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- text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .25em; - } - - table {width: 100%; max-width: 100%;} - -} - -@media handheld -{ - body {margin: 0;} - - hr { - margin-top: .1em; - margin-bottom: .1em; - visibility: hidden; - color: white; - width: .01em; - display: none; - } - .poem { - display: block; - margin-left: 5%; - margin-right: 10%; - } - - ul {margin-left: 1em; padding-left: 0;} - li {list-style-type: none; padding-left: 1em; text-indent: -1.5em;} - - .tnbox { - page-break-inside: avoid; - margin-left: 2%; - margin-right: 2%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - padding: .5em; - } - - table.narrow {font-size: .7em;} - -} - - </style> - - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. VI. -(of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. VI. (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private - -Author: Thomas Jefferson - -Editor: H. A. Washington - -Release Date: July 8, 2017 [EBook #55075] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS--THOMAS JEFFERSON--VOL 6 *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="tnbox"> -<p class="center"> -<b>Transcriber's Note:</b> -</p> - -<p> - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. -</p> - -<p> - Text in Old English characters is denoted as <span class="OldEnglish">text</span>. -</p> - -<p> - The [bracketed] footnotes are as in the original. -</p> - -<p> - Inconsistent or incorrect accents and spelling in passages in French, - Latin and Italian have been left unchanged. -</p> - -<p> - ς (final form sigma) in the middle of a word has been normalized to σ. - Greek diacritics were normalized to be all present or all missing, - according to their preponderance in the quotation. -</p> - -<p> - The following possible inconsistencies/printer errors/archaic - spellings/different names for different entities were identified - but left as printed: -</p> - -<ul> - <li>Vanderkemp and Vander Kemp</li> - <li>Mellish and Melish</li> - <li>Rochefaucault, Rochefoucauld, Rochfaucauld</li> - <li>Machiavilian and Machiavelian</li> - <li>De Tutt, Destutt, Dustutt Tracy</li> - - <li>ascendancy and ascendency.</li> -</ul> - -<p> - M. DE LOMERIE omitted from the table of contents. -</p> - -<p> - <a href="#Page_76">Page 76</a>: "orders of council have been repeated" should possibly be - "orders of council have been repealed" -</p> -<p> - <a href="#Page_155">Page 155</a>: "Tries's" most outrageous riot and rescue should possibly be - "Fries's". -</p> - -<p> - <a href="#Page_159">Page 159</a>: Hallicarnassensis should possibly be Halicarnassus. -</p> -<p> - <a href="#Page_163">Page 163</a>: Shaise's rebellion should possibly be Shay's rebellion. -</p> - -<p> -<a href="#Page_186">Page 186</a>: There is a possible punctuation error in the entry for "herb" - in the list under the heading "Adj." -</p> -<p> - <a href="#Page_357">Page 357</a>: Pythagonic should possibly be Pythagoric. -</p> -<p> - <a href="#Page_359">Page 359</a>: "The refractory siston" should possibly be "The refractory system". -</p> -<p> - <a href="#Page_402">Page 402</a>: Pretorian should possibly be Preætorian. -</p> - -<p> - <a href="#Page_505">Page 505</a>: homony should possibly be hominy. -</p> - -<p> - Table of Contents references Putty, but text references Pully. -</p> - -<p> - The formulas for calculating an annuity on <a href="#Page_200">page 200</a> were possibly - printed incorrectly. -</p> -</div> - -<h1> -<span class="small">THE</span> -<br /> -WRITINGS -<br /> -<span class="xsmall">OF</span> -<br /> -THOMAS JEFFERSON: -</h1> -<p class="tp spaced_above"><span class="sm"> -BEING HIS</span></p> -<p class="tp spaced_above">AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES, -ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL<br /> -AND PRIVATE. -</p> -<p class="tp spaced spaced_above"> -<span class="sm">PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE LIBRARY,</span> -<br /> -FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, -<br /> -<span class="sm">DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE.</span> -</p> - -<p class="tp spaced_above"><span class="medsm">WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX</span><br /> -TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE, -<br /> -<span class="sm">BY THE EDITOR</span> -<br /> -H. A. WASHINGTON. -</p> - -<p class="tp spaced_above">VOL. VI.</p> - -<p class="tp spaced_above"> - -NEW YORK: -<br /> -H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY. -<br /> -1861. -</p> - -<hr class="l30 p6" /> -<p class="center">Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by<br /> -TAYLOR & MAURY,<br /> -In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia. -</p> -<hr class="l30" /> - -<p class="p6 center"> -STEREOTYPED BY<br /> -THOMAS B. SMITH,<br /> -32 & 84 Beekman Street. -</p> - -<h2> -CONTENTS TO VOL. VI. -</h2> - -<hr class="l15" /> - -<p class="center"> -BOOK II. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Part III.—Continued.—Letters written after his return to the United -States down to the time of his death.—(1790-1826,)—<a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</span> -</p> - -<table summary="Table of Contents"> -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Adams, John, letters written to, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Armstrong, General, letter written to, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Astor, John Jacob, letters written to, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Austin, Benjamin, letters written to, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_553">553</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Bailey, General, letter written to, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Barrow, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Barbour, Governor, letter written to, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Bentley, William, letter written to, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Burnside, Samuel M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Burwell, W. A., letter written to, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Cabell, Joseph C., letters written to, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Cains, Clement, letter written to, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Canby, Wm., letter written to, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Carr, Mathew, letter written to, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Carr, Dabney, letter written to, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Christian, Charles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clay, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clarke, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clas, Charles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Cook, Amos, J., letter written to, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Cooper, Thomas, letters written to, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Cooper, Dr. Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Correa, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Crawford, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Crawford, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_iv'>[iv]</a></span> -Dearborne, H. A. S., letter written to, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Dearborne, General, letter written to, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Delaplaine, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Duane, Colonel Wm., letters written to, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Dufief, M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Edwards, James L., letter written to, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Eppes, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Eppes, John W., letters written to, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Evans, Oliver, letter written to, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Fleming, George, letter written to, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Flourney, Thomas C., letter written to, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Gallatin, Albert, letter written to, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Galloway, Benjamin, letter written to, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Gerry, Eldridge, letter written to, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Girardin, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Gray, Francis C., letter written to, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Granger, Gideon, letter written to, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Green, Nathaniel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Greenhow, Samuel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Humboldt, Baron de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Jones, Dr. Walter, letter written to, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">King, Miles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Kosciusko, General, letters written to, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">La Fayette, Marquis de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Latrobe, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Law, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Leiper, Thomas, letters written to, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Letre, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lincoln, Levi, letter written to, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Logan, Dr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lyon, James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Macon, Nathaniel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Manners, Dr. John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Martin, James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdh"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_v'>[v]</a></span>Maury, James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Maury, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Maury, Thomas W., letter written to, <a href="#Page_548">548</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Mellish, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">McMatron, Thomas Paine, letter written to, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">McPherson, Isaac, letter written to, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Middleton, Henry, letter written to, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Milligan, Joseph, letter written to, <a href="#Page_568">568</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Mitchell, Andrew, letters written to, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Mole, Baron de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Monroe, James, letters written to, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Morrell, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Nash, Melatiah, letter written to, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Nelson, Hon. Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Nemours, Dupont de, letters written to, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Nicholas, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_560">560</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Onis, Chevalier de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Patterson, Dr. R. M., letters written to, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Partridge, Captain, letters written to, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Peale, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Pintard, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Plumer, Governor, letter written to, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">President of the United States, letters written to, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Putty, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Ritchie, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Roane, Judge, letter written to, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Rodman, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Ronaldson, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Rodney, Cæsar A., letter written to, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Sargeant, Ezra, letter written to, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Say, Jean Baptiste, letter written to, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Shecut, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Short, Wm., letters written to, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Serra, Correa de., letters written to, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Small, Abraham, letter written to, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdh"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_vi'>[vi]</a></span>Smith, Samuel H., letter written to, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Spafford, Horatio G., letter written to, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Stael, Madame de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Taylor, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Tessé, Madame de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Thompson, Charles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Todd, Paine, letter written to, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Torrence, W. H., letter written to, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Tyler, Judge, letter written to, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Valentin, Don de Toronda Coruna, letter written to, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Vander Kemp, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Vaughan, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Watson, John F., letter written to, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wendover, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wheaton, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wilson, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wilson, Dr. Peter, letter written to, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wirt, William, letters written to, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Worcester, Rev. Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wright, Hon. Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Yancey, Colonel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Address lost, letters written to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_557">557</a>. -</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Adams, John, letters written by, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_554">554</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>. -</td></tr> -</table> - -<h2> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_3'></a></span> -PART III.—<span class='smcap'>Continued.</span> -<br /> -<br /> -LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE -U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH. -<br /> -<br /> -1790-1826. -</h2> - -<hr class="l15" /> - -<h3> -TO DR. RUSH. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, August 17, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I write to you from a place ninety miles from -Monticello, near the New London of this State, which I visit -three or four times a year, and stay from a fortnight to a month -at a time. I have fixed myself comfortably, keep some books -here, bring others occasionally, am in the solitude of a hermit, -and quite at leisure to attend to my absent friends. I note this to -show that I am not in a situation to examine the dates of our -letters, whether I have overgone the annual period of asking how -you do? I know that within that time I have received one or -more letters from you, accompanied by a volume of your introductory -lectures, for which accept my thanks. I have read them -with pleasure and edification, for I acknowledge facts in medicine -as far as they go, distrusting only their extension by theory. -Having to conduct my grandson through his course of mathematics, -I have resumed that study with great avidity. It was -ever my favorite one. We have no theories there, no uncertainties -remain on the mind; all is demonstration and satisfaction. -I have forgotten much, and recover it with more difficulty than -when in the vigor of my mind I originally acquired it. It is -wonderful to me that old men should not be sensible that their -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_4'>[4]</a></span> -minds keep pace with their bodies in the progress of decay. Our -old revolutionary friend Clinton, for example, who was a hero, -but never a man of mind, is wonderfully jealous on this head. -He tells eternally the stories of his younger days to prove his -memory, as if memory and reason were the same faculty. Nothing -betrays imbecility so much as the being insensible of it. -Had not a conviction of the danger to which an unlimited occupation -of the executive chair would expose the republican constitution -of our government, made it conscientiously a duty to -retire when I did, the fear of becoming a dotard and of being -insensible of it, would of itself have resisted all solicitations to -remain. I have had a long attack of rheumatism, without fever -and without pain while I keep myself still. A total prostration -of the muscles of the back, hips and thighs, deprived me of the -power of walking, and leaves it still in a very impaired state. -A pain when I walk, seems to have fixed itself in the hip, and -to threaten permanence. I take moderate rides, without much -fatigue; but my journey to this place, in a hard-going gig, gave -me great sufferings which I expect will be renewed on my return -as soon as I am able. The loss of the power of taking exercise -would be a sore affliction to me. It has been the delight -of my retirement to be in constant bodily activity, looking after -my affairs. It was never damped as the pleasures of reading are, -by the question of <span lang="la"><i>cui bono?</i></span> for what object? I hope your -health of body continues firm. Your works show that of your -mind. The habits of exercise which your calling has given to -both, will tend long to preserve them. The sedentary character -of my public occupations sapped a constitution naturally sound -and vigorous, and draws it to an earlier close. But it will still -last quite as long as I wish it. There is a fulness of time when -men should go, and not occupy too long the ground to which -others have a right to advance. We must continue while here -to exchange occasionally our mutual good wishes. I find friendship -to be like wine, raw when new, ripened with age, the true -old man's milk and restorative cordial. God bless you and preserve -you through a long and healthy old age. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_5'>[5]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO WM. A. BURWELL, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, August 19, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I am here after a long absence, having been confined -at home a month by rheumatism. I thought myself equal -to the journey when I set out, but I have suffered much coming, -staying, and shall, returning. If I am not better after a little -rest at home, I shall set out for the warm springs. The object -of this letter is to inform Mrs. Burwell that a ring, which she -left where she washed the morning of leaving Fludd's, is safe -and will be delivered to her order or to herself when she passes. -I have not seen the President since he came home, nor do I -know what has passed with Foster from the fountain head; but -through a channel in which I have confidence, I learn he has delivered -a formal note in the name of his government, declaring -that the circumstances of the war oblige them to take possession -of the ocean, and permit no commerce on it but through their -ports. Thus their purpose is at length avowed. They cannot -from their own resources maintain the navy necessary to retain -the dominion of the ocean, and mean that other nations shall be -assessed to maintain their own chains. Should the king die, as -is probable, although the ministry which would come in stand -so committed to repeal the orders of Council, I doubt if the nation -will permit it. For the usurpation of the sea has become a -national disease. This state of things annihilates the culture of -tobacco, except of about 15,000 hhds. on the prime lands. -Wheat and Flour keep up. Wheat was at 9s. 6d. at Richmond -ten days ago. I have sold mine here at the Richmond price, -abating 2s., but 8s. a bushel has been offered for machined -wheat. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Burwell, and accept assurances -of affectionate respect and esteem. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_6'>[6]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. PEALE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, August 20, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -It is long, my dear Sir, since we have exchanged a letter. -Our former correspondence had always some little matter of -business interspersed; but this being at an end, I shall still be -anxious to hear from you sometimes, and to know that you are -well and happy. I know indeed that your system is that of -contentment under any situation. I have heard that you have -retired from the city to a farm, and that you give your whole -time to that. Does not the museum suffer? And is the farm -as interesting? Here, as you know, we are all farmers, but not -in a pleasing style. We have so little labor in proportion to our -land that, although perhaps we make more profit from the same -labor, we cannot give to our grounds that style of beauty which -satisfies the eye of the amateur. Our rotations are corn, wheat, -and clover, or corn, wheat, clover and clover, or wheat, corn, -wheat, clover and clover; preceding the clover by a plastering. -But some, instead of clover substitute mere rest, and all are -slovenly enough. We are adding the care of Merino sheep. I -have often thought that if heaven had given me choice of my -position and calling, it should have been on a rich spot of earth, -well watered, and near a good market for the productions of the -garden. No occupation is so delightful to me as the culture of -the earth, and no culture comparable to that of the garden. -Such a variety of subjects, some one always coming to perfection, -the failure of one thing repaired by the success of another, -and instead of one harvest a continued one through the year. -Under a total want of demand except for our family table, I am -still devoted to the garden. But though an old man, I am but a -young gardener. -</p> - -<p> -Your application to whatever you are engaged in I know to -be incessant. But Sundays and rainy days are always days of -writing for the farmer. Think of me sometimes when you have -your pen in hand, and give me information of your health and -occupations; and be always assured of my great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_7'>[7]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CLAY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, August 23, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—While here, and much confined to the house by -my rheumatism, I have amused myself with calculating the hour -lines of an horizontal dial for the latitude of this place, which I -find to be 37° 22´ 26´´. The calculations are for every five -minutes of time, and are always exact to within less than half a -second of a degree. As I do not know that any body here has -taken this trouble before, I have supposed a copy would be acceptable -to you. It may be a good exercise for Master Cyrus to -make you a dial by them. He will need nothing but a protractor, -or a line of chords and dividers. A dial of size, say of from -twelve inches to two feet square, is the cheapest and most accurate -measure of time for general use, and would I suppose be -more common if every one possessed the proper horary lines for -his own latitude. Williamsburg being very nearly in the parallel -of Poplar Forest, the calculations now sent would serve for -all the counties in the line between that place and this, for your -own place, New London, and Lynchburg in this neighborhood. -Slate, as being less affected by the sun, is preferable to wood or -metal, and needs but a saw and plane to prepare it, and a knife -point to mark the lines and figures. If worth the trouble, you -will of course use the paper enclosed; if not, some of your -neighbors may wish to do it, and the effect to be of some use to -you will strengthen the assurances of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO LEVI LINCOLN, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 25, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -It is long, my good friend, since we have exchanged a letter; -and yet I demur to all prescription against it. I cannot relinquish -the right of correspondence with those I have learnt to -esteem. If the extension of common acquaintance in public -life be an inconvenience, that with select worth is more than a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_8'>[8]</a></span>counterpoise. Be assured your place is high among those whose -remembrance I have brought with me into retirement, and cherish -with warmth. I was overjoyed when I heard you were appointed -to the supreme bench of national justice, and as much mortified -when I heard you had declined it. You are too young to -be entitled to withdraw your services from your country. You -cannot yet number the <span lang="la"><i>quadraginta stipendia</i></span> of the veteran. -Our friends, whom we left behind, have ceased to be friends -among themselves. I am sorry for it, on their account and on -my own, for I have sincere affection for them all. I hope it -will produce no schisms among us, no desertions from our ranks; -that no Essex man will find matter of triumph in it. The secret -treasons of his heart, and open rebellions on his tongue, -will still be punished, while <span lang="la"><i>in fieri</i></span>, by the detestation of his -country, and by its vengeance in the overt act. What a pity -that history furnishes so many abuses of the punishment by -exile, the most rational of all punishments for meditated treason. -Their great king beyond the water would doubtless receive them -as kindly as his Asiatic prototype did the fugitive aristocracy of -Greece. But let us turn to good-humored things. How do you -do? What are you doing? Does the farm or the study occupy -your time, or each by turns? Do you read law or divinity? -And which affords the most curious and cunning learning? -Which is most disinterested? And which was it that crucified -its Saviour? Or were the two professions united among the -Jews? In that case, what must their Caiaphases have been? -Answer me these questions, or any others you like better, but -let me hear from you and know that you are well and happy. -That you may long continue so is the prayer of yours affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JAMES L. EDWARDS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 5, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of August 20th has truly surprised me. In -this it is said that, <i>for certain services performed</i> by Mr. James -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_9'>[9]</a></span>Lyon and Mr. Samuel Morse, formerly editors of the Savannah -Republican, I promised them the sum of one thousand dollars. -This, Sir, is totally unfounded. I never promised to any printer -on earth the sum of one thousand dollars, nor any other sum, for -certain services performed, or for any services which that expression -would imply. I have had no accounts with printers but for -their newspapers, for which I have paid always the ordinary price -and no more. I have occasionally joined in moderate contributions -to printers, as I have done to other descriptions of persons, -distressed or persecuted, not by promise, but the actual payment -of what I contributed. When Mr. Morse went to Savannah, he -called on me and told me he meant to publish a paper there, for -which I subscribed, and paid him the year in advance. I continued -to take it from his successors, Everett & McLean, and -Everett & Evans, and paid for it at different epochs up to December -31, 1808, when I withdrew my subscription. You say -McLean informed you "he had some expectation of getting the -money, as he had received a letter from me on the subject." If -such a letter exists under my name, it is a forgery. I never wrote -but a single letter to him, that was of the 28th of January, 1810, -and was on the subject of the last payment made for his newspaper, -and on no other subject; and I have two receipts of his, -(the last dated March 9, 1809,) of payments for his paper, both -stating to be <i>in full of all demands</i>, and a letter of the 17th of -April, 1810, in reply to mine, manifestly showing he had no demand -against me of any other nature. The promise is said to -have been made to Morse & Lyon. Were Mr. Morse living, I -should appeal to him with confidence, as I believe him to have -been a very honest man. Mr. Lyon I suppose to be living, and -will, I am sure, acquit me of any such transaction as that alleged. -The truth, then, being that I never made the promise suggested, -nor any one of a like nature to any printer or other person whatever, -every principle of justice and of self-respect requires that I -should not listen to any such demand. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_10'>[10]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JAMES LYON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 5, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I enclose you the copy of a letter I have received from -a James L. Edwards, of Boston. You will perceive at once its -swindling object. It appeals to two dead men, and one, (yourself,) -whom he supposes I cannot get at. I have written him an answer -which may perhaps prevent his persevering in the attempt, for the -whole face of his letter betrays a consciousness of its guilt. But -perhaps he may expect that I would sacrifice a sum of money -rather than be disturbed with encountering a bold falsehood. In -this he is mistaken; and to prepare to meet him, should he repeat -his demand, and considering that he has presumed to implicate -your name in this attempt, I take the liberty of requesting a -letter from you bearing testimony to the truth of my never having -made to you, or within your knowledge or information, any such -promise to yourself, your partner Morse, or any other. My confidence -in your character leaves me without a doubt of your honest -aid in repelling this base and bold attempt to fix on me practices -to which no honors or powers in this world would ever have -induced me to stoop. I have solicited none, intrigued for none. -Those which my country has thought proper to confide to me -have been of their own mere motion, unasked by me. Such -practices as this letter-writer imputes to me, would have proved -me unworthy of their confidence. -</p> - -<p> -It is long since I have known anything of your situation or -pursuits. I hope they have been successful, and tender you my -best wishes that they may continue so, and for your own health -and happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR PATTERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 11, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The enclosed work came to me without a scrip -of a pen other than what you see in the title-page—<span lang="fr_FR">"A Monsieur -le President de la Société."</span> From this I conclude it intended -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_11'>[11]</a></span>for the Philosophical Society, and for them I now enclose -it to you. You will find the notes really of value. They embody -and ascertain to us all the scraps of new discoveries which -we have learned in detached articles from less authentic publications. -M. Goudin has generally expressed his measures according -to the old as well as the new standard, which is a convenience -to me, as I do not make a point of retaining the last in my memory. -I confess, indeed, I do not like the new system of French -measures, because not the best, and adapted to a standard accessible -to themselves exclusively, and to be obtained by other nations -only from them. For, on examining the map of the earth, -you will find no meridian on it but the one passing through their -country, offering the extent of land on both sides of the 45th -degree, and terminating at both ends in a portion of the ocean -which the conditions of the problem for an universal standard of -measures require. Were all nations to agree therefore to adopt -this standard, they must go to Paris to ask it; and they might as -well long ago have all agreed to adopt the French foot, the -standard of which they could equally have obtained from Paris. -Whereas the pendulum is equally fixed by the laws of nature, is -in possession of every nation, may be verified everywhere and -by every person, and at an expense within every one's means. -I am not therefore without a hope that the other nations of the -world will still concur, some day, in making the pendulum the -basis of a common system of measures, weights and coins, which -applied to the present metrical systems of France and of other -countries, will render them all intelligible to one another. England -and this country may give it a beginning, notwithstanding -the war they are entering into. The republic of letters is unaffected -by the wars of geographical divisions of the earth. -France, by her power and science, now bears down everything. -But that power has its measure in time by the life of one man. -The day cannot be distant in the history of human revolutions, -when the indignation of mankind will burst forth, and an insurrection -of the universe against the political tyranny of France -will overwhelm all her arrogations. Whatever is most opposite -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_12'>[12]</a></span>to them will be most popular, and what is reasonable therefore -in itself, cannot fail to be adopted the sooner from that motive. -But why leave this adoption to the tardy will of governments -who are always, in their stock of information, a century or two -behind the intelligent part of mankind, and who have interests -against touching ancient institutions? Why should not the college -of the literary societies of the world adopt the second pendulum -as the unit of measure on the authorities of reason, convenience -and common consent? And why should not our society -open the proposition by a circular letter to the other learned -institutions of the earth? If men of science, in their publications, -would express measures always in multiples and decimals -of the pendulum, annexing their value in municipal measures as -botanists add the popular to the botanical names of plants, they -would soon become familiar to all men of instruction, and prepare -the way for legal adoptions. At any rate, it would render the -writers of every nation intelligible to the readers of every other, -when expressing the measures of things. The French, I believe, -have given up their Decada Calendar, but it does not appear -that they retire from the centesimal division of the quadrant. -On the contrary, M. Borda has calculated according to that division, -new trigonometrical tables not yet, I believe, printed. In the -excellent tables of Callet, lately published by Didot, in stereotype, -he has given a table of Logarithmic lines and tangents for -the hundred degrees of the quadrant, abridged from Borda's manuscript. -But he has given others for the sexagesimal division, -which being for every 10´´ through the whole table, are -more convenient than Hutton's, Scherwin's, or any of their predecessors. -It cannot be denied that the centesimal division would -facilitate our arithmetic, and that it might have been preferable -had it been originally adopted, as a numeration by eighths would -have been more convenient than by tens. But the advantages -would not now compensate the embarrassments of a change. -</p> - -<p> -I extremely regret the not being provided with a time-piece -equal to the observations of the approaching eclipse of the sun. -Can you tell me what would be the cost in Philadelphia of a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_13'>[13]</a></span>clock, the time-keeping part of which should be perfect? And -what the difference of cost between a wooden and gridiron pendulum? -To be of course without a striking apparatus, as it -would be wanted for astronomical purposes only. Accept assurances -of affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CLEMENT CAINE, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 16, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of April 2d was not received till the 23d of -June last, with the volume accompanying it, for which be -pleased to accept my thanks. I have read it with great satisfaction, -and received from it information, the more acceptable as -coming from a source which could be relied on. The retort on -European censors, of their own practices on the liberties of man, -the inculcation on the master of the moral duties which he owes -to the slave, in return for the benefits of his service, that is to -say, of food, clothing, care in sickness, and maintenance under -age and disability, so as to make him in fact as comfortable and -more secure than the laboring man in most parts of the world; -and the idea suggested of substituting free whites in all household -occupations and manual arts, thus lessening the call for the -other kind of labor, while it would increase the public security, -give great merit to the work, and will, I have no doubt, produce -wholesome impressions. The habitual violation of the equal -rights of the colonist by the dominant (for I will not call them -the mother) countries of Europe, the invariable sacrifice of their -highest interests to the minor advantages of any individual trade -or calling at home, are as immoral in principle as the continuance -of them is unwise in practice, after the lessons they have received. -What, in short, is the whole system of Europe towards -America but an atrocious and insulting tyranny? One hemisphere -of the earth, separated from the other by wide seas on -both sides, having a different system of interests flowing from -different climates, different soils, different productions, different -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_14'>[14]</a></span>modes of existence, and its own local relations and duties -is made subservient to all the petty interests of the other, to <i>their</i> -laws, <i>their</i> regulations, <i>their</i> passions and wars, and interdicted -from social intercourse, from the interchange of mutual duties -and comforts with their neighbors, enjoined on all men by the -laws of nature. Happily these abuses of human rights are drawing -to a close on both our continents, and are not likely to survive -the present mad contest of the lions and tigers of the other. -Nor does it seem certain that the insular colonies will not soon -have to take care of themselves, and to enter into the general -system of independence and free intercourse with their neighboring -and natural friends. The acknowledged depreciation of -the paper circulation of England, with the known laws of its -rapid progression to bankruptcy, will leave that nation shortly -without revenue, and without the means of supporting the naval -power necessary to maintain dominion over the rights and interests -of different nations. The intention too, which they now -formally avow, of taking possession of the ocean as their exclusive -domain, and of suffering no commerce on it but through -their ports, makes it the interest of all mankind to contribute -their efforts to bring such usurpations to an end. We have -hitherto been able to avoid professed war, and to continue to our -industry a more salutary direction. But the determination to -take all our vessels bound to any other than her ports, amounting -to all the war she can make (for we fear no invasion), it -would be folly in us to let that war be all on one side only, -and to make no effort towards indemnification and retaliation by -reprisal. That a contest thus forced on us by a nation a thousand -leagues from us both, should place your country and mine -in relations of hostility, who have not a single motive or interest -but of mutual friendship and interchange of comforts, shows -the monstrous character of the system under which we live. -But however, in the event of war, greedy individuals on both -sides, availing themselves of its laws, may commit depredations -on each other, I trust that our quiet inhabitants, conscious that -no cause exists but for neighborly good will, and the furtherance -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_15'>[15]</a></span>of common interests, will feel only those brotherly affections -which nature has ordained to be those of our situation. -</p> - -<p> -A letter of thanks for a good book has thus run away from its -subject into fields of speculation into which discretion perhaps -should have forbidden me to enter, and for which an apology is -due. I trust that the reflections I hazard will be considered as -no more than what they really are, those of a private individual, -withdrawn from the councils of his country, uncommunicating -with them, and responsible alone for any errors of fact or opinion -expressed; as the reveries, in short, of an old man, who, -looking beyond the present day, looks into times not his own, -and as evidences of confidence in the liberal mind of the person -to whom they are so freely addressed. Permit me, however, to -add to them my best wishes for his personal happiness, and assurances -of the highest consideration and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. EPPES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 29, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The enclosed letter came under cover to me without -any indication from what quarter it came. -</p> - -<p> -Our latest arrival brings information of the death of the king -of England. Its coming from Ireland and not direct from England -would make it little worthy of notice, were not the event -so probable. On the 26th of July the English papers say he -was expected hourly to expire. This vessel sailed from Ireland -the 4th of August, and says an express brought notice the day -before to the government that he died on the 1st; but whether -on that day or not, we may be certain he is dead, and entertain, -therefore, a hope that a change of ministers will produce that -revocation of the orders of council for which they stand so committed. -In this event we may still remain at peace, and that -probably concluded between the other powers. I am so far, in -that case, from believing that our reputation will be tarnished by -our not having mixed in the mad contests of the rest of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_16'>[16]</a></span>world that, setting aside the ravings of pepper-pot politicians, of -whom there are enough in every age and country, I believe it -will place us high in the scale of wisdom, to have preserved our -country tranquil and prosperous during a contest which prostrated -the honor, power, independence, laws and property of every -country on the other side of the Atlantic. Which of them have -better preserved their honor? Has Spain, has Portugal, Italy, -Switzerland, Holland, Prussia, Austria, the other German powers, -Sweden, Denmark, or even Russia? And would we accept of -the infamy of France or England in exchange for our honest -reputation, or of the result of their enormities, despotism to the -one, and bankruptcy and prostration to the other, in exchange -for the prosperity, the freedom and independence which we have -preserved safely through the wreck? The bottom of my page -warns me it is time to present my homage to Mrs. Eppes, and to -yourself and Francis my affectionate adieux. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. PAINE TODD. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 10, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—According to promise I send you our observations -of the solar eclipse of September 17th. We had, you know, a -perfect observation of the passage of the sun over the meridian, -and the eclipse began so soon after as to leave little room for error -from the time-piece. Her rate of going, however, was ascertained -by ten days' subsequent observation and comparison with -the sun, and the times, as I now give them to you, are corrected -by these. I have no confidence in the times of the first and ultimate -contacts, because you know we were not early enough -on the watch, deceived by our time-piece which was too slow. -The impression on the sun was too sensible when we first observed -it, to be considered as the moment of commencement, and -the largeness of our conjectural correction (18´´) shows that that -part of the observation should be considered as nothing. The -last contact was well enough observed, but it is on the forming -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_17'>[17]</a></span>and breaking of the annulus that I rely with entire confidence. -I am certain there was not an error of an instant of time in either. -I would be governed, therefore, solely by them, and not suffer -their result to be affected by the others. I have not yet entered -on the calculation of our longitude from them. They will enable -you to do it as a college exercise. Affectionately yours. -</p> - -<table summary="Solar Eclipse, September 1811" class="narrow"> -<col style="width: 34%" /> -<col style="width: 33%" /> -<col style="width: 33%" /> -<tr><td class="padtop">First contact,</td> -<td class="padtop"> 0h. 13´ 54´´</td></tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Annulus formed,</td> - <td class="padtop">1h. 53´ 0´´</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="padtop">central time of annulus, 1h. 56´ 12½´</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="padtop">central time of the two contacts, 1h. 51´ 28´</td></tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Annulus broken,</td> - <td class="padtop">1h. 59´ 25´´</td></tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Ultimate contact,</td> - <td class="padtop">3h. 29´ 2´´</td></tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Latitude of Monticello,</td> - <td class="padtop">38° 8´</td></tr> -</table> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 10, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of September 23d came to hand in -due time, and I thank you for the nautical almanac it covered for -the year 1813. I learn with pleasure that the Philosophical Society -has concluded to take into consideration the subject of a -fixed standard of measures, weights and coins, and you ask my -ideas on it; insulated as my situation is, I am sure I can offer -nothing but what will occur to the committee engaged on it, with -the advantage on their part of correction by an interchange of -sentiments and observations among themselves. I will, however, -hazard some general ideas because you desire it, and if a single -one be useful, the labor will not be lost. -</p> - -<p> -The subject to be referred to as a standard, whether it be matter -or motion, should be fixed by nature, invariable and accessible -to all nations, independently of others, and with a convenience -not disproportioned to its utility. What subject in nature -fulfils best these conditions? What system shall we propose on -this, embracing measures, weights and coins? and in what form -shall we present it to the world? These are the questions before -the committee. -</p> - -<p> -Some other subjects have, at different times, been proposed as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_18'>[18]</a></span>standards, but two only have divided the opinions of men: first, -a direct admeasurement of a line on the earth's surface, or second, -a measure derived from its motion on its axis. To measure directly -such a portion of the earth as would furnish an element of -measure, which might be found again with certainty in all future -times, would be too far beyond the competence of our means to -be taken into consideration. I am free, at the same time, to say -that if these were within our power in the most ample degree, -this element would not meet my preference. The admeasurement -would of course be of a portion of some great circle of the -earth. If of the equator, the countries over which that passes, -their character and remoteness, render the undertaking arduous, -and we may say impracticable for most nations. If of some -meridian, the varying measures of its degrees from the equator to -the pole, require a mean to be sought, of which some aliquot part -may furnish what is desired. For this purpose the 45th degree -has been recurred to, and such a length of line on both sides of -it terminating at each end in the ocean, as may furnish a satisfactory -law for a deduction of the unmeasured part of the quadrant. -The portion resorted to by the French philosophers, (and -there is no other on the globe under circumstances equally satisfactory,) -is the meridian passing through their country and a portion -of Spain, from Dunkirk to Barcelona. The objections to -such an admeasurement as an element of measure, are the labor, -the time, the number of highly-qualified agents, and the great -expense required. All this, too, is to be repeated whenever any -accident shall have destroyed the standard derived from it, or impaired -its dimensions. This portion of that particular meridian -is accessible of right to no one nation on earth. France, indeed, -availing herself of a moment of peculiar relation between Spain -and herself, has executed such an admeasurement. But how -would it be at this moment, as to either France or Spain? and -how is it at all times as to other nations, in point either of right -or of practice? Must these go through the same operation, or -take their measures from the standard prepared by France? Neither -case bears that character of independence which the problem -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_19'>[19]</a></span>requires, and which neither the equality nor convenience of nations -can dispense with. How would it now be, were England -the deposit of a standard for the world? At war with all the -world, the standard would be inaccessible to all other nations. -Against this, too, are the inaccuracies of admeasurements over -hills and valleys, mountains and waters, inaccuracies often unobserved -by the agent himself, and always unknown to the world. -The various results of the different measures heretofore attempted, -sufficiently prove the inadequacy of human means to make -such an admeasurement with the exactness requisite. -</p> - -<p> -Let us now see under what circumstances the pendulum offers -itself as an element of measure. The motion of the earth on its -axis from noon to noon of a mean solar day, has been divided -from time immemorial, and by very general consent, into 86,400 -portions of time called seconds. The length of a pendulum vibrating -in one of these portions, is determined by the laws of -nature, is invariable under the same parallel, and accessible independently -to all men. Like a degree of the meridian, indeed, it -varies in its length from the equator to the pole, and like it, too, -requires to be reduced to a mean. In seeking a mean in the first -case, the 45th degree occurs with unrivalled preferences. It is -the mid-way of the celestial ark from the equator to the pole. It -is a mean between the two extreme degrees of the terrestrial ark, -or between any two equi-distant from it, and it is also a mean -value of all its degrees. In like manner, when seeking a mean -for the pendulum, the same 45th degree offers itself on the same -grounds, its increments being governed by the same laws which -determine those of the different degrees of the meridian. -</p> - -<p> -In a pendulum loaded with a Bob, some difficulty occurs in -finding the centre of oscillation; and consequently the distance -between that and the point of suspension. To lessen this, it -has been proposed to substitute for the pendulum, a cylindrical -rod of small diameter, in which the displacement of the centre of -oscillation would be lessened. It has also been proposed to prolong -the suspending wire of the pendulum below the Bob, until -their centres of oscillation shall coincide. But these propositions -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_20'>[20]</a></span>not appearing to have received general approbation, we recur to -the pendulum, suspended and charged as has been usual. And -the rather as the laws which determine the centre of oscillation -leave no room for error in finding it, other than that minimum -in practice to which all operations are subject in their execution. -The other sources of inaccuracy in the length of the pendulum -need not be mentioned, because easily guarded against. But -the great and decisive superiority of the pendulum, as a standard -of measure, is in its accessibility to all men, at all times and -in all places. To obtain the second pendulum for 45° it is not -necessary to go actually to that latitude. Having ascertained -its length in our own parallel, both theory and observation give -us a law for ascertaining the difference between that and the -pendulum of any other. To make a new measure therefore, or -verify an old one, nothing is necessary in any place but a well-regulated -time-piece, or a good meridian, and such a knowledge -of the subject as is common in all civilized nations. -</p> - -<p> -Those indeed who have preferred the other element, do justice -to the certainty, as well as superior facilities of the pendulum, -by proposing to recur to one of the length of their standard, -and to ascertain its number of vibrations in a day. These -being once known, if any accident impair their standard it is to -be recovered by means of a pendulum which shall make the -requisite number of vibrations in a day. And among the several -commissions established by the Academy of Sciences for the -execution of the several branches of their work on measures and -weights, that respecting the pendulum was assigned to Messrs. -Borda, Coulomb & Cassini, the result of whose labors, however, -I have not learned. -</p> - -<p> -Let our unit of measures then be a pendulum of such length -as in the latitude of 45°, in the level of the ocean, and in a -given temperature, shall perform its vibrations, in small and equal -arcs, in one second of mean time. -</p> - -<p> -What ratio shall we adopt for the parts and multiples of this -unit? The decimal without a doubt. Our arithmetic being -founded in a decimal numeration, the same numeration in a system -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_21'>[21]</a></span>of measures, weights and coins, tallies at once with that. -On this question, I believe, there has been no difference of opinion. -</p> - -<p> -In measures of length, then, the pendulum is our unit. It is a -little more than our yard, and less than the ell. Its tenth or -dime, will not be quite 4 inches. Its hundredth, or cent, not -quite .4 of an inch; its thousandth, or mill, not quite .04 of an -inch, and so on. The traveller will count his road by a longer -measure. 