne, Turgot and Dupont de Nemours, the enlightened, philanthropic, -and venerable citizen, now of the United States, led the way in these -developments, and gave to our inquiries the direction they have since -observed. Many sound and valuable principles established by them, have -received the sanction of general approbation. Some, as in the infancy of -a science might be expected, have been brought into question, and have -furnished occasion for much discussion. Their opinions on production, and -on the proper subjects of taxation, have been particularly controverted; -and whatever may be the merit of their principles of taxation, it is -not wonderful they have not prevailed; not on the questioned score of -correctness, but because not acceptable to the people, whose will must -be the supreme law. Taxation is in fact the most difficult function of -government--and that against which their citizens are most apt to be -refractory. The general aim is therefore to adopt the mode most consonant -with the circumstances and sentiments of the country. - -Adam Smith, first in England, published a rational and systematic work -on Political Economy, adopting generally the ground of the Economists, -but differing on the subjects before specified. The system being novel, -much argument and detail seemed then necessary to establish principles -which now are assented to as soon as proposed. Hence his book, admitted -to be able, and of the first degree of merit, has yet been considered -as prolix and tedious. - -In France, John Baptist Say has the merit of producing a very superior -work on the subject of political economy. His arrangement is luminous, -ideas clear, style perspicuous, and the whole subject brought within -half the volume of Smith's work. Add to this considerable advances in -correctness and extension of principles. - -The work of Senator Tracy, now announced, comes forward with all the -lights of his predecessors in the science, and with the advantages of -further experience, more discussion, and greater maturity of subjects. -It is certainly distinguished by important traits; a cogency of logic -which has never been exceeded in any work, a rigorous enchainment of -ideas, and constant recurrence to it to keep it in the reader's view, -a fearless pursuit of truth whithersoever it leads, and a diction so -correct that not a word can be changed but for the worse; and, as happens -in other cases, that the more a subject is understood, the more briefly -it may be explained, he has reduced, not indeed all the details, but -all the elements and the system of principles within the compass of an -8vo, of about 400 pages. Indeed we might say within two-thirds of that -space, the one-third being taken up with some preliminary pieces now to -be noticed. - -Mr. Tracy is the author of a treatise on the Elements of Ideology, justly -considered as a production of the first order in the science of our -thinking faculty, or of the understanding. Considering the present work -but as a second section to those Elements under the titles of Analytical -Table, Supplement, and Introduction, he gives in these preliminary -pieces a supplement to the Elements, shows how the present work stands -on that as its basis, presents a summary view of it, and, before -entering on the formation, distribution, and employment of property and -personality, a question not new indeed, yet one which has not hitherto -been satisfactorily settled. These investigations are very metaphysical, -profound, and demonstrative, and will give satisfaction to minds in the -habit of abstract speculation. Readers, however, not disposed to enter -into them, after reading the summary view, entitled, "on our actions," -will probably pass on at once to the commencement of the main subject -of the work, which is treated of under the following heads: - - Of Society. - Of Production, or the formation of our riches. - Of Value, or the measure of utility. - Of change of form, or fabrication. - Of change of place, or commerce. - Of money. - Of the distribution of our riches. - Of population. - Of the employment of our riches, or consumption. - Of public revenue, expenses and debts. - -Although the work now offered is but a translation, it may be considered -in some degree as the original, that having never been published -in the country in which it was written. The author would there have -been submitted to the unpleasant alternative either of mutilating his -sentiments, where they were either free or doubtful, or of risking himself -under the unsettled regimen of the press. A manuscript copy communicated -to a friend here has enabled him to give it to a country which is afraid -to read nothing, and which may be trusted with anything, so long as its -reason remains unfettered by law. - -In the translation, fidelity has been chiefly consulted. A more correct -style would sometimes have given a shade of sentiment which was not the -author's, and which, in a work standing in the place of the original, -would have been unjust towards him. Some gallicisms have, therefore, been -admitted, where a single word gives an idea which would require a whole -phrase of dictionary-English. Indeed, the horrors of Neologism, which -startle the purist, have given no alarm to the translator. Where brevity, -perspicuity, and even euphony can be promoted by the introduction of a -new word, it is an improvement to the language. It is thus the English -language has been brought to what it is; one half of it having been -innovations, made at different times, from the Greek, Latin, French, and -other languages. And is it the worse for these? Had the preposterous idea -of fixing the language been adopted by our Saxon ancestors, of Pierce -Plowman, of Chaucer, of Spenser, the progress of ideas must have stopped -with that of the language. On the contrary, nothing is more evident than -that as we advance in the knowledge of new things, and of new combinations -of old ones, we must have new words to express them. Were Van Helmont, -Stane, Scheele, to rise from the dead at this time, they would scarcely -understand one word of their own science. Would it have been better, -then, to have abandoned the science of Chemistry, rather than admit -innovations in its terms? What a wonderful accession of copiousness and -force has the French language attained, by the innovations of the last -thirty years! And what do we not owe to Shakspeare for the enrichment -of the language, by his free and magical creation of words? In giving -a loose to neologism, indeed, uncouth words will sometimes be offered; -but the public will judge them, and receive or reject, as sense or sound -shall suggest, and authors will be approved or condemned according to -the use they make of this license, as they now are from their use of -the present vocabulary. The claim of the present translation, however, -is limited to its duties of fidelity and justice to the sense of its -original; adopting the author's own word only where no term of our own -language would convey his meaning. - - -(_A Note communicated to the Editor._) - -Our author's classification of taxes being taken from those practised in -France, will scarcely be intelligible to an American reader, to whom the -nature as well as names of some of them must be unknown. The taxes with -which we are familiar, class themselves readily according to the basis -on which they rest. 1. Capital. 2. Income. 3. Consumption. These may be -considered as commensurate; Consumption being generally equal to Income, -and Income the annual profit of Capital. A government may select either -of these bases for the establishment of its system of taxation, and so -frame it as to reach the faculties of every member of the society, and -to draw from him his equal proportion of the public contributions; and, -if this be correctly obtained, it is the perfection of the function of -taxation. But when once a government has assumed its basis, to select -and tax special articles from either of the other classes, is double -taxation. For example, if the system be established on the basis of -Income, and his just proportion on that scale has been already drawn -from every one, to step into the field of Consumption, and tax special -articles in that, as broadcloth or homespun, wine or whiskey, a coach or -a wagon, is doubly taxing the same article. For that portion of Income -with which these articles are purchased, having already paid its tax as -Income, to pay another tax on the thing it purchased, is paying twice -for the same thing, it is an aggrievance on the citizens who use these -articles in exoneration of those who do not, contrary to the most sacred -of the duties of a government, to do equal and impartial justice to all -its citizens. - -How far it may be the interest and the duty of all to submit to this -sacrifice on other grounds, for instance, to pay for a time an impost -on the importation of certain articles, in order to encourage their -manufacture at home, or an excise on others injurious to the morals or -health of the citizens, will depend on a series of considerations of -another order, and beyond the proper limits of this note. The reader, -in deciding which basis of taxation is most eligible for the local -circumstances of his country, will, of course, avail himself of the -weighty observations of our author. - -To this a single observation shall yet be added. Whether property -alone, and the whole of what each citizen possesses, shall be subject -to contribution, or only its surplus after satisfying his first wants, -or whether the faculties of body and mind shall contribute also from -their annual earnings, is a question to be decided. But, when decided, -and the principle settled, it is to be equally and fairly applied to -all. To take from one, because it is thought that his own industry and -that of his fathers has acquired too much, in order to spare to others, -who, or whose fathers have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to -violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, "the _guarantee_ -to every one of a free exercise of his industry, and the fruits acquired -by it." If the overgrown wealth of an individual be deemed dangerous to -the State, the best corrective is the law of equal inheritance to all -in equal degree; and the better, as this enforces a law of nature, while -extra-taxation violates it. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [15] Moore's Greek Grammar, translated by Ewen. Mair's Tyro's - Dictionary. - - -TO JOHN ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, April 8, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge your two favors of February the 16th -and March the 2d, and to join sincerely in the sentiment of Mrs. Adams, -and regret that distance separates us so widely. An hour of conversation -would be worth a volume of letters. But we must take things as they come. - -You ask, if I would agree to live my seventy or rather seventy-three -years over again? To which I say, yea. I think with you, that it is -a good world on the whole; that it has been framed on a principle of -benevolence, and more pleasure than pain dealt out to us. There are, -indeed, (who might say nay) gloomy and hypochondriac minds, inhabitants -of diseased bodies, disgusted with the present, and despairing of the -future; always counting that the worst will happen, because it may happen. -To these I say, how much pain have cost us the evils which have never -happened! My temperament is sanguine. I steer my bark with Hope in the -head, leaving Fear astern. My hopes, indeed, sometimes fail; but not -oftener than the forebodings of the gloomy. There are, I acknowledge, even -in the happiest life, some terrible convulsions, heavy set-offs against -the opposite page of the account. I have often wondered for what good -end the sensations of grief could be intended. All our other passions, -within proper bounds, have an useful object. And the perfection of the -moral character is, not in a stoical apathy, so hypocritically vaunted, -and so untruly too, because impossible, but in a just equilibrium of all -the passions. I wish the pathologists then would tell us what is the use -of grief in the economy, and of what good it is the cause, proximate or -remote. - -Did I know Baron Grimm while at Paris? Yes, most intimately. He was the -pleasantest and most conversable member of the diplomatic corps while -I was there; a man of good fancy, acuteness, irony, cunning and egoism. -No heart, not much of any science, yet enough of every one to speak its -language; his forte was Belles-lettres, painting and sculpture. In these -he was the oracle of society, and as such, was the Empress Catharine's -private correspondent and factor, in all things not diplomatic. It was -through him I got her permission for poor Ledyard to go to Kamschatka, and -cross over thence to the western coast of America, in order to penetrate -across our continent in the opposite direction to that afterwards -adopted for Lewis and Clarke; which permission she withdrew after he -had got within two hundred miles of Kamschatka, had him seized, brought -back, and set down in Poland. Although I never heard Grimm express -the opinion directly, yet I always supposed him to be of the school of -Diderot, D'Alembert, D'Holbach; the first of whom committed his system of -atheism to writing in "_Le bon sens_," and the last in his "_Systeme de -la Nature_." It was a numerous school in the Catholic countries, while -the infidelity of the Protestant took generally the form of theism. The -former always insisted that it was a mere question of definition between -them, the hypostasis of which, on both sides, was "_Nature_," or "_the -Universe_;" that both agreed in the order of the existing system, but -the one supposed it from eternity, the other as having begun in time. -And when the atheist descanted on the unceasing motion and circulation -of matter through the animal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms, never -resting, never annihilated, always changing form, and under all forms -gifted with the power of reproduction; the theist pointing "to the heavens -above, and to the earth beneath, and to the waters under the earth," -asked, if these did not proclaim a first cause, possessing intelligence -and power; power in the production, and intelligence in the design and -constant preservation of the system; urged the palpable existence of -final causes; that the eye was made to see, and the ear to hear, and -not that we see because we have eyes, and hear because we have ears; an -answer obvious to the senses, as that of walking across the room, was -to the philosopher demonstrating the non-existence of motion. It was in -D'Holbach's conventicles that Rousseau imagined all the machinations -against him were contrived; and he left, in his Confessions, the most -biting anecdotes of Grimm. These appeared after I left France; but I -have heard that poor Grimm was so much afflicted by them, that he kept -his bed several weeks. I have never seen the Memoirs of Grimm. Their -volume has kept them out of our market. - -I have lately been amusing myself with Levi's book, in answer to Dr. -Priestley. It is a curious and tough work. His style is inelegant and -incorrect, harsh and petulant to his adversary, and his reasoning flimsy -enough. Some of his doctrines were new to me, particularly that of his -two resurrections; the first, a particular one of all the dead, in body as -well as soul, who are to live over again, the Jews in a state of perfect -obedience to God, the other nations in a state of corporeal punishment -for the sufferings they have inflicted on the Jews. And he explains -this resurrection of the bodies to be only of the original stamen of -Leibnitz, or the human _calus_ in _semine masculino_, considering that -as a mathematical point, insusceptible of separation or division. The -second resurrection, a general one of souls and bodies, eternally to -enjoy divine glory in the presence of the Supreme Being. He alleges that -the Jews alone preserve the doctrine of the unity of God. Yet their God -would be deemed a very indifferent man with us; and it was to correct -their anamorphosis of the Deity, that Jesus preached, as well as to -establish the doctrine of a future state. However, Levi insists, that -that was taught in the Old Testament, and even by Moses himself and the -prophets. He agrees that an annointed prince was prophesied and promised; -but denies that the character and history of Jesus had any analogy with -that of the person promised. He must be fearfully embarrassing to the -Hierophants of fabricated Christianity; because it is their own armor in -which he clothes himself for the attack. For example, he takes passages -of scripture from their context, (which would give them a very different -meaning,) strings them together, and makes them point towards what object -he pleases; he interprets them figuratively, typically, analogically, -hyperbolically; he calls in the aid of emendation, transposition, ellipse, -metonymy, and every other figure of rhetoric; the name of one man is -taken for another, one place for another, days and weeks for months -and years; and finally, he avails himself all his advantage over his -adversaries by his superior knowledge of the Hebrew, speaking in the -very language of the divine communication, while they can only fumble on -with conflicting and disputed translations. Such is this war of giants. -And how can such pigmies as you and I decide between them? For myself, -I confess that my head is not formed _tantas componere lites_. And as -you began yours of March the 2d, with a declaration that you were about -to write me the most frivolous letter I had ever read, so I will close -mine by saying, I have written you a full match for it, and by adding -my affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and the assurance of my constant -attachment and consideration for yourself. - - -TO GOVERNOR NICHOLAS. - - POPLAR FOREST, April 19, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--In my letter of the 2d instant, I stated, according to your -request, what occurred to me on the subjects of Defence and Education; -and I will now proceed to do the same on the remaining subject of yours -of March 22d, the construction of a general map of the State. For this -the legislature directs there shall be, - -I. A topographical survey of each county. - -II. A general survey of the outlines of the State, and its leading -features of rivers and mountains. - -III. An astronomical survey for the correction and collection of the -others, and - -IV. A mineralogical survey. - -I. Although the topographical survey of each county is referred to its -court in the first instance, yet such a control is given to the Executive -as places it effectively under his direction; that this control must -be freely and generally exercised, I have no doubt. Nobody expects -that the justices of the peace in every county are so familiar with the -astronomical and geometrical principles to be employed in the execution -of this work, as to be competent to decide what candidate possesses -them in the highest degree, or in any degree; and indeed I think it -would be reasonable, considering how much the other affairs of the -State must engross of the time of the Governor and Council, for them to -make it a pre-requisite for every candidate to undergo an examination -by the mathematical professor of William and Mary College, or some -other professional character, and to ask for a special and confidential -report of the grade of qualification of each candidate examined. If one, -completely qualified, can be found for every half dozen counties, it -will be as much, perhaps, as can be expected. - -Their office will be to survey the Rivers, Roads, and Mountains. - -1. A proper division of the surveys of the Rivers between them and -the general surveyor, might be to ascribe to the latter so much as is -navigable, and to the former the parts not navigable, but yet sufficient -for working machinery, which the law requires. On these they should -note confluences, other natural and remarkable objects, towns, mills or -other machines, ferries, bridges, crossings of roads, passages through -mountains, mines, quarries, &c. - -2. In surveying the Roads, the same objects should be noted, and every -permanent stream crossing them, and these streams should be laid down -according to the best information they can obtain, to their confluence -with the main stream. - -3. The Mountains, others than those ascribed to the general surveyor, -should be laid down by their names and bases, which last will be generally -designated by the circumscription of water courses and roads on both -sides, without a special survey around them. Their gaps are also required -to be noted. - -4. On the Boundaries, the same objects should be noted. Where a boundary -falls within the operations of the general surveyor, its survey by them -should be dispensed with, and where it is common to two counties, it might -be ascribed wholly to one, or divided between the surveyors respectively. -All these surveys should be delineated on the same scale, which the law -directs, I believe, (for I have omitted to bring the copy of it with -me to this place,) if it has not fixed the scale. I think about half an -inch to the mile would be a convenient one, because it would generally -bring the map of a county within the compass of a sheet of paper. And -here I would suggest what would be a great desideratum for the public, -to wit, that a single sheet map of each county separately, on a scale -of half an inch to the mile, be engraved and struck off. There are few -housekeepers who would not wish to possess a map of their own county, -many would purchase those of their circumjacent counties, and many -would take one of every county, and form them into an atlas, so that -I question if as many copies of each particular map would not be sold -as of the general one. But these should not be made until they receive -the astronomical corrections, without which they can never be brought -together and joined into larger maps, at the will of the purchaser. - -Their instrument should be a Circumferentor, with cross spirit levels -on its face, a graduated rim, and a double index, the one fixed, the -other movable, with a nonius on it. The needle should never be depended -on for an angle. - -II. The General Survey divides itself into two distinct operations; the -one on the tide waters, the other above them. - -On the tide waters the State will have little to do. Some time before -the war, Congress authorized the Executive to have an accurate survey -made of the whole sea-coast of the United States, comprehending, as -well as I remember, the principal bays and harbors. A Mr. Hassler, -a mathematician of the first order from Geneva, was engaged in the -execution, and was sent to England to procure proper instruments. He has -lately returned with such a set as never before crossed the Atlantic, -and is scarcely possessed by any nation on the continent of Europe. -We shall be furnished, then, by the General Government, with a better -survey than we can make, of our sea-coast, Chesapeake Bay, probably the -Potomac, to the Navy Yard at Washington, and possibly of James' River -to Norfolk, and York River to Yorktown. I am not, however, able to say -that these, or what other, are the precise limits of their intentions. -The Secretary of the Treasury would probably inform us. Above these -limits, whatever they are, the surveys and soundings will belong to the -present undertaking of the State; and if Mr. Hassler has time, before -he commences his general work, to execute this for us, with the use of -the instruments of the United States, it is impossible we can put it -into any train of execution equally good; and any compensation he may -require, will be less than it would cost to purchase instruments of our -own, and have the work imperfectly done by a less able hand. If we are -to do it ourselves, I acknowledge myself too little familiar with the -methods of surveying a coast and taking soundings, to offer anything -on the subject approved by practice. I will pass on, therefore, to the -general survey of the Rivers above the tide waters, the Mountains, and -the external Boundaries. - -I. _Rivers._--I have already proposed that the general survey shall -comprehend these from the tide waters as far as they are navigable only, -and here we shall find one-half of the work already done, and as ably -as we may expect to do it. In the great controversy between the Lords -Baltimore and Fairfax, between whose territories the Potomac, from its -mouth to its source, was the chartered boundary, the question was which -branch, from Harper's ferry upwards, was to be considered as the Potomac? -Two able mathematicians, therefore, were brought over from England at the -expense of the parties, and under the sanction of the sentence pronounced -between them, to survey the two branches, and ascertain which was to -be considered as the main stream. Lord Fairfax took advantage of their -being here to get a correct survey by them of his whole territory, which -was bounded by the Potomac, the Rappahanoc, as was believed, in the most -accurate manner. Their survey was doubtless filed and recorded in Lord -Fairfax's office, and I presume it still exists among his land papers. -He furnished a copy of that survey to Colonel Fry and my father, who -entered it, on a reduced scale, into their map, as far as latitudes and -admeasurements accurately horizontal could produce exactness. I expect -this survey is to be relied on. But it is lawful to doubt whether its -longitudes may not need verification; because at that day the corrections -had not been made in the lunar tables, which have since introduced the -method of ascertaining the longitude by the lunar distances; and that -by Jupiter's satellites was impracticable in ambulatory survey. The most -we can count on is, that they may have employed some sufficient means to -ascertain the longitude of the first source of the Potomac, the meridian -of which was to be Lord Baltimore's boundary. The longitudes, therefore, -should be verified and corrected, if necessary, and this will belong to -the Astronomical survey. - -The other rivers only, then, from their tide waters up as far as -navigable, remain for this operator, and on them the same objects should -be noted as proposed in the county surveys; and, in addition, their -breadth at remarkable parts, such as the confluence of other streams, -falls, and ferries, the soundings of their main channels, bars, rapids, -and principal sluices through their falls, their current at various -places, and, if it can be done without more cost than advantage, their -fall between certain stations. - -II. _Mountains._--I suppose the law contemplates, in the general survey, -only the principal continued ridges, and such insulated mountains as -being correctly ascertained in their position, and visible from many -and distant places, may, by their bearings, be useful correctives -for all the surveys, and especially for those of the counties. Of the -continued ridges, the Alleghany, North Mountain, and Blue Ridge, are -principal; ridges of partial lengths may be left to designation in the -county surveys. Of insulated mountains, there are the Peaks of Otter, in -Bedford, which I believe may be seen from about twenty counties; Willis' -Mountains, in Buckingham, which from their detached situation, and so -far below all other mountains, may be seen over a great space of country; -Peters' Mountain, in Albemarle, which, from its eminence above all others -of the south-west ridge, may be seen to a great distance, probably to -Willis' Mountain, and with that and the Peaks of Otter, furnishes a very -extensive triangle; and doubtless there are many unknown to me, which, -being truly located, offer valuable indications and correctives for the -county surveys. For example, the sharp peak of Otter being precisely -fixed in position by its longitude and latitude, a simple observation -of latitude taken at any place from which that peak is visible, and an -observation of the angle it makes with the meridian of the place, furnish -a right-angled spherical triangle, of which the portion of meridian -intercepted between the latitudes of the place and peak, will be on -one side. With this and the given angles, the other side, constituting -the difference of longitude, may be calculated, and thus by a correct -position of these commanding points, that of every place from which any -one of them is visible, may, by observations of latitude and bearing, -be ascertained in longitude also. If two such objects be visible from -the same place, it will afford, by another triangle, a double correction. - -The gaps in the continued ridges, ascribed to the general surveyor, -are required by the law to be noted; and so also are their heights. -This must certainly be understood with some limitation, as the height -of every knob in these ridges could never be desired. Probably the law -contemplated only the eminent mountains in each ridge, such as would be -conspicuous objects of observation to the country at great distances, -and would offer the same advantages as the insulated mountains. Such -eminences in the Blue Ridge will be more extensively useful than those -of the more western ridges. The height of gaps also, over which roads -pass, were probably in view. - -But how are these heights to be taken, and from what base? I suppose -from the plain on which they stand. But it is difficult to ascertain -the precise horizontal line of that plain, or to say where the ascent -above the general face of the country begins. Where there is a river or -other considerable stream, or extensive meadow plains near the foot of -a mountain, which is much the case in the valleys dividing the western -ridges, I suppose that may be fairly considered in the level of its base, -in the intendment of the law. Where there is no such term of commencement, -the surveyor must judge, as well as he can from his view, what point is -in the general level of the adjacent country. How are these heights to -be taken, and with what instrument? Where a good base can be found, the -geometrical admeasurement is the most satisfactory. For this, a theodolite -must be provided of the most perfect construction, by Ramsden, Troughton -if possible; and for horizontal angles it will be the better of two -telescopes. But such bases are rarely to be found. When none such, the -height may still be measured geometrically, by ascending or descending the -mountain with the theodolite, measuring its face from station to station, -noting its inclination between these stations, and the hypothenusal -difference of that inclination, as indicated on the vertical arc of -the theodolite. The sum of the perpendiculars corresponding with the -hypothenusal measures, is the height of the mountain. But a barometrical -admeasurement is preferable to this; since the late improvements in the -theory, they are to be depended on nearly as much as the geometrical, -and are much more convenient and expeditious. The barometer should have -a sliding nonius, and a thermometer annexed, with a screw at the bottom -to force up the column of mercury solidly. Without this precaution they -cannot be transported at all; and even with it they are in danger from -every severe jolt. They go more safely on a baggage-horse than in a -carriage. The heights should be measured on both sides, to show the rise -of the country at every ridge. - -Observations of longitude and latitude should be taken by the surveyor -at all confluences of considerable streams, and on all mountains of -which he measures the heights, whether insulated or in ridges; for this -purpose, he should be furnished with a good Hadley's circle of Borda's -construction, with three limbs of nonius indexes; if not to be had, a -sextant of brass, and of the best construction, may do, and a chronometer; -to these is to be added a Gunter's chain, with some appendix for plumbing -the chain. - -III. The External Boundaries of the State, to-wit: Northern, Eastern, -Southern and Western. The Northern boundary consists of, 1st, the -Potomac; 2d, a meridian from its source to Mason & Dixon's line; 3d, a -continuation of that line to the meridian of the north-western corner -of Pennsylvania, and 4th, of that meridian to its intersection with the -Ohio. 1st. The Potomac is supposed, as before mentioned, to be surveyed -to our hand. 2d, The meridian, from its source to Mason & Dixon's line, -was, I believe, surveyed by them when they run the dividing line between -Lord Baltimore and Penn. I presume it can be had from either Annapolis -or Philadelphia, and I think there is a copy of it, which I got from -Dr. Smith, in an atlas of the library of Congress. Nothing better can -be done by us. 3d. The continuation of Mason & Dixon's line and the -meridian from its termination to the Ohio, was done by Mr. Rittenhouse -and others, and copies of their work are doubtless in our offices as -well as in those of Pennsylvania. What has been done by Rittenhouse can -be better done by no one. - -The Eastern boundary being the sea-coast, we have before presumed will -be surveyed by the general government. - -The Southern boundary. This has been extended and marked in different -parts in the chartered latitude of 36° 31´ by three different sets of -Commissioners. The eastern part by Dr. Byrd and other commissioners -from Virginia and North Carolina: the middle by Fry and Jefferson from -Virginia, and Churton and others from North Carolina; and the western -by Dr. Walker and Daniel Smith, now of Tennessee. Whether Byrd's survey -now exists, I do not know. His journal is still in possession of some -one of the Westover family, and it would be well to seek for it, in -order to judge of that portion of the line. Fry and Jefferson's journal -was burnt in the Shadwell house about fifty years ago, with all the -materials of their map. Walker and Smith's survey is probably in our -offices; there is a copy of it in the atlas before mentioned; but that -survey was made on the spur of a particular occasion, and with a view to -a particular object only. During the revolutionary war, we were informed -that a treaty of peace was on the carpet in Europe, on the principle -of _uti possidetis_; and we despatched those gentlemen immediately to -ascertain the intersection of our Southern boundary with the Mississippi, -and ordered Colonel Clarke to erect a hasty fort on the first bluff -above the line, which was done as an act of possession. The intermediate -line, between that and the termination of Fry and