1,000 units, or a kiliad, will not be quite two-thirds of -our present mile, and more nearly a thousand paces than that. -</p> - -<p> -For measures of surface, the square unit, equal to about ten -square feet, or one-ninth more than a square yard, will be -generally convenient. But for those of lands a larger measure -will be wanted. A kiliad would be not quite a rood, or quarter -of an acre; a myriad not quite 2½ acres. -</p> - -<p> -For measures of capacity, wet and dry, -</p> - -<table summary="Measures of Capacity"> -<col style="width: 34%" /> -<col style="width: 66%" /> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">The cubic Unit = </td> -<td>.1 would be about .35 cubic feet, .28 bushels - dry, or ⅞ of a ton liquid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">Dime = </td> -<td>.1 would be about 3.5 cubic feet, 2.8 bushels, - or about ⅞ of a barrel liquid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">Cent = </td> -<td>.01 about 50 cubic inches, or ⅞ of a quart.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">Mill = </td> -<td>.001 = .5 of a cubic inch, or ⅔ of a gill.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -To incorporate into the same system our weights and coins, -we must recur to some natural substance, to be found everywhere, -and of a composition sufficiently uniform. Water has -been considered as the most eligible substance, and rain-water -more nearly uniform than any other kind found in nature. That -circumstance renders it preferable to distilled water, and its variations -in weight may be called insensible. -</p> - -<p> -The cubic unit of this = .1 would weigh about 2,165 lbs. or -a ton between the long and short. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_22'>[22]</a></span> -</p> - -<table summary="Measures of coinage"> -<tr> -<td class="tdr tdnoright">The</td> -<td>Dime </td> -<td>= .1 a little more than 2. kentals.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Cent </td> -<td>= .01 a little more than 20 lb.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Mill </td> -<td>= .001 a little more than 2 lb.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Decimmil </td> -<td>= .0001 about 3½ oz. avoirdupois.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Centimmil </td> -<td> = .00001 a little more than 6 dwt.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Millionth </td> -<td>= .000001 about 15 grains.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Decimmillionth </td> -<td>= .0000001 about 1½ grains.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Centimmillionth </td> -<td>= .00000001 about .14 of a grain.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td> Billionth </td> -<td>= .000000001 about .014 of a grain.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -With respect to our coins, the pure silver in a dollar being -fixed by law at 347¼ grains, and all debts and contracts being -bottomed on that value, we can only state the pure silver in -the dollar, which would be very nearly 23 millionths. -</p> - -<p> -I have used loose and round numbers (the exact unit being -yet undetermined) merely to give a general idea of the measures -and weights proposed, when compared with those we now use. -And in the names of the subdivisions I have followed the metrology -of the ordinance of Congress of 1786, which for their -series below unit adopted the Roman numerals. For that above -unit the Grecian is convenient, and has been adopted in the new -French system. -</p> - -<p> -We come now to our last question, in what form shall we offer -this metrical system to the world? In some one which shall -be altogether unassuming; which shall not have the appearance -of taking the lead among our sister institutions in making a -general proposition. So jealous is the spirit of equality in the -republic of letters, that the smallest excitement of that would -mar our views, however salutary for all. We are in habits of -correspondence with some of these institutions, and identity of -character and of object, authorize our entering into correspondence -with all. Let us then mature our system as far as can be -done at present, by ascertaining the length of the second pendulum -of 45° by forming two tables, one of which shall give the -equivalent of every different denomination of measures, weights -and coins in these States, in the unit of that pendulum, its decimals -and multiples; and the other stating the equivalent of all -the decimal parts and multiples of that pendulum, in the several -denominations of measures, weights and coins of our existing -system. This done, we might communicate to one or more of -these institutions in every civilized country a copy of those -tables, stating as our motive, the difficulty we had experienced, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_23'>[23]</a></span>and often the impossibility of ascertaining the value of the -measures, weights and coins of other countries, expressed in any -standard which we possess; that desirous of being relieved from -this, and of obtaining information which could be relied on for -the purposes of science, as well as of business, we had concluded -to ask it from the learned societies of other nations, who are -especially qualified to give it with the requisite accuracy; that in -making this request we had thought it our duty first to do ourselves, -and to offer to others, what we meant to ask from them, -by stating the value of our own measures, weights and coins, in -some unit of measure already possessed, or easily obtainable, by -all nations; that the pendulum vibrating seconds of mean time, -presents itself as such an unit; its length being determined by the -laws of nature, and easily ascertainable at all times and places; -that we have thought that of 45° would be the most unexceptionable, -as being a mean of all other parallels, and open to -actual trial in both hemispheres. In this, therefore, as an unit, -and in its parts and multiples in the decimal ratio, we have expressed, -in the tables communicated, the value of all the measures, -weights and coins used in the United States, and we ask in -return from their body a table of the weights, measures and -coins in use within their country, expressed in the parts and multiples -of the same unit. Having requested the same favor from -the learned societies of other nations, our object is, with their -assistance, to place within the reach of our fellow citizens at -large a perfect knowledge of the measures, weights and coins of -the countries with which they have commercial or friendly intercourse; -and should the societies of other countries interchange -their respective tables, the learned will be in possession of an -uniform language in measures, weights and coins, which may -with time become useful to other descriptions of their citizens, -and even to their governments. This, however, will rest with -their pleasure, not presuming, in the present proposition, to extend -our views beyond the limits of our own nation. I offer -this sketch merely as the outline of the kind of communication -which I should hope would excite no jealousy or repugnance. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_24'>[24]</a></span>Peculiar circumstances, however, would require letters of a -more special character to the Institute of France, and the Royal -Society of England. The magnificent work which France has -executed in the admeasurement of so large a portion of the meridian, -has a claim to great respect in our reference to it. We -should only ask a communication of their metrical system, expressed -in equivalent values of the second pendulum of 45° as -ascertained by Messrs. Borda, Coulomb and Cassini, adding, perhaps, -the request of an actual rod of the length of that pendulum. -</p> - -<p> -With England, our explanations will be much more delicate. -They are the older country, the mother country, more advanced -in the arts and sciences, possessing more wealth and leisure for -their improvement, and animated by a pride more than laudable.<a name='FA_1' id='FA_1' href='#FN_1' class='fnanchor'>[1]</a> -It is their measures, too, which we undertake to ascertain and -communicate to themselves. The subject should therefore be -opened to them with infinite tenderness and respect, and in some -way which might give them due place in its agency. The parallel -of 45° being within our latitude and not within theirs, the -actual experiments under that would be of course assignable to -us. But as a corrective, I would propose that they should ascertain -the length of the pendulum vibrating seconds in the city of -London, or at the observatory of Greenwich, while we should do -the same in an equidistant parallel to the south of 45°, suppose -in 38° 29´. We might ask of them, too, as they are in possession -of the standards of Guildhall, of which we can have but an -unauthentic account, to make the actual application of those -standards to the pendulum when ascertained. The operation we -should undertake under the 45th parallel, (about Passamaquoddy,) -would give us a happy occasion, too, of engaging our sister society -of Boston in our views, by referring to them the execution -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_25'>[25]</a></span>of that part of the work. For that of 38° 29´ we should be at a -loss. It crosses the tide waters of the Potomac, about Dumfries, -and I do not know what our resources there would be unless we -borrow them from Washington, where there are competent persons. -</p> - -<p> -Although I have not mentioned Philadelphia in these operations, -I by no means propose to relinquish the benefit of observations -to be made there. Her science and perfection in the arts -would be a valuable corrective to the less perfect state of them -in the other places of observation. Indeed, it is to be wished that -Philadelphia could be made the point of observation south of -45°, and that the Royal Society would undertake the counterpoint -on the north, which would be somewhere between the -Lizard and Falmouth. The actual pendulums from both of our -points of observation, and not merely the measures of them, should -be delivered to the Philosophical Society, to be measured under -their eye and direction. -</p> - -<p> -As this is really a work of common and equal interest to England -and the United States, perhaps it would be still more respectful -to make our proposition to her Royal Society in the outset, -and to agree with them on a partition of the work. In this -case, any commencement of actual experiments on our part should -be provisional only, and preparatory to the ultimate results. We -might, in the meantime, provisionally also, form a table adapted to -the length of the pendulum of 45°, according to the most approved -estimates, including those of the French commissioners. -This would serve to introduce the subject to the foreign societies, -in the way before proposed, reserving to ourselves the charge -of communicating to them a more perfect one, when that shall -have been completed. -</p> - -<p> -We may even go a step further, and make a general table of -the measures, weights and coins of all nations, taking their value -hypothetically for the present, from the tables in the commercial -dictionary of the encyclopedia methodique, which are very extensive, -and have the appearance of being made with great labor -and exactness. To these I expect we must in the end recur, as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_26'>[26]</a></span>a supplement for the measures which we may fail to obtain from -other countries directly. Their reference is to the foot or inch -of Paris, as a standard, which we may convert into parts of the -second pendulum of 45°. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus, my dear sir, committed to writing my general -ideas on this subject, the more freely as they are intended merely -as suggestions for consideration. It is not probable they offer -anything which would not have occurred to the committee itself. -My apology on offering them must be found in your request. -My confidence in the committee, of which I take for -granted you are one, is too entire to have intruded a single idea -but on that ground. -</p> - -<p> -Be assured of my affectionate and high esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 10, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I write this letter separate, because you may perhaps -think something in the other of the same date, worth communicating -to the committee. -</p> - -<p> -I accept, willingly, Mr. Voigt's offer to make me a time-piece, -and with the kind of pendulum he proposes. I wish it to be as -good as hands can make it, in everything useful, but no unnecessary -labor to be spent on mere ornament. A plain but neat mahogany -case will be preferred. -</p> - -<p> -I have a curiosity to try the length of the pendulum vibrating -seconds here, and would wish Mr. Voigt to prepare one which -could be substituted for that of the clock occasionally, without -requiring anything more than unhanging the one and hanging -the other in its place. The bob should be spherical, of lead, and -its radius, I presume, about one inch. As I should not have the -convenience of a room of uniform temperature, the suspending -rod should be such as not to be affected by heat or cold, nor yet -so heavy as to effect too sensibly the centre of oscillation. Would -not a rod of wood not larger than a large wire, answer this double -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_27'>[27]</a></span>view? I remember Mr. Rittenhouse told me he had made experiments -on some occasion, on the expansibility of wood lengthwise -by heat, which satisfied him it was as good as the gridiron -for a suspender of the bob. By the experiments on the strength -of wood and iron in supporting weights appended to them, iron -has been found but about six times as strong as wood, while its -specific gravity is eight times as great. Consequently, a rod of -it of equal strength, will weigh but three-fourths of one of iron, -and disturb the centre of oscillation less in proportion. A rod of -wood of white oak, e. g. not larger than a seine twine, would -probably support a spherical bob of lead of one inch radius. It -might be worked down to that size I suppose, by the cabinet-makers, -who are in the practice of preparing smaller threads of -wood for inlaying. The difficulty would be in making it fast to -the bob at one end, and scapement at the other, so as to regulate -the length with ease and accuracy. This Mr. Voigt's ingenuity -can supply, and in all things I would submit the whole -matter to your direction to him, and be thankful to you to give -it. Yours affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. H. A. S. DEARBORNE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 15, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of October 14 was duly received, and with -it Mr. Bowditch's observations on the comet, for which I pray -you to accept my thanks, and be so good as to present them to -Mr. Bowditch also. I am much pleased to find that we have so -able a person engaged in observing the path of this great phenomenon; -and hope that from his observations and those of -others of our philosophical citizens, on its orbit, we shall have -ascertained, on this side of the Atlantic, whether it be one of -those which have heretofore visited us. On the other side of the -water they have great advantages in their well-established observatories, -the magnificent instruments provided for them, and -the leisure and information of their scientific men. The acquirements -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_28'>[28]</a></span>of Mr. Bowditch in solitude and unaided by these advantages, -do him great honor. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the eclipse of September 17. I know of no -observations made in this State but my own, although I had no -doubt that others had observed it. I used myself an equatorial -telescope, and was aided by a friend who happened to be with -me, and observed through an achromatic telescope of Dollard's. -Two others attended the time-pieces. I had a perfect observation -of the passage of the sun over the meridian, and the eclipse -commencing but a few minutes after, left little room for error in -our time. This little was corrected by the known rate of going -of the clock. But we as good as lost the first appulse by a want -of sufficiently early attention to be at our places, and composed. -I have no confidence, therefore, by several seconds, in the time -noted. The last oscillation of the two luminaries was better observed. -Yet even there was a certain term of uncertainty as to -the precise moment at which the indenture on the limb of the -sun entirely vanished. It is therefore the forming of the annulus, -and its breaking, which alone possess my entire and complete -confidence. I am certain there was not an error of an instant -of time in the observation of either of them. Their result -therefore should not be suffered to be affected by either of the -others. The four observations were as follows: -</p> - -<table summary="Solar Eclipse, September 1811. Repeated" class="narrow"> -<col style="width: 34%" /> -<col style="width: 33%" /> -<col style="width: 33%" /> -<tr><td class="padtop">The 1st. appulse,</td> -<td class="padtop">0h. 13´ 54´´</td></tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Annulus formed,</td> - <td class="padtop">1h. 53´ 0´´</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="padtop">central time of annulus 1h. 56´ 12½´´</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="padtop">central time of the two contacts 1h. 51´ 28´´</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Annulus broken,</td> - <td class="padtop">1h. 59´ 25´´</td></tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Last oscillation,</td> - <td class="padtop">3h. 29´ 2´´</td></tr> -<tr><td class="padtop">Latitude of Monticello,</td> - <td class="padtop">38° 8´</td></tr> -</table> - -<p> -I have thus given you, Sir, my observations, with a candid -statement of their imperfections. If they can be of any use to -Mr. Bowditch, it will be more than was in view when they were -made; and should I hear of any other observations made in this -State, I shall not fail to procure and send him a copy of them. -Be so good as to present me affectionately to your much-esteemed -father, and to accept the tender of my respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_29'>[29]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MELATIAH NASH. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 15, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I duly received your letter of October 24 on the publication -of an Ephemeris. I have long thought it desirable that -something of that kind should be published in the United States, -holding a middle station between the nautical and the common -popular almanacs. It would certainly be acceptable to a numerous -and respectable description of our fellow citizens, who, -without undertaking the higher astronomical operations, for -which the former is calculated, yet occasionally wish for information -beyond the scope of the common almanacs. What you -propose to insert in your Ephemeris is very well so far. But I -think you might give it more of the character desired by the addition -of some other articles, which would not enlarge it more -than a leaf or two. For instance, the equation of time is essential -to the regulation of our clocks and watches, and would only -add a narrow column to your 2d page. The sun's declination is -often desirable, and would add but another narrow column to the -same page. This last would be the more useful as an element -for obtaining the rising and setting of the sun, in every part -of the United States; for your Ephemeris will, I suppose, give it -only for a particular parallel, as of New York, which would in a -great measure restrain its circulation to that parallel. But the -sun's declination would enable every one to calculate sunrise for -himself, with scarcely more trouble than taking it from an Almanac. -If you would add at the end of the work a formula -for that calculation, as, for example, that for Delalande, § 1026, a -little altered. Thus, to the Logarithmic tangent of the latitude (a -constant number) add the Log. tangent of the sun's declination; -taking 10 from the Index, the remainder is the line of an arch -which, turned into time and added to 6 hours, gives sunrise for -the winter half and sunset for the summer half of the year, to -which may be added 3 lines only from the table of refractions, -§ 1028, or, to save even this trouble, and give the calculation -ready made for every parallel, print a table of semi-diurnal -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_30'>[30]</a></span>arches, ranging the latitudes from 35° to 45° in a line at top -and the degrees of declination in a vertical line on the left, and -stating, in the line of the declination, the semi-diurnal arch for -each degree of latitude, so that every one knowing the latitude -of his place and the declination of the day, would find his sunrise -or his sunset where their horizontal and vertical lines meet. -This table is to be found in many astronomical books, as, for instance, -in Wakeley's Mariner's Compass Rectified, and more accurately -in the <span lang="fr_FR">Connoissance des tems</span>, for 1788. It would not -occupy more than two pages at the end of the work, and would -render it an almanac for every part of the United States. -</p> - -<p> -To give novelty, and increase the appetite for continuing to -buy your Ephemeris annually, you might every year select some -one or two useful tables which many would wish to possess and -preserve. These are to be found in the requisite tables, the -<span lang="fr_FR">Connoissance des tems</span> for different years, and many in Pike's -arithmetic. -</p> - -<p> -I have given these hints because you requested my opinion. -They may extend the plan of your Ephemeris beyond your view, -which will be sufficient reason for not regarding them. In any -event I shall willingly become a subscriber to it, if you should -have any place of deposit for them in Virginia where the price -can be paid. Accept the tender of my respects. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, December 5, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—While at Monticello I am so much engrossed by -business or society, that I can only write on matters of strong urgency. -Here I have leisure, as I have everywhere the disposition -to think of my friends. I recur, therefore, to the subject of your -kind letters relating to Mr. Adams and myself, which a late occurrence -has again presented to me. I communicated to you the -correspondence which had parted Mrs. Adams and myself, in -proof that I could not give friendship in exchange for such sentiments -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_31'>[31]</a></span>as she had recently taken up towards myself, and avowed -and maintained in her letters to me. Nothing but a total renunciation -of these could admit a reconciliation, and that could be -cordial only in proportion as the return to ancient opinions was -believed sincere. In these jaundiced sentiments of hers I had -associated Mr. Adams, knowing the weight which her opinions -had with him, and notwithstanding she declared in her letters -that they were not communicated to him. A late incident has -satisfied me that I wronged him as well as her, in not yielding -entire confidence to this assurance on her part. Two of the -Mr. * * * * *, my neighbors and friends, took a tour to the northward -during the last summer. In Boston they fell into company with -Mr. Adams, and by his invitation passed a day with him at Braintree. -He spoke out to them everything which came uppermost, -and as it occurred to his mind, without any reserve; and seemed -most disposed to dwell on those things which happened during -his own administration. He spoke of his <i>masters</i>, as he called -his Heads of departments, as acting above his control, and often -against his opinions. Among many other topics, he adverted to -the unprincipled licentiousness of the press against myself, adding, -"I always loved Jefferson, and still love him." -</p> - -<p> -This is enough for me. I only needed this knowledge to revive -towards him all the affections of the most cordial moments -of our lives. Changing a single word only in Dr. Franklin's -character of him, I knew him to be always an honest man, often -a great one, but sometimes incorrect and precipitate in his judgments; -and it is known to those who have ever heard me speak -of Mr. Adams, that I have ever done him justice myself, and defended -him when assailed by others, with the single exception as -to political opinions. But with a man possessing so many other -estimable qualities, why should we be dissocialized by mere differences -of opinion in politics, in religion, in philosophy, or anything -else. His opinions are as honestly formed as my own. Our -different views of the same subject are the result of a difference -in our organization and experience. I never withdrew from the -society of any man on this account, although many have done it -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_32'>[32]</a></span>from me; much less should I do it from one with whom I had -gone through, with hand and heart, so many trying scenes. I -wish, therefore, but for an apposite occasion to express to Mr. -Adams my unchanged affections for him. There is an awkwardness -which hangs over the resuming a correspondence so long -discontinued, unless something could arise which should call for -a letter. Time and chance may perhaps generate such an occasion, -of which I shall not be wanting in promptitude to avail myself. -From this fusion of mutual affections, Mrs. Adams is of -course separated. It will only be necessary that I never name -her. In your letters to Mr. Adams, you can, perhaps, suggest my -continued cordiality towards him, and knowing this, should an -occasion of writing first present itself to him, he will perhaps -avail himself of it, as I certainly will, should it first occur to me. -No ground for jealousy now existing, he will certainly give fair -play to the natural warmth of his heart. Perhaps I may open -the way in some letter to my old friend Gerry, who I know is in -habits of the greatest intimacy with him. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus, my friend, laid open my heart to you, because you -were so kind as to take an interest in healing again revolutionary -affections, which have ceased in expression only, but not in their -existence. God ever bless you, and preserve you in life and -health. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR CRAWFORD. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 2, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 17th, has been duly received, -and with it the pamphlet on the cause, seat and cure of diseases, -for which be pleased to accept my thanks. The commencement -which you propose by the natural history of the diseases of the -human body, is a very interesting one, and will certainly be the -best foundation for whatever relates to their cure. While surgery -is seated in the temple of the exact sciences, medicine has -scarcely entered its threshold. Her theories have passed in such -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_33'>[33]</a></span>rapid succession as to prove the insufficiency of all, and their fatal -errors are recorded in the necrology of man. For some forms of -disease, well known and well defined, she has found substances -which will restore order to the human system, and it is to be -hoped that observation and experience will add to their number. -But a great mass of diseases remain undistinguished and unknown, -exposed to the random shot of the theory of the day. If -on this chaos you can throw such a beam of light as your celebrated -brother has done on the sources of animal heat, you will, -like him, render great service to mankind. -</p> - -<p> -The fate of England, I think with you, is nearly decided, and -the present form of her existence is drawing to a close. The -ground, the houses, the men will remain; but in what new form -they will revive and stand among nations, is beyond the reach -of human foresight. We hope it may be one of which the predatory -principle may not be the essential characteristic. If her -transformation shall replace her under the laws of moral order, it -is for the general interest that she should still be a sensible and -independent weight in the scale of nations, and be able to contribute, -when a favorable moment presents itself, to reduce under -the same order, her great rival in flagitiousness. We especially -ought to pray that the powers of Europe may be so poised and -counterpoised among themselves, that their own safety may require -the presence of all their force at home, leaving the other -quarters of the globe in undisturbed tranquillity. When our -strength will permit us to give the law of our hemisphere, it should -be that the meridian of the mid-Atlantic should be the line of -demarkation between war and peace, on this side of which no -act of hostility should be committed, and the lion and the lamb -lie down in peace together. -</p> - -<p> -I am particularly thankful for the kind expressions of your letter -towards myself, and tender you in return my best wishes and -the assurances of my great respect and esteem. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_34'>[34]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. THOMAS PULLY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 8, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of December 22d, informing -me that the society of artists of the United States had -made me an honorary member of their society. I am very -justly sensible of the honor they have done me, and I pray you -to return them my thanks for this mark of their distinction. I -fear that I can be but a very useless associate. Time, which -withers the fancy, as the other faculties of the mind and body, -presses on me with a heavy hand, and distance intercepts all personal -intercourse. I can offer, therefore, but my zealous good -wishes for the success of the institution, and that, embellishing -with taste a country already overflowing with the useful productions, -it may be able to give an innocent and pleasing direction -to accumulations of wealth, which would otherwise be employed -in the nourishment of coarse and vicious habits. With these I -tender to the society and to yourself the assurances of my high -respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 11, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thank you for your letter of the 6th. It is a proof -of your friendship, and of the sincere interest you take in whatever -concerns me. Of this I have never had a moment's doubt, and -have ever valued it as a precious treasure. The question indeed -whether I knew or approved of General Wilkinson's endeavors -to prevent the restoration of the right of deposit at New Orleans, -could never require a second of time to answer. But it requires -some time for the mind to recover from the astonishment excited -by the boldness of the suggestion. Indeed, it is with difficulty -I can believe he has really made such an appeal; and the rather -as the expression in your letter is that you have "casually heard -it," without stating the degree of reliance which you have in the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_35'>[35]</a></span>source of information. I think his understanding is above an -expedient so momentary and so finally overwhelming. Were -Dearborne and myself dead, it might find credit with some. -But the world at large, even then, would weigh for themselves -the dilemma, whether it was more probable that, in the situation -I then was, clothed with the confidence and power of my -country, I should descend to so unmeaning an act of treason, or -that he, in the wreck now threatening him, should wildly lay -hold of any plank. They would weigh his motives and views -against those of Dearborne and myself, the tenor of his life -against that of ours, his Spanish mysteries against my open -cherishment of the Western interests; and, living as we are, and -ready to purge ourselves by any ordeal, they must now weigh, -in addition, our testimony against his. All this makes me believe -he will never seek this refuge. I have ever and carefully -restrained myself from the expression of any opinion respecting -General Wilkinson, except in the case of Burr's conspiracy, -wherein, after he had got over his first agitations, we believed -his decision firm, and his conduct zealous for the defeat of the -conspiracy, and although injudicious, yet meriting, from sound -intentions, the support of the nation. As to the rest of his life, -I have left it to his friends and his enemies, to whom it furnishes -matter enough for disputation. I classed myself with neither, -and least of all in this time of his distresses, should I be disposed -to add to their pressure. I hope, therefore, he has not been -so imprudent as to write our names in the pannel of his witnesses. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurances of my constant affections. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 21, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thank you before hand (for they are not yet arrived) -for the specimens of homespun you have been so kind as -to forward me by post. I doubt not their excellence, knowing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_36'>[36]</a></span>how far you are advanced in these things in your quarter. Here -we do little in the fine way, but in coarse and middling goods a -great deal. Every family in the country is a manufactory within -itself, and is very generally able to make within itself all the -stouter and middling stuffs for its own clothing and household -use. We consider a sheep for every person in the family as -sufficient to clothe it, in addition to the cotton, hemp and flax -which we raise ourselves. For fine stuff we shall depend on -your northern manufactories. Of these, that is to say, of company -establishments, we have none. We use little machinery. -The spinning jenny, and loom with the flying shuttle, can be -managed in a family; but nothing more complicated. The -economy and thriftiness resulting from our household manufactures -are such that they will never again be laid aside; and nothing -more salutary for us has ever happened than the British obstructions -to our demands for their manufactures. Restore free -intercourse when they will, their commerce with us will have -totally changed its form, and the articles we shall in future want -from them will not exceed their own consumption of our produce. -</p> - -<p> -A letter from you calls up recollections very dear to my mind. -It carries me back to the times when, beset with difficulties and -dangers, we were fellow-laborers in the same cause, struggling -for what is most valuable to man, his right of self-government. -Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave ever ahead, -threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless under our -bark, we knew not how we rode through the storm with heart -and hand, and made a happy port. Still we did not expect to be -without rubs and difficulties; and we have had them. First, the -detention of the western posts, then the coalition of Pilnitz, outlawing -our commerce with France, and the British enforcement -of the outlawry. In your day, French depredations; in mine, -English, and the Berlin and Milan decrees; now, the English -orders of council, and the piracies they authorize. When these -shall be over, it will be the impressment of our seamen or something -else; and so we have gone on, and so we shall go on, puzzled -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_37'>[37]</a></span>and prospering beyond example in the history of man. And -I do believe we shall continue to growl, to multiply and prosper -until we exhibit an association, powerful, wise and happy, beyond -what has yet been seen by men. As for France and England, -with all their preëminence in science, the one is a den of -robbers, and the other of pirates. And if science produces no -better fruits than tyranny, murder, rapine and destitution of national -morality, I would rather wish our country to be ignorant, -honest and estimable, as our neighboring savages are. But -whither is senile garrulity leading me? Into politics, of which -I have taken final leave. I think little of them and say less. I -have given up newspapers in exchange for Tacitus and Thucydides, -for Newton and Euclid, and I find myself much the happier. -Sometimes, indeed, I look back to former occurrences, in -remembrance of our old friends and fellow-laborers, who have -fallen before us. Of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, -I see now living not more than half a dozen on your side -of the Potomac, and on this side, myself alone. You and I have -been wonderfully spared, and myself with remarkable health, and -a considerable activity of body and mind. I am on horseback -three or four hours of every day; visit three or four times a year -a possession I have ninety miles distant, performing the winter -journey on horseback. I walk little, however, a single mile -being too much for me, and I live in the midst of my grand children, -one of whom has lately promoted me to be a great grandfather. -I have heard with pleasure that you also retain good -health, and a greater power of exercise in walking than I do. -But I would rather have heard this from yourself, and that, writing -a letter like mine, full of egotisms, and of details of your -health, your habits, occupations and enjoyments, I should have -the pleasure of knowing that in the race of life, you do not keep, -in its physical decline, the same distance ahead of me which you -have done in political honors and achievements. No circumstances -have lessened the interest I feel in these particulars respecting yourself; -none have suspended for one moment my sincere esteem for -you, and I now salute you with unchanged affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_38'>[38]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR BARBOUR. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 22, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 14th has been duly received, -and I sincerely congratulate you, or rather my country, on the -just testimony of confidence which it has lately manifested to -you. In your hands I know that its affairs will be ably and -honestly administered. -</p> - -<p> -In answer to your inquiry whether, in the early times of our -government, where the council was divided, the practice was for -the Governor to give the deciding vote? I must observe that, -correctly speaking, the Governor not being a counsellor, his vote -could make no part of an advice of council. That would be to -place an advice on their journals which they did not give, and -could not give because of their equal division. But he did what -was equivalent in effect. While I was in the administration, no -doubt was ever suggested that where the council, divided in -opinion, could give no advice, the Governor was free and bound -to act on his own opinion and his own responsibility. Had this -been a change of the practice of my predecessor, Mr. Henry, the -first governor, it would have produced some discussion, which it -never did. Hence, I conclude it was the opinion and practice -from the first institution of the government. During Arnold's and -Cornwallis' invasion, the council dispersed to their several homes, -to take care of their families. Before their separation, I obtained -from them a capitulary of standing advices for my government -in such cases as ordinarily occur: such as the appointment of -militia officers, justices, inspectors, &c., on the recommendations -of the courts; but in the numerous and extraordinary occurrences -of an invasion, which could not be foreseen, I had to act -on my own judgment and my own responsibility. The vote of -general approbation, at the session of the succeeding winter, manifested -the opinion of the Legislature, that my proceedings had -been correct. General Nelson, my successor, staid mostly, I -think, with the army; and I do not believe his council followed -the camp, although my memory does not enable me to affirm the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_39'>[39]</a></span>fact. Some petitions against him for impressment of property -without authority of law, brought his proceedings before the next -Legislature; the questions necessarily involved were whether necessity, -without express law, could justify the impressment, and -if it could, whether he could order it without the advice of council. -The approbation of the Legislature amounted to a decision -of both questions. I remember this case the more especially, -because I was then a member of the Legislature, and was one of -those who supported the Governor's proceedings, and I think -there was no division of the House on the question. I believe -the doubt was first suggested in Governor Harrison's time, by -some member of the council, on an equal division. Harrison, in -his dry way, observed that instead of one governor and eight -counsellors, there would then be eight governors and one counsellor, -and continued, as I understood, the practice of his predecessors. -Indeed, it is difficult to suppose it could be the intention -of those who framed the constitution, that when the council -should be divided the government should stand still; and the -more difficult as to a constitution formed during a war, and for -the purpose of carrying on that war, that so high an officer as -their Governor should be created and salaried, merely to act as -the clerk and authenticator of the votes of the council. No -doubt it was intended that the advice of the council should control -the governor. But the action of the controlling power being -withdrawn, his would be left free to proceed on its own responsibility. -Where from division, absence, sickness or other obstacle, -no advice could be given, they could not mean that their Governor, -the person of their peculiar choice and confidence, should -stand by, an inactive spectator, and let their government tumble -to pieces for want of a will to direct it. In executive cases, where -promptitude and decision are all important, an adherence to the -letter of a law against its probable intentions, (for every law must -intend that itself shall be executed,) would be fraught with incalculable -danger. Judges may await further legislative explanations, -but a delay of executive action might produce irretrievable -ruin. The State is invaded, militia to be called out, an army -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_40'>[40]</a></span>marched, arms and provisions to be issued from the public magazines, -the Legislature to be convened, and the council is divided. -Can it be believed to have been the intention of the framers of -the constitution, that the constitution itself and their constituents -with it should be destroyed for want of a will to direct the resources -they had provided for its preservation? Before such -possible consequences all verbal scruples must vanish; construction -must be made <span lang="la"><i>secundum arbitrium boni viri</i></span>, and the constitution -be rendered a practicable thing. That exposition of it must be -vicious, which would leave the nation under the most dangerous -emergencies without a directing will. The cautious maxims of -the bench, to seek the will of the legislator and his words only, are -proper and safer for judicial government. They act ever on an -individual case only, the evil of which is partial, and gives time -for correction. But an instant of delay in executive proceedings -may be fatal to the whole nation. They must not, therefore, be -laced up in the rules of the judiciary department. They must -seek the intention of the legislator in all the circumstances which -may indicate it in the history of the day, in the public discussions, -in the general opinion and understanding, in reason and in -practice. The three great departments having distinct functions -to perform, must have distinct rules adapted to them. Each must -act under its own rules, those of no one having any obligation -on either of the others. When the opinion first begun that a -governor could not act when his council could not or would not -advise, I am uninformed. Probably not till after the war; for, -had it prevailed then, no militia could have been opposed to Cornwallis, -nor necessaries furnished to the opposing army of Lafayette. -These, Sir, are my recollections and thoughts on the subject -of your inquiry, to which I will only add the assurances of -my great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_41'>[41]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO BENJAMIN GALLOWAY, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 2, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I duly received your favor of the 1st inst., together -with the volume accompanying it, for which I pray you to accept -my thanks, and to be so kind as to convey them to Mrs. -Debutts also, to whose obliging care I am indebted for its transmission. -But especially my thanks are due to the author himself -for the honorable mention he has made of me. With the -exception of two or three characters of greater eminence in the -revolution, we formed a group of fellow laborers in the common -cause, animated by a common zeal, and claiming no distinction -of one over another. -</p> - -<p> -The spirit of freedom, breathed through the whole of Mr. -Northmore's composition, is really worthy of the purest times of -Greece and Rome. It would have been received in England, in -the days of Hampden and Sidney, with more favor than at this -time. It marks a high and independent mind in the author, one -capable of rising above the partialities of country, to have seen -in the adversary cause that of justice and freedom, and to have -estimated fairly the motives and actions of those engaged in its -support. I hope and firmly believe that the whole world will, -sooner later, feel benefit from the issue of our assertion of the -rights of man. Although the horrors of the French revolution -have damped for awhile the ardor of the patriots in every -country, yet it is not extinguished—it will never die. The sense -of right has been excited in every breast, and the spark will be -rekindled by the very oppressions of that detestable tyranny employed -to quench it. The errors of the honest patriots of -France, and the crimes of her Dantons and Robespierres, will be -forgotten in the more encouraging contemplation of our sober -example, and steady march to our object. Hope will strengthen -the presumption that what has been done once may be done -again. As you have been the channel of my receiving this -mark of attention from Mr. Northmore, I must pray you to be -that of conveying to him my thanks, and an assurance of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_42'>[42]</a></span>high sense I have of the merit of his work, and of its tendency -to cherish the noblest virtues of the human character. -</p> - -<p> -On the political events of the day I have nothing to communicate. -I have retired from them, and given up newspapers for -more classical reading. I add, therefore, only the assurances of -my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. EZRA SARGEANT. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 3, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Observing that you edit the Edinburgh Review, reprinted -in New York, and presuming that your occupations in -that line are not confined to that single work, I take the liberty -of addressing the present letter to you. If I am mistaken, the -obviousness of the inference will be my apology. Mr. Edward -Livingston brought an action against me for having removed his -intrusion on the beach of the river Mississippi opposite to New -Orleans. At the request of my counsel I made a statement of -the facts of the case, and of the law applicable to them, so as to -form a full argument of justification. The case has been dismissed -from court for want of jurisdiction, and the public remain -uninformed whether I had really abused the powers entrusted to -me, as he alleged. I wish to convey to them this information -by publishing the justification. The questions arising in the -case are mostly under the civil law, the laws of Spain and of -France, which are of course couched in French, in Spanish, in -Latin, and some in Greek; and the books being in few hands in -this country, I was obliged to make very long extracts from them. -The correctness with which your edition of the Edinburgh Review -is printed, and of the passages quoted in those languages, induces -me to propose to you the publication of the case I speak -of. It will fill about 65 or 70 pages of the type and size of paper -of the Edinburgh Review. The MS. is in the handwriting -of this letter, entirely fair and correct. It will take between -four and five sheets of paper, of sixteen pages each. I should -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_43'>[43]</a></span>want 250 copies struck off for myself, intended principally for -the members of Congress, and the printer would be at liberty to -print as many more as he pleased for sale, but without any copyright, -which I should not propose to have taken out. It is right -that I should add, that the work is not at all for popular reading. -It is merely a law argument, and a very dry one; having been -intended merely for the eye of my counsel. It may be in some -demand perhaps with lawyers, and persons engaged in the public -affairs, but very little beyond that. Will you be so good as to -inform me if you will undertake to edit this, and what would be -the terms on which you can furnish me with 250 copies? I -should want it to be done with as little delay as possible, so that -Congress might receive it before they separate; and I should add -as a condition, that not a copy should be sold until I could receive -my number, and have time to lay them on the desks of the members. -This would require a month from the time they should -leave New York by the stage. In hopes of an early answer I -tender you the assurances of my respect. -</p> - -<p class="letter_head p4"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 14, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Dr. Wheaton, -and his thanks for the address he was so kind as to enclose him -on the advancement in Medicine. Having little confidence in -the theories of that art, which change in their fashion with the -ladies' caps and gowns, he has much in the facts it has established -by observation. The experience of physicians has proved -that in certain forms of disease, certain substances will restore -order to the human system; and he doubts not that continued -observation will enlarge the catalogue, and give relief to our -posterity in cases wherein we are without it. The extirpation -of the small pox by vaccination, is an encouraging proof that the -condition of man is susceptible of amelioration, although we are -not able to fix its extent. He salutes Dr. Wheaton with esteem -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_44'>[44]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CHARLES CHRISTIAN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 21, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of the 10th inst. proposing -to me to join in a contribution for the support of the -family of the late Mr. Cheetham of New York. Private charities, -as well as contributions to public purposes in proportion to -every one's circumstances, are certainly among the duties we owe -to society, and I have never felt a wish to withdraw from my -portion of them. The general relation in which I, some time -since, stood to the citizens of all our States, drew on me such -multitudes of these applications as exceeded all resource. Nor -have they much abated since my retirement to the limited duties -of a private citizen, and the more limited resources of a private -fortune. They have obliged me to lay down as a law of conduct -for myself, to restrain my contributions for public institutions -to the circle of my own State, and for private charities to -that which is under my own observation; and these calls I find -more than sufficient for everything I can spare. Nor was there -anything in the case of the late Mr. Cheetham, which could -claim with me to be taken out of a general rule. On these considerations -I must decline the contribution you propose, not -doubting that the efforts of the family, aided by those who stand -in the relation to them of neighbors and friends, in so great a -mart for industry as they are placed in, will save them from all -danger of want or suffering. With this apology for returning -the paper sent me, unsubscribed, be pleased to accept the tender -of my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. VANDER KEMP. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 22, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I am indebted to you for the communication of the -prospectus of a work embracing the history of civilized man, political -and moral, from the great change produced in his condition -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_45'>[45]</a></span>by the extension of the feudal system over Europe through -all the successive effects of the revival of letters, the invention -of printing, that of the compass, the enlargement of science, -and the revolutionary spirit, religious and civil, generated by that. -It presents a vast anatomy of fact and reflection, which if duly -filled up would offer to the human mind a wonderful mass for -contemplation. -</p> - -<p> -Your letter does not ascertain whether this work is already -executed, or only meditated; but it excites a great desire to see -it completed, and a confidence that the author of the analysis is -best able to develop the profound views there only sketched. -It would be a library in itself, and to our country particularly desirable -and valuable, if executed in the genuine republican principles -of our constitution. The only orthodox object of the institution -of government is to secure the greatest degree of happiness -possible to the general mass of those associated under it. -The events which this work proposes to embrace will establish -the fact that unless the mass retains sufficient control over those -intrusted with the powers of their government, these will be perverted -to their own oppression, and to the perpetuation of wealth -and power in the individuals and their families selected for the -trust. Whether our constitution has hit on the exact degree of -control necessary, is yet under experiment; and it is a most encouraging -reflection that distance and other difficulties securing -us against the brigand governments of Europe, in the safe enjoyment -of our farms and firesides, the experiment stands a better -chance of being satisfactorily made here than on any occasion -yet presented by history. To promote, therefore, unanimity and -perseverance in this great enterprise, to disdain despair, encourage -trial, and nourish hope, are the worthiest objects of every -political and philanthropic work; and that this would be the -necessary result of that which you have delineated, the facts it -will review, and the just reflections arising out of them, will -sufficiently answer. I hope, therefore, that it is not <span lang="la"><i>in petto</i></span> -merely, but already completed; and that my fellow citizens, -warned in it of the rocks and shoals on which other political associations -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_46'>[46]</a></span>have been wrecked, will be able to direct theirs with -a better knowledge of the dangers in its way. -</p> - -<p> -The enlargement of your observations on the subjects of -natural history, alluded to in your letter, cannot fail to add to -our lights respecting them, and will therefore ever be a welcome -present to every friend of science. Accept, I pray you, the assurance -of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE HONORABLE MR. NELSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 2d, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of March 22d has been duly received. -By this time a printed copy of my MS. respecting the Batture -has I hope been laid on your desk, by which you will perceive -that the MS. itself has been received long enough to have been -sent to New York, printed and returned to Washington. -</p> - -<p> -On the subject of the omission of the officers of the Virginia -State line, in the provisions and reservations of the cession of -Congress, my memory enables me to say nothing more than that -it was not through inattention, as I believe, but the result of -compromise. But of this the President, who was in Congress -when the arrangement was settled, can give the best account. I -had nothing to do but execute a deed according to that arrangement, -made previous to my being a member. Colonel Monroe -being a member with me, is more likely to remember what -passed at that time; but the best resource for explanation of everything -we did, is in our weekly correspondence with the Governor -of Virginia, which I suppose is still among the Executive records. -We made it a point to write a letter to him every week, either -jointly, or individually by turns. -</p> - -<p> -You request me to state the public sentiment of our part of -the country as to war and the taxes. You know I do not go -out much. My own house and our court yard are the only -places where I see my fellow citizens. As far as I can judge in -this limited sphere, I think all regret that there is cause for war, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_47'>[47]</a></span>but all consider it as now necessary, and would, I think, disapprove -of a much longer delay of the declaration of it. As to the taxes, -they expect to meet them, would be unwilling to have them -postponed, and are only dissatisfied with some of the subjects -of taxation; that is to say the stamp tax and excise. To -the former I have not seen a man who is not totally irreconcilable. -If the latter could be collected from those who buy to sell -again, so as to prevent domiciliary visits by the officers, I think -it would be acceptable, and I am sure a wholesome tax. I am -persuaded the Secretary of the Treasury is mistaken in supposing -so immense a deduction from the duties on imports. We -shall make little less to sell than we do now, for no one will let -his hands be idle; and consequently we shall export not much -less, and expect returns. Some part will be taken on the export -and some on the import. But taking into account the advance -of prices, that revenue will not fall so far short as he -thinks; and I have no doubt might be counted on to make good -the entire suppression of the stamp tax. Yet, although a very -disgusting pill, I think there can be no question the people will -swallow it, if their representatives determine on it. I get their -sentiments mostly from those who are most in the habit of intercourse -with the people than I am myself. Accept the assurance -of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 17, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The enclosed papers will explain themselves. -Their coming to me is the only thing not sufficiently explained. -</p> - -<p> -Your favor of the 3d came duly to hand. Although something -of the kind had been apprehended, the embargo found the -farmers and planters only getting their produce to market, and -selling as fast as they could get it there. I think it caught them -in this part of the State with one-third of their flour or wheat -and three-quarters of their tobacco undisposed of. If we may -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_48'>[48]</a></span>suppose the rest of the middle country in the same situation, -and that the upper and lower country may be judged by that as -a mean, these will perhaps be the proportions of produce remaining -in the hands of the producers. Supposing the objects of the -government were merely to keep our vessels and men out of -harm's way, and that there is no idea that the want of our flour -will starve Great Britain, the sale of the remaining produce will -be rather desirable, and what would be desired even in war, and -even to our enemies. For I am favorable to the opinion which -has been urged by others, sometimes acted on, and now partly -so by France and Great Britain, that commerce, under certain -restrictions and licenses, may be indulged between enemies -mutually advantageous to the individuals, and not to their injury -as belligerents. The capitulation of Amelia Island, if confirmed, -might favor this object, and at any rate get off our produce -now on hand. I think a people would go through a war -with much less impatience if they could dispose of their produce, -and that unless a vent can be provided for them, they will -soon become querulous and clamor for peace. They appear at -present to receive the embargo with perfect acquiescence and -without a murmur, seeing the necessity of taking care of our -vessels and seamen. Yet they would be glad to dispose of their -produce in any way not endangering them, as by letting it go -from a neutral place in British vessels. In this way we lose the -carriage only; but better that than both carriage and cargo. -The rising of the price of flour, since the first panic is passed -away, indicates some prospects in the merchants of disposing of -it. Our wheat had greatly suffered by the winter, but is as remarkably -recovered by the favorable weather of the spring. -Ever affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 20, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have it now in my power to send you a piece -of homespun in return for that I received from you. Not of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_49'>[49]</a></span>fine texture, or delicate character of yours, or, to drop our metaphor, -not filled as that was with that display of imagination -which constitutes excellence in Belles Lettres, but a mere sober, -dry and formal piece of logic. <span lang="la"><i>Ornari res ipsa negat.</i></span> Yet -you may have enough left of your old taste for law reading, to -cast an eye over some of the questions it discusses. At any rate, -accept it as the offering of esteem and friendship. -</p> - -<p> -You wish to know something of the Richmond and Wabash -prophets. Of Nimrod Hews I never heard before. Christopher -Macpherson I have known for twenty years. He is a man of -color, brought up as a book-keeper by a merchant, his master, -and afterwards enfranchized. He had understanding enough to -post up his ledger from his journal, but not enough to bear up -against hypochondriac affections, and the gloomy forebodings they -inspire. He became crazy, foggy, his head always in the clouds, -and rhapsodizing what neither himself nor any one else could -understand. I think he told me he had visited you personally -while you were in the administration, and wrote you letters, -which you have probably forgotten in the mass of the correspondences -of that crazy class, of whose complaints, and terrors, -and mysticisms, the several Presidents have been the regular depositories. -Macpherson was too honest to be molested by anybody, -and too inoffensive to be a subject for the mad-house; although, -I believe, we are told in the old book, that "every man -that is mad, and maketh himself a prophet, thou shouldst put -him in prison and in the stocks." -</p> - -<p> -The Wabash prophet is a very different character, more rogue -than fool, if to be a rogue is not the greatest of all follies. He -arose to notice while I was in the administration, and became, -of course, a proper subject of inquiry for me. The inquiry was -made with diligence. His declared object was the reformation -of his red brethren, and their return to their pristine manner of -living. He pretended to be in constant communication with the -Great Spirit; that he was instructed by him to make known to -the Indians that they were created by him distinct from the -whites, of different natures, for different purposes, and placed under -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_50'>[50]</a></span>different circumstances, adapted to their nature and destinies; -that they must return from all the ways of the whites to the -habits and opinions of their forefathers; they must not eat the -flesh of hogs, of bullocks, of sheep, &c., the deer and buffalo -having been created for their food; they must not make bread -of wheat but of Indian corn; they must not wear linen nor woollen, -but dress like their fathers in the skins and furs of animals; -they must not drink ardent spirits, and I do not remember whether -he extended his inhibitions to the gun and gunpowder, in favor -of the bow and arrow. I concluded from all this, that he was a -visionary, enveloped in the clouds of their antiquities, and vainly -endeavoring to lead back his brethren to the fancied beatitudes -of their golden age. I thought there was little danger of his -making many proselytes from the habits and comfort they had -learned from the whites, to the hardships and privations of savagism, -and no great harm if he did. We let him go on, therefore, -unmolested. But his followers increased till the English thought -him worth corruption and found him corruptible. I suppose his -views were then changed; but his proceedings in consequence of -them were after I left the administration, and are, therefore, unknown -to me; nor have I ever been informed what were the -particular acts on his part, which produced an actual commencement -of hostilities on ours. I have no doubt, however, that his -subsequent proceedings are but a chapter apart, like that of Henry -and Lord Liverpool, in the book of the kings of England. -</p> - -<p> -Of this mission of Henry, your son had got wind in the time -of the embargo, and communicated it to me. But he had learned -nothing of the particular agent, although, of his workings, the -information he had obtained appears now to have been correct. -He stated a particular which Henry has not distinctly brought -forward, which was that the Eastern States were not to be required -to make a formal act of separation from the Union, and to -take a part in the war against it; a measure deemed much too -strong for their people; but to declare themselves in a state of -neutrality, in consideration of which they were to have peace and -free commerce, the lure most likely to insure popular acquiescence. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_51'>[51]</a></span>Having no indications of Henry as the intermediate in -this negotiation of the Essex junto, suspicions fell on Pickering, -and his nephew Williams, in London. If he was wronged in -this, the ground of the suspicion is to be found in his known -practices and avowed opinions, as that of his accomplices in the -sameness of sentiment and of language with Henry, and subsequently -by the fluttering of the wounded pigeons. -</p> - -<p> -This letter, with what it encloses, has given you enough, I -presume, of law and the prophets. I will only add to it, therefore, -the homage of my respects to Mrs. Adams, and to yourself -the assurances of affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JAMES MAURY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 25, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear and ancient Friend and Classmate</span>,—Often has -my heart smote me for delaying acknowledgments to you, receiving, -as I do, such frequent proofs of your kind recollection -in the transmission of papers to me. But instead of acting on -the good old maxim of not putting off to to-morrow what we can -do to-day, we are too apt to reverse it, and not to do to-day what -we can put off to-morrow. But this duty can be no longer put -off. To-day we are at peace; to-morrow, war. The curtain of -separation is drawing between us, and probably will not be withdrawn -till one, if not both of us, will be at rest with our fathers. -Let me now, then, while I may, renew to you the declarations -of my warm attachment, which in no period of life has ever been -weakened, and seems to become stronger as the remaining objects -of our youthful affections are fewer. -</p> - -<p> -Our two countries are to be at war, but not you and I. And -why should our two countries be at war, when by peace we can -be so much more useful to one another? Surely the world will -acquit our government from having sought it. Never before has -there been an instance of a nation's bearing so much as we have -borne. Two items alone in our catalogue of wrongs will forever -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_52'>[52]</a></span>acquit us of being the aggressors: the impressment of our seamen, -and the excluding us from the ocean. The first foundations -of the social compact would be broken up, were we definitively -to refuse to its members the protection of their persons -and property, while in their lawful pursuits. I think the war -will not be short, because the object of England, long obvious, -is to claim the ocean as her domain, and to exact transit duties -from every vessel traversing it. This is the sum of her orders -of council, which were only a step in this bold experiment, never -meant to be retracted if it could be permanently maintained. -And this object must continue her in war with all the world. To -this I see no termination, until her exaggerated efforts, so much -beyond her natural strength and resources, shall have exhausted -her to bankruptcy. The approach of this crisis is, I think, visible -in the departure of her precious metals, and depreciation of -her paper medium. We, who have gone through that operation, -know its symptoms, its course, and consequences. In England -they will be more serious than elsewhere, because half the wealth -of her people is now in that medium, the private revenue of her -money-holders, or rather of her paper-holders, being, I believe, -greater than that of her land-holders. Such a proportion of -property, imaginary and baseless as it is, cannot be reduced to -vapor but with great explosion. She will rise out of its ruins, -however, because her lands, her houses, her arts will remain, and -the greater part of her men. And these will give her again that -place among nations which is proportioned to her natural means, -and which we all wish her to hold. We believe that the just -standing of all nations is the health and security of all. We consider -the overwhelming power of England on the ocean, and of -France on the land, as destructive of the prosperity and happiness -of the world, and wish both to be reduced only to the necessity -of observing moral duties. We believe no more in Bonaparte's -fighting merely for the liberty of the seas, than in Great -Britain's fighting for the liberties of mankind. The object of -both is the same, to draw to themselves the power, the wealth and -the resources of other nations. We resist the enterprises of England -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_53'>[53]</a></span>first, because they first come vitally home to us. And our -feelings repel the logic of bearing the lash of George the III. for -fear of that of Bonaparte at some future day. When the wrongs -of France shall reach us with equal effect, we shall resist them -also. But one at a time is enough; and having offered a choice -to the champions, England first takes up the gauntlet. -</p> - -<p> -The English newspapers suppose me the personal enemy of -their nation. I am not so. I am an enemy to its injuries, as I am -to those of France. If I could permit myself to have national -partialities, and if the conduct of England would have permitted -them to be directed towards her, they would have been so. I -thought that in the administration of Mr. Addington, I discovered -some dispositions toward justice, and even friendship -and respect for us, and began to pave the way for cherishing -these dispositions, and improving them into ties of mutual good -will. But we had then a federal minister there, whose dispositions -to believe himself, and to inspire others with a belief in our -sincerity, his subsequent conduct has brought into doubt; and -poor Merry, the English minister here, had learned nothing of -diplomacy but its suspicions, without head enough to distinguish -when they were misplaced. Mr. Addington and Mr. Fox passed -away too soon to avail the two countries of their dispositions. -Had I been personally hostile to England, and biased in favor -of either the character or views of her great antagonist, the affair -of the Chesapeake put war into my hand. I had only to open it -and let havoc loose. But if ever I was gratified with the possession -of power, and of the confidence of those who had entrusted -me with it, it was on that occasion when I was enabled -to use both for the prevention of war, towards which the torrent -of passion here was directed almost irresistibly, and when not another -person in the United States, less supported by authority and -favor, could have resisted it. And now that a definitive adherence -to her impressments and orders of council renders war no -longer avoidable, my earnest prayer is that our government may -enter into no compact of common cause with the other belligerent, -but keep us free to make a separate peace, whenever England -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_54'>[54]</a></span>will separately give us peace and future security. But Lord -Liverpool is our witness that this can never be but by her removal -from our neighborhood. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus, for a moment, taken a range into the field of politics, -to possess you with the view we take of things here. But -in the scenes which are to ensue, I am to be but a spectator. I -have withdrawn myself from all political intermeddlings, to indulge -the evening of my life with what have been the passions -of every portion of it, books, science, my farms, my family and -friends. To these every hour of the day is now devoted. I retain -a good activity of mind, not quite as much of body, but uninterrupted -health. Still the hand of age is upon me. All my -old friends are nearly gone. Of those in my neighborhood, Mr. -Divers and Mr. Lindsay alone remain. If you could make it a -<span lang="fr_FR">partie quarrée</span>, it would be a comfort indeed. We would beguile -our lingering hours with talking over our youthful exploits, our -hunts on Peter's mountain, with a long train of <i>et cetera</i>, in addition, -and feel, by recollection at least, a momentary flash of -youth. Reviewing the course of a long and sufficiently successful -life, I find in no portion of it happier moments than those -were. I think the old hulk in which you are, is near her wreck, -and that like a prudent rat, you should escape in time. However, -here, there, and everywhere, in peace or in war, you will -have my sincere affections and prayers for your life, health and -happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. RODMAN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 25, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson presents his complements to Mr. Rodman, -and his thanks for the translation of Montgalliard's work which -he has been so kind as to send him. It certainly presents some -new and true views of the situation of England. It is a subject -of deep regret to see a great nation reduced from an unexampled -height of prosperity to an abyss of ruin, by the long-continued -rule of a single chief. All we ought to wish as to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_55'>[55]</a></span>both belligerent parties is to see them forced to disgorge what -their ravenous appetites have taken from others, and reduced to -the necessity of observing moral duties in future. If we read -with regret what concerns England, the fulsome adulation of the -author towards his own chief excites nausea and disgust at the -state of degradation to which the mind of man is reduced by -subjection to the inordinate power of another. He salutes Mr. -Rodman with great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN JACOB ASTOR. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 24, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of March 14th lingered much on the road, -and a long journey before I could answer it, has delayed its acknowledgment -till now. I am sorry your enterprise for establishing -a factory on the Columbia river, and a commerce through -the line of that river and the Missouri, should meet with the -difficulties stated in your letter. I remember well having invited -your proposition on that subject, and encouraged it with the assurance -of every facility and protection which the government -could properly afford. I considered as a great public acquisition -the commencement of a settlement on that point of the Western -coast of America, and looked forward with gratification to the -time when its descendants should have spread themselves through -the whole length of that coast, covering it with free and independent -Americans, unconnected with us but by the ties of blood -and interest, and employing like us the rights of self-government. -I hope the obstacles you state are not insurmountable; that they -will not endanger, or even delay the accomplishment of so great -a public purpose. In the present state of affairs between Great -Britain and us, the government is justly jealous of contraventions -of those commercial restrictions which have been deemed -necessary to exclude the use of British manufactures in these -States, and to promote the establishment of similar ones among -ourselves. The interests too of the revenue require particular -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_56'>[56]</a></span>watchfulness. But in the non-importation of British manufactures, -and the revenue raised on foreign goods, the legislature -could only have in view the consumption of our own citizens, -and the revenue to be levied on that. We certainly did not -mean to interfere with the consumption of nations foreign to us, -as the Indians of the Columbia and Missouri are, or to assume a -right of levying an impost on that consumption; and if the words -of the laws take in their supplies in either view, it was probably -unintentional, and because their case not being under the contemplation -of the legislature, has been inadvertently embraced -by it. The question with them would be not what manufactures -these nations should use, or what taxes they should pay us -on them, but whether we should give a transit for them through -our country. We have a right to say we will not let the British -exercise that transit. But it is our interest as well as a neighborly -duty to allow it when exercised by our own citizens only. To -guard against any surreptitious introduction of British influence -among those nations, we may justifiably require that no Englishman -be permitted to go with the trading parties, and necessary -precautions should also be taken to prevent this covering the -contravention of our own laws and views. But these once securely -guarded, our interest would permit the transit free of duty. -And I do presume that if the subject were fully presented to the -legislature, they would provide that the laws intended to guard -our own concerns only, should not assume the regulation of those -of foreign and independent nations; still less that they should -stand in the way of so interesting an object as that of planting -the germ of an American population on the shores of the Pacific. -From meddling however with these subjects it is my duty as -well as my inclination to abstain. They are in hands perfectly -qualified to direct them, and who knowing better the present -state of things, are better able to decide what is right; and -whatever they decide on a full view of the case, I shall implicitly -confide has been rightly decided. Accept my best wishes for -your success, and the assurances of my great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_57'>[57]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 30, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Another <i>communication</i> is enclosed, and the letter -of the applicant is the only information I have of his qualifications. -I barely remember such a person as the secretary of Mr. -Adams, and messenger to the Senate while I was of that body. -It enlarges the sphere of choice by adding to it a strong federalist. -The triangular war must be the idea of the Anglomen and -malcontents, in other words, the federalists and quids. Yet it -would reconcile neither. It would only change the topic of -abuse with the former, and not cure the mental disease of the -latter. It would prevent our eastern capitalists and seamen from -employment in privateering, take away the only chance of conciliating -them, and keep them at home, idle, to swell the discontents; -it would completely disarm us of the most powerful -weapon we can employ against Great Britain, by shutting every -port to our prizes, and yet would not add a single vessel to their -number; it would shut every market to our agricultural productions, -and engender impatience and discontent with that class -which, in fact, composes the nation; it would insulate us in general -negotiations for peace, making all the parties our opposers, -and very indifferent about peace with us, if they have it with the -rest of the world, and would exhibit a solecism worthy of Don -Quixotte only, that of a choice to fight two enemies at a time, rather -than to take them by succession. And the only motive for -all this is a sublimated impartiality, at which the world will -laugh, and our own people will turn upon us in mass as soon as -it is explained to them, as it will be by the very persons who are -now laying that snare. These are the hasty views of one who -rarely thinks on these subjects. Your own will be better, and I -pray to them every success, and to yourself every felicity. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_58'>[58]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 6, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have taken the liberty of drawing the attention -of the Secretary at War to a small depôt of military stores at -New London, and leave the letter open for your perusal. Be so -good as to seal it before delivery. I really thought that General -Dearborne had removed them to Lynchburg, undoubtedly a safer -and more convenient deposit. -</p> - -<p> -Our county is the only one I have heard of which has required -a draught; this proceeded from a mistake of the colonel, who -thought he could not receive individual offers, but that the whole -quota, 241, must present themselves at once. Every one, however, -manifests the utmost alacrity; of the 241 there having been -but ten absentees at the first muster called. A further proof is -that Captain Carr's company of volunteer cavalry being specifically -called for by the Governor, though consisting of but 28 -when called on, has got up to 50 by new engagements since their -call was known. The only inquiry they make is whether they -are to go to Canada or Florida? Not a man, as far as I have -learned, entertains any of those doubts which puzzle the lawyers -of Congress and astonish common sense, whether it is lawful for -them to pursue a retreating enemy across the boundary line of -the Union? -</p> - -<p> -I hope Barlow's correspondence has satisfied all our Quixottes -who thought we should undertake nothing less than to fight all -Europe at once. I enclose you a letter from Dr. Bruff, a mighty -good and very ingenious man. His method of manufacturing -bullets and shot, has the merit of increasing their specific gravity -greatly, (being made by composition,) and rendering them as -much heavier and better than the common leaden bullet, as that -is than an iron one. It is a pity he should not have the benefit -of furnishing the public when it would be equally to their benefit -also. God bless you. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_59'>[59]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 11, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—By our post preceding that which brought your -letter of May 21st, I had received one from Mr. Malcolm on the -same subject with yours, and by the return of the post had stated -to the President my recollections of him. But both your letters -were probably too late; as the appointment had been already -made, if we may credit the newspapers. -</p> - -<p> -You ask if there is any book that pretends to give any account -of the traditions of the Indians, or how one can acquire -an idea of them? Some scanty accounts of their traditions, but -fuller of their customs and characters, are given us by most of -the early travellers among them; these you know were mostly -French. Lafitan, among them, and Adair an Englishman, have -written on this subject; the former two volumes, the latter one, -all in 4to. But unluckily Lafitan had in his head a preconceived -theory on the mythology, manners, institutions and government -of the ancient nations of Europe, Asia and Africa, and seems to -have entered on those of America only to fit them into the same -frame, and to draw from them a confirmation of his general -theory. He keeps up a perpetual parallel, in all those articles, -between the Indians of America and the ancients of the other -quarters of the globe. He selects, therefore, all the facts and -adopts all the falsehoods which favor his theory, and very -gravely retails such absurdities as zeal for a theory could alone -swallow. He was a man of much classical and scriptural reading, -and has rendered his book not unentertaining. He resided -five years among the Northern Indians, as a Missionary, but collects -his matter much more from the writings of others, than -from his own observation. -</p> - -<p> -Adair too had his kink. He believed all the Indians of America -to be descended from the Jews; the same laws, usages, rites -and ceremonies, the same sacrifices, priests, prophets, fasts and -festivals, almost the same religion, and that they all spoke Hebrew. -For, although he writes particularly of the Southern Indians -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_60'>[60]</a></span>only, the Catawbas, Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws and -Chocktaws, with whom alone he was personally acquainted, yet -he generalizes whatever he found among them, and brings himself -to believe that the hundred languages of America, differing -fundamentally every one from every other, as much as Greek -from Gothic, yet have all one common prototype. He was a -trader, a man of learning, a self-taught Hebraist, a strong religionist, -and of as sound a mind as Don Quixotte in whatever did not -touch his religious chivalry. His book contains a great deal of -real instruction on its subject, only requiring the reader to be -constantly on his guard against the wonderful obliquities of his -theory. -</p> - -<p> -The scope of your inquiry would scarcely, I suppose, take in -the three folio volumes of Latin of De Bry. In these, facts and -fable are mingled together, without regard to any favorite system. -They are less suspicious, therefore, in their complexion, more -original and authentic, than those of Lafitan and Adair. This -is a work of great curiosity, extremely rare, so as never to be -bought in Europe, but on the breaking up and selling some ancient -library. On one of these occasions a bookseller procured -me a copy, which, unless you have one, is probably the only one -in America. -</p> - -<p> -You ask further, if the Indians have any order of priesthood -among them, like the Druids, Bards or Minstrels of the Celtic -nations? Adair alone, determined to see what he wished to see -in every object, metamorphoses their Conjurers into an order of -priests, and describes their sorceries as if they were the great religious -ceremonies of the nation. Lafitan called them by their -proper names, Jongleurs, Devins, Sortileges; De Bry praestigiatores; -Adair himself sometimes Magi, Archimagi, cunning men, -Seers, rain makers; and the modern Indian interpreters call them -conjurers and witches. They are persons pretending to have -communications with the devil and other evil spirits, to foretell -future events, bring down rain, find stolen goods, raise the dead, -destroy some and heal others by enchantment, lay spells, &c. -And Adair, without departing from his parallel of the Jews and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_61'>[61]</a></span>Indians, might have found their counterpart much more aptly, -among the soothsayers, sorcerers and wizards of the Jews, their -Gannes and Gambres, their Simon Magus, Witch of Endor, and -the young damsel whose sorceries disturbed Paul so much; instead -of placing them in a line with their high-priest, their chief -priests, and their magnificent hierarchy generally. In the solemn -ceremonies of the Indians, the persons who direct or officiate, -are their chiefs, elders and warriors, in civil ceremonies or in -those of war; it is the head of the cabin in their private or particular -feasts or ceremonies; and sometimes the matrons, as in -their corn feasts. And even here, Adair might have kept up his -parallel, with ennobling his conjurers. For the ancient patriarchs, -the Noahs, the Abrahams, Isaacs and Jacobs, and even after the -consecration of Aaron, the Samuels and Elijahs, and we may -say further, every one for himself offered sacrifices on the altars. -The true line of distinction seems to be, that solemn ceremonies, -whether public or private, addressed to the Great Spirit, are conducted -by the worthies of the nation, men or matrons, while -conjurers are resorted to only for the invocation of evil spirits. -The present state of the several Indian tribes, without any public -order of priests, is proof sufficient that they never had such an -order. Their steady habits permit no innovations, not even -those which the progress of science offers to increase the comforts, -enlarge the understanding, and improve the morality of -mankind. Indeed, so little idea have they of a regular order of -priests, that they mistake ours for their conjurers, and call them by -that name. -</p> - -<p> -So much in answer to your inquiries concerning Indians, a -people with whom, in the early part of my life, I was very familiar, -and acquired impressions of attachment and commiseration -for them which have never been obliterated. Before the -revolution, they were in the habit of coming often and in great -numbers to the seat of government, where I was very much with -them. I knew much the great Ontassetè, the warrior and orator -of the Cherokees; he was always the guest of my father, on his -journeys to and from Williamsburg. I was in his camp when he -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_62'>[62]</a></span>made his great farewell oration to his people the evening before -his departure for England. The moon was in full splendor, and -to her he seemed to address himself in his prayers for his own -safety on the voyage, and that of his people during his absence; -his sounding voice, distinct articulation, animated action, and -the solemn silence of his people at their several fires, filled me -with awe and veneration, although I did not understand a word -he uttered. That nation, consisting now of about 2,000 warriors, -and the Creeks of about 3,000 are far advanced in civilization. -They have good cabins, enclosed fields, large herds of -cattle and hogs, spin and weave their own clothes of cotton, -have smiths and other of the most necessary tradesmen, write -and read, are on the increase in numbers, and a branch of Cherokees -is now instituting a regular representative government. -Some other tribes are advancing in the same line. On those -who have made any progress, English seductions will have no -effect. But the backward will yield, and be thrown further back. -Those will relapse into barbarism and misery, lose numbers by -war and want, and we shall be obliged to drive them with the -beasts of the forest into the stony mountains. They will be -conquered, however, in Canada. The possession of that country -secures our women and children forever from the tomahawk and -scalping knife, by removing those who excite them; and for -this possession orders, I presume, are issued by this time; taking -for granted that the doors of Congress will re-open with a -declaration of war. That this may end in indemnity for the -past, security for the future, and complete emancipation from -Anglomany, Gallomany, and all the manias of demoralized -Europe, and that you may live in health and happiness to see all -this, is the sincere prayer of yours affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 11, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—It has given me great pleasure to receive a letter -from you. It seems as if, our ancient friends dying off, the whole -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_63'>[63]</a></span>mass of the affections of the heart survives undiminished to the -few who remain. I think our acquaintance commenced in 1764, -both then just of age. We happened to take lodgings in the -same house in New York. Our next meeting was in the Congress -of 1775, and at various times afterwards in the exercise of -that and other public functions, until your mission to Europe. -Since we have ceased to meet, we have still thought and acted -together, "<span lang="la"><i>et idem velle, atque idem nolle, ea demum amicitia -est</i>.</span>" Of this harmony of principle, the papers you enclosed me -are proof sufficient. I do not condole with you on your release -from your government. The vote of your opponents is the most -honorable mark by which the soundness of your conduct could -be stamped. I claim the same honorable testimonial. There -was but a single act of my whole administration of which that -party approved. That was the proclamation on the attack of -the Chesapeake. And when I found they approved of it, I confess -I began strongly to apprehend I had done wrong, and to exclaim -with the Psalmist, "Lord, what have I done that the wicked -should praise me!" -</p> - -<p> -What, then, does this English faction with you mean? Their -newspapers say rebellion, and that they will not remain united -with us unless we will permit them to govern the majority. If -this be their purpose, their anti-republican spirit, it ought to be -met at once. But a government like ours should be slow in believing -this, should put forth its whole might when necessary to -suppress it, and promptly return to the paths of reconciliation. -The extent of our country secures it, I hope, from the vindictive -passions of the petty incorporations of Greece. I rather suspect -that the principal office of the other seventeen States will be to -moderate and restrain the local excitement of our friends with -you, when they (with the aid of their brethren of the other -States, if they need it) shall have brought the rebellious to their -feet. They count on British aid. But what can that avail them -by land? They would separate from their friends, who alone -furnish employment for their navigation, to unite with their only -rival for that employment. When interdicted the harbors of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_64'>[64]</a></span>their quondam brethren, they will go, I suppose to ask a share -in the carrying trade of their rivals, and a dispensation with their -navigation act. They think they will be happier in an association -under the rulers of Ireland, the East and West Indies, than -in an independent government, where they are obliged to put up -with their proportional share only in the direction of its affairs. -But I trust that such perverseness will not be that of the honest -and well-meaning mass of the federalists of Massachusetts; and -that when the questions of separation and rebellion shall be -nakedly proposed to them, the Gores and the Pickerings will find -their levees crowded with silk stocking gentry, but no yeomanry; -an army of officers without soldiers. I hope, then, all will still -end well; the Anglomen will consent to make peace with their -bread and butter, and you and I shall sink to rest, without having -been actors or spectators in another civil war. -</p> - -<p> -How many children have you? You beat me, I expect, in -that count, but I you in that of our grand-children. We have -not timed these things well together, or we might have begun a -re-alliance between Massachusetts and the Old Dominion, faithful -companions in the war of Independence, peculiarly tallied in -interests, by each wanting exactly what the other has to spare; -and estranged to each other in latter times, only by the practices -of a third nation, the common enemy of both. Let us live only -to see this re-union, and I will say with old Simeon, "Lord, now -lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen -thy salvation." In that peace may you long remain, my friend, -and depart only in the fulness of years, all passed in health and -prosperity. God bless you. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. June 13. I did not condole with you on the reprobation -of your opponents, because it proved your orthodoxy. Yesterday's -post brought me the resolution of the republicans of Congress, -to propose you as Vice President. On this I sincerely congratulate -you. It is a stamp of double proof. It is a notification -to the factionaries that their nay is the yea of truth, and its -best test. We shall be almost within striking distance of each -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_65'>[65]</a></span>other. Who knows but you may fill up some short recess of -Congress with a visit to Monticello, where a numerous family will -hail you with a hearty country welcome. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JUDGE TYLER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 17, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—* * * * * -</p> - -<p> -On the other subject of your letter, the application of the common -law to our present situation, I deride with you the ordinary -doctrine, that we brought with us from England the <i>common law -rights</i>. This narrow notion was a favorite in the first moment -of rallying to our rights against Great Britain. But it was that -of men who felt their rights before they had thought of their explanation. -The truth is, that we brought with us the <i>rights of -men</i>; of expatriated men. On our arrival here, the question -would at once arise, by what law will we govern ourselves? -The resolution seems to have been, by that system with which -we are familiar, to be altered by ourselves occasionally, and adapted -to our new situation. The proofs of this resolution are to be -found in the form of the oaths of the judges, 1. Hening's Stat. -169. 187; of the Governor, ib. 504; in the act for a provisional -government, ib. 372; in the preamble to the laws of 1661-2; -the uniform current of opinions and decisions, and in the general -recognition of all our statutes, framed on that basis. But the -state of the English law at the date of our emigration, constituted -the system adopted here. We may doubt, therefore, the propriety -of quoting in our courts English authorities subsequent to that -adoption; still more, the admission of authorities posterior to the -Declaration of Independence, or rather to the accession of that -King, whose reign, <span lang="la"><i>ab initio</i></span>, was the very tissue of wrongs which -rendered the Declaration at length necessary. The reason for it -had inception at least as far back as the commencement of his -reign. This relation to the beginning of his reign, would add -the advantage of getting us rid of all Mansfield's innovations, or -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_66'>[66]</a></span>civilizations of the common law. For however I admit the superiority -of the civil over the common law code, as a system of -perfect justice, yet an incorporation of the two would be like -Nebuchadnezzar's image of metals and clay, a thing without cohesion -of parts. The only natural improvement of the common -law, is through its homogeneous ally, the chancery, in which -new principles are to be examined, concocted and digested. But -when, by repeated decisions and modifications, they are rendered -pure and certain, they should be transferred by statute to the -courts of common law, and placed within the pale of juries. The -exclusion from the courts of the malign influence of all authorities -after the <span lang="la"><i>Georgium sidus</i></span> became ascendant, would uncanonize -Blackstone, whose book, although the most elegant and best -digested of our law catalogue, has been perverted more than all -others, to the degeneracy of legal science. A student finds there -a smattering of everything, and his indolence easily persuades -him that if he understands that book, he is master of the whole -body of the law. The distinction between these, and those who -have drawn their stores from the deep and rich mines of Coke -Littleton, seems well understood even by the unlettered common -people, who apply the appellation of Blackstone lawyers to these -ephemeral insects of the law. -</p> - -<p> -Whether we should undertake to reduce the common law, -our own, and so much of the English statutes as we have adopted, -to a text, is a question of transcendent difficulty. It was discussed -at the first meeting of the committee of the revised code, -in 1776, and decided in the negative, by the opinions of Wythe, -Mason and myself, against Pendleton and Thomas Lee. Pendleton -proposed to take Blackstone for that text, only purging him -of what was inapplicable or unsuitable to us. In that case, the -meaning of every word of Blackstone would have become a -source of litigation, until it had been settled by repeated legal -decisions. And to come at that meaning, we should have had -produced, on all occasions, that very pile of authorities from -which it would be said he drew his conclusion, and which, of -course, would explain it, and the terms in which it is couched. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_67'>[67]</a></span>Thus we should have retained the same chaos of law-lore from -which we wished to be emancipated, added to the evils of the -uncertainty which a new text and new phrases would have generated. -An example of this may be found in the old statutes, -and commentaries on them, in Coke's second institute, but more -remarkably in the institute of Justinian, and the vast masses explanatory -or supplementary of that which fill the libraries of the -civilians. We were deterred from the attempt by these considerations, -added to which, the bustle of the times did not admit -leisure for such an undertaking. -</p> - -<p> -Your request of my opinion on this subject has given you the -trouble of these observations. If your firmer mind in encountering -difficulties would have added your vote to the minority of -the committee, you would have had on your side one of the -greatest men of our age, and like him, have detracted nothing -from the sentiments of esteem and respect which I bore to him, -and tender with sincerity the assurance of to yourself. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 28, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span lang="fr_FR">Nous voila donc, mon cher ami, en guerre avec l'Angleterre.</span> -This was declared on the 18th instant, thirty years after the signature -of our peace in 1782. Within these thirty years what a vast -course of growth and prosperity we have had! It is not ten -years since Great Britain began a series of insults and injuries -which would have been met with war in the threshold by any -European power. This course has been unremittingly followed -up by increasing wrongs, with glimmerings indeed of peaceable -redress, just sufficient to keep us quiet, till she has had the impudence -at length to extinguish even these glimmerings by open -avowal. This would not have been borne so long, but that -France has kept pace with England in iniquity of principle, although -not in the power of inflicting wrongs on us. The difficulty -of selecting a foe between them has spared us many years -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_68'>[68]</a></span>of war, and enabled us to enter into it with less debt, more -strength and preparation. Our present enemy will have the sea -to herself, while we shall be equally predominant at land, and -shall strip her of all her possessions on this continent. She may -burn New York, indeed, by her ships and congreve rockets, in -which case we must burn the city of London by hired incendiaries, -of which her starving manufacturers will furnish abundance. -A people in such desperation as to demand of their -government <span lang="la"><i>aut parcem, aut furcam</i></span>, either bread or the gallows, -will not reject the same alternative when offered by a foreign -hand. Hunger will make them brave every risk for bread. The -partisans of England here have endeavored much to goad us -into the folly of choosing the ocean instead of the land, for the -theatre of war. That would be to meet their strength with our -own weakness, instead of their weakness with our strength. -I hope we shall confine ourselves to the conquest of their -possessions, and defence of our harbors, leaving the war on the -ocean to our privateers. These will immediately swarm in every -sea, and do more injury to British commerce than the regular -fleets of all Europe would do. The government of France may -discontinue their license trade. Our privateers will furnish them -much more abundantly with colonial produce, and whatever the -license trade has given them. Some have apprehended we -should be overwhelmed by the new improvements of war, which -have not yet reached us. But the British possess them very imperfectly, -and what are these improvements? Chiefly in the -management of artillery, of which our country admits little -use. We have nothing to fear from their armies, and shall put -nothing in prize to their fleets. Upon the whole, I have known -no war entered into under more favorable auspices. -</p> - -<p> -Our manufacturers are now very nearly on a footing with -those of England. She has not a single improvement which we -do not possess, and many of them better adapted by ourselves to -our ordinary use. We have reduced the large and expensive -machinery for most things to the compass of a private family, -and every family of any size is now getting machines on a small -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_69'>[69]</a></span>scale for their household purposes. Quoting myself as an example, -and I am much behind many others in this business, my -household manufactures are just getting into operation on the -scale of a carding machine costing $60 only, which may be -worked by a girl of twelve years old, a spinning machine, which -may be made for $10, carrying 6 spindles for wool,to be worked -by a girl also, another which can be made for $25, carrying 12 -spindles for cotton, and a loom, with a flying shuttle, weaving -its twenty yards a day. I need 2,000 yards of linen, cotton and -woollen yearly, to clothe my family, which this machinery, costing -$150 only, and worked by two women and two girls, will -more than furnish. For fine goods there are numerous establishments -at work in the large cities, and many more daily growing -up; and of merinos we have some thousands, and these multiplying -fast. We consider a sheep for every person as sufficient -for their woollen clothing, and this State and all to the north -have fully that, and those to the south and west will soon be up -to it. In other articles we are equally advanced, so that nothing -is more certain than that, come peace when it will, we shall never -again go to England for a shilling where we have gone for a -dollar's worth. Instead of applying to her manufacturers there, -they must starve or come here to be employed. I give you -these details of peaceable operations, because they are within my -present sphere. Those of war are in better hands, who know -how to keep their own secrets. Because, too, although a soldier -yourself, I am sure you contemplate the peaceable employment -of man in the improvement of his condition, with more pleasure -than his murders, rapine and devastations. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Barnes, some time ago, forwarded you a bill of exchange -for 5,500 francs, of which the enclosed is a duplicate. Apprehending -that a war with England would subject the remittances -to you to more casualties, I proposed to Mr. Morson, of Bordeaux, -to become the intermediate for making remittances to you, which -he readily acceded to on liberal ideas arising from his personal -esteem for you, and his desire to be useful to you. If you approve -of this medium I am in hopes it will shield you from the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_70'>[70]</a></span>effect of the accidents to which the increased dangers of the seas -may give birth. It would give me great pleasure to hear from -you oftener. I feel great interest in your health and happiness. -I know your feelings on the present state of the world, and hope -they will be cheered by the successful course of our war, and -the addition of Canada to our confederacy. The infamous intrigues -of Great Britain to destroy our government (of which -Henry's is but one sample), and with the Indians to tomahawk -our women and children, prove that the cession of Canada, their -fulcrum for these Machiavelian levers, must be a <i>sine qua non</i> at -a treaty of peace. God bless you, and give you to see all these -things, and many and long years of health and happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 29, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I duly received your favor of the 22d covering -the declaration of war. It is entirely popular here, the only -opinion being that it should have been issued the moment the -season admitted the militia to enter Canada. * * * * * -To continue the war popular, two things are necessary mainly. -1. To stop Indian barbarities. The conquest of Canada will do -this. 2. To furnish markets for our produce, say indeed for our -flour, for tobacco is already given up, and seemingly without reluctance. -The great profits of the wheat crop have allured -every one to it; and never was such a crop on the ground as -that which we generally begin to cut this day. It would be -mortifying to the farmer to see such an one rot in his barn. It -would soon sicken him to war. Nor can this be a matter of -wonder or of blame on him. Ours is the only country on earth -where war is an instantaneous and total suspension of all the -objects of his industry and support. For carrying our produce to -foreign markets our own ships, neutral ships, and even enemy -ships under neutral flag, which I would wink at, will probably -suffice. But the coasting trade is of double importance, because -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_71'>[71]</a></span>both seller and buyer are disappointed, and both are our own -citizens. You will remember that in this trade our greatest distress -in the last war was produced by our own pilot boats taken by -the British and kept as tenders to their larger vessels. These -being the swiftest vessels on the ocean, they took them and selected -the swiftest from the whole mass. Filled with men they -scoured everything along shore, and completely cut up that coasting -business which might otherwise have been carried on within -the range of vessels of force and draught. Why should not we -then line our coast with vessels of pilot-boat construction, filled -with men, armed with cannonades, and only so much larger as -to assure the mastery of the pilot boat? The British cannot -counter-work us by building similar ones, because, the fact is, -however unaccountable, that our builders alone understand that -construction. It is on our own pilot boats the British will depend, -which our larger vessels may thus retake. These, however, -are the ideas of a landsman only, Mr. Hamilton's judgment will -test their soundness. -</p> - -<p> -Our militia are much afraid of being called to Norfolk at this -season. They all declare a preference of a march to Canada. -I trust however that Governor Barbour will attend to circumstances, -and so apportion the service among the counties, that -those acclimated by birth or residence may perform the summer -tour, and the winter service be allotted to the upper counties. -</p> - -<p> -I trouble you with a letter for General Kosciusko. It covers -a bill of exchange from Mr. Barnes for him, and is therefore of -great importance to him. Hoping you will have the goodness -so far to befriend the General as to give it your safest conveyance, -I commit it to you, with the assurance of my sincere affections. -</p> - -<h3> -TO NATHANIEL GREENE, MONTAGUE CENTER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 5, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of May 19th from New Orleans is just now -received. I have no doubt that the information you will present -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_72'>[72]</a></span>to your countrymen on the subject of the Asiatic countries into -which you have travelled, will be acceptable as sources both of -amusement and instruction; and the more so, as the observations -of an American will be more likely to present what are peculiarities -to us, than those of any foreigner on the same countries. -In reading the travels of a Frenchman through the United States -what he remarks as peculiarities in us, prove to us the contrary -peculiarities of the French. We have the accounts of Barbary -from European and American travellers. It would be more amusing -if Melli Melli would give us his observations on the United -States. If, with the fables and follies of the Hindoos, so justly -pointed out to us by yourselves and other travellers, we could -compare the contrast of those which an Hindoo traveller would -imagine he found among us, it might enlarge our instruction. -It would be curious to see what parallel among us he would select -for his Veeshni. What you will have seen in your western -tour will also instruct many who often know least of things -nearest home. -</p> - -<p> -The charitable institution you have proposed to the city of -New Orleans would undoubtedly be valuable, and all such are -better managed by those locally connected with them. The -great wealth of that city will insure its support, and the names -subscribed to it will give it success. For a private individual, a -thousand miles distant, to imagine that his name could add anything -to what exhibits already the patronage of the highest authorities -of the State, would be great presumption. It will certainly -engage my best wishes, to which permit me to add for -yourself the assurances of my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 10, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received by your last post through Mr. Hall, of -Baltimore, a copy of your introductory lecture to a course of -chemistry, for which accept my thanks. I have just entered on -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_73'>[73]</a></span>the reading of it, and perceive that I have a feast before me. I -discover from an error of the binder, that my copy has duplicates -of pages 122, 123, 126, 127, and wants altogether, pages 121, -124, 125, 128, and forseeing that every page will be a real loss, -and that the book has been printed at Carlisle, I will request your -directions to the printer to enclose those four pages under cover -to me at this place, <i>near Milton</i>. You know the just esteem -which attached itself to Dr. Franklin's science, because he always -endeavored to direct it to something useful in private life. -The chemists have not been attentive enough to this. I have -wished to see their science applied to domestic objects, to malting, -for instance, brewing, making cider, to fermentation and distillation -generally, to the making of bread, butter, cheese, soap, -to the incubation of eggs, &c. And I am happy to observe some -of these titles in the syllabus of your lecture. I hope you will -make the chemistry of these subjects intelligible to our good -house-wives. Glancing over the pages of your book, the last -one caught my attention, where you recommend to students the -books on metaphysics. Not seeing De Tutt Tracy's name there, -I suspected you might not have seen his work. His first volume -on Ideology appeared in 1800. I happen to have a duplicate of -this, and will send it to you. Since that, has appeared his second -volume on grammar and his third on logic. They are considered -as holding the most eminent station in that line; and considering -with you that a course of anatomy lays the best foundation -for understanding these subjects, Tracy should be preceded by a -mature study of the most profound of all human compositions, -<span lang="fr_FR">"Cabanis's Rapports du Physique et du moral de l'homme."</span> -</p> - -<p> -In return for the many richer favors received from you, I send -you my little tract on the batture of New Orleans, and Livingston's -claim to it. I was at a loss where to get it printed, and confided -it to the editor of the Edinburgh Review, re-printed at New York. -But he has not done it immaculately. Although there are typographical -errors in your lecture, I wonder to see so difficult a work -so well done at Carlisle. I am making a fair copy of the catalogue -of my library, which I mean to have printed merely for the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_74'>[74]</a></span>use of the library. It will require correct orthography in so -many languages, that I hardly know where I can get it done. -Have you read the Review of Montesquieu, printed by Duane? -I hope it will become the elementary book of the youth at all our -colleges. Such a reduction of Montesquieu to his true value had -been long wanting in political study. Accept the assurance of -my great and constant esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LATROBE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 12, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Of all the faculties of the human mind, that of -memory is the first which suffers decay from age. Of the commencement -of this decay, I was fully sensible while I lived in -Washington, and it was my earliest monitor to retire from public -business. It has often since been the source of great regret -when applied to by others to attest transactions in which I had -been an agent, to find that they had entirely vanished from my -memory. In no case has it given me more concern than in that -which is the subject of your letter of the 2d instant: the supper -given in 1807 to the workmen on the capitol. Of this supper I -have not the smallest recollection. If it ever was mentioned to -me, not a vestige of it now remains in my mind. This failure -of my memory is no proof the thing did not happen, but only -takes from it the support of my testimony, which cannot be given -for what is obliterated from it. I have looked among my papers -to see if they furnish any trace of the matter, but I find none, -and must therefore acquiesce in my incompetence to administer -to truth on this occasion. I am sorry to learn that Congress has -relinquished the benefit of the engagements of Andrei & Franzoni, -on the sculpture of the capitol. They are artists of a grade -far above what we can expect to get again. I still hope they -will continue to work on the basis of the appropriation made, and -as far as that will go; so that what is done will be well done; and -perhaps a more favorable moment may still preserve them to us. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_75'>[75]</a></span>With respect to yourself, the little disquietudes from individuals -not chosen for their taste in works of art, will be sunk into oblivion, -while the Representatives' chamber will remain a durable -monument of your talents as an architect. I say nothing of the -Senate room, because I have never seen it. I shall live in the -hope that the day will come when an opportunity will be given -you of finishing the middle building in a style worthy of the -two wings, and worthy of the first temple dedicated to the sovereignty -of the people, embellishing with Athenian taste the course -of a nation looking far beyond the range of Athenian destinies. -In every situation, public or private, be assured of my sincere -wishes for your prosperity and happiness, and of the continuance -of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL DUANE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 4, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 17th ult. came duly to hand, -and I have to thank you for the military manuals you were so -kind as to send me. This is the sort of book most needed in -our country, where even the elements of tactics are unknown. -The young have never seen service, and the old are past it, and -of those among them who are not superannuated themselves, their -science is become so. I see, as you do, the difficulties and defects -we have to encounter in war, and should expect disasters if -we had an enemy on land capable of inflicting them. But the -weakness of our enemy there will make our first errors innocent, -and the seeds of genius which nature sows with even hand -through every age and country, and which need only soil and -season to germinate, will develop themselves among our military -men. Some of them will become prominent, and seconded by -the native energy of our citizens, will soon, I hope, to our force -add the benefits of skill. The acquisition of Canada this year, -as far as the neighborhood of Quebec, will be a mere matter of -marching, and will give us experience for the attack of Halifax -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_76'>[76]</a></span>the next, and the final expulsion of England from the American -continent. Halifax once taken, every cock-boat of hers must return -to England for repairs. Their fleet will annihilate our public -force on the water, but our privateers will eat out the vitals of -their commerce. Perhaps they will burn New York or Boston. -If they do, we must burn the city of London, not by expensive -fleets or congreve rockets, but by employing an hundred or two -Jack-the-painters, whom nakedness, famine, desperation and hardened -vice, will abundantly furnish from among themselves. We -have a rumor now afloat that the orders of council are repeated. -The thing is impossible after Castlereagh's late declaration in -Parliament, and the re-construction of a Percival ministry. -</p> - -<p> -I consider this last circumstance fortunate for us. The repeal -of the orders of council would only add recruits to our minority, -and enable them the more to embarrass our march to thorough -redress of our past wrongs, and permanent security for the future. -This we shall attain if no internal obstacles are raised up. -The exclusion of their commerce from the United States, and -the closing of the Baltic against it, which the present campaign -in Europe will effect, will accomplish the catastrophe already so -far advanced on them. I think your anticipations of the effects -of this are entirely probable, their arts, their science, and what -they have left of virtue, will come over to us, and although their -vices will come also, these, I think, will soon be diluted and -evaporated in a country of plain honesty. Experience will soon -teach the new-comers how much more plentiful and pleasant is the -subsistence gained by wholesome labor and fair dealing, than a -precarious and hazardous dependence on the enterprises of vice -and violence. Still I agree with you that these immigrations -will give strength to English partialities, to eradicate which is -one of the most consoling expectations from the war. But -probably the old hive will be broken up by a revolution, and a -regeneration of its principles render intercourse with it no longer -contaminating. A republic there like ours, and a reduction -of their naval power within the limits of their annual facilities -of payment, might render their existence even interesting to us. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_77'>[77]</a></span>It is the construction of their government, and its principles and -means of corruption, which make its continuance inconsistent -with the safety of other nations. A change in its form might -make it an honest one, and justify a confidence in its faith and -friendship. That regeneration however will take a longer time -than I have to live. I shall leave it to be enjoyed among you, -and make my exit with a bow to it, as the most flagitious of -governments I leave among men. I sincerely wish you may -live to see the prodigy of its renovation, enjoying in the meantime -health and prosperity. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 5, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—* * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I have little to add to my letter of June. We have entered -Upper Canada, and I think there can be no doubt of our soon -having in our possession the whole of the St. Lawrence except -Quebec. We have at this moment about two hundred privateers -on the ocean, and numbers more going out daily. It is believed -we shall fit out about a thousand in the whole. Their -success has been already great, and I have no doubt they will -cut up more of the commerce of England than all the navies of -Europe could do, could those navies venture to sea at all. You -will find that every sea on the globe where England has any -commerce, and where any port can be found to sell prizes, will -be filled with our privateers. God bless you and give you a long -and happy life. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 5, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—* * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I am glad of the re-establishment of a Percival ministry. The -opposition would have recruited our minority by half way offers. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_78'>[78]</a></span>With Canada in hand we can go to treaty with an off-set for -spoliation before the war. Our farmers are cheerful in the expectation -of a good price for wheat in Autumn. Their pulse -will be regulated by this, and not by the successes or disasters -of the war. To keep open sufficient markets is the very first -object towards maintaining the popularity of the war, which is -as great at present as could be desired. We have just had a fine -rain of 1¼ inches in the most critical time for our corn. The -weather during the harvest was as advantageous as could be. I -am sorry to find you remaining so long at Washington. The -effect on your health may lose us a great deal of your time; a -couple of months at Montpelier at this season would not lose us -an hour. Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE HONORABLE MR. WRIGHT. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 8, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I receive and return the congratulations of your -letter of July 6 with pleasure, and join the great mass of my -fellow citizens in saying, "Well done, good and faithful servants, -receive the benedictions which your constituents are ready -to give you." The British government seem to be doing late, -what done earlier might have prevented war; to wit: repealing -the orders in Council. But it should take more to make peace -than to prevent war. The sword once drawn, full justice must -be done. "Indemnification for the past and security for the future," -should be painted on our banners. For 1,000 ships taken, -and 6,000 seamen impressed, give us Canada for indemnification, -and the only security they can give us against their Henrys, and -the savages, and agree that the American flag shall protect the -persons of those sailing under it, both parties exchanging engagements -that neither will receive the seamen of the other on -board their vessels. This done, I should be for peace with England -and then war with France. One at a time is enough, and -in fighting the one we need the harbors of the other for our -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_79'>[79]</a></span>prizes. Go on as you have begun, only quickening your pace, -and receive the benedictions and prayers of those who are too -old to offer anything else. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS LETRE, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 8, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I duly received your favor of the 14th ult., covering -a paper containing proceedings of the patriots of South -Carolina. It adds another to the many proofs of their steady -devotion to their own country. I can assure you the hearts of -their fellow citizens in this State beat in perfect unison with -them, and with their government. Of this their concurrence in -the election of Mr. Madison and Mr. Gerry, at the ensuing election, -will give sufficient proof. The schism in Massachusetts, -when brought to the crisis of principle, will be found to be -exactly the same as in the Revolutionary war. The monarchists -will be left alone, and will appear to be exactly the tories of the -last war. Had the repeal of the orders of council, which now -seems probable, taken place earlier, it might have prevented war; -but much more is requisite to make peace—"indemnification for -the past, and security for the future," should be the motto of -the war. 1,000 ships taken, 6,000 seamen impressed, savage -butcheries of our citizens, and incendiary machinations against -our union, declare that they and their allies, the Spaniards, must -retire from the Atlantic side of our continent as the only security -or indemnification which will be effectual. Accept the assurances -of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 1, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of September the 20th, has been duly -received, and I cannot but be gratified by the assurance it expresses, -that my aid in the councils of our government would -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_80'>[80]</a></span>increase the public confidence in them; because it admits an inference -that they have approved of the course pursued, when I -heretofore bore a part in those councils. I profess, too, so much -of the Roman principle, as to deem it honorable for the general -of yesterday to act as a corporal to-day, if his services can be -useful to his country; holding that to be false pride, which postpones -the public good to any private or personal considerations. -But I am past service. The hand of age is upon me. The decay -of bodily faculties apprizes me that those of the mind cannot -be unimpaired, had I not still better proofs. Every year -counts by increased debility, and departing faculties keep the -score. The last year it was the sight, this it is the hearing, the -next something else will be going, until all is gone. Of all this -I was sensible before I left Washington, and probably my fellow -laborers saw it before I did. The decay of memory was obvious; -it is now become distressing. But the mind too, is -weakened. When I was young, mathematics was the passion of -my life. The same passion has returned upon me, but with -unequal powers. Processes which I then read off with the -facility of common discourse, now cost me labor, and time, and -slow investigation. When I offered this, therefore, as one of the -reasons deciding my retirement from office, it was offered in sincerity -and a consciousness of its truth. And I think it a great -blessing that I retain understanding enough to be sensible how -much of it I have lost, and to avoid exposing myself as a spectacle -for the pity of my friends; that I have surmounted the difficult -point of knowing when to retire. As a compensation for -faculties departed, nature gives me good health, and a perfect -resignation to the laws of decay which she has prescribed to all -the forms and combinations of matter. -</p> - -<p> -The detestable treason of Hull has, indeed, excited a deep -anxiety in all breasts. The depression was in the first moment -gloomy and portentous. But it has been succeeded by a revived -animation, and a determination to meet the occurrence with increased -efforts; and I have so much confidence in the vigorous -minds and bodies of our countrymen, as to be fearless as to the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_81'>[81]</a></span>final issue. The treachery of Hull, like that of Arnold, cannot -be matter of blame on our government. His character, as an -officer of skill and bravery, was established on the trials of the -last war, and no previous act of his life had led to doubt his -fidelity. Whether the Head of the war department is equal to -his charge, I am not qualified to decide. I knew him only as a -pleasant, gentlemanly man in society; and the indecision of his -character rather added to the amenity of his conversation. But -when translated from the colloquial circle to the great stage of -national concerns, and the direction of the extensive operations -of war, whether he has been able to seize at one glance the long -line of defenceless border presented by our enemy, the masses -of strength which we hold on different points of it, the facility -this gave us of attacking him, on the same day, on all his points, -from the extremity of the lakes to the neighborhood of Quebec, -and the perfect indifference with which this last place, impregnable -as it is, might be left in the hands of the enemy to fall of -itself; whether, I say, he could see and prepare vigorously for -all this, or merely wrapped himself in the cloak of cold defence, -I am uninformed. I clearly think with you on the competence -of Monroe to embrace great views of action. The decision of -his character, his enterprise, firmness, industry, and unceasing -vigilance, would, I believe, secure, as I am sure they would -merit, the public confidence, and give us all the success which -our means can accomplish. If our operations have suffered or -languished from any want of energy in the present head which -directs them, I have so much confidence in the wisdom and conscientious -integrity of Mr. Madison, as to be satisfied, that however -torturing to his feelings, he will fulfil his duty to the public -and to his own reputation, by making the necessary change. -Perhaps he may be preparing it while we are talking about it; -for of all these things I am uninformed. I fear that Hull's surrender -has been more than the mere loss of a year to us. Besides -bringing on us the whole mass of savage nations, whom -fear and not affection has kept in quiet, there is danger that in -giving time to an enemy who can send reinforcements of regulars -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_82'>[82]</a></span>faster than we can raise them, they may strengthen Canada -and Halifax beyond the assailment of our lax and divided powers. -Perhaps, however, the patriotic efforts from Kentucky and -Ohio, by recalling the British force to its upper posts, may yet -give time to Dearborne to strike a blow below. Effectual -possession of the river from Montreal to the Chaudiere, which is -practicable, would give us the upper country at our leisure, and -close forever the scenes of the tomahawk and scalping knife. -</p> - -<p> -But these things are for others to plan and achieve. The only -succor from the old must lie in their prayers. These I offer up -with sincere devotion; and in my concern for the great public, -I do not overlook my friends, but supplicate for them, as I do for -yourself, a long course of freedom, happiness and prosperity. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS C. FLOURNEY, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 1, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of August 29th is just now received, having -lingered long on the road. I owe you much thankfulness -for the favorable opinion you entertain of my services, and the -assurance expressed that they would again be acceptable in the -executive chair. But, sir, I was sincere in stating age as one of -the reasons of my retirement from office, beginning then to -be conscious of its effects, and now much more sensible of them. -Servile inertness is not what is to save our country; the conduct -of a war requires the vigor and enterprise of younger heads. All -such undertakings, therefore, are out of the question with me, and -I say so with the greater satisfaction, when I contemplate the -person to whom the executive powers were handed over. You -probably do not know Mr. Madison personally, or at least intimately, -as I do. I have known him from 1779, when he first -came into the public councils, and from three and thirty years' -trial, I can say conscientiously that I do not know in the world -a man of purer integrity, more dispassionate, disinterested and -devoted to genuine republicanism; nor could I, in the whole -scope of America and Europe, point out an abler head. He may -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_83'>[83]</a></span>be illy seconded by others, betrayed by the Hulls and Arnolds -of our country, for such there are in every country, and with sorrow -and suffering we know it. But what man can do will be -done by Mr. Madison. I hope, therefore, there will be no difference -among republicans as to his re-election, and we shall know -his value when we have to give him up, and to look at large -for his successor. With respect to the unfortunate loss of Detroit -and our army, I with pleasure see the animation it has inspired -through our whole country, but especially through the -Western States, and the determination to retrieve our loss and -our honor by increased exertions. I am not without hope that -the Western efforts under General Harrison, may oblige the enemy -to remain at their upper posts, and give Dearborne a fair -opportunity to strike a blow below. A possession of the river -from Montreal to the Chaudiere, gives us the upper country of -course, and closes forever the scenes of the tomahawk and scalping-knife. -Quebec is impregnable, but it is also worthless, and -may be safely left in their hands to fall of itself. The vigorous -minds and bodies of our countrymen leave me no fear as to ultimate -results. In this confidence I resign myself to the care of -those whom in their younger days I assisted in taking care of, and -salute you with assurances of esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 27, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—After an absence of five weeks at a distant possession -of mine, to which I pay such visits three or four times a -year, I find here your favor of November 30th. I am very thankful -to you for the description of Redhefer's machine. I had -never before been able to form an idea of what his principle of -deception was. He is the first of the inventors of perpetual motion -within my knowledge, who has had the cunning to put his -visitors on a false pursuit, by amusing them with a sham machinery -whose loose and vibratory motion might impose on them -the belief that it is the real source of the motion they see. To -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_84'>[84]</a></span>this device he is indebted for a more extensive delusion than I -have before witnessed on this point. We are full of it as far as -this State, and I know not how much farther. In Richmond -they have done me the honor to quote me as having said that it -was a possible thing. A poor Frenchman who called on me the -other day, with another invention of perpetual motion, assured -me that Dr. Franklin, many years ago, expressed his opinion to -him that it was not impossible. Without entering into contest -on this abuse of the Doctor's name, I gave him the answer I had -given to others before, that the Almighty himself could not construct -a machine of perpetual motion while the laws exist which -he has prescribed for the government of matter in our system; -that the equilibrium established by him between cause and effect -must be suspended to effect that purpose. But Redhefer seems -to be reaping a rich harvest from the public deception. The -office of science is to instruct the ignorant. Would it be unworthy -of some one of its votaries who witness this deception, to -give a popular demonstration of the insufficiency of the ostensible -machinery, and of course of the necessary existence of some -hidden mover? And who could do it with more effect on the -public mind than yourself? -</p> - -<p> -I received, at the same time, the Abbé Rochon's pamphlets and -book on his application of the double refraction of the Iceland -Spath to the measure of small angles. I was intimate with him -in France, and had received there, in many conversations, explanations -of what is contained in these sheets. I possess, too, -one of his lunettes which he had given to Dr. Franklin, and -which came to me through Mr. Hopkinson. You are therefore -probably acquainted with it. The graduated bar on each side is -12 inches long. The one extending to 37´ of angle, the other to -3,438 diameter in distance of the object viewed. On so large a -scale of graduation, a nonias might distinctly enough sub-divide -the divisions of 10´´ to 10´´ each; which is certainly a great degree -of precision. But not possessing the common micrometer -of two semi-lenses, I am not able to judge of their comparative -merit. * * * * * -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_85'>[85]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 28, 1812. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—An absence of five or six weeks, on a journey I -take three or four times a year, must apologize for my late acknowledgment -of your favor of October 12th. After getting -through the mass of business which generally accumulates during -my absence, my first attention has been bestowed on the -subject of your letter. I turned to the passages you refer to in -Hutchinson and Winthrop, and with the aid of their dates, I examined -our historians to see if Wollaston's migration to this State -was noticed by them. It happens, unluckily, that Smith and -Stith, who alone of them go into minute facts, bring their histories, -the former only to 1623, and the latter to 1624. Wollaston's -arrival in Massachusetts was in 1625, and his removal to -this State was "some time" after. Beverly & Keith, who came -lower down, are nearly superficial, giving nothing but those general -facts which every one knew as well as themselves. If our -public records of that date were not among those destroyed by -the British on their invasion of this State, they may possibly -have noticed Wollaston. What I possessed in this way have -been given out to two gentlemen, the one engaged in writing our -history, the other in collecting our ancient laws; so that none of -these resources are at present accessible to me. Recollecting that -Nathaniel Morton, in his New England memorial, gives with -minuteness the early annals of the colony of New Plymouth, and -occasionally interweaves the occurrences of that on Massachusetts -Bay, I recurred to him, and under the year 1628, I find -he notices both Wollaston and Thomas Morton, and gives with -respect to both, some details which are not in Hutchinson or -Winthrop. As you do not refer to him, and so possibly may not -have his book, I will transcribe from it the entire passage, which -will prove at least my desire to gratify your curiosity as far as -the materials within my power will enable me. -</p> - -<p> -Extract from Nathaniel Morton's New England's Memorial, pp. -93 to 99, Anno 1628. "Whereas, about three years before this -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_86'>[86]</a></span>time, there came over one Captain Wollaston,<a name='FA_2' id='FA_2' href='#FN_2' class='fnanchor'>[2]</a> a man of considerable -parts, and with him three or four more of some eminency, -who brought with them a great many servants, with provisions -and other requisites for to begin a plantation, and pitched themselves -in a place within the Massachusetts Bay, which they called -afterwards by their captain's name, Mount Wollaston; which -place is since called by the name of Braintry. And amongst -others that came with him, there was one Mr. Thomas Morton, -who, it should seem, had some small adventure of his own of -other men's amongst them, but had little respect, and was slighted -by the meanest servants they kept. They having continued -some time in New England, and not finding things to answer -their expectation, nor profit to arise as they looked for, the said -Captain Wollaston takes a great part of the servants and transports -them to Virginia, and disposed of them there, and writes back to -one Mr. Rasdale, one of his chief partners, (and accounted then -merchant,) to bring another part of them to Virginia, likewise intending -to put them off there as he had done the rest; and he, -with the consent of the said Rasdale, appointed one whose name -was Filcher, to be his Lieutenant, and to govern the remainder -of the plantation until he or Rasdale should take further order -thereabout. But the aforesaid Morton, (having more craft than -honesty,) having been a petty-fogger at Furnival's-inn, he, in the -other's absence, watches an opportunity, (commons being put -hard among them,) and got some strong drink and other junkets, -and made them a feast, and after they were merry, he began to -tell them he would give them good counsel. You see, (saith he,) -that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia, and if you stay -still until Rasdale's return, you will also be carried away and sold -for slaves with the rest; therefore I would advise you to thrust -out Lieutenant Filcher, and I having a part in the plantation, -will receive you as my partners and consociates, so you may be -free from service, and we will converse, plant, trade and live together -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_87'>[87]</a></span>as equals (or to the like effect). This counsel was easily -followed; so they took opportunity, and thrust Lieutenant Filcher -out of doors, and would not suffer him to come any more -amongst them, but forced him to seek bread to eat and other necessaries -amongst his neighbors, till he would get passage for -England. (See the sad effect of want of good government.) -</p> - -<p> -"After this they fell to great licentiousness of life, in all -prophaneness, and the said Morton became lord of misrule, and -maintained (as it were) a school of Atheism, and after they had -got some goods into their hands, and got much by trading with -the Indians, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing and drinking -both wine and strong liquors in great excess, (as some have reported,) -ten pounds worth in a morning, setting up a May pole, -drinking and dancing about like so many fairies, or furies rather, -yea and worse practices, as if they had anew revived and celebrated -the feast of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practices -of the mad Bacchanalians. The said Morton likewise to -show his poetry, composed sundry rythmes and verses, some tending -to licentiousness, and others to the detraction and scandal of -some persons names, which he affixed to his idle or idol May-pole; -they changed also the name of their place, and instead of -calling it Mount Wollaston, they called it the Merry Mount, as -if this jollity would have lasted always. But this continued not -long, for shortly after that worthy gentleman Mr. John Endicot, -who brought over a patent under the broad seal of England for -the government of the Massachusetts, visiting those parts, caused -that May-pole to be cut down, and rebuked them for their prophaneness, -and admonished them to look to it that they walked -better; so the name was again changed and called Mount Dagon. -</p> - -<p> -"Now to maintain this riotous prodigality and profuse expense, -the said Morton thinking himself lawless, and hearing -what gain the fishermen made of trading of pieces, powder, and -shot, he as head of this consortship, began the practice of the -same in these parts; and first he taught the Indians how to use -them, to charge and discharge 'em, and what proportion of powder -to give the piece; according to the size of bigness of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_88'>[88]</a></span>same, and what shot to use for fowl, and what for deer; -and having instructed them, he employed some of them to -hunt and fowl for him; so as they became somewhat more -active in that imployment than any of the English, by reason -of their swiftness of foot, and nimbleness of body, being -also quick-sighted, and by continual exercise, well knowing the -haunt of all sorts of game; so as when they saw the execution -that a piece would do, and the benefit that might come by the -same, they became very eager after them, and would not stick -to give any price they could attain to for them; accounting their -bows and arrows but baubles in comparison of them. -</p> - -<p> -"And here we may take occasion to bewail the mischief which -came by this wicked man, and others like unto him; in that notwithstanding -laws for the restraint of selling ammunition to the -natives, that so far base covetousness prevailed, and doth still -prevail, as that the Salvages became amply furnished with guns, -powder, shot, rapiers, pistols, and also well skilled in repairing -of defective arms: yea some have not spared to tell them how -gunpowder is made, and all the materials in it, and they are to -be had in their own land; and would (no doubt, in case they -could attain to the making of Saltpeter) teach them to make -powder, and what mischief may fall out unto the English in these -parts thereby, let this pestilent fellow Morton (aforenamed) bear -a great part of the blame and guilt of it to future generations. -But lest I should hold the reader too long in relation to the particulars -of his vile actings; when as the English that then lived -up and down about the Massachusetts, and in other places, perceiving -the sad consequences of his trading, so as the Indians -became furnished with the English arms and ammunition, and -expert in the improving of them, and fearing that they should at -one time or another get a blow thereby; and also taking notice, -that if he were let alone in his way, they should keep no servants -for him, because he would entertain any, how vile soever, sundry -of the chief of the straggling plantations met together, and -agreed by mutual consent to send to Plimouth, who were then -of more strength to join with them, to suppress this mischief -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_89'>[89]</a></span>who considering the particulars proposed to them to join together -to take some speedy course to prevent (if it might be) the -evil that was accruing towards them; and resolved first to admonish -him of his wickedness respecting the premises, laying -before him the injury he did to their common safety, and that -his acting considering the same was against the King's proclamation; -but he insolently persisted on in his way, and said the -King was dead, and his displeasure with him, and threatened -them that if they come to molest him, they should look to -themselves; so that they saw that there was no way but to take -him by force; so they resolved to proceed in such a way, and -obtained of the Governor of Plimouth to send Capt. Standish -and some other aid with him, to take the said Morton by force, -the which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand -stiffly on his defence, having made fast his doors, armed his consorts, -set powder and shot ready upon the table; scoffed and -scorned at them, he and his complices being fitted with strong -drink, were desperate in their way; but he himself coming out -of doors to make a shot at Capt. Standish, he stepping to him put -by his piece and took him, and so little hurt was done; and so -he was brought prisoner to Plimouth, and continued in durance -till an opportunity of sending him for England, which was done -at their common charge, and letters also with him, to the honorable -council for New England, and returned again into the country -in some short time, with less punishment than his demerits -deserved (as was apprehended). The year following he was -again apprehended, and sent for England, where he lay a considerable -time in Exeter gaol; for besides his miscarriage here in -New England, he was suspected to have murthered a man that -had ventured monies with him when he came first into New -England; and a warrant was sent over from the Lord Chief Justice -to apprehend him, by virtue whereof, he was by the Governor -of Massachusetts sent into England, and for other of his -misdemeanors amongst them in that government, they demolished -his house, that it might no longer be a roost for such unclean -birds. Notwithstanding he got free in England again, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_90'>[90]</a></span>wrote an infamous and scurrilous book against many godly and -chief men of the country, full of lies and slanders, and full -fraught with prophane calumnies against their names and persons, -and the way of God. But to the intent I may not trouble -the reader any more with mentioning of him in this history; in -fine, sundry years after he came again into the country, and was -imprisoned at Boston for the aforesaid book and other things, -but denied sundry things therein, affirming his book was adulterated. -And soon after being grown old in wickedness, at last -ended his life at Piscataqua. But I fear I have held the reader -too long about so unworthy a person, but hope it may be useful -to take notice how wickedness was beginning, and would have -further proceeded, had it not been prevented timely." -</p> - -<p> -So far Nathaniel Morton. The copy you have of Thomas -Morton's New English Canaan, printed in 1637 by Stam of Amsterdam, -was a second edition of that "infamous and scurrilous -book against the godly." The first had been printed in 1632, -by Charles Green, in a 4to of 188 pages, and is the one alluded -to by N. Morton. Both of them made a part of the American -library given by White Kennett in 1713 to the Society for the -propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts. This society being -a chartered one, still, as I believe, existing, and probably their -library also, I suppose that these and the other books of that immense -collection, the catalogue of which occupies 275 pages -4to, are still to be found with them. If any research I can hereafter -make should ever bring to my knowledge anything more -of Wollaston, I shall not fail to communicate it to you. Ever -and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HENRY MIDDLETON, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 8, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of November 25th was a month on -its passage to me. I received with great pleasure this mark of -your recollection, heightened by the assurance that the part I -have acted in public life has met your approbation. Having -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_91'>[91]</a></span>seen the people of all other nations bowed down to the earth -under the wars and prodigalities of their rulers, I have cherished -their opposites, peace, economy, and riddance of public debt, -believing that these were the high road to public as well as to -private prosperity and happiness. And, certainly, there never before -has been a state of the world in which such forbearances as -we have exercised would not have preserved our peace. Nothing -but the total prostration of all moral principle could have -produced the enormities which have forced us at length into the -war. On one hand, a ruthless tyrant, drenching Europe in blood -to obtain through future time the character of the destroyer of -mankind; on the other, a nation of buccanniers, urged by sordid -avarice, and embarked in the flagitious enterprise of seizing to -itself the maritime resources and rights of all other nations, -have left no means of peace to reason and moderation. And -yet there are beings among us who think we ought still to have -acquiesced. As if while full war was waging on one side, we -could lose by making some reprisal on the other. The paper -you were so kind as to enclose me is a proof you are not of this -sentiment; it expresses our grievances with energy and brevity, -as well as the feelings they ought to excite. And I see with -pleasure another proof that South Carolina is ever true to the -principles of free government. Indeed it seems to me that in -proportion as commercial avarice and corruption advance on us -from the north and east, the principles of free government are to -retire to the agricultural states of the south and west, as their last -asylum and bulwark. With honesty and self-government for -her portion, agriculture may abandon contentedly to others the -fruits of commerce and corruption. Accept, I pray you, the assurances -of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. RONALDSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, Jan. 12, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of November 2d arrived a little before -I sat out on a journey on which I was absent between five -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_92'>[92]</a></span>and six weeks. I have still therefore to return you my thanks -for the seeds accompanying it, which shall be duly taken care -of, and a communication made to others of such as shall prove -valuable. I have been long endeavoring to procure the Cork -tree from Europe, but without success. A plant which I brought -with me from Paris died after languishing some time, and of -several parcels of acorns received from a correspondent at Marseilles, -not one has ever vegetated. I shall continue my endeavors, -although disheartened by the nonchalance of our southern -fellow citizens, with whom alone they can thrive. It is now -twenty-five years since I sent them two shipments (about 500 -plants) of the Olive tree of Aix, the finest Olives in the world. -If any of them still exist, it is merely as a curiosity in their gardens, -not a single orchard of them has been planted. I sent -them also the celebrated species of Sainfoin,<a name='FA_3' id='FA_3' href='#FN_3' class='fnanchor'>[3]</a> from Malta, which -yields good crops without a drop of rain through the season. It -was lost. The upland rice which I procured fresh from Africa -and sent them, has been preserved and spread in the upper parts -of Georgia, and I believe in Kentucky. But we must acknowledge -their services in furnishing us an abundance of cotton, a -substitute for silk, flax and hemp. The ease with which it is -spun will occasion it to supplant the two last, and its cleanliness -the first. Household manufacture is taking deep root with us. -I have a carding machine, two spinning machines, and looms -with the flying shuttle in full operation for clothing my own -family; and I verily believe that by the next winter this State -will not need a yard of imported coarse or middling clothing. I -think we have already a sheep for every inhabitant, which will -suffice for clothing, and one-third more, which a single year will -add, will furnish blanketing. With respect to marine hospitals, -which are one of the subjects of your letter, I presume you -know that such establishments have been made by the general -government in the several States, that a portion of seaman's -wages is drawn for their support, and the government furnishes -what is deficient. Mr. Gallatin is attentive to them, and they -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_93'>[93]</a></span>will grow with our growth. You doubt whether we ought -to permit the exportation of grain to our enemies; but Great -Britain, with her own agricultural support, and those she can -command by her access into every sea, cannot be starved by -withholding our supplies. And if she is to be fed at all events, -why may we not have the benefit of it as well as others? I -would not, indeed, feed her armies landed on our territory, because -the difficulty of inland subsistence is what will prevent -their ever penetrating far into the country, and will confine them -to the sea coast. But this would be my only exception. And -as to feeding her armies in the peninsula, she is fighting our -battles there, as Bonaparte is on the Baltic. He is shutting out -her manufactures from that sea, and so far assisting us in her reduction -to extremity. But if she does not keep him out of the -peninsular, if he gets full command of that, instead of the greatest -and surest of all our markets, as that has uniformly been, we -shall be excluded from it, or so much shackled by his tyranny -and ignorant caprices, that it will become for us what France -now is. Besides, if we could, by starving the English armies, -oblige them to withdraw from the peninsular, it would be to send -them here; and I think we had better feed them there for pay, than -feed and fight them here for nothing. A truth, too, not to be lost -sight of is, that no country can pay war taxes if you suppress all -their resources. To keep the war popular, we must keep open -the markets. As long as good prices can be had, the people will -support the war cheerfully. If you should have an opportunity -of conveying to Mr. Heriot my thanks for his book, you will -oblige me by doing it. Accept the assurance of my great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MELISH. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 13, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received duly your favor of December the 15th, -and with it the copies of your map and travels, for which be -pleased to accept my thanks. The book I have read with extreme -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_94'>[94]</a></span>satisfaction and information. As to the western States, -particularly, it has greatly edified me; for of the actual condition -of that interesting portion of our country, I had not an adequate -idea. I feel myself now as familiar with it as with the -condition of the maritime States. I had no conception that -manufactures had made such progress there, and particularly of -the number of carding and spinning machines dispersed through -the whole country. We are but beginning here to have them -in our private families. Small spinning jennies of from half a -dozen to twenty spindles, will soon, however, make their way -into the humblest cottages, as well as the richest houses; and -nothing is more certain, than that the coarse and middling clothing -for our families, will forever hereafter continue to be made -within ourselves. I have hitherto myself depended entirely on -foreign manufactures; but I have now thirty-five spindles agoing, -a hand carding machine, and looms with the flying shuttle, for -the supply of my own farms, which will never be relinquished -in my time. The continuance of the war will fix the habit -generally, and out of the evils of impressment and of the orders -of council, a great blessing for us will grow. I have not formerly -been an advocate for great manufactories. I doubted -whether our labor, employed in agriculture, and aided by the -spontaneous energies of the earth, would not procure us more -than we could make ourselves of other necessaries. But other -considerations entering into the question, have settled my doubts. -</p> - -<p> -The candor with which you have viewed the manners and -condition of our citizens, is so unlike the narrow prejudices of -the French and English travellers preceding you, who, considering -each the manners and habits of their own people as the only -orthodox, have viewed everything differing from that test as -boorish and barbarous, that your work will be read here extensively, -and operate great good. -</p> - -<p> -Amidst this mass of approbation which is given to every other -part of the work, there is a single sentiment which I cannot help -wishing to bring to what I think the correct one; and, on a point -so interesting, I value your opinion too highly not to ambition -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_95'>[95]</a></span>its concurrence with my own. Stating in volume one, page sixty-three, -the principle of difference between the two great political -parties here, you conclude it to be, 'whether the controlling -power shall be vested in this or that set of men.' That each -party endeavors to get into the administration of the government, -and exclude the other from power, is true, and may be -stated as a motive of action: but this is only secondary; the -primary motive being a real and radical difference of political -principle. I sincerely wish our differences were but personally -who should govern, and that the principles of our constitution -were those of both parties. Unfortunately, it is otherwise; and -the question of preference between monarchy and republicanism, -which has so long divided mankind elsewhere, threatens a permanent -division here. -</p> - -<p> -Among that section of our citizens called federalists, there are -three shades of opinion. Distinguishing between the <i>leaders</i> and -<i>people</i> who compose it, the <i>leaders</i> consider the English constitution -as a model of perfection, some, with a correction of its -vices, others, with all its corruptions and abuses. This last was -Alexander Hamilton's opinion, which others, as well as myself, -have often heard him declare, and that a correction of what are -called its vices, would render the English an impracticable government. -This government they wished to have established -here, and only accepted and held fast, <i>at first</i>, to the present constitution, -as a stepping-stone to the final establishment of their -favorite model. This party has therefore always clung to England -as their prototype, and great auxiliary in promoting and -effecting this change. A weighty minority, however, of these -<i>leaders</i>, considering the voluntary conversion of our government -into a monarchy as too distant, if not desperate, wish to break -off from our Union its eastern fragment, as being, in truth, the -hot-bed of American monarchism, with a view to a commencement -of their favorite government, from whence the other States -may gangrene by degrees, and the whole be thus brought finally -to the desired point. For Massachusetts, the prime mover in this -enterprise, is the last State in the Union to mean a <i>final</i> separation, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_96'>[96]</a></span>as being of all the most dependent on the others. Not -raising bread for the sustenance of her own inhabitants, not having -a stick of timber for the construction of vessels, her principal -occupation, nor an article to export in them, where would she -be, excluded from the ports of the other States, and thrown into -dependence on England, her direct, and natural, but now insidious -rival? At the head of this <span class='smcap'>MINORITY</span> is what is called the -Essex Junto of Massachusetts. But the <span class='smcap'>MAJORITY</span> of these <i>leaders</i> -do not aim at separation. In this, they adhere to the known -principle of General Hamilton, never, under any views, to break -the Union. Anglomany, monarchy, and separation, then, are -the principles of the Essex federalists. Anglomany and monarchy, -those of the Hamiltonians, and Anglomany alone, that -of the portion among the <i>people</i> who call themselves federalists. -These last are as good republicans as the brethren whom they -oppose, and differ from them only in their devotion to England -and hatred of France which they have imbibed from their leaders. -The moment that these leaders should avowedly propose a -separation of the Union, or the establishment of regal government, -their popular adherents would quit them to a man, and -join the republican standard; and the partisans of this change, -even in Massachusetts, would thus find themselves an army of -officers without a soldier. -</p> - -<p> -The party called republican is steadily for the support of the -present constitution. They obtained at its commencement, all -the amendments to it they desired. These reconciled them to -it perfectly, and if they have any ulterior view, it is only, perhaps, -to popularize it further, by shortening the Senatorial term, -and devising a process for the responsibility of judges, more practicable -than that of impeachment. They esteem the people of -England and France equally, and equally detest the governing -powers of both. -</p> - -<p> -This I verily believe, after an intimacy of forty years with the -public councils and characters, is a true statement of the grounds -on which they are at present divided, and that it is not merely -an ambition for power. An honest man can feel no pleasure in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_97'>[97]</a></span>the exercise of power over his fellow citizens. And considering -as the only offices of power those conferred by the people directly, -that is to say, the executive and legislative functions of the -General and State governments, the common refusal of these, -and multiplied resignations, are proofs sufficient that power is -not alluring to pure minds, and is not, with them, the primary -principle of contest. This is my belief of it; it is that on which -I have acted; and had it been a mere contest who should be -permitted to administer the government according to its genuine -republican principles, there has never been a moment of my life -in which I should have relinquished for it the enjoyments of my -family, my farm, my friends and books. -</p> - -<p> -You expected to discover the difference of our party principles -in General Washington's valedictory, and my inaugural address. -Not at all. General Washington did not harbor one principle of -federalism. He was neither an Angloman, a monarchist, nor a -separatist. He sincerely wished the people to have as much self-government -as they were competent to exercise themselves. The -only point on which he and I ever differed in opinion, was, that -I had more confidence than he had in the natural integrity and -discretion of the people, and in the safety and extent to which -they might trust themselves with a control over their government. -He has asseverated to me a thousand times his determination -that the existing government should have a fair trial, and -that in support of it he would spend the last drop of his blood. -He did this the more repeatedly, because he knew General Hamilton's -political bias, and my apprehensions from it. It is a mere -calumny, therefore, in the monarchists, to associate General -Washington with their principles. But that may have happened -in this case which has been often seen in ordinary cases, that, -by oft repeating an untruth, men come to believe it themselves. -It is a mere artifice in this party to bolster themselves up on the -revered name of that first of our worthies. If I have dwelt -longer on this subject than was necessary, it proves the estimation -in which I hold your ultimate opinions, and my desire of placing -the subject truly before them. In so doing, I am certain I risk -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_98'>[98]</a></span>no use of the communication which may draw me into contention -before the public. Tranquillity is the <span lang="la"><i>summum bonum</i></span> of a -Septagenaire. -</p> - -<p> -To return to the merits of your work: I consider it as so lively -a picture of the real state of our country, that if I can possibly -obtain opportunities of conveyance, I propose to send a copy to -a friend in France, and another to one in Italy, who, I know, will -translate and circulate it as an antidote to the misrepresentations -of former travellers. But whatever effect my profession of political -faith may have on your general opinion, a part of my object -will be obtained, if it satisfies you as to the principles of my -own action, and of the high respect and consideration with -which I tender you my salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL DUANE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 22, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I do not know how the publication of the Review -turned out in point of profit, whether gainfully or not. I know -it ought to have been a book of great sale. I gave a copy to a -student of William and Mary college, and recommended it to -Bishop Madison, then President of the college, who was so pleased -with it that he established it as a school-book, and as the young -gentleman informed me, every copy which could be had was -immediately bought up, and there was a considerable demand for -more. You probably know best whether new calls for it have -been made. Pr. Madison was a good whig. * * * * * -Your experiment on that work will enable you to decide whether -you ought to undertake another, not of greater but of equal merit. -I have received from France a MS. work on Political Economy, -written by De Tutt Tracy, the most conspicuous writer of the -present day in the metaphysical line. He has written a work entitled -Ideology, which has given him a high reputation in France. -He considers that as having laid a solid foundation for the present -volume on Political Economy, and will follow it by one on -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_99'>[99]</a></span>Moral Duties. The present volume is a work of great ability. -It may be considered as a review of the principles of the Economists, -of Smith and of Say, or rather an elementary book on the -same subject. As Smith had corrected some principles of the -Economists, and Say some of Smiths, so Tracy has done as to -the whole. He has, in my opinion, corrected fundamental errors -in all of them, and by simplifying principles, has brought the -subject within a narrow compass. I think the volume would be -of about the size of the Review of Montesquieu. Although he -puts his name to the work, he is afraid to publish it in France, -lest its freedom should bring him into trouble. If translated and -published here, he could disavow it, if necessary. In order to -enable you to form a better judgment of the work, I will subjoin -a list of the chapters or heads, and if you think proper to undertake -the translation and publication, I will send the work itself. -You will certainly find it one of the very first order. It begins -with * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Our war on the land has commenced most inauspiciously. I -fear we are to expect reverses until we can find out who are -qualified for command, and until these can learn their profession. -The proof of a general, to know whether he will stand fire, costs -a more serious price than that of a cannon; these proofs have already -cost us thousands of good men, and deplorable degradation -of reputation, and as yet have elicited but a few negative -and a few positive characters. But we must persevere till we recover -the rank we are entitled to. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurances of my continued esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR MORRELL. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 5, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The book which you were so kind as to take charge of -at Paris for me, is safely received, and I thank you for your care -of it, and more particularly for the indulgent sentiments you are -so kind as to express towards myself. I am happy at all times to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_100'>[100]</a></span>hear of the welfare of my literary friends in that country; they -have had a hard time of it since I left them. I know nothing -which can so severely try the heart and spirit of man, and especially -of the man of science, as the necessity of a passive acquiescence -under the abominations of an unprincipled tyrant who is -deluging the earth with blood to acquire for himself the reputation -of a Cartouche or a Robin Hood. The petty larcenies of -the Blackbeards and Buccaneers of the ocean, the more immediately -exercised on us, are dirty and grovelling things addressed -to our contempt, while the horrors excited by the Scelerat of -France are beyond all human execrations. With my thanks for -your kind attentions, be pleased to accept the assurance of my -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL BAILEY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 6, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of January 25th is received, and I -have to renew my thanks to you for the map accompanying it. -These proofs of friendly remembrance give additional interest to -the subjects which convey them. The scenes, too, which compose -the map, are become highly interesting. Our first entrance -on them has been peculiarly inauspicious. Our men are good, -but force without conduct is easily baffled. The Creator has not -thought proper to mark those in the forehead who are of stuff to -make good generals. We are first, therefore, to seek them blindfold, -and then let them learn the trade at the expense of great -losses. But our turn of success will come by-and-bye, and we -must submit to the previous misfortunes which are to be the price -of it. I think with you on the subject of privateers. Our ships -of force will undoubtedly be blockaded by the enemy, and we -shall have no means of annoying them at sea but by small, swift-sailing -vessels; these will be better managed and more multiplied -in the hands of individuals than of the government. In -short, they are our true and only weapon in a war against Great -Britain, when once Canada and Nova Scotia shall have been rescued -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_101'>[101]</a></span>from them. The opposition to them in Congress is merely -partial. It is a part of the navy fever, and proceeds from the desire -of securing men for the public ships by suppressing all other -employments from them. But I do not apprehend that this ill-judged -principle is that of a majority of Congress. I hope, on -the contrary, they will spare no encouragement to that kind of -enterprise. Our public ships, to be sure, have done wonders. -They have saved our military reputation sacrificed on the shores -of Canada; but in point of real injury and depredation on the -enemy, our privateers without question have been most effectual. -Both species of force have their peculiar value. I salute -you with assurances of friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 8, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 27th ult. has been duly received. -You have had a long holiday from my intrusions. In -truth I have had nothing to write about, and your time should -not be consumed by letters about nothing. The enclosed paper -however makes it a duty to give you the trouble of reading it. -You know the handwriting and the faith due to it. Our intimacy -with the writer leaves no doubt about his facts, and in his -letter to me he pledges himself for their fidelity. He says the -narrative was written at the request of a young friend in Virginia, -and a copy made for my perusal, on the presumption it would be -interesting to me. Whether the word "Confidential" at the -head of the paper was meant only for his young friend or for -myself also, nothing in his letter indicates. I must, therefore, -govern myself by considerations of discretion and of duty combined. -Discretion dictates that I ought not so to use the paper -as to compromit my friend; an effect which would be as fatal -to my peace as it might be to his person. But duty tells me -that the public interest is so deeply concerned in your perfect -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_102'>[102]</a></span>knowledge of the characters employed in its high stations, that -nothing should be withheld which can give you useful information. -On these grounds I commit it to yourself and the Secretary -at War, to whose functions it relates more immediately. It -may have effect on your future designation of those to whom -particular enterprises are to be committed, and this is the object -of the communication. If you should think it necessary that -the minds of the other members of the Cabinet should be equally -apprized of its contents, although not immediately respecting -their departments, the same considerations, and an entire confidence -in them personally, would dictate its communication to -them also. But beyond this no sense of duty calls on me for its -disclosure, and fidelity to my friend strongly forbids it. The -paper presents such a picture of indecision in purpose, inattention -to preparation, and imprudence of demeanor, as to fix a total -incompetence for military direction. How greatly we were -deceived in this character, as is generally the case in appointments -not on our own knowledge. I remember when we appointed -him we rejoiced in the acquisition of an officer of so -much understanding and integrity, as we imputed to him; and -placed him as near the head of the army as the commands then -at our disposal admitted. Perhaps, still, you may possess information -giving a different aspect to this case, of which I sincerely -wish it may be susceptible. I will ask the return of the paper -when no longer useful to you. -</p> - -<p> -The accession to your Cabinet meets general approbation. -This is chiefly at present given to the character most known, -but will be equally so to the other when better known. I think -you could not have made better appointments. -</p> - -<p> -The autumn and winter have been most unfriendly to the wheat -in red lands, by continued cold and alternate frosts and thaws. -The late snow of about ten inches now disappearing, have received -it. That grain is got to $2 at Richmond. This is the -true barometer of the popularity of the war. Ever affectionately -yours. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_103'>[103]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 8, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—I have long ago in my heart congratulated -our country on your call to the place you now occupy. But -with yourself personally it is no subject of congratulation. The -happiness of the domestic fireside is the first boon of heaven; -and it is well it is so, since it is that which is the lot of the mass -of mankind. The duties of office are a Corvée which must be -undertaken on far other considerations than those of personal happiness. -But whether this be a subject of congratulation or of -condolence, it furnishes the occasion of recalling myself to your -recollection, and of renewing the assurances of my friendship -and respect. Whatever you do in office, I know will be -honestly and ably done, and although we who do not see the whole -ground may sometimes impute error, it will be because we, not -you, are in the wrong; or because your views are defeated by -the wickedness or incompetence of those you are obliged to -trust with their execution. An instance of this is the immediate -cause of the present letter. I have enclosed a paper to the President, -with a request to communicate it to you, and if he thinks -it should be known to your associates of the Cabinet, although -not immediately respecting their departments, he will communicate -it to them also. That it should go no further is rendered an -obligation on me by considerations personal to a young friend -whom I love and value, and by the confidence which has induced -him to commit himself to me. I hope, therefore, it will -never be known that such a narrative has been written, and much -less by whom written, and to whom addressed. It is unfortunate -that heaven has not set its stamp on the forehead of those whom -it has qualified for military achievement. That it has left us to -draw for them in a lottery of so many blanks to a prize, and -where the blank is to be manifested only by the public misfortunes. -If nature had planted the <span lang="la"><i>fœnum in cornu</i></span> on the front -of treachery, of cowardice, of imbecility, the unfortunate debut -we have made on the theatre of war would not have sunk our -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_104'>[104]</a></span>spirits at home, and our character abroad. I hope you will be -ready to act on the first breaking of the ice, as otherwise we may -despair of wresting Canada from our enemies. Their starving -manufactories can furnish men for its defence much faster than -we can enlist them for its assault. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my prayers for success in all your undertakings, and -the assurance of my affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR RUSH. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 6, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received some time ago a letter signed "James -Carver," proposing that myself, and my friends in this quarter, -should subscribe and forward a sum of money towards the expenses -of his voyage to London, and maintenance there while -going through a course of education in their Veterinary school, -with a view to his returning to America, and practising the art -in Philadelphia. The name, person and character of the writer, -were equally unknown to me, and unauthenticated, but as self-declared -in the letter. I supposed him an Englishman, from the -style in which he spoke of "His Majesty," and because an -American, without offence to the laws, could not now be going, -nor be sent by private individuals to England. The scheme -did not appear to me either the shortest or surest way of going -to work to accomplish the object. Because, if the Veterinary institution -there be of the celebrity he described, it must already -have produced subjects prepared for entering into practice, and -disposed to come to a good position, claiming nothing till they -should enter into function, or not more than their passage. I -did not receive the letter until the day had elapsed on which the -vessel was to depart wherein he had taken his passage; and his -desire that the answer should go through you, is my only authority -for troubling you with this, addressed to you, whom I know, -love, and revere, and not to him, who, for any evidence I have -but from himself, may be a zealous son of science, or an adventurer -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_105'>[105]</a></span>wanting money to carry him to London. I know nothing -of the Veterinary institution of London, yet have no doubt it -merits the high character he ascribes to it. It is a nation which -possesses many learned men. I know well the Veterinary school -of Paris, of long standing, and saw many of its publications -during my residence there. They were classically written, announced -a want of nothing but certainty as to their facts, which -granted, the hypotheses were learned and plausible. The coach-horses -of the rich of Paris were availed of the institution; but -the farmers even of the neighborhood could not afford to call a -Veterinary Doctor to their plough-horses in the country, or to -send them to a livery stable to be attended in the city. On the -whole, I was not a convert to the utility of the Institution. You -know I am so to that of medicine, even in human complaints, -but in a limited degree. That there are certain diseases of the -human body, so distinctly pronounced by well-articulated symptoms, -and recurring so often, as not to be mistaken, wherein experience -has proved that certain substances applied, will restore -order, I cannot doubt. Such are Kinkina in Intermittents, Mercury -in Syphilis, Castor Oil in Dysentery, &c. And so far I go -with the physicians. But there are also a great mass of indistinct -diseases, presenting themselves under no form clearly characterized, -nor exactly recognized as having occurred before, and -to which of course the application of no particular substance can -be known to have been made, nor its effect on the case experienced. -These may be called unknown cases, and they may in -time be lessened by the progress of observation and experiment. -Observing that there are in the construction of the animal system -some means provided unknown to us, which have a tendency to -restore order, when disturbed by accident, called by physicians -the <span lang="la"><i>vis medicatrix naturæ</i></span>, I think it safer to trust to this power -in the unknown cases, than to uncertain conjectures built on the -ever-changing hypothetical systems of medicine. Now, in the -Veterinary department all are unknown cases. Man can tell his -physician the seat of his pain, its nature, history, and sometimes -its cause, and can follow his directions for the curative process—but -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_106'>[106]</a></span>the poor dumb horse cannot signify where his pain is, what -it is, or when or whence it came, and resists all process for its -cure. If in the case of man, then, the benefit of medical interference -in such cases admits of question, what must it be in that -of the horse? And to what narrow limits is the real importance -of the Veterinary art reduced? When a boy, I knew a Doctor -Seymour, neighbor to our famous botanist Clayton, who imagined -he could cure the diseases of his tobacco plants; he bled some, -administered lotions to others, sprinkled powders on a third class, -and so on—they only withered and perished the faster. I am -sensible of the presumption of hazarding an opinion to you on -a subject whereon you are so much better qualified for decision, -both by reading and experience. But our opinions are not voluntary. -Every man's own reason must be his oracle. And I -only express mine to explain why I did not comply with Mr. -Carver's request; and to give you a further proof that there are -no bounds to my confidence in your indulgence in matters of -opinion. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Adams and myself are in habitual correspondence. I owe -him a letter at this time, and shall pay the debt as soon as I have -something to write about: for with the commonplace topic -of politics we do not meddle. Where there are so many others -on which we agree, why should we introduce the only one on -which we differ. Besides the pleasure which our naval successes -have given to every honest patriot, his must be peculiar, because -a navy has always been his hobby-horse. A little further time -will show whether his ideas have been premature, and whether -the little we can oppose on that element to the omnipotence of -our enemy there, would lessen the losses of the war, or contribute -to shorten its duration, the legitimate object of every measure. -On the land, indeed, we have been most unfortunate; so -wretched a succession of generals never before destroyed the -fairest expectations of a nation, counting on the bravery of its -citizens, which has proved itself on all these trials. Our first object -must now be the vindication of our character in the field; -after that, peace with the <span lang="la"><i>liberum mare</i></span>, personal inviolability -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_107'>[107]</a></span>there, and ouster from this continent of the incendiaries of savages. -God send us these good things, and to you health and -life here, till you wish to awake to it in another state of being. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DE LOMERIE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 3, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 26th has been received, as had been -that of the 5th. The preceding ones had been complied with -by applications verbal and written to the members of the government, -to which I could expect no specific answers, their -whole time being due to the public, and employed on their concerns. -Had it been my good fortune to preserve at the age of -seventy, all the activity of body and mind which I enjoyed in -earlier life, I should have employed it now, as then, in incessant -labors to serve those to whom I could be useful. But the torpor -of age is weighing heavily on me. The writing table is become -my aversion, and its drudgeries beyond my remaining powers. -I have retired, then, of necessity, from all correspondence not -indispensably called for by some special duty, and I hope that -this necessity will excuse me with you from further interference -in obtaining your passage to France, which requires solicitations -and exertions beyond what I am able to encounter. I request -this the more freely, because I am sure of finding, in your candor -and consideration, an acquiescence in the reasonableness of -my desire to indulge the feeble remains of life in that state of -ease and tranquillity which my condition, physical and moral, -require. Accept, then, with my adieux, my best wishes for a -safe and happy return to your native country, and the assurances -of my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. THOMAS PAINE M'MATRON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 3, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 24th is received, and nothing could -have been so pleasing to me as to have been able to comply wit -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_108'>[108]</a></span>the request therein made, feeling especial motives to become -useful to any person connected with Mr. M'Matron. But I shall -state to you the circumstances which control my will, and rest -on your candor their just estimate. When I retired from the -government four years ago, it was extremely my wish to withdraw -myself from all concern with public affairs, and to enjoy -with my fellow citizens the protection of government, under the -auspices and direction of those to whom it was so worthily committed. -Solicitations from my friends, however, to aid them in -their applications for office, drew from me an unwary compliance, -till at length these became so numerous as to occupy a great -portion of my time in writing letters to the President and heads -of departments, and although these were attended to by them -with great indulgence, yet I was sensible they could not fail of -being very embarrassing. They kept me, at the same time, standing -forever in the attitude of a suppliant before them, daily asking -favors as humiliating and afflicting to my own mind, as they -were unreasonable from their multitude. I was long sensible of -the necessity of putting an end to these unceasing importunities, -when a change in the heads of the two departments to which they -were chiefly addressed, presented me an opportunity. I came to a -resolution, therefore, on that change, never to make another application. -I have adhered to it strictly, and find that on its rigid -observance, my own happiness and the friendship of the government -too much depend, for me to swerve from it in future. On -consideration of these circumstances, I hope you will be sensible -how much they import, both to the government and myself; and -that you do me the justice to be assured of the reluctance with -which I decline an opportunity of being useful to one so nearly -connected with Mr. M'Matron, and that with the assurance of -my regrets, you will accept that of my best wishes for your success, -and of my great respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_109'>[109]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL DUANE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 4, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of February 14th has been duly received, -and the MS. of the commentary on Montesquieu is also -safe at hand. I now forward to you the work of Tracy, which -you will find a valuable supplement and corrective to those we -already possess on political economy. It is a little unlucky that -its outset is of a metaphysical character, which may damp the -ardor of perusal in some readers. He has been led to this by a -desire to embody this work, as well as a future one he is preparing -on morals, with his former treatise on Ideology. By-the-bye, -it is merely to this work that Bonaparte alludes in his answer to -his Council of State, published not long since, in which he scouts -"the dark and metaphysical doctrine of Ideology, which, diving -into first causes, founds on this basis a legislation of the people, -&c." If, indeed, this answer be not a forgery, for everything is -now forged, even to the fat of our beef and mutton: yet the -speech is not unlike him, and affords scope for an excellent -parody. I wish you may succeed in getting the commentary on -Montesquieu reviewed by the Edinburgh Reviewers. I should -expect from them an able and favorable analysis of it. I sent a -copy of it to a friend in England, in the hope he would communicate -it to them; not, however, expressing that hope, lest the -source of it should have been made known. But the book will -make its way, and will become a standard work. A copy which -I sent to France was under translation by one of the ablest men -of that country. -</p> - -<p> -It is true that I am tired of practical politics, and happier -while reading the history of ancient than of modern times. The -total banishment of all moral principle from the code which governs -the intercourse of nations, the melancholy reflection that after -the mean, wicked and cowardly cunning of the cabinets of the -age of Machiavel had given place to the integrity and good faith -which dignified the succeeding one of a Chatham and Turgot, -that this is to be swept away again by the daring profligacy and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_110'>[110]</a></span>avowed destitution of all moral principle of a Cartouche and a -Blackbeard, sickens my soul unto death. I turn from the contemplation -with loathing, and take refuge in the histories of other -times, where, if they also furnished their Tarquins, their Catalines -and Caligulas, their stories are handed to us under the brand -of a Livy, a Sallust and a Tacitus, and we are comforted with -the reflection that the condemnation of all succeeding generations -has confirmed the censures of the historian, and consigned their -memories to everlasting infamy, a solace we cannot have with -the Georges and Napoleons but by anticipation. -</p> - -<p> -In surveying the scenes of which we make a part, I confess that -three frigates taken by our gallant little navy, do not balance in -my mind three armies lost by the treachery, cowardice, or incapacity -of those to whom they were intrusted. I see that our -men are good, and only want generals. We may yet hope, however, -that the talents which always exist among men will show -themselves with opportunity, and that it will be found that this -age also can produce able and honest defenders of their country, -at what further expense, however, of blood and treasure, is yet -to be seen. Perhaps this Russian mediation may cut short the -history of the present war, and leave to us the laurels of the sea, -while our enemies are bedecked with those of the land. This -would be the reverse of what has been expected, and perhaps of -what was to be wished. -</p> - -<p> -I have never seen the work on Political Economy, of which -you speak. Say and Tracy contain the sum of that science as -far as it has been soundly traced in my judgment. And it is a -pity that Say's work should not, as well as Tracy's, be made -known to our countrymen by a good translation. It would -supplant Smith's book altogether, because shorter, clearer and -sounder. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my friendly salutations and assurances of continued esteem -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_111'>[111]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 21, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The enclosed letter from Whit was unquestionably -intended for you. The subject, the address, both of title and -place, prove it, and the mistake of the name only shows the writer -to be a very uninquisitive statesman. Dr. Waterhouse's letter, -too, was intended for your eye, and although the immediate object -fails by previous appointment, yet he seems to entertain further -wishes. I enclose, too, the newspapers he refers to, as some -of their matter may have escaped your notice, and the traitorous -designs fostered in Massachusetts, and explained in them, call for -attention. -</p> - -<p> -We have never seen so unpromising a crop of wheat as that -now growing. The winter killed an unusual proportion of it, -and the fly is destroying the remainder. We may estimate the -latter loss at one-third at present, and fast increasing from the -effect of the extraordinary drought. With such a prospect before -us, the blockade is acting severely on our past labors. It caught -nearly the whole wheat of the middle and upper country in the -hands of the farmers and millers, whose interior situation had -prevented their getting it to an earlier market. From this neighborhood -very little had been sold. When we cast our eyes on -the map, and see the extent of country from New York to North -Carolina inclusive, whose produce is raised on the waters of the -Chesapeake, (for Albemarle sound is, by the canal of Norfolk, -become a water of the Chesapeake,) and consider its productiveness, -in comparison with the rest of the Atlantic States, probably -a full half, and that all this can be shut up by two or three ships -of the line lying at the mouth of the bay, we see that an injury -so vast to ourselves and so cheap to our enemy, must forever be -resorted to by them, and constantly maintained. To defend all -the shores of those waters in detail is impossible. But is there -not a single point where they may be all defended by means to -which the magnitude of the object gives a title? I mean at the -mouth of the Chesapeake. Not by ships of the line, or frigates; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_112'>[112]</a></span>for I know that with our present enemy we cannot contend in -that way. But would not a sufficient number of gun-boats of -<i>small</i> draught, stationed in Lynhaven river, render it unsafe for -ships of war either to ascend the Chesapeake or to lie at its -mouth? I am not unaware of the effect of the ridicule cast on -this instrument of defence by those who wished for engines of -offence. But resort is had to ridicule only when reason is against -us. I know, too, the prejudices of the gentlemen of the navy, -and that these are very natural. No one has been more gratified -than myself by the brilliant achievements of our little navy. -They have deeply wounded the pride of our enemy, and been -balm to ours, humiliated on the land where our real strength was -felt to lie. But divesting ourselves of the enthusiasm these brave -actions have justly excited, it is impossible not to see that all -these vessels must be taken and added to the already overwhelming -force of our enemy; that even while we keep them, they -contribute nothing to our defence, and that so far as we are to be -defended by anything on the water, it must be by such vessels -as can assail under advantageous circumstances, and under adverse -ones withdraw from the reach of the enemy. This, in -shoally waters, is the humble, the ridiculed, but the formidable -gun-boats. I acknowledge that in the case which produces these -reflections, the station of Lynhaven river would not be safe -against land attacks on the boats, and that a retreat for them is -necessary in this event. With a view to this there was a survey -made by Colonel Tatham, which was lodged either in the war -or navy office, showing the depth and length of a canal which -would give them a retreat from Lynhaven river into the eastern -branch of Elizabeth river. I think the distance is not over six -or eight miles, perhaps not so much, through a country entirely -flat, and little above the level of the sea. A cut of ten yards -wide and four yards deep, requiring the removal of forty cubic -yards of earth for every yard in length of the canal, at twenty -cents the cubic yard, would cost about $15,000 a mile. But even -doubling this to cover all errors of estimate, although in a country -offering the cheapest kind of labor, it would be nothing compared -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_113'>[113]</a></span>with the extent and productions of the country it is to protect. -It would, for so great a country, bear no proportion to what -has been expended, and justly expended by the Union, to defend -the single spot of New York. -</p> - -<p> -While such a channel of retreat secures effectually the safety -of the gun-boats, it insures also their aid for the defence of Norfolk, -if attacked from the sea. And the Norfolk canal gives them -a further passage into Albemarle sound, if necessary for their -safety, or in aid of the flotilla of that sound, or to receive the aid -of that flotilla either at Norfolk or in Lynhaven river. For such -a flotilla there also will doubtless be thought necessary, that being -the only outlet now, as during the last war, for the waters of the -Chesapeake. Colonel Monroe, I think, is personally intimate -with the face of all that country, and no one, I am certain, is -more able or more disposed than the present Secretary of the -Navy, to place himself above the navy prejudices, and do justice -to the aptitude of these humble and economical vessels to the -shallow waters of the South. On the bold Northern shores they -would be of less account, and the larger vessels will of course -be more employed there. Were they stationed with us, they -would rather attract danger than ward it off. The only service -they can render us would be to come <i>in a body</i> when the occasion -offers, of overwhelming a weaker force of the enemy occupying -our bay, to oblige them to keep their force in a body, leaving -the mass of our coast open. -</p> - -<p> -Although it is probable there may not be an idea here which -has not been maturely weighed by yourself, and with a much -broader view of the whole field, yet I have frankly hazarded -them, because possibly some of the facts or ideas may have escaped -in the multiplicity of the objects engaging your notice, and -because in every event they will cost you but the trouble of reading. -The importance of keeping open a water which covers -wholly or considerably five of the most productive States, containing -three-fifths of the population of the Atlantic portion of -our Union, and of preserving their resources for the support of -the war, as far as the state of war and the means of the confederacy -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_114'>[114]</a></span>will admit; and especially if it can be done for less than is -contributed by the Union for more than one single city, will justify -our anxieties to have it effected. And should my views of -the subject be even wrong, I am sure they will find their apology -with you in the purity of the motives of personal and public regard -which induce a suggestion of them. In all cases I am satisfied -you are doing what is for the best, as far as the means put -into your hands will enable you, and this thought quiets me -under every occurrence, and under every occurrence I am sincerely, -affectionately and respectfully yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>United States of America</span>, May 24, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -I received with great pleasure, my dear Madam and friend, -your letter of November the 10th, from Stockholm, and am sincerely -gratified by the occasion it gives me of expressing to you -the sentiments of high respect and esteem which I entertain for -you. It recalls to my remembrance a happy portion of my life, -passed in your native city; then the seat of the most amiable and -polished society of the world, and of which yourself and your -venerable father were such distinguished members. But of what -scenes has it since been the theatre, and with what havoc has it -overspread the earth! Robespierre met the fate, and his memory -the execration, he so justly merited. The rich were his victims, -and perished by thousands. It is by millions that Bonaparte destroys -the poor, and he is eulogized and deified by the sycophants -even of science. These merit more than the mere oblivion to -which they will be consigned; and the day will come when a -just posterity will give to their hero the only pre-eminence he -has earned, that of having been the greatest of the destroyers of -the human race. What year of his military life has not consigned -a million of human beings to death, to poverty and -wretchedness! What field in Europe may not raise a monument -of the murders, the burnings, the desolations, the famines -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_115'>[115]</a></span>and miseries it has witnessed from him! And all this to acquire -a reputation, which Cartouche attained with less injury to mankind, -of being fearless of God or man. -</p> - -<p> -To complete and universalize the desolation of the globe, it -has been the will of Providence to raise up, at the same time, a -tyrant as unprincipled and as overwhelming, for the ocean. Not -in the poor maniac George, but in his government and nation. -Bonaparte will die, and his tyrannies with him. But a nation -never dies. The English government, and its piratical principles -and practices, have no fixed term of duration. Europe feels, and -is writhing under the scorpion whips of Bonaparte. We are assailed -by those of England. The one continent thus placed -under the gripe of England, and the other of Bonaparte, each -has to grapple with the enemy immediately pressing on itself. -We must extinguish the fire kindled in our own house, and leave -to our friends beyond the water that which is consuming theirs. -It was not till England had taken one thousand of our ships, and -impressed into her service more than six thousand of our citizens; -till she had declared, by the proclamation of her Prince Regent, -that she would not repeal her aggressive orders <i>as to us</i>, until -Bonaparte should have repealed his <i>as to all nations</i>; till her -minister, in formal conference with ours, declared, that no proposition -for protecting our seamen from being impressed, under -color of taking their own, was practicable or admissible; that, -the door to justice and to all amicable arrangement being closed, -and negotiation become both desperate and dishonorable, we -concluded that the war she had for years been waging against -us, might as well become a war on both sides. She takes fewer -vessels from us since the declaration of war than before, because -they venture more cautiously; and we now make full reprisals -where before we made none. England is, in principle, the enemy -of all maritime nations, as Bonaparte is of the continental; -and I place in the same line of insult to the human understanding, -the pretension of conquering the ocean, to establish continental -rights, as that of conquering the continent, to restore -maritime rights. No, my dear Madam; the object of England -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_116'>[116]</a></span>is the <i>permanent dominion of the ocean</i>, and the <i>monopoly of -the trade of the world</i>. To secure this, she must keep a larger -fleet than her own resources will maintain. The resources of -other nations, then, must be impressed to supply the deficiency -of her own. This is sufficiently developed and evidenced by -her successive strides towards the usurpation of the sea. Mark -them, from her first war after William Pitt, the little, came into -her administration. She first forbade to neutrals all trade with -her enemies in time of war, which they had not in time of -peace. This deprived them of their trade from port to port of -the same nation. Then she forbade them to trade from the port -of one nation to that of any other at war with her, although a -right fully exercised in time of peace. Next, instead of taking -vessels only <i>entering</i> a blockaded port, she took them over the -whole ocean, if destined to that port, although ignorant of the -blockade, and without intention to violate it. Then she took -them returning from that port, as if infected by previous infraction -of blockade. Then came her paper blockades, by which -she might shut up the whole world without sending a ship to -sea, except to take all those sailing on it, as they must, of course, -be bound to some port. And these were followed by her orders -of council, forbidding every nation to go to the port of any other, -without coming first to some port of Great Britain, there paying -a tribute to her, regulated by the cargo, and taking from her a -license to proceed to the port of destination; which operation -the vessel was to repeat with the return cargo on its way home. -According to these orders, we could not send a vessel from St. -Mary's to St. Augustine, distant six hours sail on our own coast, -without crossing the Atlantic four times, twice with the outward -cargo, and twice with the inward. She found this too daring -and outrageous for a single step, retracted as to certain articles -of commerce, but left it in force as to others which constitute -important branches of our exports. And finally, that her views -may no longer rest on inference, in a recent debate her minister -declared in open parliament, that the object of the present war -is a <i>monopoly of commerce</i>. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_117'>[117]</a></span>In some of these atrocities, France kept pace with her fully -in speculative wrong, which her impotence only shortened in -practical execution. This was called retaliation by both; each -charging the other with the initiation of the outrage. As if two -combatants might retaliate on an innocent bystander, the blows -they received from each other. To make war on both would -have been ridiculous. In order, therefore, to single out an enemy, -we offered to both, that if either would revoke its hostile -decrees, and the other should refuse, we would interdict all intercourse -whatever with that other; which would be war of course, -as being an avowed departure from neutrality. France accepted -the offer, and revoked her decrees as to us. England not only -refused, but declared by a solemn proclamation of her Prince -Regent, that she would not revoke her orders <i>even as to us</i>, until -those of France should be annulled <i>as to the whole world</i>. We -thereon declared war, and with abundant additional cause. -</p> - -<p> -In the meantime, an examination before parliament of the ruinous -effects of these orders on her own manufacturers, exposing -them to the nation and to the world, their Prince issued a palinodial -proclamation, <i>suspending</i> the orders on certain conditions, -but claiming to renew them at pleasure, as a matter of -right. Even this might have prevented the war, if done and -known here before its declaration. But the sword being once -drawn, the expense of arming incurred, and hostilities in full -course, it would have been unwise to discontinue them, until effectual -provision should be agreed to by England, for protecting -our citizens on the high seas from impressment by her naval -commanders, through error, voluntary or involuntary; the fact -being notorious, that these officers, entering our ships at sea -under pretext of searching for their seamen, (which they have no -right to do by the law or usage of nations, which they neither -do, nor ever did, as to any other nation but ours, and which no -nation ever before pretended to do in any case,) entering our -ships, I say, under pretext of searching for and taking out their -seamen, they took ours, native as well as naturalized, knowing -them to be ours, merely because they wanted them; insomuch, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_118'>[118]</a></span>that no American could safely cross the ocean, or venture to pass -by sea from one to another of our own ports. It is not long -since they impressed at sea two nephews of General Washington, -returning from Europe, and put them, as common seamen, under -the ordinary discipline of their ships of war. There are certainly -other wrongs to be settled between England and us; but -of a minor character, and such as a proper spirit of conciliation -on both sides would not permit to continue them at war. The -sword, however, can never again be sheathed, until the personal -safety of an American on the ocean, among the most important -and most vital of the rights we possess, is completely provided -for. -</p> - -<p> -As soon as we heard of her partial repeal of her orders of -council, we offered instantly to suspend hostilities by an armistice, -if she would suspend her impressments, and meet us in arrangements -for securing our citizens against them. She refused -to do it, because impracticable by any arrangement, as she pretends; -but, in truth, because a body of sixty to eighty thousand -of the finest seamen in the world, which we possess, is too great -a resource for manning her exaggerated navy, to be relinquished, -as long as she can keep it open. Peace is in her hand, whenever -she will renounce the practice of aggression on the persons -of our citizens. If she thinks it worth eternal war, eternal war -we must have. She alleges that the sameness of language, of -manners, of appearance, renders it impossible to distinguish us -from her subjects. But because we speak English, and look like -them, are we to be punished? Are free and independent men -to be submitted to their bondage? -</p> - -<p> -England has misrepresented to all Europe this ground of the -war. She has called it a new pretension, set up since the repeal -of her orders of council. She knows there has never been a -moment of suspension of our reclamation against it, from General -Washington's time inclusive, to the present day; and that it -is distinctly stated in our declaration of war, as one of its principal -causes. She has pretended we have entered into the war -to establish the principle of "free bottoms, free goods," or to protect -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_119'>[119]</a></span>her seamen against her own rights over them. We contend -for neither of these. She pretends we are partial to France; -that we have observed a fraudulent and unfaithful neutrality between -her and her enemy. She knows this to be false, and that -if there has been any inequality in our proceedings towards the -belligerents, it has been in her favor. Her ministers are in -possession of full proofs of this. Our accepting at once, and -sincerely, the mediation of the virtuous Alexander, their greatest -friend, and the most aggravated enemy of Bonaparte, sufficiently -proves whether we have partialities on the side of her enemy. -I sincerely pray that this mediation may produce a just peace. -It will prove that the immortal character, which has first stopped -by war the career of the destroyer of mankind, is the friend of -peace, of justice, of human happiness, and the patron of unoffending -and injured nations. He is too honest and impartial to -countenance propositions of peace derogatory to the freedom of -the seas. -</p> - -<p> -Shall I apologize to you, my dear Madam, for this long political -letter? But yours justifies the subject, and my feelings must -plead for the unreserved expression of them; and they have been -the less reserved, as being from a private citizen, retired from all -connection with the government of his country, and whose ideas, -expressed without communication with any one, are neither -known, nor imputable to them. -</p> - -<p> -The dangers of the sea are now so great, and the possibilities -of interception by sea and land such, that I shall subscribe no -name to this letter. You will know from whom it comes, by its -reference to the date of time and place of yours, as well as by -its subject in answer to that. This omission must not lessen in -your view the assurances of my great esteem, of my sincere -sympathies for the share which you bear in the afflictions of -your country, and the deprivation to which a lawless will has -subjected you. In return, you enjoy the dignified satisfaction of -having met them, rather than be yoked with the abject, to his -car; and that, in withdrawing from oppression, you have followed -the virtuous example of a father whose name will ever be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_120'>[120]</a></span>dear to your country and to mankind. With my prayers that -you may be restored to it, that you may see it re-established in -that temperate portion of liberty which does not infer either -anarchy or licentiousness, in that high degree of prosperity -which would be the consequence of such a government, in that, -in short, which the constitution of 1789 would have insured it, -if wisdom could have stayed at that point the fervid but imprudent -zeal of men, who did not know the character of their own -countrymen, and that you may long live in health and happiness -under it, and leave to the world a well-educated and virtuous -representative and descendant of your honored father, is the ardent -prayer of the sincere and respectful friend who writes this -letter. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 27, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -Another of our friends of seventy-six is gone, my dear Sir, -another of the co-signers of the Independence of our country. -And a better man than Rush could not have left us, more benevolent, -more learned, of finer genius, or more honest. We too must -go; and that ere long. I believe we are under half a dozen at -present; I mean the signers of the Declaration. Yourself, Gerry, -Carroll, and myself, are all I know to be living. I am the only -one south of the Potomac. Is Robert Treat Payne, or Floyd -living? It is long since I heard of them, and yet I do not recollect -to have heard of their deaths. -</p> - -<p> -Moreton's deduction of the origin of our Indians from the fugitive -Trojans, stated in your letter of January the 26th, and his -manner of accounting for the sprinkling of their Latin with -Greek, is really amusing. Adair makes them talk Hebrew. -Reinold Foster derives them from the soldiers sent by Kouli -Khan to conquer Japan. Brerewood, from the Tartars, as well -as our bears, wolves, foxes, &c., which, he says, "must of necessity -fetch their beginning from Noah's ark, which rested, after the -deluge in Asia, seeing they could not proceed by the course of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_121'>[121]</a></span>nature, as the imperfect sort of living creatures do, from putrefaction." -Bernard Romans is of opinion that God created an -original man and woman in this part of the globe. Doctor Barton -thinks they are not specifically different from the Persians; -but, taking afterwards a broader range, he thinks, "that in all -the vast countries of America, there is but one language, nay, -that it may be proven, or rendered highly probable, that all the -languages of the earth bear some affinity together." This reduces -it to a question of definition, in which every one is free to -use his own: to wit, what constitutes identity, or difference in -two things, in the common acceptation of <i>sameness</i>? All languages -may be called the same, as being all made up of the same -primitive sounds, expressed by the letters of the different alphabets. -But, in this sense, all things on earth are the same as consisting -of matter. This gives up the useful distribution into -genera and species, which we form, arbitrarily indeed, for the -relief of our imperfect memories. To aid the question, from -whence our Indian tribes descended, some have gone into their -religion, their morals, their manners, customs, habits, and physical -forms. By such helps it may be learnedly proved, that our -trees and plants of every kind are descended from those of -Europe; because, like them, they have no locomotion, they draw -nourishment from the earth, they clothe themselves with leaves -in spring, of which they divest themselves in autumn for the -sleep of winter, &c. Our animals too must be descended from -those of Europe, because our wolves eat lambs, our deer are gregarious, -our ants hoard, &c. But, when for convenience we distribute -languages, according to common understanding, into -classes originally different, as we choose to consider them, as the -Hebrew, the Greek, the Celtic, the Gothic; and these again into -genera, or families, as the Icelandic, German, Swedish, Danish, -English; and these last into species, or dialects, as English, -Scotch, Irish, we then ascribe other meanings to the terms -"same" and "different." In some one of these senses, Barton, -and Adair, and Foster, and Brerewood, and Moreton, may be -right, every one according to his own definition of what constitutes -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_122'>[122]</a></span>"identity." Romans, indeed, takes a higher stand, and -supposes a separate creation. On the same unscriptural ground, -he had but to mount one step higher, to suppose no creation at -all, but that all things have existed without beginning in time, -as they now exist, and may forever exist, producing and reproducing -in a circle, without end. This would very summarily -dispose of Mr. Moreton's learning, and show that the question of -Indian origin, like many others, pushed to a certain height, must -receive the same answer, "Ignoro." -</p> - -<p> -You ask if the usage of hunting in circles has ever been -known among any of our tribes of Indians? It has been practised -by them all; and is to this day, by those still remote from -the settlements of the whites. But their numbers not enabling -them, like Genghis Khan's seven hundred thousand, to form -themselves into circles of one hundred miles diameter, they make -their circle by firing the leaves fallen on the ground, which gradually -forcing the animals to a centre, they there slaughter them -with arrows, darts, and other missiles. This is called fire hunting, -and has been practised in this State within my time, by the -white inhabitants. This is the most probable cause of the origin -and extension of the vast prairies in the western country, where -the grass having been of extraordinary luxuriance, has made a -conflagration sufficient to kill even the old as well as the young -timber. -</p> - -<p> -I sincerely congratulate you on the successes of our little navy; -which must be more gratifying to you than to most men, as having -been the early and constant advocate of wooden walls. If I -have differed with you on this ground, it was not on the principle, -but the time; supposing that we cannot build or maintain a -navy, which will not immediately fall into the same gulf which -has swallowed not only the minor navies, but even those of the -great second-rate powers of the sea. Whenever these can be -resuscitated, and brought so near to a balance with England that -we can turn the scale, then is my epoch for aiming at a navy. -In the meantime, one competent to keep the Barbary States in -order, is necessary; these being the only smaller powers disposed -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_123'>[123]</a></span>to quarrel with us. But I respect too much the weighty opinions -of others, to be unyielding on this point, and acquiesce with the -prayer <span lang="la">"<i>quod felix faustumque sit</i>;"</span> adding ever a sincere one -for your health and happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 30, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thank you for the communication of the President's -Message, which has not yet reached us through the public -papers. It is an interesting document, always looked for with -anxiety, and the late one is equally able as interesting. I hope -Congress will act in conformity with it, in all its parts. The unwarrantable -ideas often expressed in the newspapers, and by persons -who ought to know better, that I intermeddle in the Executive -councils, and the indecent expressions, sometimes, of a hope -that Mr. Madison will pursue the principles of my administration, -expressions so disrespectful to his known abilities and dispositions, -have rendered it improper in me to hazard suggestions to -him, on occasions even where ideas might occur to me, that -might accidentally escape him. This reserve has been strengthened, -too, by a consciousness that my views must be very imperfect, -from the want of a correct knowledge of the whole ground. -</p> - -<p> -I lately, however, hazarded to him a suggestion on the defence -of the Chesapeake, because, although decided on provisionally -with the Secretaries of War and the Navy formerly, yet as -it was proposed only in the case of war, which did not actually -arise, and not relating to his department, might not then have -been communicated to him. Of this fact my memory did not -ascertain me. I will now hazard another suggestion to yourself, -which indeed grows out of that one: it is, the policy of keeping -our frigates together in a body, in some place where they can -be defended against a superior naval force, and from whence, -nevertheless, they can easily sally forth on the shortest warning. -This would oblige the enemy to take stations, or to cruise only in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_124'>[124]</a></span>masses equal at least, each of them, to our whole force; and of -course they could be acting only in two or three spots at a time, -and the whole of our coast, except the two or three portions -where they might be present, would be open to exportation and -importation. I think all that part of the United States over -which the waters of the Chesapeake spread themselves, was -blockaded in the early season by a single ship. This would -keep our frigates in entire safety, as they would go out only occasionally -to oppress a blockading force known to be weaker -than themselves, and thus make them a real protection to our -whole commerce. And it seems to me that this would be a -more essential service, than that of going out by ones, or twos, -in search of adventures, which contribute little to the protection -of our commerce, and not at all to the defence of our coast, or -the shores of our inland waters. A defence of these by militia -is most harassing to them. The applications from Maryland, -which I have seen in the papers, and those from Virginia, which -I suspect, merely because I see such masses of the militia called -off from their farms, must be embarrassing to the Executive, not -only from a knowledge of the incompetency of such a mode of -defence, but from the exhausture of funds which ought to be -husbanded for the effectual operations of a long war. I fear, too, -it will render the militia discontented, perhaps clamorous for an -end of the war on any terms. I am happy to see that it is entirely -popular as yet, and that no symptom of flinching from it -appears among the people, as far as I can judge from the public -papers, or from my own observation, limited to the few counties -adjacent to the two branches of James river. I have such confidence -that what I suggest has been already maturely discussed in -the Cabinet, and that for wise and sufficient reasons the present -mode of employing the frigates is the best, that I hesitate about -sending this even after having written. Yet in that case it will -only have given you the trouble of reading it. You will bury -it in your own breast, as <i>non-avenue</i>, and see in it only an unnecessary -zeal on my part, and a proof of the unlimited confidence -of yours ever and affectionately. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_125'>[125]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 15, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I wrote you a letter on the 27th of May, which -probably would reach you about the 3d instant, and on the 9th -I received yours of the 29th of May. Of Lindsay's Memoirs I -had never before heard, and scarcely indeed of himself. It could -not, therefore, but be unexpected, that two letters of mine should -have anything to do with his life. The name of his editor was -new to me, and certainly presents itself for the first time under -unfavorable circumstances. Religion, I suppose, is the scope of -his book; and that a writer on that subject should usher himself -to the world in the very act of the grossest abuse of confidence, -by publishing private letters which passed between two friends, -with no views to their ever being made public, is an instance of -inconsistency as well as of infidelity, of which I would rather be -the victim than the author. -</p> - -<p> -By your kind quotation of the dates of my two letters, I have -been enabled to turn to them. They had completely vanished -from my memory. The last is on the subject of religion, and by -its publication will gratify the priesthood with new occasion of -repeating their comminations against me. They wish it to be -believed that he can have no religion who advocates its freedom. -This was not the doctrine of Priestley; and I honored him for -the example of liberality he set to his order. The first letter is -political. It recalls to our recollection the gloomy transactions -of the times, the doctrines they witnessed, and the sensibilities -they excited. It was a confidential communication of reflections -on these from one friend to another, deposited in his bosom, and -never meant to trouble the public mind. Whether the character -of the times is justly portrayed or not, posterity will decide. -But on one feature of them they can never decide, the sensations -excited in free yet firm minds by the terrorism of the day. None -can conceive who did not witness them, and they were felt by -one party only. This letter exhibits their side of the medal. -The federalists, no doubt, have presented the other in their private -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_126'>[126]</a></span>correspondences as well as open action. If these correspondences -should ever be laid open to the public eye, they will -probably be found not models of comity towards their adversaries. -The readers of my letter should be cautioned not to confine -its view to this country alone. England and its alarmists -were equally under consideration. Still less must they consider -it as looking personally towards you. You happen, indeed, to -be quoted, because you happened to express more pithily than -had been done by themselves, one of the mottos of the party. -This was in your answer to the address of the young men of -Philadelphia. [See Selection of Patriotic Addresses, page 198.] -One of the questions, you know, on which our parties took different -sides, was on the improvability of the human mind in science, -in ethics, in government, &c. Those who advocated reformation -of institutions, <span lang="la"><i>pari passu</i></span> with the progress of science, maintained -that no definite limits could be assigned to that progress. -The enemies of reform, on the other hand, denied improvement, -and advocated steady adherence to the principles, practices and -institutions of our fathers, which they represented as the consummation -of wisdom, and acme of excellence, beyond which -the human mind could never advance. Although in the passage -of your answer alluded to, you expressly disclaim the wish to influence -the freedom of inquiry, you predict that that will produce -nothing more worthy of transmission to posterity than the principles, -institutions and systems of education received from their -ancestors. I do not consider this as your deliberate opinion. -You possess, yourself, too much science, not to see how much is -still ahead of you, unexplained and unexplored. Your own consciousness -must place you as far before our ancestors as in the -rear of our posterity. I consider it as an expression lent to the -prejudices of your friends; and although I happened to cite it -from you, the whole letter shows I had them only in view. In -truth, my dear Sir, we were far from considering you as the author -of all the measures we blamed. They were placed under -the protection of your name, but we were satisfied they wanted -much of your approbation. We ascribed them to their real authors, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_127'>[127]</a></span>the Pickerings, the Wolcotts, the Tracys, the Sedgwicks, -et <span lang="la"><i>id genus omne</i></span>, with whom we supposed you in a state of duress. -I well remember a conversation with you in the morning -of the day on which you nominated to the Senate a substitute -for Pickering, in which you expressed a just impatience under -"the legacy of secretaries which General Washington had left -you," and whom you seemed, therefore, to consider as under public -protection. Many other incidents showed how differently you -would have acted with less impassioned advisers; and subsequent -events have proved that your minds were not together. -You would do me great injustice, therefore, by taking to yourself -what was intended for men who were then your secret, as -they are now your open enemies. Should you write on the subject, -as you propose, I am sure we shall see you place yourself -farther from them than from us. -</p> - -<p> -As to myself, I shall take no part in any discussions. I leave -others to judge of what I have done, and to give me exactly -that place which they shall think I have occupied. Marshall has -written libels on one side; others, I suppose, will be written on -the other side; and the world will sift both and separate the truth -as well as they can. I should see with reluctance the passions -of that day rekindled in this, while so many of the actors are -living, and all are too near the scene not to participate in sympathies -with them. About facts you and I cannot differ; because -truth is our mutual guide. And if any opinions you may express -should be different from mine, I shall receive them with the -liberality and indulgence which I ask for my own, and still -cherish with warmth the sentiments of affectionate respect, of -which I can with so much truth tender you the assurance. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SHORT. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 18, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 2d is received, and a copy of Higgenbotham's -mortgage is now enclosed. The journey to Bedford -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_128'>[128]</a></span>which I proposed in my last, my engagements here have -obliged me to postpone till after harvest, which is now approaching; -it is the most unpromising one I have seen. We have -been some days in expectation of seeing M. Correa. If he is -on the road, he has had some days of our very hottest weather. -My thermometer has been for two days at 92 and 92½°, the last -being the maximum ever seen here. Although we usually have -the hottest day of the year in June, yet it is soon interrupted by -cooler weather. In July the heat, though not so great, is more -continuous and steady. -</p> - -<p> -On the duration of the war I think there is uncertainty. Ever -since the rupture of the treaty of Amiens, the object of Great -Britain has visibly been the permanent conquest of the ocean, -and levying a tribute on every vessel she permits to sail on it, as -the Barbary powers do on the Mediterranean, which they call -their sea. She must be conscious she cannot from her own resources -maintain the exaggerated fleet she now has, and which -is necessary to maintain her conquest; she must, therefore, levy -the deficiency of duties of transit on other nations. If she -should get another ministry with sense enough to abandon this -senseless scheme, the war with us ought to be short, because -there is no material cause now existing but impressment; and -there our only difference is how to establish a mode of discrimination -between our citizens which she does not claim, and hers -which it is neither our wish or interest ever to employ. The seamen -which our navigation raises had better be of our own. If this -be all she aims at, it may be settled at Saint Petersburg. My -principle has ever been that war should not suspend either exports -or imports. If the piracies of France and England, however, -are to be adopted as the law of nations, or should become -their practice, it will oblige us to manufacture at home all the -material comforts. -</p> - -<p> -This may furnish a reason to check imports until necessary -manufactures are established among us. This offers the advantage, -too, of placing the consumer of our produce near the producer, -but I should disapprove of the prohibition of exports even -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_129'>[129]</a></span>to the enemy themselves, except indeed refreshments and water -to their cruisers on our coast, in order to oblige them to intermit -their cruises to go elsewhere for these supplies. The idea of -starving them as to bread, is a very idle one. It is dictated by -passion, not by reason. If the war is lengthened we shall take -Canada, which will relieve us from Indians, and Halifax, which -will put an end to their occupation of the American seas, because -every vessel must then go to England to repair every accident. -To retain these would become objects of first importance to us, -and of great importance to Europe, as the means of curtailing -the British marine. But at present, being merely <i>in posse</i>, they -should not be an impediment to peace. We have a great and a -just claim of indemnifications against them for the thousand -ships they have taken piratically, and six thousand seamen impressed. -Whether we can, on this score, successfully insist on -curtailing their American possessions, by the meridian of Lake -Huron, so as to cut them off from the Indians bordering on us, -would be matter for conversation and experiment at the treaty of -pacification. I sometimes allow my mind to wander thus into -the political field, but rarely, and with reluctance. It is my desire -as well as my duty to leave to the vigor of younger minds -to settle concerns which are no longer mine, but must long be -theirs. Affectionately adieu. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ——. -</h3> - -<p> -Your kind answer of the 16th entirely satisfies my doubts -as to the employment of the navy, if kept within striking -distance of our coast; and shows how erroneous views are apt -to be with those who have not all in view. Yet as I know -from experience that profitable suggestions sometimes come from -lookers on, they may be usefully tolerated, provided they do not -pretend to the right of an answer. They would cost very dear -indeed were they to occupy the time of a high officer in writing -when he should be acting. I intended no such trouble to you, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_130'>[130]</a></span>my dear Sir, and were you to suppose I expected it, I must cease -to offer a thought on our public affairs. Although my entire -confidence in their direction prevents my reflecting on them but -accidentally, yet sometimes facts, and sometimes ideas occur, -which I hazard as worth the trouble of reading but not of answering. -Of this kind was my suggestion of the facts which I -recollected as to the defence of the Chesapeake, and of what had -been contemplated at the time between the Secretaries of War -and the Navy and myself. If our views were sound, the object -might be effected in one year, even of war, and at an expense -which is nothing compared to the population and productions it -would cover. We are here laboring under the most extreme -drought ever remembered at this season. We have had but one -rain to lay the dust in two months. That was a good one, but -was three weeks ago. Corn is but a few inches high and dying. -Oats will not yield their seed. Of wheat, the hard winter and -fly leave us about two-thirds of an ordinary crop. So that in -the lotteries of human life you see that even farming is but -gambling. We have had three days of excessive heat. The -thermometer on the 16th was at 92°, on the 17th 92½°, and yesterday -at 93°. It had never before exceeded 92½ at this place; -at least within the periods of my observations. Ever and affectionately -yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 18, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favors of the 7th and 16th are received, -and I now return you the memoir enclosed in the former. I am -much gratified by its communication, because, as the plan appeared -in the newspapers soon after the new Secretary of War -came into office, we had given him the credit of it. Every line -of it is replete with wisdom; and we might lament that our -tardy enlistments prevented its execution, were we not to reflect -that these proceeded from the happiness of our people at home. -It is more a subject of joy that we have so few of the desperate -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_131'>[131]</a></span>characters which compose modern regular armies. But it proves -more forcibly the necessity of obliging every citizen to be a soldier; -this was the case with the Greeks and Romans, and must -be that of every free State. Where there is no oppression there -will be no pauper hirelings. We must train and classify the -whole of our male citizens, and make military instruction a regular -part of collegiate education. We can never be safe till this -is done. -</p> - -<p> -I have been persuaded, <span lang="la"><i>ab initio</i></span>, that what we are to do in -Canada must be done quickly; because our enemy, with a little -time, can empty pickpockets upon us faster than we can enlist -honest men to oppose them. If we fail in this acquisition, Hull -is the cause of it. Pike, in his situation, would have swept their -posts to Montreal, because his army would have grown as it went -along. I fear the reinforcements arrived at Quebec will be at -Montreal before General Dearborne, and if so, the game is up. -If the marching of the militia into an enemy's country be once -ceded as unconstitutional (which I hope it never will be), then -will their force, as now strengthened, bid us permanent defiance. -Could we acquire that country, we might perhaps insist successfully -at St. Petersburg on retaining all westward of the meridian -of Lake Huron, or of Ontario, or of Montreal, according to the -pulse of the place, as an indemnification for the past and security -for the future. To cut them off from the Indians even west of -the Huron would be a great future security. -</p> - -<p> -Your kind answer of the 16th, entirely satisfies my doubts as -to the employment of a navy, if kept within striking distance of -our coast, and shows how erroneous views are apt to be with -those who have not all in view. Yet, as I know by experience -that profitable suggestions sometimes come from lookers on, they -may be usefully tolerated, provided they do not pretend to the -right of an answer. They would cost very dear, indeed, were -they to occupy the time of a high officer in writing when he -should be acting. * * * * * * * -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_132'>[132]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MATTHEW CARR. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 19, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I thank you for the copy of Mr. Clarke's sketches of -the naval history of the United States, which you have been so -kind as to send me. It is a convenient repository of cases of -that class, and has brought to my recollection a number of individual -cases of the Revolutionary war which had escaped me. -I received, also one of Mr. Clarke's circulars, asking supplementary -communications for a second edition. But these things are -so much out of the reach of my inland situation, that I am the -least able of all men to contribute anything to his desire. I will -indulge myself, therefore, in two or three observations, of which -you will make what use you may think they merit. 1. Bushnel's -Turtle is mentioned slightly. Would the description of the -machine be too much for the sale of the work? It may be found -very minutely given in the American Philosophical transactions. -It was excellently contrived, and might perhaps, by improvement, -be brought into real use. I do not know the difference between -this and Mr. Fulton's submarine boat. But an effectual machine -of that kind is not beyond the laws of nature; and whatever is -within these, is not to be despaired of. It would be to the -United States the consummation of their safety. 2. The account -of the loss of the Philadelphia, does not give a fair impression -of the transaction. The proofs may be seen among the records -of the Navy office. After this loss, Capt. Bainbridge had a character -to redeem. He has done it most honorably, and no one -is more gratified by it than myself. But still the transaction -ought to be correctly stated. 3. But why omit all mention of -the scandalous campaigns of Commodore Morris? A two years' -command of an effective squadron, with discretionary instructions, -wasted in sailing from port to port of the Mediterranean, -and a single half day before the port of the enemy against which -he was sent. All this can be seen in the proceedings of the court -on which he was dismissed; and it is due to the honorable truths -with which the book abounds, to publish those which are not -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_133'>[133]</a></span>so. A fair and honest narrative of the bad, is a voucher for the -truth of the good. In this way the old Congress set an example -to the world, for which the world amply repaid them, by giving -unlimited credit to whatever was stamped with the name of -Charles Thompson. It is known that this was never put to an -untruth but once, and that where Congress was misled by the -credulity of their General (Sullivan). The first misfortune of -the Revolutionary war, induced a motion to suppress or garble -the account of it. It was rejected with indignation. The whole -truth was given in all its details, and there never was another -attempt in that body to disguise it. These observations are -meant for the good of the work, and for the honor of those whom -it means to honor. Accept the assurance of my esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO PRESIDENT MADISON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 21, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 6th has been received, and I -will beg leave to add a few supplementary observations on the -subject of my former letter. I am not a judge of the best forms -which may be given to the gunboat; and indeed I suppose they -should be of various forms, suited to the various circumstances -to which they would be applied. Among these, no doubt, Commodore -Barney's would find their place. While the largest and -more expensive are fitted for moving from one seaport to another, -coast-wise, to aid in a particular emergency, those of smaller -draught and expense suit shallower waters; and of these shallow -and cheap forms must be those for Lynhaven river. Commodore -Preble, in his lifetime, undertook to build such in the best -manner for two or three thousand dollars. Colonel Monroe, to -whose knowledge of the face of the country I had referred, approves, -in a letter to me, of such a plan of defence as was suggested, -adding to it a fort on the middle grounds; but thinks the -work too great to be executed during a war. Such a fort, certainly, -could not be built during a war, in the face of an enemy. Its -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_134'>[134]</a></span>practicability at any time has been doubted, and although a good -auxiliary, is not a necessary member of this scheme of defence. -But the canal of retreat is really a small work, of a few months' -execution; the laborers would be protected by the military guard -on the spot, and many of these would assist in the execution, for -fatigue, rations, and pay. The exact magnitude of the work I -would not affirm, nor do I think we should trust for it to Tatham's -survey: still less would I call in Latrobe, who would immediately -contemplate a canal of Languedoc. I would sooner trust such a -man as Thomas Monroe to take the level, measure the distances, -and estimate the expense. And if the plan were all matured the -ensuing winter, and laborers engaged at the proper season, it -might be executed in time to mitigate the blockade of the next -summer. On recurring to an actual survey of that part of the -country, made in the beginning of the Revolutionary war, under -the orders of the Governor and Council, by Mr. Andrews I think, -a copy of which I took with great care, instead of the half a -dozen miles I had conjectured in my former letter, the canal -would seem to be of not half that length. I send you a copy of -that part of the map, which may be useful to you on other occasions, -and is more to be depended on for minutia, probably, -than any other existing. I have marked on that the conjectured -route of the canal, to wit, from the bridge on Lynhaven river to -King's landing, on the eastern branch. The exact draught of -water into Lynhaven river you have in the Navy office. I think -it is over four feet. -</p> - -<p> -When we consider the population and productions of the -Chesapeake country, extending from the Génissee to the Saura -towns and Albemarle Sound, its safety and commerce seem entitled -even to greater efforts, if greater could secure them. That -a defence at the entrance of the bay can be made mainly effective, -that it will cost less in money, harass the militia less, place -the inhabitants on its interior waters freer from alarm and depredation, -and render provisions and water more difficult to the -enemy, is so possible as to render thorough inquiry certainly -expedient. Some of the larger gun-boats, or vessels better uniting -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_135'>[135]</a></span>swiftness with force, would also be necessary to scour the interior, -and cut off any pickaroons which might venture up the -bay or rivers. The loss on James' river alone, this year, is estimated -at two hundred thousand barrels of flour, now on hand, -for which the half price is not to be expected. This then is a -million of dollars levied on a single water of the Chesapeake, -and to be levied every year during the war. If a concentration -of its defence at the entrance of the Chesapeake should be found -inadequate, then we must of necessity submit to the expenses of -detailed defence, to the harassment of the militia, the burnings -of towns and houses, depredations of farms, and the hard trial of -the spirit of the Middle States, the most zealous supporters of the -war, and, therefore, the peculiar objects of the vindictive efforts -of the enemy. Those north of the Hudson need nothing, because -treated by the enemy as neutrals. All their war is concentrated -on the Delaware and Chesapeake; and these, therefore, -stand in principal need of the shield of the Union. The Delaware -can be defended more easily. But I should not think one -hundred gun-boats (costing less than one frigate) an over-proportioned -allotment to the Chesapeake country, against the over-proportioned -hostilities pointed at it. -</p> - -<p> -I am too sensible of the partial and defective state of my information, -to be over-confident, or pertinacious, in the opinion I -have formed. A thorough examination of the ground will settle -it. We may suggest, perhaps it is a duty to do it. But you -alone are qualified for decision, by the whole view which you -can command; and so confident am I in the intentions, as well -as wisdom, of the government, that I shall always be satisfied -that what is not done, either cannot, or ought not to be done. -While I trust that no difficulties will dishearten us, I am anxious -to lessen the trial as much as possible. Heaven preserve you -under yours, and help you through all its perplexities and perversities. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_136'>[136]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN W. EPPES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 24, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—This letter will be on politics only. For although -I do not often permit myself to think on that subject, it sometimes -obtrudes itself, and suggests ideas which I am tempted to -pursue. Some of these relating to the business of finance, I will -hazard to you, as being at the head of that committee, but intended -for yourself individually, or such as you trust, but certainly -not for a mixed committee. -</p> - -<p> -It is a wise rule, and should be fundamental in a government -disposed to cherish its credit, and at the same time to restrain the -use of it within the limits of its faculties, "never to borrow a -dollar without laying a tax in the same instant for paying the interest -annually, and the principle within a given term; and to -consider that tax as pledged to the creditors on the public faith." -On such a pledge as this, sacredly observed, a government may -always command, on a <i>reasonable interest</i>, all the lendable money -of their citizens, while the necessity of an equivalent tax is a -salutary warning to them and their constituents against oppressions, -bankruptcy, and its inevitable consequence, revolution. But -the term of redemption must be moderate, and at any rate within -the limits of their rightful powers. But what limits, it will be -asked, does this prescribe to their powers? What is to hinder -them from creating a perpetual debt? The laws of nature, I answer. -The earth belongs to the living, not to the dead. The -will and the power of man expire with his life, by nature's law. -Some societies give it an artificial continuance, for the encouragement -of industry; some refuse it, as our aboriginal neighbors, -whom we call barbarians. The generations of men may be considered -as bodies or corporations. Each generation has the -usufruct of the earth during the period of its continuance. When -it ceases to exist, the usufruct passes on to the succeeding generation, -free and unincumbered, and so on, successively, from one -generation to another forever. We may consider each generation -as a distinct nation, with a right, by the will of its majority, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_137'>[137]</a></span>to bind themselves, but none to bind the succeeding generation, -more than the inhabitants of another country. Or the case may -be likened to the ordinary one of a tenant for life, who may hypothecate -the land for his debts, during the continuance of his -usufruct; but at his death, the reversioner (who is also for life -only) receives it exonerated from all burthen. The period of a -generation, or the term of its life, is determined by the laws of -mortality, which, varying a little only in different climates, offer -a general average, to be found by observation. I turn, for instance, -to Buffon's tables, of twenty-three thousand nine hundred -and ninety-four deaths, and the ages at which they happened, -and I find that of the numbers of all ages living at one moment, -half will be dead in twenty-four years and eight months. But -(leaving out minors, who have not the power of self-government) -of the adults (of twenty-one years of age) living at one moment, -a majority of whom act for the society, one half will be dead in -eighteen years and eight months. At nineteen years then from -the date of a contract, the majority of the contractors are dead, -and their contract with them. Let this general theory be applied -to a particular case. Suppose the annual births of the State of -New York to be twenty-three thousand nine hundred and ninety-four, -the whole number of its inhabitants, according to Buffon, -will be six hundred and seventeen thousand seven hundred and -three, of all ages. Of these there would constantly be two hundred -and sixty-nine thousand two hundred and eighty-six minors, -and three hundred and forty-eight thousand four hundred and -seventeen adults, of which last, one hundred and seventy-four -thousand two hundred and nine will be a majority. Suppose -that majority, on the first day of the year 1794, had borrowed a -sum of money equal to the fee-simple value of the State, and to -have consumed it in eating, drinking and making merry in their -day; or, if you please, in quarrelling and fighting with their unoffending -neighbors. Within eighteen years and eight months, -one half of the adult citizens were dead. Till then, being the -majority, they might rightfully levy the interest of their debt annually -on themselves and their fellow-revellers, or fellow-champions. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_138'>[138]</a></span>But at that period, say at this moment, a new majority -have come into place, in their own right, and not under the rights, -the conditions, or laws of their predecessors. Are they bound -to acknowledge the debt, to consider the preceding generation -as having had a right to eat up the whole soil of their country, -in the course of a life, to alienate it from them, (for it would be -an alienation to the creditors,) and would they think themselves -either legally or morally bound to give up their country and emigrate -to another for subsistence? Every one will say no; that -the soil is the gift of God to the living, as much as it had been -to the deceased generation; and that the laws of nature impose -no obligation on them to pay this debt. And although, like -some other natural rights, this has not yet entered into any declaration -of rights, it is no less a law, and ought to be acted on -by honest governments. It is, at the same time, a salutary curb -on the spirit of war and indebtment, which, since the modern -theory of the perpetuation of debt, has drenched the earth with -blood, and crushed its inhabitants under burthens ever accumulating. -Had this principle been declared in the British bill of -rights, England would have been placed under the happy disability -of waging eternal war, and of contracting her thousand -millions of public debt. In seeking, then, for an ultimate term -for the redemption of our debts, let us rally to this principle, and -provide for their payment within the term of nineteen years at -the farthest. Our government has not, as yet, begun to act on -the rule of loans and taxation going hand in hand. Had any -loan taken place in my time, I should have strongly urged a redeeming -tax. For the loan which has been made since the last -session of Congress, we should now set the example of appropriating -some particular tax, sufficient to pay the interest annually, -and the principle within a fixed term, less than nineteen -years. And I hope yourself and your committee will render the -immortal service of introducing this practice. Not that it is expected -that Congress should formally declare such a principle -They wisely enough avoid deciding on abstract questions. But -they may be induced to keep themselves within its limits. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_139'>[139]</a></span>I am sorry to see our loans begin at so exorbitant an interest. -And yet, even at that you will soon be at the bottom of the loan-bag. -We are an agricultural nation. Such an one employs its -sparings in the purchase or improvement of land or stocks. The -lendable money among them is chiefly that of orphans and wards -in the hands of executors and guardians, and that which the -farmer lays by till he has enough for the purchase in view. In -such a nation there is one and one only resource for loans, sufficient -to carry them through the expense of a war; and that will -always be sufficient, and in the power of an honest government, -punctual in the preservation of its faith. The fund I mean, is -<i>the mass of circulating coin</i>. Every one knows, that although -not literally, it is nearly true, that every paper dollar emitted -banishes a silver one from the circulation. A nation, therefore, -making its purchases and payments with bills fitted for circulation, -thrusts an equal sum of coin out of circulation. This is -equivalent to borrowing that sum, and yet the vendor receiving -payment in a medium as effectual as coin for his purchases or -payments, has no claim to interest. And so the nation may continue -to issue its bills as far as its wants require, and the limits -of the circulation will admit. Those limits are understood to -extend with us at present, to two hundred millions of dollars, a -greater sum than would be necessary for any war. But this, the -only resource which the government could command with certainty, -the States have unfortunately fooled away, nay corruptly -alienated to swindlers and shavers, under the cover of private -banks. Say, too, as an additional evil, that the disposal funds -of individuals, to this great amount, have thus been withdrawn -from improvement and useful enterprise, and employed in the -useless, usurious and demoralizing practices of bank directors -and their accomplices. In the war of 1755, our State availed -itself of this fund by issuing a paper money, bottomed on a specific -tax for its redemption, and, to insure its credit, bearing an -interest of five per cent. Within a very short time, not a bill of -this emission was to be found in circulation. It was locked up -in the chests of executors, guardians, widows, farmers, &c. We -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_140'>[140]</a></span>then issued bills bottomed on a redeeming tax, but bearing no -interest. These were readily received, and never depreciated -a single farthing. In the revolutionary war, the old Congress and -the States issued bills without interest, and without tax. They -occupied the channels of circulation very freely, till those channels -were overflowed by an excess beyond all the calls of circulation. -But although we have so improvidently suffered the -field of circulating medium to be filched from us by private individuals, -yet I think we may recover it in part, and even in the -whole, if the States will co-operate with us. If treasury bills -are emitted on a tax appropriated for their redemption in fifteen -years, and (to insure preference in the first moments of competition) -bearing an interest of six per cent. there is no one who -would not take them in preference to the bank paper now afloat, -on a principle of patriotism as well as interest; and they would -be withdrawn from circulation into private hoards to a considerable -amount. Their credit once established, others might be -emitted, bottomed also on a tax, but not bearing interest; and if -ever their credit faltered, open public loans, on which these bills -alone should be received as specie. These, operating as a sinking -fund, would reduce the quantity in circulation, so as to maintain -that in an equilibrium with specie. It is not easy to estimate -the obstacles which, in the beginning, we should encounter -in ousting the banks from their possession of the circulation; -but a steady and judicious alternation of emissions and loans, -would reduce them in time. But while this is going on, another -measure should be pressed, to recover ultimately our right to the -circulation. The States should be applied to, to transfer the -right of issuing circulating paper to Congress exclusively, <span lang="la"><i>in perpetuum</i></span>, -if possible, but during the war at least, with a saving of -charter rights. I believe that every State west and South of -Connecticut river, except Delaware, would immediately do it; -and the others would follow in time. Congress would, of course, -begin by obliging unchartered banks to wind up their affairs -within a short time, and the others as their charters expired, forbidding -the subsequent circulation of their paper. This they -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_141'>[141]</a></span>would supply with their own, bottomed, every emission, on an -adequate tax, and bearing or not bearing interest, as the state of -the public pulse should indicate. Even in the non-complying -States, these bills would make their way, and supplant the unfunded -paper of their banks, by their solidity, by the universality -of their currency, and by their receivability for customs and -taxes. It would be in their power, too, to curtail those banks -to the amount of their actual specie, by gathering up their paper, -and running it constantly on them. The national paper might -thus take place even in the non-complying States. In this way, -I am not without a hope, that this great, this sole resource for -loans in an agricultural country, might yet be recovered for the -use of the nation during war; and, if obtained <span lang="la"><i>in perpetuum</i></span>, it -would always be sufficient to carry us through any war; provided, -that in the interval between war and war, all the outstanding -paper should be called in, coin be permitted to flow in again, and -to hold the field of circulation until another war should require -its yielding place again to the national medium. -</p> - -<p> -But it will be asked, are we to have no banks? Are merchants -and others to be deprived of the resource of short accommodations, -found so convenient? I answer, let us have -banks; but let them be such as are alone to be found in any -country on earth, except Great Britain. There is not a bank of -discount on the continent of Europe, (at least there was not one -when I was there,) which offers anything but cash in exchange -for discounted bills. No one has a natural right to the trade of -a money lender, but he who has the money to lend. Let those -then among us, who have a monied capital, and who prefer employing -it in loans rather than otherwise, set up banks, and give -cash or national bills for the notes they discount. Perhaps, to -encourage them, a larger interest than is legal in the other cases -might be allowed them, on the condition of their lending for -short periods only. It is from Great Britain we copy the idea -of giving paper in exchange for discounted bills; and while we -have derived from that country some good principles of government -and legislation, we unfortunately run into the most servile -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_142'>[142]</a></span>imitation of all her practices, ruinous as they prove to her, and -with the gulph yawning before us into which these very practices -are precipitating her. The unlimited emission of bank paper -has banished all her specie, and is now, by a depreciation acknowledged -by her own statesmen, carrying her rapidly to bankruptcy, -as it did France, as it did us, and will do us again, and -every country permitting paper to be circulated, other than that -by public authority, rigorously limited to the just measure for -circulation. Private fortunes, in the present state of our circulation, -are at the mercy of those self-created money lenders, and -are prostrated by the floods of nominal money with which their -avarice deluges us. He who lent his money to the public or to -an individual, before the institution of the United States Bank, -twenty years ago, when wheat was well sold at a dollar the -bushel, and receives now his nominal sum when it sells at two -dollars, is cheated of half his fortune; and by whom? By the -banks, which, since that, have thrown into circulation ten dollars -of their nominal money where was one at that time. -</p> - -<p> -Reflect, if you please, on these ideas, and use them or not as -they appear to merit. They comfort me in the belief, that they -point out a resource ample enough, without overwhelming war -taxes, for the expense of the war, and possibly still recoverable; -and that they hold up to all future time a resource within ourselves, -ever at the command of government, and competent to -any wars into which we may be forced. Nor is it a slight object -to equalize taxes through peace and war. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Ever affectionately yours -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 27, 1813. -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p><span class="greek" title="Idan es polydendron anêr hylêtomos elthôn">Ιδαν ες πολυδενδρον ανηρ ὑλητομος ελθων</span></p> -<p><span class="greek" title="Paptainei, pareontos adên, pothen arxetai ergou">Παπταινει, παρεοντος αδην, ποθεν αρξεται εργου</span></p> -<p><span class="greek" title="Ti praton katalexô">Τι πρατον καταλεξω</span>; <span class="greek" title="epei para myria eipên">επει παρα μυρια ειπην</span>.</p> -</div></div> - -<p> -And I too, my dear Sir, like the wood-cutter of Ida, should -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_143'>[143]</a></span>doubt where to begin, were I to enter the forest of opinions, discussions, -and contentions which have occurred in our day. I -should say with Theocritus, <span class="greek" title="Ti praton katalexô">Τι πρατον καταλεξω</span>; <span class="greek" title="epei para myria eipên">επει παρα μυρια ειπην</span>. But I shall not do it. The <span lang="la"><i>summum bonum</i></span> with me is -now truly epicurian, ease of body and tranquillity of mind; -and to these I wish to consign my remaining days. Men have -differed in opinion, and been divided into parties by these opinions, -from the first origin of societies, and in all governments -where they have been permitted freely to think and to speak. -The same political parties which now agitate the United States, -have existed through all time. Whether the power of the people -or that of the <span class="greek" title="aristoi">αριστοι</span> should prevail, were questions which kept -the States of Greece and Rome in eternal convulsions, as they -now schismatize every people whose minds and mouths are not -shut up by the gag of a despot. And in fact, the terms of whig -and tory belong to natural as well as to civil history. They denote -the temper and constitution of mind of different individuals. -To come to our own country, and to the times when you -and I became first acquainted, we well remember the violent parties -which agitated the old Congress, and their bitter contests. -There you and I were together, and the Jays, and the Dickinsons, -and other anti-independents, were arrayed against us. They -cherished the monarchy of England, and we the rights of our -countrymen. When our present government was in the mew, -passing from Confederation to Union, how bitter was the schism -between the Feds and Antis. Here you and I were together -again. For although, for a moment, separated by the Atlantic -from the scene of action, I favored the opinion that nine States -should confirm the constitution, in order to secure it, and the -others hold off until certain amendments, deemed favorable to -freedom, should be made. I rallied in the first instant to the -wiser proposition of Massachusetts, that all should confirm, and -then all instruct their delegates to urge those amendments. The -amendments were made, and all were reconciled to the government. -But as soon as it was put into motion, the line of division -was again drawn. We broke into two parties, each wishing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_144'>[144]</a></span>to give the government a different direction; the one to strengthen -the most popular branch, the other the more permanent branches, -and to extend their permanence. Here you and I separated for -the first time, and as we had been longer than most others on the -public theatre, and our names therefore were more familiar to our -countrymen, the party which considered you as thinking with -them, placed your name at their head; the other, for the same -reason, selected mine. But neither decency nor inclination permitted -us to become the advocates of ourselves, or to take part -personally in the violent contests which followed. We suffered -ourselves, as you so well expressed it, to be passive subjects of -public discussion. And these discussions, whether relating to -men, measures or opinions, were conducted by the parties with -an animosity, a bitterness and an indecency which had never -been exceeded. All the resources of reason and of wrath were -exhausted by each party in support of its own, and to prostrate -the adversary opinions; one was upbraided with receiving the -anti-federalists, the other the old tories and refugees, into their -bosom. Of this acrimony, the public papers of the day exhibit -ample testimony, in the debates of Congress, of State Legislatures, -of stump-orators, in addresses, answers, and newspaper essays; -and to these, without question, may be added the private -correspondences of individuals; and the less guarded in these, -because not meant for the public eye, not restrained by the respect -due to that, but poured forth from the overflowings of the -heart into the bosom of a friend, as a momentary easement of -our feelings. In this way, and in answers to addresses, you and -I could indulge ourselves. We have probably done it, sometimes -with warmth, often with prejudice, but always, as we believed, -adhering to truth. I have not examined my letters of that day. -I have no stomach to revive the memory of its feelings. But -one of these letters, it seems, has got before the public, by accident -and infidelity, by the death of one friend to whom it was -written, and of his friend to whom it had been communicated, -and by the malice and treachery of a third person, of whom I -had never before heard, merely to make mischief, and in the same -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_145'>[145]</a></span>satanic spirit in which the same enemy had intercepted and published, -in 1776, your letter animadverting on Dickinson's character. -How it happened that I quoted you in my letter to Doctor -Priestley, and for whom, and not for yourself, the strictures were -meant, has been explained to you in my letter of the 15th, which -had been committed to the post eight days before I received -yours of the 10th, 11th and 14th. That gave you the reference -which these asked to the particular answer alluded to in the one -to Priestley. The renewal of these old discussions, my friend, -would be equally useless and irksome. To the volumes then -written on these subjects, human ingenuity can add nothing new, -and the rather, as lapse of time has obliterated many of the facts. -And shall you and I, my dear Sir, at our age, like Priam of old, -gird on the <span lang="la"><i>arma, diu desueta, trementibus œvo humeris</i></span>? -Shall we, at our age, become the Athletæ of party, and exhibit -ourselves as gladiators in the arena of the newspapers? Nothing -in the universe could induce me to it. My mind has been long -fixed to bow to the judgment of the world, who will judge by -my acts, and will never take counsel from me as to what that -judgment shall be. If your objects and opinions have been misunderstood, -if the measures and principles of others have been -wrongfully imputed to you, as I believe they have been, that you -should leave an explanation of them, would be an act of justice -to yourself. I will add, that it has been hoped that you would -leave such explanations as would place every saddle on its right -horse, and replace on the shoulders of others the burthens they -shifted on yours. -</p> - -<p> -But all this, my friend, is offered, merely for your consideration -and judgment, without presuming to anticipate what you -alone are qualified to decide for yourself. I mean to express my -own purpose only, and the reflections which have led to it. To -me, then, it appears, that there have been differences of opinion -and party differences, from the first establishment of governments -to the present day, and on the same question which now divides -our own country; that these will continue through all future -time; that every one takes his side in favor of the many, or of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_146'>[146]</a></span>the few, according to his constitution, and the circumstances in -which he is placed; that opinions, which are equally honest on -both sides, should not affect personal esteem or social intercourse; -that as we judge between the Claudii and the Gracchi, the Wentworths -and the Hampdens of past ages, so of those among us -whose names may happen to be remembered for awhile, the -next generations will judge, favorably or unfavorably, according -to the complexion of individual minds, and the side they shall -themselves have taken; that nothing new can be added by you -or me to what has been said by others, and will be said in every -age in support of the conflicting opinions on government; and -that wisdom and duty dictate an humble resignation to the verdict -of our future peers. In doing this myself, I shall certainly -not suffer moot questions to affect the sentiments of sincere friendship -and respect, consecrated to you by so long a course of time, -and of which I now repeat sincere assurances. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, June 28, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I know not what, unless it were the prophet of -Tippecanoe, had turned my curiosity to inquiries after the metaphysical -science of the Indians, their ecclesiastical establishments, -and theological theories; but your letter, written with all the -accuracy, perpiscuity, and elegance of your youth and middle -age, as it has given me great satisfaction, deserves my best thanks. -</p> - -<p> -It has given me satisfaction, because, while it has furnished -me with information <i>where</i> all the knowledge is to be obtained -that books afford, it has convinced me that I shall never know -much more of the subject than I do now. As I have never -aimed at making my collection of books upon this subject, I -have none of those you abridged in so concise a manner. Lafitan -Adair, and De Bry, were known to me only by name. -</p> - -<p> -The various ingenuity which has been displayed in inventions -of hypothesis, to account for the original population of America, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_147'>[147]</a></span>and the immensity of learning profusely expended to support -them, have appeared to me for a longer time than I can precisely -recollect, what the physicians call the <span lang="la"><i>Literæ nihil Sanantes</i></span>. -Whether serpents teeth were sown here and sprang up men; -whether men and women dropped from the clouds upon this Atlantic -Island; whether the Almighty created them here, or -whether they emigrated from Europe, are questions of no moment -to the present or future happiness of man. Neither agriculture, -commerce, manufactures, fisheries, science, literature, -taste, religion, morals, nor any other good will be promoted, or -any evil averted, by any discoveries that can be made in answer -to these questions. -</p> - -<p> -The opinions of the Indians and their usages, as they are represented -in your obliging letter of the 11th of June, appear to -me to resemble the Platonizing Philo, or the Philonizing Plato, -more than the genuine system of Indianism. -</p> - -<p> -The philosophy both of Philo and Plato are at least as absurd. -It is indeed less intelligible. -</p> - -<p> -Plato borrowed his doctrines from Oriental and Egyptian philosophers, -for he had travelled both in India and Egypt. -</p> - -<p> -The Oriental philosophy, imitated and adopted, in part, if not -the whole, by Plato and Philo, was -</p> - -<p> -1. One God the good. -</p> - -<p> -2. The ideas, the thoughts, the reason, the intellect, the logos, -the ratio of God. -</p> - -<p> -3. Matter, the universe, the production of the logos, or contemplations -of God. This matter was the source of evil. -</p> - -<p> -Perhaps the three powers of Plato, Philo, the Egyptians, and -Indians, cannot be distinctly made out, from your account of the -Indians, but— -</p> - -<p> -1. The great spirit, the good, who is worshipped by the kings, -sachems, and all the great men, in their solemn festivals, as the -Author, the Parent of good. -</p> - -<p> -2. The Devil, or the source of evil. They are not metaphysicians -enough as yet to suppose it, or at least to call it matter, -like the wiscains of Antiquity, and like Frederick the Great -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_148'>[148]</a></span>who has written a very silly essay on the origin of evil, in which -he ascribes it all to matter, as if this was an original discovery -of his own. -</p> - -<p> -The watchmaker has in his head an idea of the system of a -watch before he makes it. The mechanician of the universe had -a complete idea of the universe before he made it; and this idea, -this logos, was almighty, or at least powerful enough to produce -the world, but it must be made of matter which was eternal; for -creation out of nothing was impossible. And matter was unmanageable. -It would not, and could not be fashioned into any -system, without a large mixture of evil in it; for matter was essentially -evil. -</p> - -<p> -The Indians are not metaphysicians enough to have discovered -this <i>idea</i>, this logos, this intermediate power between good and -evil, God and matter. But of the two powers, the good and the -evil, they seem to have a full conviction; and what son or -daughter of Adam and Eve has not? -</p> - -<p> -This logos of Plato seems to resemble, if it was not the prototype -of, the <i>Ratio and its Progress</i> of Manilius, the astrologer; -of the <i>Progress of the Mind</i> of Condorcet, and the <i>Age of -Reason</i> of Tom Payne. -</p> - -<p> -I could make a system too. The seven hundred thousand soldiers -of Zingis, when the whole, or any part of them went to -battle, they sent up a howl, which resembled nothing that human -imagination has conceived, unless it be the supposition that all -the devils in hell were let loose at once to set up an infernal -scream, which terrified their enemies, and never failed to obtain -them victory. The Indian yell resembles this; and, therefore, -America was peopled from Asia. -</p> - -<p> -Another system. The armies of Zingis, sometimes two or -three or four hundred thousand of them, surrounded a province -in a circle, and marched towards the centre, driving all the wild -beasts before them, lions, tigers, wolves, bears, and every living -thing, terrifying them with their howls and yells, their drums, -trumpets, &c., till they terrified and tamed enough of them to -victual the whole army. Therefore, the Scotch Highlanders, who -practice the same thing in miniature, are emigrants from Asia. -Therefore, the American Indians, who, for anything I know, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_149'>[149]</a></span>practice the same custom, are emigrants from Asia or Scotland. -</p> - -<p> -I am weary of contemplating nations from the lowest and -most beastly degradations of human life, to the highest refinement -of civilization. I am weary of Philosophers, Theologians, -Politicians, and Historians. They are an immense mass of absurdities, -vices, and lies. Montesquieu had sense enough to -say in jest, that all our knowledge might be comprehended in -twelve pages in duodecimo, and I believe him in earnest. I -could express my faith in shorter terms. He who loves the -workman and his work, and does what he can to preserve and -improve it, shall be accepted of him. -</p> - -<p> -I have also felt an interest in the Indians, and a commiseration -for them from my childhood. Aaron Pomham the priest, -and Moses Pomham the king of the Punkapang and Neponset -tribes, were frequent visitors at my father's house, at least seventy -years ago. I have a distinct remembrance of their forms and -figures. They were very aged, and the tallest and stoutest Indians -I have ever seen. The titles of king and priest, and the -names of Moses and Aaron, were given them no doubt by our -Massachusetts divines and statesmen. There was a numerous -family in this town, whose wigwam was within a mile of this -house. This family were frequently at my father's house, and -I, in my boyish rambles, used to call at their wigwam, where I -never failed to be treated with whortleberries, blackberries, -strawberries or apples, plums, peaches, &c., for they had planted -a variety of fruit trees about them. But the girls went out to -service, and the boys to sea, till not a soul is left. We scarcely -see an Indian in a year. I remember the time when Indian murder, -scalpings, depredations and conflagrations, were as frequent -on the Eastern and Northern frontier of Massachusetts, as they -are now in Indiana, and spread as much terror. But since the -conquest of Canada, all has ceased; and I believe with you that -another conquest of Canada will quiet the Indians forever, and -be as great a blessing to them as to us. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_150'>[150]</a></span>The instance of Aaron Pomham made me suspect that there -was an order of priesthood among them. But, according to your -account, the worship of the good spirit was performed by the -kings, sachems, and warriors, as among the ancient Germans, -whose highest rank of nobility were priests. The worship of -the evil spirit, <span class="greek" title="Athanatous men prôta theous nomô hôs diakeitai tima">Αθανατους μὲν πρωτα θεους νομῳ ως διακειται τιμα</span>. -</p> - -<p> -We have war now in earnest. I lament the contumacious -spirit that appears about me. But I lament the cause that has -given too much apology for it; the total neglect and absolute -refusal of all maritime protection and defence. Money, mariners, -and soldiers, would be at the public service, if only a few -frigates had been ordered to be built. Without this, our Union -will be a brittle china vase, a house of ice, or a palace of glass. -</p> - -<p> -I am, Sir, with an affectionate respect, yours -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, June 28, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—It is very true that the denunciations of the priesthood -are fulminated against every advocate for a complete freedom -of religion. Comminations, I believe, would be plenteously -pronounced by even the most liberal of them, against Atheism, -Deism, against every man who disbelieved or doubted the resurrection -of Jesus, or the miracles of the New Testament. Priestley -himself would denounce the man who should deny the -Apocalypse, or the Prophecies of Daniel. Priestley and Lindsay -both have denounced as idolaters and blasphemers all the Trinitarians, -and even the Arians. -</p> - -<p> -Poor weak man, when will thy perfection arrive? Thy perfectability -I shall not deny; for a greater character than Priestley -or Godwin has said, "Be ye perfect," &c. For my part I can -not deal damnation round the land on all I judge the foes of -God and man. But I did not intend to say a word on this subject -in this letter. As much of it as you please hereafter, but -let me return to politics. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_151'>[151]</a></span>With some difficulty I have hunted up, or down, the "address -of the young men of the city of Philadelphia, the district of -Southwark, and the Northern Liberties," and the answer. -</p> - -<p> -The addresses say, "Actuated by the same principles on -which our forefathers achieved their independence, the recent attempts -of a foreign power to derogate from the dignity and rights -of our country, awaken our liveliest sensibility, and our strongest -indignation." Huzza my brave boys! Could Thomas Jefferson -or John Adams hear those words with insensibility, and without -emotion? These boys afterwards add, "We regard our -liberty and independence as the richest portion given us by our -ancestors." And who were those ancestors? Among them -were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. And I very coolly believe -that no two men among those ancestors did more towards -it than those two. Could either hear this like statues? If, one -hundred years hence, your letters and mine should see the light, -I hope the reader will hunt up this address, and read it all; and -remember that we were then engaged, or on the point of engaging, -in a war with France. I shall not repeat the answer till -we come to the paragraph upon which you criticised to Dr. -Priestley, though every word of it is true, and I now rejoice to -see it recorded, and though I had wholly forgotten it. -</p> - -<p> -The paragraph is, "Science and morals are the great pillars -on which this country has been raised to its present population, -opulence and prosperity, and these alone can advance, support, -and preserve it. Without wishing to damp the ardor of curiosity, -or influence the freedom of inquiry, I will hazard a prediction -that, after the most industrious and impartial researches, the longest -liver of you all will find no principles, institutions, or systems -of education more fit, <span class='smcap'>in general</span>, to be transmitted to your -posterity than those you have received from your ancestors." -</p> - -<p> -Now, compare the paragraph in the answer with the paragraph -in the address, as both are quoted above, and see if we can find -the extent and the limits of the meaning of both. -</p> - -<p> -Who composed that army of fine young fellows that was then -before my eyes? There were among them Roman Catholics, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_152'>[152]</a></span>English Episcopalians, Scotch and American Presbyterians, -Methodists, Moravians, Anabaptists, German Lutherans, German -Calvinists, Universalists, Arians, Priestleyans, Socinians, Independents, -Congregationalists, Horse Protestants and House -Protestants, Deists and Atheists; and <span lang="fr_FR">"Protestans qui ne croyent -rien."</span> Very few however of several of these species. Nevertheless, -all educated in the <span class='smcap'>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</span> of Christianity; -and the general principles of English and American liberty. -</p> - -<p> -Could my answer be understood by any candid reader or hearer, -to recommend to all the others the general principles, institutions, -or systems of education of the Roman Catholics? Or those -of the Quakers? Or those of the Presbyterians? Or those of -the Menonists? Or those of the Methodists? Or those of the -Moravians? Or those of the Universalists? Or those of the -Philosophers? No. -</p> - -<p> -The <span class='smcap'>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</span> on which the fathers achieved independence, -were the only principles in which that beautiful assembly -of young gentlemen could unite, and these principles -only could be intended by them in their address, or by me in -my answer. -</p> - -<p> -And what were these <span class='smcap'>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</span>? I answer, the -general principles of Christianity, in which all those sects were -united; and the <span class='smcap'>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</span> of English and American -liberty, in which all these young men united, and which had -united all parties in America, in majorities sufficient to assert and -maintain her independence. -</p> - -<p> -Now I will avow that I then believed, and now believe, that -those general principles of Christianity are as eternal and immutable -as the existence and attributes of God; and that those -principles of liberty are as unalterable as human nature, and our -terrestrial mundane system. I could therefore safely say, consistently -with all my then and present information, that I believed -they would never make discoveries in contradiction to these -<span class='smcap'>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</span>. In favor of these <span class='smcap'>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</span> in -philosophy, religion and government, I would fill sheets of quotations -from Frederick of Prussia, from Hume, Gibbon, Bolingbroke, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_153'>[153]</a></span>Rousseau and Voltaire, as well as Newton and Locke; not -to mention thousands of divines and philosophers of inferior fame. -</p> - -<p> -I might have flattered myself that my sentiments were sufficiently -known to have protected me against suspicions of narrow -thoughts, contracted sentiments, bigoted, enthusiastic, or superstitious -principles, civil, political, philosophical, or ecclesiastical. -The first sentence of the preface to my defence of the constitution, -vol. 1st, printed in 1787, is in these words: "The arts and -sciences, in general, during the three or four last centuries, have -had a regular course of <i>progressive</i> improvement. The inventions -in mechanic arts, the discoveries in natural philosophy, -navigation, and commerce, and the advancement of civilization -and humanity, have occasioned changes in the condition of the -world and the human character, which would have astonished -the most refined nations of antiquity," &c. I will quote no -farther; but request you to read again that whole page, and then -say whether the writer of it could be suspected of recommending -to youth "to look backward instead of forward" for instruction -and improvement. -</p> - -<p> -This letter is already too long. In my next I shall consider -the Terrorism of the day. Meantime I am, as ever, your friend -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR JOHN L. E. W. SHECUT. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 29, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I am very sensible of the honor done me by the Antiquarian -Society of Charleston, in the Rule for the organization -of their Society, which you have been so good as to communicate, -and I pray you to do me the favor of presenting to them -my thanks. Age, and my inland and retired situation, make it -scarcely probable that I shall be able to render them any services. -But, should any occasion occur wherein I can be useful to them, -I shall receive their commands with pleasure, and execute them -with fidelity. While the promotion of the arts and sciences is -interesting to every nation, and at all times, it becomes peculiarly -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_154'>[154]</a></span>so to ours, at this time, when the total demoralization of the -governments of Europe, has rendered it safest, by cherishing internal -resources, to lessen the occasions of intercourse with them. -The works of our aboriginal inhabitants have been so perishable, -that much of them must have disappeared already. The antiquarian -researches, therefore, of the Society, cannot be too soon, -or too assiduously directed, to the collecting and preserving what -still remain. -</p> - -<p> -Permit me to place here my particular thankfulness for the -kind sentiments of personal regard which you have been pleased -to express. -</p> - -<p> -I have been in the constant hope of seeing the second volume -of your excellent botanical work. Its alphabetical form and -popular style, its attention to the properties and uses of plants, as -well as to their descriptions, are well calculated to encourage and -instruct our citizens in botanical inquiries. -</p> - -<p> -I avail myself of this occasion, of enclosing you a little of the -fruit of a <i>Capsicum</i> I have just received from the province of -Texas, where it is indigenous and perennial, and is used as -freely as salt by the inhabitants. It is new to me. It differs -from your <i>Capsicum Minimum</i>, in being perennial and probably -hardier; perhaps, too, in its size, which would claim the term of -<i>Minutissimum</i>. This stimulant being found salutary in a visceral -complaint known on the sea-coast, the introduction of a -hardier variety may be of value. Accept the assurance of my -great respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, June 30, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—* * * * * -</p> - -<p> -But to return, <i>for the present</i>, to "The sensations excited in -free, yet firm minds by the Terrorism of the day." You say -none can conceive them who did not witness them; and they -were felt by one party only. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_155'>[155]</a></span>Upon this subject I despair of making myself understood by -posterity, by the present age, and even by you. To collect and -arrange the documents illustrative of it, would require as many -lives as those of a cat. You never felt the terrorism of Chaise's -Rebellion in Massachusetts. I believe you never felt the terrorism -of Gallatin's insurrection in Pennsylvania. You certainly -never realized the terrorism of Tries's most outrageous riot and -rescue, as I call it. Treason, rebellion—as the world, and great -judges, and two juries pronounce it. -</p> - -<p> -You certainly never felt the terrorism excited by Genet in -1793, when ten thousand people in the streets of Philadelphia, -day after day, threatened to drag Washington out of his house, -and effect a revolution in the government, or compel it to declare -war in favor of the French revolution, and against England. -The coolest and the firmest minds, even among the Quakers in -Philadelphia, have given their opinions to me, that nothing but -the yellow fever, which removed Dr. Hutchinson and Jonathan -Dickinson Sargent from this world, could have saved the United -States from a total revolution of government. I have no doubt -you were fast asleep in philosophical tranquillity when ten thousand -people, and perhaps many more, were parading the streets -of Philadelphia, on the evening of my <i>Fast Day</i>. When even -Governor Mifflin himself, thought it his duty to order a patrol of -horse and foot, to preserve the peace; when Market Street was -as full as men could stand by one another, and even before my -door; when some of my domestics, in phrenzy, determined to -sacrifice their lives in my defence; when all were ready to make -a desperate sally among the multitude, and others were with -difficulty and danger dragged back by the others; when I myself -judged it prudent and necessary to order chests of arms -from the war office, to be brought through by lanes and back -doors; determined to defend my house at the expense of my -life, and the lives of the few, very few, domestics and friends -within it. What think you of terrorism, Mr. Jefferson? Shall -I investigate the causes, the motives, the incentives to these terrorisms? -Shall I remind you of Phillip Freneau, of Loyd, of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_156'>[156]</a></span>Ned Church? Of Peter Markoe, of Andrew Brown, of Duane? -Of Callender, of Tom Paine, of Greenleaf, of Cheatham, of -Tennison at New York, of Benjamin Austin at Boston? -</p> - -<p> -But above all, shall I request you to collect circular letters -from members of Congress in the middle and southern States to -their constituents? I would give all I am worth for a complete -collection of all those circular letters. Please to recollect Edward -Livingston's motions and speeches, and those of his associates, -in the case of Jonathan Robbins. The real terrors of both -parties have always been, and now are, the fear that they shall -lose the elections, and consequently the loaves and fishes; and -that their antagonists will obtain them. Both parties have excited -artificial terrors, and if I were summoned as a witness to -say, upon oath, which party had excited, Machiavillialy, the -most terror, and which had really felt the most, I could not give -a more sincere answer than in the vulgar style, put them in a -bag and shake them, and then see which comes out first. -</p> - -<p> -Where is the terrorism now, my friend? There is now more -real terrorism in New England than there ever was in Virginia. -The terror of a civil war, <span lang="fr_FR"><i>à La Vendee</i></span>, a division of the States, -&c., &c., &c. How shall we conjure down this damnable -rivalry between Virginia and Massachusetts? Virginia had recourse -to Pennsylvania and New York. Massachusetts has now -recourse to New York. They have almost got New Jersey and -Maryland, and they are aiming at Pennsylvania. And all this -in the midst of a war with England, when all Europe is in -flames. -</p> - -<p> -I will give you a hint or two more on the subject of terrorism. -When John Randolph in the House, and Stephens Thompson -Mason in the Senate, were treating me with the utmost contempt; -when Ned Livingston was threatening me with impeachment for -the murder of Jonathan Robbins, <i>the native of Danvers in -Connecticut</i>; when I had certain information, that the daily -language in an Insurance Office in Boston was, even from the -mouth of Charles Jarvis, "We must go to Philadelphia and drag -that John Adams from his chair;" I thank God that terror never -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_157'>[157]</a></span>yet seized on my mind. But I have had more excitements to it, -from 1761 to this day, than any other man. Name the other if -you can. I have been disgraced and degraded, and I have a -right to complain. But as I always expected it, I have always -submitted to it; perhaps often with too much tameness. The -amount of all the speeches of John Randolph in the House, for -two or three years is, that himself and myself are the only two -honest and consistent men in the United States. Himself eternally -in opposition to government, and myself as constantly in -favor of it. He is now in correspondence with his friend Quincy. -What will come of it, let Virginia and Massachusetts judge. -In my next you may find something upon correspondences; -Whig and Tory; Federal and Democratic; Virginian and Novanglian; -English and French; Jacobinic and Despotic, &c. -</p> - -<p> -Meantime I am as ever, your friend. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Correspondences! The letters of Bernard and -Hutchinson, and Oliver and Paxton, &c., were detected and -exposed before the Revolution. There are, I doubt not, thousands -of letters now in being, (but still concealed from their -party,) to their friends, which will, one day, see the light. I -have wondered for more than thirty years, that so few have -appeared; and have constantly expected that a Tory History -of the rise and progress of the Revolution would appear; -and wished it. I would give more for it than for Marshall, Gordon, -Ramsay, and all the rest. Private letters of all parties will -be found analogous to the newspapers, pamphlets, and historians -of the times. Gordon's and Marshall's histories were written to -make money; and fashioned and finished to sell high in the -London market. I should expect to find more truth in a history -written by Hutchinson, Oliver, or Sewall; and I doubt not, such -histories will one day appear. Marshall's is a Mausolæum, 100 -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_158'>[158]</a></span>feet square at the base, and 200 feet high. It will be as durable -as the monuments of the Washington benevolent societies. -Your character in history may easily be foreseen. Your administration -will be quoted by philosophers as a model of profound -wisdom; by politicians, as weak, superficial, and short sighted. -Mine, like Pope's woman, will have no character at all. The -impious idolatry to Washington destroyed all character. His -legacy of ministers was not the worst part of the tragedy; though -by his own express confession to me, and by Pickering's confession -to the world, in his letters to Sullivan, two of them, at least, -were fastened upon him by necessity, because he could get no -other. The truth is, Hamilton's influence over him was so well -known, that no man fit for the office of State or War would accept -either. He was driven to the necessity of appointing such -as would accept; and this necessity was, in my opinion, the real -cause of his retirement from office; for you may depend upon it, -that retirement was not voluntary. -</p> - -<p> -My friend, you and I have passed our lives in serious times. -I know not whether we have ever seen any moments more -serious than the present. The Northern States are now retaliating -upon the Southern States their conduct from 1797 to 1800. -It is a mortification to me to see what servile mimics they are. -Their newspapers, pamphlets, hand-bills, and their legislative -proceedings, are copied from the examples set them, especially -by Virginia and Kentucky. I know not which party has the -most unblushing front, the most lying tongue, or the most impudent -and insolent, not to say the most seditious and rebellious -pen. -</p> - -<p> -If you desire explanation on any of the points in this letter, -you shall have them. This correspondence, I hope, will be concealed -as long as Hutchinson's and Oliver's; but I should have -no personal objection to the publication of it in the National Intelligencer. -I am, and shall be for life, your friend. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_159'>[159]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July 9, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -Lord! Lord! What can I do with so much Greek? When -I was of your age, young man, <i>i. e.</i>, seven, or eight, or nine years -ago, I felt a kind of pang of affection for one of the flames of -my youth, and again paid my addresses to Isocrates, and Dionysius -Hallicarnassensis, &c., &c. I collected all my Lexicons -and Grammars, and sat down to <span class="greek" title="peri synthêseôs onomatôn">περὶ συνθησεως ονοματων</span>, &c. In -this way I amused myself for some time; but I found, that if I -looked a word to-day, in less than a week I had to look it again. -It was to little better purpose than writing letters on a pail of -water. -</p> - -<p> -Whenever I set down to write to you, I am precisely in the -situation of the wood-cutter on Mount Ida. I cannot see wood -for trees. So many subjects crowd upon me, that I know not -with which to begin. But I will begin, at random, with Belsham; -who is, as I have no doubt, a man of merit. He had no -malice against you, nor any thought of doing mischief; nor has -he done any, though he has been imprudent. The truth is, the -dissenters of all denominations in England, and especially the -Unitarians, are cowed, as we used to say at College. They are -ridiculed, insulted, persecuted. They can scarcely hold their -heads above water. They catch at straws and shadows to avoid -drowning. Priestley sent your letter to Linsay, and Belsham -printed it from the same motive, <i>i. e.</i> to derive some countenance -from the name of Jefferson. Nor has it done harm here -Priestley says to Linsay, "You see he is almost one of us, and -he hopes will soon be altogether such as we are." Even in our -New England, I have heard a high Federal Divine say, your letters -had increased his respect for you. -</p> - -<p> -"The same political parties which now agitate the United -States, have existed through all time;" precisely. And this is -precisely the complaint in the preface to the first volume of my -defence. While all other sciences have advanced, that of government -is at a stand; little better understood; little better practiced -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_160'>[160]</a></span>now, than three or four thousand years ago. What is the -reason? I say, parties and factions will not suffer, or permit improvements -to be made. As soon as one man hints at an improvement, -his rival opposes it. No sooner has one party -discovered or invented an amelioration of the condition of man, -or the order of society, than the opposite party belies it, misconstrues, -misrepresents it, ridicules it, insults it, and persecutes it. -Records are destroyed. Histories are annihilated, or interpolated, -or prohibited: sometimes by popes, sometimes by emperors, -sometimes by aristocratical, and sometimes by democratical assemblies, -and sometimes by mobs. -</p> - -<p> -Aristotle wrote the history of eighteen hundred republics which -existed before his time. Cicero wrote two volumes of discourses -on government, which, perhaps, were worth all the rest of his -works. The works of Livy and Tacitus, &c., that are lost, -would be more interesting than all that remain. Fifty gospels -have been destroyed, and where are St. Luke's world of books -that have been written? If you ask my opinion who has committed -all the havoc, I will answer you candidly,—Ecclesiastical -and Imperial despotism has done it, to conceal their frauds. -</p> - -<p> -Why are the histories of all nations, more ancient than the -Christian era, lost? Who destroyed the Alexandrian library? -I believe that Christian priests, Jewish rabbis, Grecian sages, and -emperors, had as great a hand in it as Turks and Mahometans. -</p> - -<p> -Democrats, Rebels and Jacobins, when they possessed a momentary -power, have shown a disposition both to destroy and -forge records as vandalical as priests and despots. Such has been -and such is the world we live in. -</p> - -<p> -I recollect, near some thirty years ago, to have said carelessly -to you that I wished I could find time and means to write something -upon aristocracy. You seized upon the idea, and encouraged -me to do it with all that friendly warmth that is natural and -habitual to you. I soon began, and have been writing upon that -subject ever since. I have been so unfortunate as never to be -able to make myself understood. -</p> - -<p> -Your "<span class="greek" title="aristoi">ἄριστοι</span>" are the most difficult animals to manage of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_161'>[161]</a></span>anything in the whole theory and practice of government. They -will not suffer themselves to be governed. They not only exert -all their own subtlety, industry and courage, but they employ -the commonalty to knock to pieces every plan and model that -the most honest architects in legislation can invent to keep them -within bounds. Both patricians and plebeians are as furious as -the workmen in England, to demolish labor-saving machinery. -</p> - -<p> -But who are these "<span class="greek" title="aristoi">ἄριστοι</span>"? Who shall judge? Who shall -select these choice spirits from the rest of the congregation? -Themselves? We must first find out and determine who themselves -are. Shall the congregation choose? Ask Xenophon; -perhaps hereafter I may quote you Greek. Too much in a hurry -at present, English must suffice. Xenophon says that the ecclesia -always chooses the worst men they can find, because none others -will do their dirty work. This wicked motive is worse than -birth or wealth. Here I want to quote Greek again. But the -day before I received your letter of June 27th, I gave the book -to George Washington Adams, going to the academy at Hingham. -The title is <span class="greek" title="Êthikê poiêsis">Ηθικη ποιησις</span>, a collection of moral sentences -from all the most ancient Greek poets. In one of the oldest of -them, I read in Greek, that I cannot repeat, a couplet, the sense -of which was: "Nobility in men is worth as much as it is in -horses, asses, or rams; but the meanest blooded puppy in the -world, if he gets a little money, is as good a man as the best of -them." Yet birth and wealth together have prevailed over virtue -and talents in all ages. The many will acknowledge no -other "<span class="greek" title="aristoi">ἄριστοι</span>" -</p> - -<p> -Your experience of this truth will not much differ from that of -your best friend. -</p> - -<h3> -MR ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July 13, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Let me allude to one circumstance more in one -of your letters to me, before I touch upon the subject of religion -in your letters to Priestley. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_162'>[162]</a></span>The first time that you and I differed in opinion on any material -question, was after your arrival from Europe, and that point -was the French revolution. -</p> - -<p> -You were well persuaded in your own mind, that the nation -would succeed in establishing a free republican government. I -was as well persuaded in mine, that a project of such a government -over five and twenty millions of people, when four and -twenty millions and five hundred thousand of them could neither -read nor write, was as unnatural, irrational and impracticable as -it would be over the elephants, lions, tigers, panthers, wolves -and bears in the royal menagerie at Versailles. Napoleon has -lately invented a word which perfectly expresses my opinion, -at that time and ever since. He calls the project Ideology; -and John Randolph, though he was, fourteen years ago, as wild -an enthusiast for equality and fraternity as any of them, appears -to be now a regenerated proselyte to Napoleon's opinion and -mine, that it was all madness. -</p> - -<p> -The Greeks, in their allegorical style, said that the two ladies, -<span class="greek" title="Aristokratia">Αριστοκρατια</span> and <span class="greek" title="dêmokratia">δημοκρατια</span>, always in a quarrel, disturbed every -neighborhood with their brawls. It is a fine observation of yours, -that "Whig and Tory belong to natural history." Inequalities of -mind and body are so established by God Almighty, in his constitution -of human nature, that no art or policy can ever plane them -down to a level. I have never read reasoning more absurd, sophistry -more gross, in proof of the Athanasian creed, or Transubstantiation, -than the subtle labors of Helvetius and Rousseau, to demonstrate -the natural equality of mankind. <span lang="la"><i>Jus cuique</i></span>, the golden -rule, do as you would be done by, is all the equality that can be -supported or defended by reason, or reconciled to common sense. -</p> - -<p> -It is very true, as you justly observe, I can say nothing new -on this or any other subject of government. But when Lafayette -harangued you and me and John Quincy Adams, through -a whole evening in your hotel in the Cul de Sac, at Paris, and -developed the plans then in operation to reform France, though -I was as silent as you were, I then thought I could say something -new to him. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_163'>[163]</a></span>In plain truth, I was astonished at the grossness of his ignorance -of government and history, as I had been for years before, -at that of Turgot, Rochefaucault, Condorcet and Franklin. -This gross Ideology of them all, first suggested to me the thought -and the inclination which I afterwards hinted to you in London, -of writing something upon aristocracy. I was restrained for -years, by many fearful considerations. Who, and what was I? -A man of no name or consideration in Europe. The manual exercise -of writing was painful and distressing to me, almost like a -blow on the elbow or knee. My style was habitually negligent, -unstudied, unpolished; I should make enemies of all the French -patriots, the Dutch patriots, the English republicans, dissenters, -reformers, call them what you will; and what came nearer home -to my bosom than all the rest, I knew I should give offence to -many if not all of my best friends in America, and very probably -destroy all the little popularity I ever had, in a country where -popularity had more omnipotence than the British Parliament -assumed. Where should I get the necessary books? What -printer or bookseller would undertake to print such hazardous -writings? -</p> - -<p> -But when the French assembly of notables met, and I saw -that Turgot's "government in one centre, and that centre the -nation," a sentence as mysterious or as contradictory as the Athanasian -creed, was about to take place, and when I saw that -Shaise's rebellion was about breaking out in Massachusetts, and -when I saw that even my obscure name was often quoted in -France as an advocate for simple democracy, when I saw that -the sympathies in America had caught the French flame, I was -determined to wash my own hands as clean as I could of all this -foulness. I had then strong forebodings that I was sacrificing -all the honors and emoluments of this life, and so it has happened, -but not in so great a degree as I apprehended. -</p> - -<p> -In truth, my defence of the constitutions and "discourses on -Davila," laid the foundation for that immense unpopularity which -fell, like the tower of Siloam, upon me. Your steady defence -of democratical principles, and your invariable favorable opinion -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_164'>[164]</a></span>of the French revolution, laid the foundation of your unbounded -popularity. -</p> - -<p> -<span lang="la"><i>Sic transit gloria mundi!</i></span> Now I will forfeit my life, if you -can find one sentence in my defence of the constitutions, or the -discourses on Davila, which, by a fair construction, can favor the -introduction of hereditary monarchy or aristocracy into America. -</p> - -<p> -They were all written to support and strengthen the constitutions -of the United States. -</p> - -<p> -The wood-cutter on Ida, though he was puzzled to find a tree -to chop at first, I presume knew how to leave off when he was -weary. But I never know when to cease when I begin to write -to you. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR SAMUEL BROWN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 14, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of May 25th and June 13th have been -duly received, as also the first supply of Capsicum, and the second -of the same article with other seeds. I shall set great store -by the Capsicum, if it is hardy enough for our climate, the species -we have heretofore tried being too tender. The Galvance, -too, will be particularly attended to, as it appears very different -from what we cultivate by that name. I have so many grandchildren -and others who might be endangered by the poison -plant, that I think the risk overbalances the curiosity of trying -it. The most elegant thing of that kind known is a preparation -of the Jamestown weed, Datura-Stramonium, invented by the -French in the time of Robespierre. Every man of firmness -carried it constantly in his pocket to anticipate the Guillotine. -It brings on the sleep of death as quietly as fatigue does the ordinary -sleep, without the least struggle or motion. Condorcet, -who had recourse to it, was found lifeless on his bed a few minutes -after his landlady had left him there, and even the slipper -which she had observed half suspended on his foot, was not -shaken off. It seems far preferable to the Venesection of the -Romans, the Hemlock of the Greeks, and the Opium of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_165'>[165]</a></span>Turks. I have never been able to learn what the preparation is, -other than a strong concentration of its lethiferous principle. -Could such a medicament be restrained to self-administration, it -ought not to be kept secret. There are ills in life as desperate -as intolerable, to which it would be the rational relief, <i>e. g.</i> the -inveterate cancer. As a relief from tyranny indeed, for which -the Romans recurred to it in the times of the emperors, it has -been a wonder to me that they did not consider a poignard in the -breast of the tyrant as a better remedy. -</p> - -<p> -I am sorry to learn that a banditti from our country are taking -part in the domestic contests of the country adjoining you; and -the more so as from the known laxity of execution in our laws, -they cannot be punished, although the law has provided punishment. -It will give a wrongful hue to a rightful act of taking -possession of Mobile, and will be imputed to the national authority -as Meranda's enterprise was, because not punished by it. -I fear, too, that the Spaniards are too heavily oppressed by ignorance -and superstition for self-government, and whether a change -from foreign to domestic despotism will be to their advantage remains -to be seen. -</p> - -<p> -We have been unfortunate in our first military essays by land. -Our men are good, but our generals unqualified. Every failure -we have incurred has been the fault of the general, the men -evincing courage in every instance. At sea we have rescued -our character; but the chief fruit of our victories there is to -prove to those who have fleets, that the English are not invincible -at sea, as Alexander has proved that Bonaparte is not invincible -by land. How much to be lamented that the world cannot -unite and destroy these two land and sea monsters! The one -drenching the earth with human gore, the other ravaging the -ocean with lawless piracies and plunder. Bonaparte will die, -and the nations of Europe will recover their independence with, -I hope, better governments. But the English government never -dies, because their king is no part of it, he is a mere formality, -and the real government is the aristocracy of the country, for -their House of Commons is of that class. Their aim is to claim -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_166'>[166]</a></span>the dominion of the ocean by conquest, and to make every vessel -navigating it pay a tribute to the support of the fleet necessary -to maintain that dominion, to which their own resources are -inadequate. I see no means of terminating their maritime dominion -and tyranny but in their own bankruptcy, which I hope -is approaching. But I turn from these painful contemplations to -the more pleasing one of my constant friendship and respect for -you. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July 15, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -Never mind it, my dear Sir, if I write four letters to your one, -your one is worth more than my four. -</p> - -<p> -It is true that I can say, and have said, nothing new on the -subject of government. Yet I did say in my defence and in my -discourses on Davila, though in an uncouth style, what was new -to Locke, to Harrington, to Milton, to Hume, to Montesquieu, -to Rousseau, to Turgot, to Condorcet, to Rochefaucault, to -Price, to Franklin, and to yourself; and at that time to almost -all Europe and America. I can prove all this by indisputable -authorities and documents. -</p> - -<p> -Writings on government had been not only neglected, but -discountenanced and discouraged throughout all Europe, from -the restoration of Charles the Second in England, till the French -revolution commenced. -</p> - -<p> -The English commonwealth, the fate of Charles the 1st, and -the military despotism of Cromwell, had sickened mankind with -disquisitions on government to such a degree, that there was -scarcely a man in Europe who had looked into the subject. -</p> - -<p> -David Hume had made himself so fashionable with the aid -of the court and clergy, Atheist, as they called him, and by his -elegant lies against the republicans and gaudy daubings of -the courtiers, that he had nearly laughed into contempt Rapin, -Sydney, and even Locke. It was ridiculous and even criminal -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_167'>[167]</a></span>in almost all Europe to speak of constitutions, or writers upon -the principles or the fabrics of them. -</p> - -<p> -In this state of things my poor, unprotected, unpatronized -books appeared; and met with a fate not quite so cruel as I had -anticipated. They were at last, however, overborne by misrepresentations, -and will perish in obscurity, though they have -been translated into German as well as French. The three -emperors of Europe, the Prince Regents, and all the ruling powers, -would no more countenance or tolerate such writings, than -the Pope, the emperor of Haiti, Ben Austin, or Tom Paine. -</p> - -<p> -The nations of Europe appeared to me, when I was among -them, from the beginning of 1778, to 1785, <i>i. e.</i> to the commencement -of the troubles in France, to be advancing by slow -but sure steps towards an amelioration of the condition of man -in religion and government, in liberty, equality, fraternity, -knowledge, civilization and humanity. -</p> - -<p> -The French revolution I dreaded, because I was sure it would -not only arrest the progress of improvement, but give it a retrograde -course, for at least a century, if not many centuries. The -French patriots appeared to me like young scholars from a college, -or sailors flushed with recent pay or prize money, mounted on -wild horses, lashing and spurring till they would kill the horses, -and break their own necks. -</p> - -<p> -Let me now ask you very seriously, my friend, where are -now, in 1813, the perfection and the perfectability of human -nature? Where is now the progress of the human mind? -Where is the amelioration of society? Where the augmentations -of human comforts? Where the diminutions of human -pains and miseries? I know not whether the last day of Dr. -Young can exhibit to a mind unstaid by philosophy and religion -[for I hold there can be no philosophy without religion], more -terrors than the present state of the world. When, where, and -how is the present chaos to be arranged into order? There is -not, there cannot be, a greater abuse of words than to call the -writings of Calender, Paine, Austin and Lowell, or the speeches -of Ned Livingston and John Randolph, public discussions. The -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_168'>[168]</a></span>ravings and rantings of Bedlam merit the character as well; and -yet Joel Barlow was about to record Tom Paine as the great -author of the American Revolution! If he was, I desire that -my name may be blotted out forever from its records. -</p> - -<p> -You and I ought not to die before we have explained ourselves -to each other. -</p> - -<p> -I shall come to the subject of religion by-and-bye. Your -friend. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -I have been looking for some time for a space in my good husband's -letters to add the regards of an old friend, which are still -cherished and preserved through all the changes and vicissitudes -which have taken place since we first became acquainted, and -will, I trust, remain as long as -</p> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>A. Adams.</span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July 16, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letters to Priestley have increased my grief, -if that were possible, for the loss of Rush. Had he lived, I -would have stimulated him to insist on your promise to him, to -write him on the subject of religion. Your plan I admire. -</p> - -<p> -In your letter to Priestley of March 21st, 1801, dated at Washington, -you call "The Christian Philosophy, the most sublime -and benevolent, but the most perverted system that ever shone -upon man." That it is the most sublime and benevolent, I agree. -But whether it has been more perverted than that of Moses, of -Confucius, of Zoroaster, of Sanchoniathan, of Numa, of Mahomet, -of the Druids, of the Hindoos, &c., &c., I cannot as yet -determine because I am not sufficiently acquainted with those -systems, or the history of their effects, to form a decisive opinion -of the result of the comparison. -</p> - -<p> -In your letter dated Washington, April 9, 1803, you say, "In -consequence of some conversations with Dr. Rush, in the years -1798-99. 1 had promised some day to write to him a letter, giving -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_169'>[169]</a></span>him my view of the Christian system. I have reflected often -on it since, and even sketched the outline in my own mind. I -should first take a general view of the moral doctrines of the -most remarkable of the ancient philosophers, of whose ethics we -have sufficient information to make an estimate; say of Pythagoras, -Epicurus, Epictetus, Socrates, Cicero, Seneca, Antonius. -I should do justice to the branches of morality they have treated -well, but point out the importance of those in which they are -deficient. I should then take a view of the Deism and Ethics -of the Jews, and show in what a degraded state they were, and the -necessity they presented of a reformation. I should proceed to -a view of the life, character, and doctrines of Jesus, who, sensible -of the incorrectness of their ideas of the Deity, and of -morality, endeavored to bring them to the principles of a pure -Deism, and juster notions of the attributes of God—to reform -their moral doctrines to the standard of reason, justice, and philanthropy, -and to inculcate the belief of a future state. This -view would purposely omit the question of his Divinity, and even -of his inspiration. To do him justice, it would be necessary to -remark the disadvantages his doctrines have to encounter, not having -been committed to writing by himself, but by the most unlettered -of men, by memory, long after they had heard them from him, -when much was forgotten, much misunderstood, and presented -in very paradoxical shapes; yet such are the fragments remaining, -as to show a master workman, and that his system of morality -was the most benevolent and sublime, probably, that has -been ever taught, and more perfect than those of any of the -ancient philosophers. His character and doctrines have received -still greater injury from those who pretend to be his special disciples, -and who have disfigured and sophisticated his actions and -precepts from views of personal interest, so as to induce the unthinking -part of mankind to throw off the whole system in disgust, -and to pass sentence, as an imposter, on the most innocent, -the most benevolent, the most eloquent and sublime character -that has ever been exhibited to man. This is the outline!" -</p> - -<p> -<span lang="la">"Sancte Socrate! ora pro nobis!"</span>—Erasmus. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_170'>[170]</a></span>Priestley in his letter to Linsay, enclosing a copy of your letter -to him, says, "He is generally considered an unbeliever; if -so, however, he cannot be far from us, and I hope in the way -to be not only almost, but altogether what we are. He now attends -public worship very regularly, and his moral conduct was -never impeached." -</p> - -<p> -Now, I see not but you are as good a Christian as Priestley -and Linsay. Piety and morality were the end and object of the -Christian system, according to them, and according to you. -They believed in the resurrection of Jesus, in his miracles, and in -his inspiration; but what inspiration? Not all that is recorded -in the New Testament, nor the Old. They have not yet told -us how much they believe, or how much they doubt or disbelieve. -They have not told us how much allegory, how much -parable, they find, nor how they explain them all, in the Old -Testament or the New. -</p> - -<p> -John Quincy Adams has written for years to his two sons, -boys of ten and twelve, a series of letters, in which he pursues -a plan more extensive than yours; but agreeing in most of the -essential points. I wish these letters could be preserved in the -bosoms of his boys, but women and priests will get them; and -I expect, if he makes a peace, he will be obliged to retire like a -Jay, to study prophecies to the end of his life. I have more to -say on this subject of religion. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July 18, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have more to say on religion. For more than -sixty years I have been attentive to this great subject. Controversies -between Calvinists and Armenians, Trinitarians and Unitarians, -Deists and Christians, Atheists and both, have attracted -my attention, whenever the singular life I have led would admit, -to all these questions. The history of this little village of -Quincy, if it were worth recording, would explain to you how -this happened. I think I can now say I have read away bigotry, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_171'>[171]</a></span>if not enthusiasm. What does Priestley mean by an unbeliever, -when he applies it to you? How much did he "unbelieve" -himself? Gibbon had him right, when he determined -his creed "scanty." We are to understand, no doubt, that he -believed the resurrection of Jesus; some of his miracles; his inspiration, -but in what degree? He did not believe in the inspiration -of the writings that contain his history, yet he believed -in the Apocalyptic beast, and he believed as much as he pleased -in the writings of Daniel and John. This great, excellent, and -extraordinary man, whom I sincerely loved, esteemed, and respected, -was really a phenomenon; a comet in the system, like -Voltaire, Bolingbroke, and Hume. Had Bolingbroke or Voltaire -taken him in hand, what would they have made of him and his -creed. -</p> - -<p> -I do not believe you have read much of Priestley's "corruptions -of Christianity," his history of early opinions of Jesus -Christ, his predestination, his no-soul system, or his controversy -with Horsley. -</p> - -<p> -I have been a diligent student for many years in books whose -titles you have never seen. In Priestley's and Linsay's writings; -in Farmer, in Cappe, in Tucker's or Edwards searches; Light -of Nature pursued; in Edwards and Hopkins, and lately in Ezra -Styles Ely; his reverend and learned panegyrists, and his elegant -and spirited opponents. I am not wholly uninformed of the controversies -in Germany, and the learned researches of universities -and professors, in which the sanctity of the Bible and the inspiration -of its authors are taken for granted, or waived, or admitted, -or not denied. I have also read Condorcet's Progress of the -Human Mind. -</p> - -<p> -Now, what is all this to you? No more, than if I should tell -you that I read Dr. Clark, and Dr. Waterland, and Emlyn, and -Leland's view or review of the Deistical writers more than fifty -years ago; which is a literal truth. I blame you not for reading -Euclid and Newton, Thucydides and Theocrites; for I believe -you will find as much entertainment and instruction in them, as -I have found in my theological and ecclesiastical instructors; or -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_172'>[172]</a></span>even as I have found in a profound investigation of the life, -writings, and doctrines of Erastus, whose disciples were Milton, -Harrington, Selden, St. John, the Chief Justice, father of Bolingbroke, -and others, the choicest spirits of their age; or in Le -Harpe's history of the philosophy of the eighteenth century, or -in Vander Kemp's vast map of the causes of the revolutionary -spirit in the same and preceding centuries. These things are to -me, at present, the marbles and nine-pins of old age; I will not -say the beads and prayer-books. -</p> - -<p> -I agree with you, as far as you go, most cordially, and I think -solidly. How much farther I go, how much more I believe than -you, I may explain in a future letter. Thus much I will say at -present, I have found so many difficulties, that I am not astonished -at your stopping where you are; and so far from sentencing -you to perdition, I hope soon to meet you in another country. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July 22, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Dr. Priestley, in a letter to Mr. Linsey, Northumberland, -November 4, 1803, says: -</p> - -<p> -"As you were pleased with my comparison of Socrates and -Jesus, I have begun to carry the same comparison to all the heathen -moralists, and I have all the books that I want for the purpose -except Simplicius and Arrian on Epictetus, and them I hope -to get from a library in Philadelphia; lest, however, I should fail -there, I wish you or Mr. Belsham would procure and send them -from London. While I am capable of anything I cannot be idle, -and I do not know that I can do anything better. This, too, is -an undertaking that Mr. Jefferson recommends to me." -</p> - -<p> -In another letter, dated Northumberland, January 16th, 1804, -Dr. Priestley says to Mr. Linsey: -</p> - -<p> -"I have now finished and transcribed for the press, my comparison -of the Grecian philosophers with those of Revelation, and -with more ease and more to my own satisfaction than I expected -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_173'>[173]</a></span>They who liked my pamphlet entitled, 'Socrates and Jesus -compared,' will not, I flatter myself, dislike this work. It has -the same object and completes the scheme. It has increased my -own sense of the unspeakable value of revelation, and must, I -think, that of every person who will give due attention to the -subject." -</p> - -<p> -I have now given you all that relates to yourself in Priestley's -letters. -</p> - -<p> -This was possibly and not improbably, the last letter this -great, this learned, indefatigable, most excellent and extraordinary -man ever wrote, for on the 4th of February, 1804, he was -released from his labors and sufferings. Peace, rest, joy and -glory to his soul! For I believe he had one, and one of the -greatest. -</p> - -<p> -I regret, oh how I lament that he did not live to publish this -work! It must exist in manuscript. Cooper must know something -of it. Can you learn from him where it is, and get it -printed? -</p> - -<p> -I hope you will still perform your promise to Doctor Rush. -</p> - -<p> -If Priestley had lived, I should certainly have corresponded -with him. His friend Cooper, who, unfortunately for him and -me and you, had as fatal an influence over him as Hamilton had -over Washington, and whose rash hot head led Priestley into all -his misfortunes and most of his errors in conduct, could not have -prevented explanations between Priestley and me. -</p> - -<p> -I should propose to him a thousand, a million questions. And -no man was more capable or better disposed to answer them candidly -than Dr. Priestley. -</p> - -<p> -Scarcely anything that has happened to me in my curious life, -has made a deeper impression upon me than that such a learned, -ingenious, scientific and talented madcap as Cooper, could have -influence enough to make Priestley my enemy. -</p> - -<p> -I will not yet communicate to you more than a specimen of -the questions I would have asked Priestley. -</p> - -<p> -One is; Learned and scientific, Sir!—You have written largely -about matter and spirit, and have concluded there is no human -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_174'>[174]</a></span>soul. Will you please to inform me what matter is? and what -spirit is? Unless we know the meaning of words, we cannot -reason in or about words. -</p> - -<p> -I shall never send you all my questions that I would put to -Priestley, because they are innumerable; but I may hereafter -send you two or three. -</p> - -<p> -I am, in perfect charity, your old friend. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, August 9, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -I believe I told you in my last that I had given you all in -Linsey's memorial that interested you, but I was mistaken. In -Priestley's letter to Linsey, December 19th, 1803, I find this paragraph: -</p> - -<p> -"With the work I am now composing, I go on much faster -and better than I expected, so that in two or three months, if -my health continues as it now is, I hope to have it ready for the -press, though I shall hardly proceed to print it till we have dispatched -the notes. -</p> - -<p> -"It is upon the same plan with that of Socrates and Jesus compared, -considering all the more distinguished of the Grecian sects -of philosophy, till the establishment of Christianity in the Roman -empire. If you liked that pamphlet, I flatter myself you will like -this. -</p> - -<p> -"I hope it is calculated to show, in a peculiarly striking light, -the great advantage of revelation, and that it will make an impression -on candid unbelievers if they will read. -</p> - -<p> -"But I find few that will trouble themselves to read anything -on the subject, which, considering the great magnitude and interesting -nature of the subject, is a proof of a very improper state -of mind, unworthy of a rational being." -</p> - -<p> -I send you this extract for several reasons. First, because you -set him upon this work. Secondly, because I wish you to endeavor -to bring it to light and get it printed. Thirdly, because -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_175'>[175]</a></span>I wish it may stimulate you to pursue your own plan which you -promised to Dr. Rush. -</p> - -<p> -I have not seen any work which expressly compares the morality -of the Old Testament with that of the New, in all their -branches, nor either with that of the ancient philosophers. Comparisons -with the Chinese, the East Indians, the Africans, the -West Indians, &c., would be more difficult; with more ancient -nations impossible. The documents are destroyed. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. ISAAC M'PHERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 13, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of August 3d asking information on the subject -of Mr. Oliver Evans' exclusive right to the use of what -he calls his Elevators, Conveyers, and Hopper-boys, has been -duly received. My wish to see new inventions encouraged, and -old ones brought again into useful notice, has made me regret -the circumstances which have followed the expiration of his -first patent. I did not expect the retrospection which has been -given to the reviving law. For although the second proviso -seemed not so clear as it ought to have been, yet it appeared -susceptible of a just construction; and the retrospective one being -contrary to natural right, it was understood to be a rule of law -that where the words of a statute admit of two constructions, -the one just and the other unjust, the former is to be given them. -The first proviso takes care of those who had lawfully used -Evans' improvements under the first patent; the second was -meant for those who had lawfully erected and used them after -that patent expired, declaring they "should not be liable to -damages therefor." These words may indeed be restrained to -uses already past, but as there is parity of reason for those to -come, there should be parity of law. Every man should be protected -in his lawful acts, and be certain that no <i>ex post facto</i> law -shall punish or endamage him for them. But he is endamaged, -if forbidden to use a machine lawfully erected, at considerable -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_176'>[176]</a></span>expense, unless he will pay a new and unexpected price for it. -The proviso says that he who erected and used lawfully should not -be liable to pay damages. But if the proviso had been omitted, -would not the law, construed by natural equity, have said the -same thing. In truth both provisos are useless. And shall useless -provisos, inserted <span lang="la"><i>pro majori cautela</i></span> only, authorize inferences -against justice? The sentiment that <i>ex post facto</i> laws are against -natural right, is so strong in the United States, that few, if any, -of the State constitutions have failed to proscribe them. The -federal constitution indeed interdicts them in criminal cases only; -but they are equally unjust in civil as in criminal cases, and the -omission of a caution which would have been right, does not -justify the doing what is wrong. Nor ought it to be presumed -that the legislature meant to use a phrase in an unjustifiable -sense, if by rules of construction it can be ever strained to what -is just. The law books abound with similar instances of the -care the judges take of the public integrity. Laws, moreover, -abridging the natural right of the citizen, should be restrained by -rigorous constructions within their narrowest limits. -</p> - -<p> -Your letter, however, points to a much broader question, -whether what have received from Mr. Evans the new and proper -name of Elevators, are of his invention. Because, if they are -not, his patent gives him no right to obstruct others in the use -of what they possessed before. I assume it is a Lemma, that it -is the invention of the machine itself, which is to give a patent -right, and not the application of it to any particular purpose, of -which it is susceptible. If one person invents a knife convenient -for pointing our pens, another cannot have a patent right for -the same knife to point our pencils. A compass was invented -for navigating the sea; another could not have a patent right -for using it to survey land. A machine for threshing <i>wheat</i> has -been invented in Scotland; a second person cannot get a patent -right for the same machine to thresh <i>oats</i>, a third <i>rye</i>, a fourth -<i>peas</i>, a fifth <i>clover</i>, &c. A string of buckets is invented and -used for raising water, ore, &c., can a second have a patent right -to the same machine for raising wheat, a third oats, a fourth rye, a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_177'>[177]</a></span>fifth peas, &c? The question then whether such a string of -buckets was invented first by Oliver Evans, is a mere question -of fact in mathematical history. Now, turning to such books only -as I happen to possess, I find abundant proof that this simple machinery -has been in use from time immemorial. Doctor Shaw, -who visited Egypt and the Barbary coast in the years 1727-8-9, -in the margin of his map of Egypt, gives us the figure of what -he calls a Persian wheel, which is a string of round cups or -buckets hanging on a pulley, over which they revolved, bringing -up water from a well and delivering it into a trough above. He -found this used at Cairo, in a well 264 feet deep, which the inhabitants -believe to have been the work of the patriarch Joseph. -Shaw's travels, 341, Oxford edition of 1738 in folio, and the Universal -History, I. 416, speaking of the manner of watering the -higher lands in Egypt, says, "formerly they made use of Archimedes's -screw, thence named the Egyptian pump, but they now -generally use wheels (wallowers) which carry a rope or chain of -earthen pots holding about seven or eight quarts apiece, and -draw the water from the canals. There are besides a vast number -of wells in Egypt, from which the water is drawn in the -same manner to water the gardens and fruit trees; so that it is -no exaggeration to say, that there are in Egypt above 200,000 -oxen daily employed in this labor." Shaw's name of Persian -wheel has been since given more particularly to a wheel with -buckets, either fixed or suspended on pins, at its periphery. -Mortimer's husbandry, I. 18, Duhamel III. II., Ferguson's Mechanic's -plate, XIII; but his figure, and the verbal description of -the Universal History, prove that the string of buckets is meant -under that name. His figure differs from Evans' construction -in the circumstances of the buckets being round, and strung -through their bottom on a chain. But it is the principle, to wit, -a string of buckets, which constitutes the invention, not the form -of the buckets, round, square, or hexagon; nor the manner of -attaching them, nor the material of the connecting band, whether -chain, rope, or leather. Vitruvius, L. x. c. 9, describes this machinery -as a windlass, on which is a chain descending to the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_178'>[178]</a></span>water, with vessels of copper attached to it; the windlass being -turned, the chain moving on it will raise the vessel, which in -passing over the windlass will empty the water they have brought -up into a reservoir. And Perrault, in his edition of Vitruvius, -Paris, 1684, fol. plates 61, 62, gives us three forms of these -water elevators, in one of which the buckets are square, as Mr. -Evans' are. Bossut, <span lang="fr_FR">Histoire des Mathematiques</span>, i. 86, says, -"the drum wheel, the wheel with buckets and the <i>Chapelets</i>, -are hydraulic machines which come to us from the ancients. -But we are ignorant of the time when they began to be put into -use." The <i>Chapelets</i> are the revolving bands of the buckets -which Shaw calls the Persian wheel, the moderns a chain-pump, -and Mr. Evans elevators. The next of my books in which I -find these elevators is Wolf's <span lang="fr_FR">Cours de Mathematiques</span>, i. 370, and -plate 1, Paris 1747, 8vo; here are two forms. In one of them -the buckets are square, attached to two chains, passing over a -cylinder or wallower at top, and under another at bottom, by -which they are made to revolve. It is a nearly exact representation -of Evans' Elevators. But a more exact one is to be seen -in Desagulier's Experimental Philosophy, ii. plate 34; in the -Encyclopedie de Diderot et D'Alembert, 8vo edition of Lausanne, -1st volume of plates in the four subscribed <span lang="fr_FR">Hydraulique. -Norie,</span> is one where round eastern pots are tied by their collars -between two endless ropes suspended on a revolving lantern or -wallower. This is said to have been used for raising ore out of -a mine. In a book which I do not possess, <span lang="fr_FR">L'Architecture Hydraulique</span> -de Belidor, the 2d volume of which is said [De la Lande's -continuation of Montucla's <span lang="fr_FR">Historie de Mathematiques,</span> iii. 711] -to contain a detail of all the pumps, ancient and modern, hydraulic -machines, fountains, wells, &c., I have no doubt this -Persian wheel, chain pump, chapelets, elevators, by whichever -name you choose to call it, will be found in various forms. The -last book I have to quote for it is Prony's <span lang="fr_FR">Architecture Hydraulique</span> -i., <span lang="fr_FR">Avertissement</span> vii., and § 648, 649, 650. In the latter of -which passages he observes that the first idea which occurs for -raising water is to lift it in a bucket by hand. When the water -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_179'>[179]</a></span>lies too deep to be reached by hand, the bucket is suspended by -a chain and let down over a pulley or windlass. If it be desired -to raise a continued stream of water, the simplest means which -offers itself to the mind is to attach to an endless chain or cord -a number of pots or buckets, so disposed that, the chain being -suspended on a lanthorn or wallower above, and plunged in -water below, the buckets may descend and ascend alternately, -filling themselves at bottom and emptying at a certain height -above, so as to give a constant stream. Some years before the -date of Mr. Evans' patent, a Mr. Martin of Caroline county in -this State, constructed a drill-plough, in which he used the band -of buckets for elevating the grain from the box into the funnel, -which let them down into the furrow. He had bands with different -sets of buckets adapted to the size of peas, of turnip seed, -&c. I have used this machine for sowing Benni seed also, and -propose to have a band of buckets for drilling Indian Corn, and -another for wheat. Is it possible that in doing this I shall infringe -Mr. Evans' patent? That I can be debarred of any -use to which I might have applied my drill, when I bought it, -by a patent issued after I bought it? -</p> - -<p> -These verbal descriptions, applying so exactly to Mr. Evans' -elevators, and the drawings exhibited to the eye, flash conviction -both on reason and the senses that there is nothing new in these -elevators but their being strung together on a strap of leather. -If this strap of leather be an invention, entitling the inventor to -a patent right, it can only extend to the strap, and the use of the -string of buckets must remain free to be connected by chains, -ropes, a strap of hempen girthing, or any other substance except -leather. But, indeed, Mr. Martin had before used the strap of -leather. -</p> - -<p> -The screw of Archimedes is as ancient, at least, as the age of -that mathematician, who died more than 2,000 years ago. Diodorus -Siculus speaks of it, L. i., p. 21, and L. v., p. 217, of -Stevens' edition of 1559, folio; and Vitruvius, xii. The cutting -of its spiral worm into sections for conveying flour or grain, seems -to have been an invention of Mr. Evans, and to be a fair subject -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_180'>[180]</a></span>of a patent right. But it cannot take away from others the use -of Archimedes' screw with its perpetual spiral, for any purposes -of which it is susceptible. -</p> - -<p> -The hopper-boy is an useful machine, and so far as I know, -original. -</p> - -<p> -It has been pretended by some, (and in England especially,) -that inventors have a natural and exclusive right to their inventions, -and not merely for their own lives, but inheritable to their -heirs. But while it is a moot question whether the origin of any -kind of property is derived from nature at all, it would be singular -to admit a natural and even an hereditary right to inventors. -It is agreed by those who have seriously considered the -subject, that no individual has, of natural right, a separate property -in an acre of land, for instance. By an universal law, indeed, -whatever, whether fixed or movable, belongs to all men -equally and in common, is the property for the moment of him -who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation, the -property goes with it. Stable ownership is the gift of social law, -and is given late in the progress of society. It would be curious -then, if an idea, the fugitive fermentation of an individual brain, -could, of natural right, be claimed in exclusive and stable property. -If nature has made any one thing less susceptible than all -others of exclusive property, it is the action of the thinking power -called an idea, which an individual may exclusively possess as -long as he keeps it to himself; but the moment it is divulged, it -forces itself into the possession of every one, and the receiver -cannot dispossess himself of it. Its peculiar character, too, is that -no one possesses the less, because every other possesses the whole -of it. He who receives an idea from me, receives instruction -himself without lessening mine; as he who lights his taper at -mine, receives light without darkening me. That ideas should -freely spread from one to another over the globe, for the moral -and mutual instruction of man, and improvement of his condition, -seems to have been peculiarly and benevolently designed by -nature, when she made them, like fire, expansible over all space, -without lessening their density in any point, and like the air in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_181'>[181]</a></span>which we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable -of confinement or exclusive appropriation. Inventions then cannot, -in nature, be a subject of property. Society may give an -exclusive right to the profits arising from them, as an encouragement -to men to pursue ideas which may produce utility, but this -may or may not be done, according to the will and convenience -of the society, without claim or complaint from any body. Accordingly, -it is a fact, as far as I am informed, that England was, -until we copied her, the only country on earth which ever, by a -general law, gave a legal right to the exclusive use of an idea. -In some other countries it is sometimes done, in a great case, and -by a special and personal act, but, generally speaking, other nations -have thought that these monopolies produce more embarrassment -than advantage to society; and it may be observed that -the nations which refuse monopolies of invention, are as fruitful -as England in new and useful devices. -</p> - -<p> -Considering the exclusive right to invention as given not of -natural right, but for the benefit of society, I know well the difficulty -of drawing a line between the things which are worth to -the public the embarrassment of an exclusive patent, and those -which are not. As a member of the patent board for several -years, while the law authorized a board to grant or refuse patents, -I saw with what slow progress a system of general rules could -be matured. Some, however, were established by that board. -One of these was, that a machine of which we were possessed, -might be applied by every man to any use of which it is susceptible, -and that this right ought not to be taken from him and -given to a monopolist, because the first perhaps had occasion so -to apply it. Thus a screw for crushing plaster might be employed -for crushing corn-cobs. And a chain-pump for raising -water might be used for raising wheat: this being merely a -change of application. Another rule was that a change of material -should not give title to a patent. As the making a plough-share -of cast rather than of wrought iron; a comb of iron instead -of horn or of ivory, or the connecting buckets by a band of -leather rather than of hemp or iron. A third was that a mere -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_182'>[182]</a></span>change of form should give no right to a patent, as a high-quartered -shoe instead of a low one; a round hat instead of a three-square; -or a square bucket instead of a round one. But for this -rule, all the changes of fashion in dress would have been under -the tax of patentees. These were among the rules which the -uniform decisions of the board had already established, and under -each of them Mr. Evans' patent would have been refused. -First, because it was a mere change of application of the chain-pump -from raising water to raise wheat. Secondly, because the -using a leathern instead of a hempen band, was a mere change -of material; and thirdly, square buckets instead of round, are -only a change of form, and the ancient forms, too, appear to -have been indifferently square or round. But there were still -abundance of cases which could not be brought under rule, until -they should have presented themselves under all their aspects; -and these investigations occupying more time of the members of -the board than they could spare from higher duties, the whole -was turned over to the judiciary, to be matured into a system, -under which every one might know when his actions were safe -and lawful. Instead of refusing a patent in the first instance, as -the board was authorized to do, the patent now issues of course, -subject to be declared void on such principles as should be established -by the courts of law. This business, however, is but -little analogous to their course of reading, since we might in vain -turn over all the lubberly volumes of the law to find a single ray -which would lighten the path of the mechanic or the mathematician. -It is more within the information of a board of academical -professors, and a previous refusal of patent would better -guard our citizens against harassment by law-suits. But England -had given it to her judges, and the usual predominancy of -her examples carried it to ours. -</p> - -<p> -It happened that I had myself a mill built in the interval between -Mr. Evans' first and second patents. I was living in -Washington, and left the construction to the mill-wright. I did -not even know he had erected elevators, conveyers and hopper-boys, -until I learnt it by an application from Mr. Evans' agent -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_183'>[183]</a></span>for the patent price. Although I had no idea he had a right to -it by law, (for no judicial decision had then been given,) yet I -did not hesitate to remit to Mr. Evans the old and moderate patent -price, which was what he then asked, from a wish to encourage -even the useful revival of ancient inventions. But I then -expressed my opinion of the law in a letter, either to Mr. Evans -or to his agent. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus, Sir, at your request, given you the facts and ideas -which occur to me on this subject. I have done it without reserve, -although I have not the pleasure of knowing you personally. -In thus frankly committing myself to you, I trust you will -feel it as a point of honor and candor, to make no use of my -letter which might bring disquietude on myself. And particularly, -I should be unwilling to be brought into any difference -with Mr. Evans, whom, however, I believe too reasonable to take -offence at an honest difference of opinion. I esteem him much, -and sincerely wish him wealth and honor. I deem him a valuable -citizen, of uncommon ingenuity and usefulness. And had -I not esteemed still more the establishment of sound principles, -I should now have been silent. If any of the matter I have -offered can promote that object, I have no objection to its being -so used; if it offers nothing new, it will of course not be used at -all. I have gone with some minuteness into the mathematical -history of the elevator, because it belongs to a branch of science -in which, as I have before observed, it is not incumbent on lawyers -to be learned; and it is possible, therefore, that some of the -proofs I have quoted may have escaped on their former arguments. -On the law of the subject I should not have touched, -because more familiar to those who have already discussed it; -but I wished to state my own view of it merely in justification -of myself, my name and approbation being subscribed to the act. -With these explanations, accept the assurance of my respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_184'>[184]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN WALDO. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 16, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 27th came during my absence on -a journey of some length. It covered your "Rudiments of English -Grammar," for which I pray you to accept my thanks. This -acknowledgment of it has been delayed, until I could have time -to give the work such a perusal as the avocations to which I am -subject would permit. In the rare and short intervals which -these have allotted me, I have gone over with pleasure a considerable -part, although not yet the whole of it. But I am entirely -unqualified to give that critical opinion of it which you do me -the favor to ask. Mine has been a life of business, of that kind -which appeals to a man's conscience, as well as his industry, -not to let it suffer, and the few moments allowed me from labor -have been devoted to more attractive studies, that of grammar -having never been a favorite with me. The scanty foundation, -laid in at school, has carried me though a life of much hasty -writing, more indebted for style to reading and memory, than to -rules of grammar. I have been pleased to see that in all cases -you appeal to usage, as the arbiter of language; and justly consider -that as giving law to grammar, and not grammar to usage. -I concur entirely with you in opposition to Purists, who would -destroy all strength and beauty of style, by subjecting it to a -rigorous compliance with their rules. Fill up all the ellipses and -syllepses of Tacitus