Jefferson's line, was -provisionary only, and not made with any particular care. That, then, -requires to be re-surveyed as far as the Cumberland mountain. But the -eastern and middle surveys will only need, I suppose, to have their -longitudes rectified by the astronomical surveyor. - -The Western boundary, consisting of the Ohio, Big Sandy and Cumberland -mountain, having been established while I was out of the country, I -have never had occasion to inquire whether they were actually surveyed, -and with what degree of accuracy. But this fact being well known to -yourself particularly, and to others who have been constantly present -in the State, you will be more competent to decide what is to be done -in that quarter. I presume, indeed, that this boundary will constitute -the principal and most difficult part of the operations of the General -Surveyor. - -The injunctions of the act to note the magnetic variations merit diligent -attention. The law of those variations is not yet sufficiently known -to satisfy us that sensible changes do not sometimes take place at -small intervals of time and place. To render these observations of the -variations easy, and to encourage their frequency, a copy of a table of -amplitudes should be furnished to every surveyor, by which, wherever -he has a good Eastern horizon, he may, in a few seconds, at sunrise, -ascertain the variation. This table is to be found in the book called the -"Mariner's Compass Rectified;" but more exactly in the "Connaissance des -Tems" for 1778 and 1788, all of which are in the library of Congress. -It may perhaps be found in other books more easily procured, and will -need to be extracted only from 36½° to 40° degrees of latitude. - -III. _The Astronomical Survey._ This is the most important of all -the operations; it is from this alone we are to expect real truth. -Measures and rhumbs taken on the special surface of the earth, cannot -be represented on a plain surface of paper without astronomical -corrections; and, paradoxical as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, -that we cannot know the relative position of two places on the earth, -but by interrogating the sun, moon, and stars. The observer must, -therefore, correctly fix, in longitude and latitude, all remarkable -points from distance to distance. Those to be selected of preference are -the confluences, rapids, falls and ferries of water courses, summits of -mountains, towns, court-houses, and angles of counties, and where these -points are more than a third or half a degree distant, they should be -supplied by observations of other points, such as mills, bridges, passes -through mountains, &c., for in our latitudes, half a degree makes a -difference of three-eighths of a mile in the length of the degree of -longitude. These points first laid down, the intermediate delineations -to be transferred from the particular surveys to the general map, are -adapted to them by contractions or dilatations. The observer will need a -best Hadley's circle of Broda's construction, by Troughton, if possible, -(for they are since Ramsden's time,) and a best chronometer. - -Very possibly an equatorial may be needed. This instrument set to -the observed latitude, gives the meridian of the place. In the lunar -observations _at sea_ this element cannot be had, and in Europe _by -land_, these observations are not resorted to for longitudes, because -at their numerous fixed observations they are prepared for the better -method of Jupiter's satellites. But here, where our geography is still -to be fixed by a portable apparatus only, we are obliged to resort, as -at sea, to the lunar observations, with the advantage, however, of a -fixed meridian. And although the use of a meridian in these observations -is a novelty, yet, placed under new circumstances, we must countervail -their advantages by whatever new resources they offer. It is obvious -that the observed distance of the moon from the meridian of the place, -and her calculated distance from that of Greenwich at the same instant, -give the difference of meridians, without dependence on any measure of -time; by addition of the observations, if the moon be between the two -meridians, by subtraction if east or west of both; the association, -therefore, of this instrument with the circular one, by introducing -another element, another process and another instrument, furnishes a test -of the observations with the Hadley, adds to their certainty, and, by -its corroborations, dispenses with that multiplication of observations -which is necessary with the Hadley when used alone. This idea, however, -is suggested by theory only; and it must be left to the judgment of the -observer who will be employed, whether it would be practicable and useful. -To him, when known, I shall be glad to give further explanations. The -cost of the equatorial is about the same with that of the circle, when -of equal workmanship. - -Both the surveyor and astronomer should journalize their proceedings -daily, and send copies of their journals monthly to the Executive, as -well to prevent loss by accident, as to make known their progress. - -IV. _Mineralogical Survey._--I have never known in the United States but -one eminent mineralogist, who could have been engaged on hire. This was a -Mr. Goudon from France, who came over to Philadelphia six or seven years -ago. Being zealously devoted to the science, he proposed to explore the -new field which this country offered; but being scanty in means, as I -understood, he meant to give lectures in the winter which might enable -him to pass the summer in mineralogical rambles. It is long since I -have heard his name mentioned, and therefore do not know whether he is -still at Philadelphia, or even among the living. The literary gentlemen -of that place can give the information, or perhaps point out some other -equal to the undertaking. - -I believe I have now, Sir, gone over all the subjects of your -letter,--which I have done with less reserve to multiply the chances of -offering here and there something which might be useful. Its greatest -merit, however, will be that of evidencing my respect for your commands, -and of adding to the proofs of my great consideration and esteem. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - POPLAR FOREST, April 24, 1816. - -I received, my dear friend, your letter covering the constitution for -your Equinoctial republics, just as I was setting out for this place. I -brought it with me, and have read it with great satisfaction. I suppose -it well formed for those for whom it was intended, and the excellence of -every government is its adaptation to the state of those to be governed -by it. For us it would not do. Distinguishing between the structure -of the government and the moral principles on which you prescribe its -administration, with the latter we concur cordially, with the former we -should not. We of the United States, you know, are constitutionally and -conscientiously democrats. We consider society as one of the natural wants -with which man has been created; that he has been endowed with faculties -and qualities to effect its satisfaction by concurrence of others -having the same want; that when, by the exercise of these faculties, he -has procured a state of society, it is one of his acquisitions which -he has a right to regulate and control, jointly indeed with all those -who have concurred in the procurement, whom he cannot exclude from its -use or direction more than they him. We think experience has proved it -safer, for the mass of individuals composing the society, to reserve to -themselves personally the exercise of all rightful powers to which they -are competent, and to delegate those to which they are not competent -to deputies named, and removable for unfaithful conduct, by themselves -immediately. Hence, with us, the people (by which is meant the mass -of individuals composing the society) being competent to judge of the -facts occurring in ordinary life, they have retained the functions of -judges of facts, under the name of jurors; but being unqualified for the -management of affairs requiring intelligence above the common level, yet -competent judges of human character, they chose, for their management, -representatives, some by themselves immediately, others by electors chosen -by themselves. Thus our President is chosen by ourselves, directly in -_practice_, for we vote for A as elector only on the condition he will -vote for B, our representatives by ourselves immediately, our Senate -and judges of law through electors chosen by ourselves. And we believe -that this proximate choice and power of removal is the best security -which experience has sanctioned for ensuring an honest conduct in the -functionaries of society. Your three or four alembications have indeed -a seducing appearance. We should conceive, _primá facie_, that the last -extract would be the pure alcohol of the substance, three or four times -rectified. But in proportion as they are more and more sublimated, they -are also farther and farther removed from the control of the society; -and the human character, we believe, requires in general constant -and immediate control, to prevent its being biased from right by the -seductions of self-love. Your process produces therefore a structure of -government from which the fundamental principle of ours is excluded. You -first set down as zeros all individuals not having lands, which are the -greater number in every society of long standing. Those holding lands -are permitted to manage in person the small affairs of their commune or -corporation, and to elect a deputy for the canton; in which election, -too, every one's vote is to be an unit, a plurality, or a fraction, in -proportion to his landed possessions. The assemblies of cantons, then, -elect for the districts; those of districts for circles; and those of -circles for the national assemblies. Some of these highest councils, -too, are in a considerable degree self-elected, the regency partially, -the judiciary entirely, and some are for life. Whenever, therefore, an -_esprit de corps_, or of party, gets possession of them, which experience -shows to be inevitable, there are no means of breaking it up, for they -will never elect but those of their own spirit. Juries are allowed in -criminal cases only. I acknowledge myself strong in affection to our own -form, yet both of us act and think from the same motive, we both consider -the people as our children, and love them with parental affection. But -you love them as infants whom you are afraid to trust without nurses; -and I as adults whom I freely leave to self-government. And you are -right in the case referred to you; my criticism being built on a state -of society not under your contemplation. It is, in fact, like a critic -on Homer by the laws of the Drama. - -But when we come to the moral principles on which the government is to be -administered, we come to what is proper for all conditions of society. -I meet you there in all the benevolence and rectitude of your native -character; and I love myself always most where I concur most with you. -Liberty, truth, probity, honor, are declared to be the four cardinal -principles of your society. I believe with you that morality, compassion, -generosity, are innate elements of the human constitution; that there -exists a right independent of force; that a right to property is founded -in our natural wants, in the means with which we are endowed to satisfy -these wants, and the right to what we acquire by those means without -violating the similar rights of other sensible beings; that no one has a -right to obstruct another, exercising his faculties innocently for the -relief of sensibilities made a part of his nature; that justice is the -fundamental law of society; that the majority, oppressing an individual, -is guilty of a crime, abuses its strength, and by acting on the law of -the strongest breaks up the foundations of society; that action by the -citizens in person, in affairs within their reach and competence, and -in all others by representatives, chosen immediately, and removable by -themselves, constitutes the essence of a republic; that all governments -are more or less republican in proportion as this principle enters more -or less into their composition; and that a government by representation -is capable of extension over a greater surface of country than one of -any other form. These, my friend, are the essentials in which you and I -agree; however, in our zeal for their maintenance, we may be perplexed -and divaricate, as to the structure of society most likely to secure them. - -In the constitution of Spain, as proposed by the late Cortes, there -was a principle entirely new to me, and not noticed in yours, that -no person, born after that day, should ever acquire the rights of -citizenship until he could read and write. It is impossible sufficiently -to estimate the wisdom of this provision. Of all those which have -been thought of for securing fidelity in the administration of the -government, constant ralliance to the principles of the constitution, -and progressive amendments with the progressive advances of the human -mind, or changes in human affairs, it is the most effectual. Enlighten -the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will -vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day. Although I do not, with some -enthusiasts, believe that the human condition will ever advance to such -a state of perfection as that there shall no longer be pain or vice in -the world, yet I believe it susceptible of much improvement, and most -of all, in matters of government and religion; and that the diffusion -of knowledge among the people is to be the instrument by which it is -to be effected. The constitution of the Cortes had defects enough; but -when I saw in it this amendatory provision, I was satisfied all would -come right in time, under its salutary operation. No people have more -need of a similar provision than those for whom you have felt so much -interest. No mortal wishes them more success than I do. But if what I have -heard of the ignorance and bigotry of the mass be true, I doubt their -capacity to understand and to support a free government; and fear that -their emancipation from the foreign tyranny of Spain, will result in a -military despotism at home. Palacios may be great; others may be great; -but it is the multitude which possesses force; and wisdom must yield to -that. For such a condition of society, the constitution you have devised -is probably the best imaginable. It is certainly calculated to elicit -the best talents; although perhaps not well guarded against the egoism -of its functionaries. But that egoism will be light in comparison with -the pressure of a military despot, and his army of Janissaries. Like -Solon to the Athenians, you have given to your Columbians, not the best -possible government, but the best they can bear. By-the-bye, I wish you -had called them the Columbian republics, to distinguish them from our -American republics. Theirs would be the most honorable name, and they -best entitled to it; for Columbus discovered their continent, but never -saw ours. - -To them liberty and happiness; to you the meed of wisdom and goodness -in teaching them how to attain them, with the affectionate respect and -friendship of, - - -TO MR. FR. ADR. VANDERKEMP. - - POPLAR FOREST, April 25, 1816. - -SIR,--Your favor of March 24th was handed to me just as I was setting out -on a journey of time and distance, which will explain the date of this -both as to time and place. The Syllabus, which is the subject of your -letter, was addressed to a friend to whom I had promised a more detailed -view. But finding I should never have time for that, I sent him what I -thought should be the outlines of such a work; the same subject entering -sometimes into the correspondence between Mr. Adams and myself, I sent -him a copy of it. The friend to whom it had been first addressed, dying -soon after, I asked from his family the return of the original, as a -confidential communication, which they kindly sent me. So that no copy -of it, but that in the possession of Mr. Adams, now exists out of my -own hands. I have used this caution lest it should get out in connection -with my name; and I was unwilling to draw on myself a swarm of insects, -whose buzz is more disquieting than their bite. As an abstract thing, -and without any intimation from what quarter derived, I can have no -objection to its being committed to the consideration of the world. I -believe it may even do good by producing discussion, and finally a true -view of the merits of this great reformer. Pursuing the same ideas after -writing the Syllabus, I made, for my own satisfaction, an extract from -the Evangelists of his morals, selecting those only whose style and -spirit proved them genuine, and his own; and they are as distinguishable -from the matter in which they are imbedded as diamonds in dunghills. A -more precious morsel in ethics was never seen. It was too hastily done, -however, being the work of one or two evenings only, while I lived at -Washington, overwhelmed with other business, and it is my intention to -go over it again at more leisure. This shall be the work of the ensuing -winter. I gave it the title of "the Philosophy of Jesus extracted from -the text of the Evangelists." To this Syllabus and extract, if a history -of his life can be added, written with the same view of the subject, the -world will see, after the fogs shall be dispelled, in which for fourteen -centuries he has been enveloped by jugglers to make money of him, when -the genuine character shall be exhibited, which they have dressed up -in the rags of an imposter, the world, I say, will at length see the -immortal merit of this first of human sages. I rejoice that you think -of undertaking this work. It is one I have long wished to see written -of the scale of a Laertius or a Nepos. Nor can it be a work of labor, -or of volume, for his journeyings from Judea to Samaria, and Samaria -to Galilee, do not cover much country; and the incidents of his life -require little research. They are all at hand, and need only to be put -into human dress; noticing such only as are within the physical laws -of nature, and offending none by a denial or even a mention of what is -not. If the Syllabus and Extract (which is short) either in substance, -or at large, are worth a place under the same cover with your biography, -they are at your service. I ask one only condition, that no possibility -shall be admitted of my name being even intimated with the publication. -If done in England, as you seem to contemplate, there will be the less -likelihood of my being thought of. I shall be much gratified to learn -that you pursue your intention of writing the life of Jesus, and pray -you to accept the assurances of my great respect and esteem. - - -TO M. CORREA DE SERRA. - - POPLAR FOREST, April 26, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of March 29th was received, just as I was setting -out for this place. I brought it with me to be answered hence. Since you -are so kind as to interest yourself for Captain Lewis' papers, I will -give you a full statement of them. - -1. Ten or twelve such pocket volumes, morocco bound, as that you describe, -in which, in his own hand-writing, he had journalized all occurrences, -day by day, as he travelled. They were small 8vos, and opened at the -end for more convenient writing. Every one had been put into a separate -tin case, cemented to prevent injury from wet, but on his return the -cases, I presume, had been taken from them, as he delivered me the books -uncased. There were in them the figures of some animals, drawn with the -pen while on his journey. The gentleman who published his travels must -have had these MS. volumes, and perhaps now has them, or can give some -account of them. - -2. Descriptions of animals and plants. I do not recollect whether there -was such a book or collection of papers, distinct from his journal, -although I am inclined to think there was one: because his travels as -published, do not contain all the new animals of which he had either -descriptions or specimens. Mr. Peale, I think, must know something of -this, as he drew figures of some of the animals for engraving, and some -were actually engraved. Perhaps Conrad, his bookseller, who was to have -published the work, can give an account of these. - -3. Vocabularies. I had myself made a collection of about forty -vocabularies of the Indians on this side of the Mississippi, and Captain -Lewis was instructed to take those of every tribe beyond, which he -possibly could. The intention was to publish the whole, and leave the -world to search for affinities between these and the languages of Europe -and Asia. He was furnished with a number of printed vocabularies of the -same words and form I had used, with blank spaces for the Indian words. -He was very attentive to this instruction, never missing an opportunity -of taking a vocabulary. After his return, he asked me if I should have -any objection to the printing his separately, as mine were not yet -arranged as I intended. I assured him I had not the least; and I am -certain he contemplated their publication. But whether he had put the -papers out of his own hand or not, I do not know. I imagine he had not; -and it is probable that Doctor Barton, who was particularly curious on -this subject, and published on it occasionally, would willingly receive -and take care of these papers after Captain Lewis' death, and that they -are now among his papers. - -4. His observations of longitude and latitude. He was instructed to -send these to the War-Office, that measures might be taken to have -the calculations made. Whether he delivered them to the War-Office, or -to Dr. Patterson, I do not know, but I think he communicated with Dr. -Patterson concerning them. These are all important, because although, -having with him the nautical almanacs, he could and did calculate some -of his latitudes, yet the longitudes were taken merely from estimates -by the log-line, time, and course. So that it is only as latitudes that -his map may be considered as tolerably correct; not as to its longitudes. - -5. His Map. This was drawn on sheets of paper, not put together, but so -marked that they could be joined together with the utmost accuracy; not -as one great square map, but ramifying with the courses of the rivers. -The scale was very large, and the sheets numerous, but in perfect -preservation. This was to await publication, until corrected by the -calculations of longitude and latitude. I examined these sheets myself -minutely, as spread on a floor, and the originals must be in existence, -as the map published with his travels must have been taken from them. - -These constitute the whole. They are the property of the government, the -fruits of the expedition undertaken at such expense of money, and risk of -valuable lives. They contain exactly the whole of the information which -it was our object to obtain, for the benefit of our own country and of the -world. But we were willing to give to Lewis and Clarke whatever pecuniary -benefits might be derived from the publication, and therefore left the -papers in their hands, taking for granted that their interests would -produce a speedy publication, which would be better if done under their -direction. But the death of Captain Lewis, the distance and occupations -of General Clarke, and the bankruptcy of their bookseller, have retarded -the publication, and rendered it necessary that the government should -attend to the reclamation and security of the papers; their recovery -is now become an imperious duty. Their safest deposit, as fast as they -can be collected, will be the Philosophical Society, who no doubt will -be so kind as to receive and preserve them, subject to the orders of -government; and their publication once effected in any way, the originals -will probably be left in the same deposit. As soon as I can learn their -present situation, I will lay the matter before the government to take -such order as they think proper. As to any claims of individuals to -these papers, it is to be observed that, as being the property of the -public, we are certain neither Lewis nor Clarke would undertake to convey -away the right to them, had they been capable of intending it. Yet no -interest of that kind is meant to be disturbed, if the individual can -give satisfactory assurance that he will promptly and properly publish -them; otherwise they must be restored to the government, and the claimant -left to settle with those on whom he has any claim. My interference, -will, I trust, be excused, not only from the portion which every citizen -has in whatever is public, but from the peculiar part I have had in the -design and execution of this expedition. - -To you, my friend, apology is due for involving you in the trouble of -this inquiry. It must be found in the interest you take in whatever -belongs to science, and in your own kind offers to me of aid in this -research. Be assured always of my affectionate friendship and respect. - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, May 3, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of April 8th has long since been received. - -_J._ "Would you agree to live your eighty years over again?" - -_A._ ----. - -_J._ "Would you agree to live your eighty years over again forever?" - -_A._ I once heard our acquaintance, Chew, of Philadelphia, say, "he -should like to go back to twenty-five, to all eternity;" but I own my -soul would start and shrink back on itself at the prospect of an endless -succession of _Boules de Savon_, almost as much as at the certainty of -annihilation. For what is human life? I can speak only for one. I have -had more comfort than distress, more pleasure than pain ten to one, -nay, if you please, an hundred to one. A pretty large dose, however, -of distress and pain. But after all, what is human life? A vapor, a -fog, a dew, a cloud, a blossom, a flower, a rose, a blade of grass, a -glass bubble, a tale told by an idiot, a _Boule de Savon_, vanity of -vanities, an eternal succession of which would terrify me almost as much -as annihilation. - -_J._ "Would you prefer to live over again, rather than accept the offer -of a better life in a future state?" - -_A._ Certainly not. - -_J._ "Would you live again rather than change for the worse in a future -state, for the sake of trying something new?" - -_A._ Certainly yes. - -_J._ "Would you live over again once or forever, rather than run the -risk of annihilation, or of a better or a worse state at or after death?" - -_A._ Most certainly I would not. - -_J._ "How valiant you are!" - -_A._ Aye, at this moment, and at all other moments of my life that I -can recollect; but who can tell what will become of his bravery when -his flesh and his heart shall fail him? Bolingbroke said "his philosophy -was not sufficient to support him in his last hours." D'Alembert said: -"Happy are they who have courage, but I have none." Voltaire, the greatest -genius of them all, behaved like the greatest coward of them all at his -death, as he had like the wisest fool of them all in his lifetime. Hume -awkwardly affected to sport away all sober thoughts. Who can answer -for his last feelings and reflections, especially as the priests are in -possession of the custom of making them the greatest engines of their -craft. _Procul est prophani!_ - -_J._ "How shall we, how can we estimate the real value of human life?" - -_A._ I know not; I cannot weigh sensations and reflections, pleasures and -pains, hopes and fears, in money-scales. But I can tell you how I have -heard it estimated by philosophers. One of my old friends and clients, -a mandamus counsellor against his will, a man of letters and virtues, -without one vice that I ever knew or suspected, except garrulity, William -Vassall, asserted to me, and strenuously maintained, that "_pleasure is -no compensation for pain_." "An hundred years of the keenest delights -of human life could not atone for one hour of bilious cholic that he -had felt." The sublimity of this philosophy my dull genius could not -reach. I was willing to state a fair account between pleasure and pain, -and give credit for the balance, which I found very great in my favor. - -Another philosopher, who, as we say, believed nothing, ridiculed the -notion of a future state. One of the company asked, "Why are you an enemy -to a future state? Are you weary of life? Do you detest existence?" "Weary -of life? Detest existence?" said the philosopher. "No! I love life so -well, and am so attached to existence, that to be sure of immortality, I -would consent to be pitched about with forks by the devils, among flames -of fire and brimstone, to all eternity." - -I find no resources in my courage for this exalted philosophy. I had -rather be blotted out. - -_Il faut trancher cet mot!_ What is there in life to attach us to it -but the hope of a future and a better? It is a cracker, a rocket, a -fire-work at best. - -I admire your navigation, and should like to sail with you, either in -your bark, or in my own along side of yours. Hope with her gay ensigns -displayed at the prow, fear with her hobgoblins behind the stern. Hope -springs eternal, and hope is all that endures. Take away hope and what -remains? What pleasure, I mean? Take away fear and what pain remains? -Ninety-nine one hundredths of the pleasures and pains of life are nothing -but hopes and fears. - -All nations known in history or in travels, have hoped, believed and -expected a future and a better state. The Maker of the Universe, the -cause of all things, whether we call it _fate_, or _chance_, or God, -has inspired this hope. If it is a _fraud_, we shall never know it. -We shall never resent the imposition, be grateful for the illusion, -nor grieve for the disappointment. We shall be no more. Credit Grimm, -Diderot, Buffon, La Lande, Condorcet, D'Holbach, Frederick, Catharine; -_non ego_. Arrogant as it may be, I shall take the liberty to pronounce -them all _Idiologians_. Yet I would not persecute a hair of their heads. -The world is wide enough for them and me. - -Suppose the cause of the universe should reveal to all mankind at once -a _certainty_ that they must all die within a century, and that death -is an eternal extinction of all living powers, of all sensation and -reflection. What would be the effect? Would there be one man, woman or -child existing on this globe, twenty years hence? Would not every human -being be a Madame Deffand, Voltaire's "Aveugle clairvoyante," all her -lifetime regretting her existence, bewailing that she had ever been -born, grieving that she had ever been dragged, without her consent, into -being. Who would bear the gout, the stone, the cholic, for the sake of a -_Boule de Savon_, when a pistol, a cord, a pond, or a phial of laudanum -was at hand? What would men say to their Maker? Would they thank him? -No; they would reproach him; they would curse him to his face. Voila! - -A sillier letter than my last. For a wonder, I have filled a sheet, and -a greater wonder, I have read fifteen volumes of Grimm. _Digito comesse -labellum_. I hope to write you more upon this and other topics of your -letter. I have read also a History of the Jesuits, in four volumes. Can -you tell me the author, or anything of this work? - - -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. - - QUINCY, May 6, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--Neither eyes, fingers or paper held out to despatch all the -trifles I wished to write in my last letter. - -In your favor of April 8th you "wonder for what good end the sensations -of grief could be intended?" "You wish the Pathologists would tell us, -what the use of grief in our economy, and of what good it is the cause -proximate or remote." When I approach such questions as this, I consider -myself, like one of those little eels in Vinaigre, or one of those -animalcules in black or red paper, or in the horse-radish root, that -bite our tongues so cruelly, reasoning upon the το παν. Of what use is -this sting upon the tongue? Why might we not have the benefit of these -stimulants, without the sting? Why might we not have the fragrance and -beauty of the rose without the thorn? - -In the first place, however, we know not the connection between pleasure -and pain. They seem to be mechanical and inseparable. How can we conceive -a strong passion, a sanguine hope suddenly disappointed, without producing -pain, or grief? Swift at seventy, recollected the fish he had angled out -of water when a boy, which broke loose from his hook; and said I feel -the disappointment at this moment. A merchant places all his fortune -and all his credit in a single India or China ship. She arrives at the -vineyard with a cargo worth a million, in order. Sailing round a Cape -for Boston, a sudden storm wrecks her--ship, cargo and crew, all lost. -Is it possible that the merchant ruined, bankrupt, sent to prison by his -creditors--his wife and children starving--should not grieve? Suppose a -young couple, with every advantage of persons, fortunes and connections, -on the point of indissoluble union. A flash of lightning, or any one of -those millions of accidents which are allotted to humanity, proves fatal -to one of the lovers. Is it possible that the other, and all the friends -of both, should not grieve? It seems that grief, as a mere passion, must -be in proportion to sensibility. - -Did you ever see a portrait, or a statue of a great man, without -perceiving strong traits of pain and anxiety? These furrows were all -ploughed in the countenance, by grief. Our juridical oracle, Sir Edward -Coke, thought that none were fit for legislators and magistrates, but -"_sad men_" And who were these sad men? They were aged men, who had been -tossed and buffeted in the vicissitudes of life--forced upon profound -reflection by grief and disappointments--and taught to command their -passions and prejudices. - -But all this you will say is nothing to the purpose. It is only repeating -and exemplifying a _fact_, which my question supposed to be well known, -viz., the existence of grief; and is no answer to my question, "what -are the uses of grief." This is very true, and you are very right; but -may not the uses of grief be inferred, or at least suggested by such -exemplifications of known facts? Grief compels the India merchant to -think; to reflect upon the plans of his voyage. Have I not been rash, -to trust my fortune, my family, my liberty, to the caprices of winds and -waves in a single ship? I will never again give a loose to my imagination -and avarice. It had been wiser and more honest to have traded on a -smaller scale upon my own capital. - -The desolated lover, and disappointed connections, are compelled by their -grief to reflect on the vanity of human wishes and expectations; to learn -the essential lesson of resignation; to review their own conduct towards -the deceased; to correct any errors or faults in their future conduct -towards their remaining friends, and towards all men; to recollect the -virtues of the lost friend, and resolve to imitate them; his follies -and vices if he had any, and resolve to avoid them. - -Grief drives men into habits of serious reflection, sharpens the -understanding, and softens the heart; it compels them to arouse their -reason, to assert its empire over their passions, propensities and -prejudices; to elevate them to a superiority over all human events; to -give them the _felicis annimi immota tranquilitatum_; in short, to make -them stoics and Christians. After all, as grief is a pain, it stands in -the predicament of all other evil, and the great question occurs, what -is the origin, and what the final cause of evil. This perhaps is known -only to omniscience. We poor mortals have nothing to do with it--but -to fabricate all the good we can out of all inevitable evils--and to -avoid all that are avoidable, and many such there are, among which are -our own unnecessary apprehensions and imaginary fears. Though stoical -apathy is impossible, yet patience, and resignation, and tranquillity -may be acquired by consideration, in a great degree, very much for the -happiness of life. - -I have read Grimm, in fifteen volumes, of more than five hundred pages -each. I will not say like uncle Toby, "You shall not die till you have -read him." But you ought to read him, if possible. It is the most -entertaining work I ever read. He appears exactly as you represent -him. What is most remarkable of all is his impartiality. He spares -no characters but Necker and Diderot. Voltaire, Buffon, D'Alembert, -Helvetius, Rousseau, Marmontel, Condorcet, La Harpe, Beaumarchais, and all -others, are lashed without ceremony. Their portraits as faithfully drawn -as possible. It is a complete review of French literature and fine arts -from 1753 to 1790. No politics. Criticisms very just. Anecdotes without -number, and very merry. One ineffably ridiculous, I wish I could send -you, but it is immeasurably long. D'Argens, a little out of health and -shivering with the cold in Berlin, asked leave of the King to take a ride -to Gascony, his native province. He was absent so long that Frederick -concluded the air of the south of France was like to detain his friend; -and as he wanted his society and services, he contrived a trick to bring -him back. He fabricated a mandement in the name of the Archbishop of -Aix, commanding all the faithful to seize the Marquis D'Argens, author -of Ocellus, Timæus and Julian, works atheistical, deistical, heretical -and impious in the highest degree. This mandement, composed in a style -of ecclesiastical eloquence that never was exceeded by Pope, Jesuit, -Inquisitor, or Sorbonite, he sent in print by a courier to D'Argens, -who, frightened out of his wit, fled by cross roads out of France and -back to Berlin, to the greater joy of the philosophical court; for the -laugh of Europe, which they had raised at the expense of the learned -Marquis. - -I do not like the late resurrection of the Jesuits. They have a general -now in Russia, in correspondence with the Jesuits in the United States, -who are more numerous than everybody knows. Shall we not have swarms -of them here? In as many shapes and disguises as ever a king of the -Gypsies--Bamfield Morecarew himself, assumed? In the shape of printers, -editors, writers, schoolmasters, &c. I have lately read Pascal's letters -over again, and four volumes of the history of the Jesuits. If ever any -congregation of men could merit eternal perdition on earth and in hell, -according to these historians, though like Pascal true Catholics, it -is this company Loyola. Our system, however, of religious liberty must -afford them an asylum. But if they do not put the purity of our elections -to a severe trial, it will be a wonder. - - -TO JOHN TAYLOR. - - MONTICELLO, May 28, 1816. - -DEAR SIR,--On my return from a long journey and considerable absence from -home, I found here the copy of your "Enquiry into the principles of our -government," which you had been so kind as to send me; and for which I -pray you to accept my thanks. The difficulties of getting new works in -our situation, inland and without a single bookstore, are such as had -prevented my obtaining a copy before; and letters which had accumulated -during my absence, and were calling for answers, have not yet permitted -me to give to the whole a thorough reading; yet certain that you and I -could not think differently on the fundamentals of rightful government, -I was impatient, and availed myself of the intervals of repose from the -writing table, to obtain a cursory idea of the body of the work. - -I see in it much matter for profound reflection; much which should confirm -our adhesion, in practice, to the good principles of our constitution, -and fix our attention on what is yet to be made good. The sixth section -on the good moral principles of our government, I found so interesting -and replete with sound principles, as to postpone my letter-writing to -its thorough perusal and consideration. Besides much other good matter, -it settles unanswerably the right of instructing representatives, and -their duty to obey. The system of banking we have both equally and ever -reprobated. I contemplate it as a blot left in all our constitutions, -which, if not covered, will end in their destruction, which is already -hit by the gamblers in corruption, and is sweeping away in its progress -the fortunes and morals of our citizens. Funding I consider as limited, -rightfully, to a redemption of the debt within the lives of a majority -of the generation contracting it; every generation coming equally, by the -laws of the Creator of the world, to the free possession of the earth he -made for their subsistence, unincumbered by their predecessors, who, like -them, were but tenants for life. You have successfully and completely -pulverized Mr. Adams' system of orders, and his opening the mantle of -republicanism to every government of laws, whether consistent or not with -natural right. Indeed, it must be acknowledged, that the term _republic_ -is of very vague application in every language. Witness the self-styled -republics of Holland, Switzerland, Genoa, Venice, Poland. Were I to -assign to this term a precise and definite idea, I would say, purely and -simply, it means a government by its citizens in mass, acting directly -and personally, according to rules established by the majority; and that -every other government is more or less republican, in proportion as it -has in its composition more or less of this ingredient of the direct -action of the citizens. Such a government is evidently restrained to very -narrow limits of space and population. I doubt if it would be practicable -beyond the extent of a New England township. The first shade from this -pure element, which, like that of pure vital air, cannot sustain life -of itself, would be where the powers of the government, being divided, -should be exercised each by representatives chosen either _pro hac vice_, -or for such short terms as should render secure the duty of expressing -the will of their constituents. This I should consider as the nearest -approach to a pure republic, which is practicable on a large scale of -country or population. And we have examples of it in some of our State -constitutions, which, if not poisoned by priest-craft, would prove its -excellence over all mixtures with other elements; and, with only equal -doses of poison, would still be the best. Other shades of republicanism -may be found in other forms of government, where the executive, judiciary -and legislative functions, and the different branches of the latter, -are chosen by the people more or less directly, for longer terms of -years, or for life, or made hereditary; or where there are mixtures of -authorities, some dependent on, and others independent of the people. The -further the departure from direct and constant control by the citizens, -the less has the government of the ingredient of republicanism; evidently -none where the authorities are hereditary, as in France, Venice, &c., -or self-chosen, as in Holland; and little, where for life, in proportion -as the life continues in being after the act of election. - -The purest republican feature in the government of our own State, is the -House of Representatives. The Senate is equally so the first year, less -the second, and so on. The Executive still less, because not chosen by -the people directly. The Judiciary seriously anti-republican, because for -life; and the national arm wielded, as you observe, by military leaders, -irresponsible but to themselves. Add to this the vicious constitution of -our county courts (to whom the justice, the executive administration, the -taxation, police, the military appointments of the county, and nearly -all our daily concerns are confided), self-appointed, self-continued, -holding their authorities for life, and with an impossibility of breaking -in on the perpetual succession of any faction once possessed of the -bench. They are in truth, the executive, the judiciary, and the military -of their respective counties, and the sum of the counties makes the -State. And add, also, that one half of our brethren who fight and pay -taxes, are excluded, like Helots, from the rights of representation, as -if society were instituted for the soil, and not for the men inhabiting -it; or one half of these could dispose of the rights and the will of -the other half, without their consent. - - "What constitutes a State? - Not high-raised battlements, or labor'd mound, - Thick wall, or moated gate; - Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown'd; - No: men, high minded men; - Men, who their duties know; - But know their rights; and knowing, dare maintain. - These constitute a State." - -In the General Government, the House of Representatives is mainly -republican; the Senate scarcely so at all, as not elected by the people -directly, and so long secured even against those who do elect them; the -Executive more republican than the Senate, from its shorter term, its -election by the people, in practice, (for they vote for A only on an -assurance that he will vote for B,) and because, _in practice also_, -a principle of rotation seems to be in a course of establishment; the -judiciary independent of the nation, their coercion by impeachment being -found nugatory. - -If, then, the control of the people over the organs of their government be -the measure of its republicanism, and I confess I know no other measure, -it must be agreed that our governments have much less of republicanism -than ought to have been expected; in other words, that the people have -less regular control over their agents, than their rights and their -interests require. And this I ascribe, not to any want of republican -dispositions in those who formed these constitutions, but to a submission -of true principle to European authorities, to speculators on government, -whose fears of the people have been inspired by the populace of their -own great cities, and were unjustly entertained against the independent, -the happy, and therefore orderly citizens of the United States. Much I -apprehend that the golden moment is past for reforming these heresies. -The functionaries of public power rarely strengthen in their dispositions -to abridge it, and an unorganized call for timely amendment is not -likely to prevail against an organized opposition to it. We are always -told that things are going on well: why change them? "_Chi sta -bene, non si muove_," said the Italian, "let him who stands well, stand -still." This is true; and I verily believe they would go on well with -us under an absolute monarch, while our present character remains, of -order, industry and love of peace, and restrained, as he would be, by -the proper spirit of the people. But it is while it remains such, we -should provide against the consequences of its deterioration. And let -us rest in the hope that it will yet be done, and spare ourselves the -pain of evils which may never happen. - -On this view of the import of the term _republic_, instead of saying, as -has been said, "that it may mean anything or nothing," we may say with -truth and meaning, that governments are more or less republican, as they -have more or less of the element of popular election and control in their -composition; and believing, as I do, that the mass of the citizens is the -safest depository of their own rights, and especially, that the evils -flowing from the duperies of the people, are less injurious than those -from the egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition of -government which has in it the most of this ingredient. And I sincerely -believe, with you, that banking establishments are more dangerous than -standing armies; and that the principle of spending money to be paid -by posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling futurity on -a large scale. - -I salute you with constant friendship and respect. - - - - -INDEX TO VOL. VI. - - - ADAMS, JOHN--His friendly relations with Jefferson restored, 30, - 31, 36, 125. - His political principles, 152, 162, 166, 208, 357, 473, 500. - Terrorism excited against him, 155. - His religious opinions, 150, 159, 168, 171, 172, 174, 204, 208, - 251, 264, 325, 357, 473, 545, 599, 601. - Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries compared, 501, 545. - The French Encyclopedists, 555. - Different systems of philosophy, 556. - His views on aristocracy, 160, 222, 254, 360. - - ALBEMARLE, COUNTY OF--Its climate, soil, and natural advantages, 431. - - ALMANACS--Improvements in, suggested, 29. - - ARISTOCRACY--Views on, 160, 222, 254, 360. - - ASTRONOMY--Astronomical observations, 27, 28. - - - BANK, NATIONAL--Views of the one proposed in 1813, 228. - - BANKS--Evil of the system of, 295, 300, 381, 434, 498, 515. - Jefferson's hostility to, 305, 381, 605. - Suspension of, in 1814, 381. - Number of, at different periods, 434. - - BOLLANDISTS, THE--Their collection, 475, 489. - - BONAPARTE--Views of his character and career, 283, 352, 358. - His fall, 352, 421. - His restoration, 458, 463, 480, 490. - His final abdication, 467, 490, 492, 553. - His feelings towards U. States, 464. - - - CANADA--Attack on, 130. - - CAPITOL--Burnt by English, 383. - - CARR, MR.--His character, 529. - - CHARITIES--Principle on which should be dispensed, 44. - - CHEMISTRY--The science of, 73. - - CHESAPEAKE BAY--Defence of mouth of, 111, 123, 134, 561. - - COLUMBUS--Portrait of, 343, 373. - - COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE--Origin of, 527. - - CONGRESS--Power of States to prescribe new qualifications for - members of, 309. - - CONTRACTS--Law impairing obligation of, 461. - - CURRENCY--Relative merits of paper and metallic currency, 231. - - - DEBT, PUBLIC--Evils of, 239. - - - ECLIPSE, Solar--16, 28. - - ECONOMY, POLITICAL--New work on, 261. - - EDINBURGH REVIEW--Merits of, 345. - - EDUCATION--Views on, 355, 362, 510, 517. - System of common schools, 512. - General system of, 564. - - ELOQUENCE--Specimens of, 346. - - EMBARGO, THE--48, 50. - - ENGLAND--Her maritime encroachments, 5. - Death of King of, 15. - Condition of, 33, 52. - Jefferson's sentiments towards, 53, 463. - Character of government of, 346, 468. - Social condition of, compared with that of U. States, 376. - Tendency to revolution in, 423. - Relations of with U. States, 467, 470. - - EUROPE--Condition of, 114, 497, 503. - Relations with U. States, 114. - Moral condition of 18th and 19th centuries contrasted, 524. - - EXPORTS--Why exempted from taxation, 483. - - - FEDERALISTS--Their opposition to the war, 63. - - FINANCE--Views on, by Mr. Jefferson, 136, 194. - - FRANCE--French revolution, 41, 162, 227, 421. - Restoration of Bourbons, 428, 499. - Her revolutions, 499, 507, 520. - Prospects of, 526. - - - GENERATIONS--Right of one to bind another, 138, 196. - - GLEBES--Monies arising from sale of, 389. - - GOVERNMENT--Principles of, 45. - Views on, 222, 413, 543, 589, 604. - Should be local, 543. - Definition of republican government, 605. - - GRAMMAR--Views on, 184. - - GRANGER, GIDEON--Relative to certain charges against, 329. - - GRIEF--Its uses, 601. - - GRIMM, BARON--His character, 576. - - GUN-BOATS--133. - - - HARTFORD CONVENTION--425. - - HEMP-BREAKER--New invention, 506. - - HENRY--His mission to eastern States, 50. - - HENRY, PATRICK--Early reminiscences of, 364, 368, 369. - Resolutions of, 1765, by, 366. - Case of Josiah Philips, 369. - His manners and habits, 487. - - HISTORY, NATURAL--Systems of classification, 319. - - HULL'S DEFEAT--101, 103. - - - IMPRESSMENT--420, 426, 428, 467. - - INDIANS--The Wabash prophet, 49. - Traditions of, 59. - Their religion, 60, 147. - Civilization of, 62. - Origin of, 120, 146. - Our policy towards, 269. - Languages of, 529. - - - JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His bodily decay, 4, 519. - His devotion to agriculture, 6. - Efforts to extort money from, 9, 10. - His declining faculties, 107, 403. - His relations with Mr. Adams, 125. - Complains of publication of his letters, 282. - His views of merchants, priests, and lawyers, 334. - Made member of Agronomic Society of Bavaria, 363. - Tenders his library to Congress, 384, 387. - Resigns Presidency of Philosophical Society, 396, 397. - His feelings towards England, 449. - Estimate of his public services, 455. - Calumnies against, 465. - His estimate of life, 575. - - JUDICIARY--Limits between powers of State and federal, 494. - Cannot bind legislature or executive by its decisions, 462. - - - KINGS--Character of European Kings, 271. - - - LA FAYETTE--His journal of his campaign in Virginia, 426. - - LANGUAGE--Introduction of new words in, 185, 572. - Is progressive, 185, 572. - - LAW, COMMON--Christianity no part of common law, 303, 311. - Interpolation on, 311. - How far binding, 65. - Works on, 291. - - LEWIS AND CLARKE--Publication of their journal delayed, 270. - Journal of their western expedition, 595. - - LINCOLN, LEVI--Declines seat on bench of Supreme Court, 8. - - - MANUFACTURES--Domestic, in U. States, 36, 69, 94, 472. - Growth of, during war, 430. - Mr. Jefferson's views on manufacturing system, 521, 553. - - MEDICINE--Science of, 33, 105. - - MINISTERS--Should not preach on politics, 445. - - MONROE, JAMES--Made Secretary of War, 410. - - MORALITY--Its basis, 348. - - MORAL SENSE--The existence of, 349. - - MOUNTAINS--Method of measuring the height of, 492, 510. - - MULATTO--Who mulattos under our laws, 437. - - - NAPIER, LORD--His theorem, 335. - - NAVY--Success of, 122, 211. - - - ORDERS IN COUNCIL--Repeal of, 78, 117. - - ORLEANS, NEW--Case of the Batture, 42. - Battle of, 420. - - ORTHOGRAPHY--Improvements in, 190. - - - PACIFIC OCEAN--American settlements on shore of, 55, 248. - - PARTIES IN UNITED STATES--95, 96. - Original division of, 143. - - PATENTS--When should be granted, 175, 181, 295, 297, 372. - How long should last, 180, 295. - - PERPETUAL MOTION--83. - - PHILIPS, JOSIAH--His case, 439. - - PHILOSOPHY--The true, 531. - Of the ancients, 147, 277. - - PLATO--His writings, 354, 360. - - POISONS--164. - - PORTRAITS--Of Columbus and Americus Vespucius, 343, 373. - Of Jefferson, 344. - - PRESS--Corruption of, 285. - Censorship of, intolerable, 340. - - PRESIDENT--Should be elected for four years, 213. - - PRIVATEERING--Success of, 409. - - - RELIGION--Views of J. Adams on, 150, 159, 168, 171, 172, 174, 204, - 208, 251, 264, 325, 357, 473, 545, 599, 601. - Views of Jefferson on, 191, 210, 217, 302, 305, 387, 519. - The Christian system, 217, 412. - Platonic Christianity, 354. - The Jewish creed, 577. - The character of Jesus, 593. - - REVOLUTION--History of American, 489, 492. - Revolutionary men and documents, 249, 484. - Of South American States, 268, 274. - Reminiscences of, 364, 412, 484, 527. - Committees of correspondence, 527. - - RITTENHOUSE, DR.--His character, 324. - - RIVANNA RIVER--Navigation of, 514, 541. - - RIVERS--Right to navigate, 541. - - - SAINTS--Lives of, 479. - - SAY, M.--Contemplates emigrating to U. States, 405. - - SCIENCE, POLITICAL--160. - - SLAVERY--How to be abolished, 456. - - SOUTH AMERICAN PROVINCES--Independence of, recognized, 550. - - SPAIN--Her new constitution, 341. - Our relations with, 550. - Revolt of her South American colonies, 550. - - STEAM-ENGINES--504. - - SURVEYING--New method of platting, 338. - - - TAXATION--Principles of, 573. - - TERRORISM--The era of, 155. - - TEXAS--Included in the Louisiana purchase, 551. - - THEOLOGICAL SOCIETIES--Should not be incorporated, 533. - - TRACY, DESTUTT--His works, 109. - Prospectus of his works, 568. - - TREATIES--With European nations, 453. - Power of Senate over, 557. - - - UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA--Establishment of, 193, 371. - What chairs should be established, 389. - Organization of, 537. - - UNITED STATES--Social condition of, compared with that of - England, 376. - Relations of, with Europe, 13, 430. - Survey and census of, 548. - - - VIRGINIA--Relative powers of Governor and Council, 38. - Aristocracy of, 225, 485. - New edition of notes on Virginia contemplated, but not executed, - 403. - Invasion of, by Arnold and Cornwallis, 410. - Patrick Henry's resolutions, 485. - Height of her mountains, 496. - Survey of, 578. - - - WAR--With England inevitable, 51, 57, 91, 215. - Efforts to avoid, 215. - Declared against England, 67, 215. - Causes for which declared, 398, 481, 452, 470. - Benefits resulting from, 444, 452. - Popularity of, and means of maintaining, 70, 391, 394. - Progress and History of, 76, 81, 100, 128, 211, 275, 307, - 385, 408, 418, 423, 438. - Opposition to, in N. England, 79, 213. - Defection of Massachusetts, 402, 414, 451. - Hull's surrender, 80, 83. - Financial arrangements to meet expenses of, 137, 391, 395, - 406, 408, 419. - Prospects of termination of, 353. - Purposes for which waged, 391, 394, 403, 452. - Internal effects produced by, 399. - Peace declared, 420, 426, 428, 438, 450. - Successful termination of, 453, 466. - Upon what principles war is justifiable, 539. - - WASHINGTON, GEN.--His political principles, 97. - Adams' view of his administration, 157. - A sketch of his character by Jefferson, 186. - Statue of, for North Carolina, 534. - - WASHINGTON CITY--Attack on, by English, 424. - - WEIGHTS AND MEASURES--Standard of, 11, 17, 26. - - WILKINSON, GEN.--His relations with Mr. Jefferson, 34. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. -VI. (of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS--THOMAS JEFFERSON--VOL 6 *** - -***** This file should be named 55075-0.txt or 55075-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/0/7/55075/ - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |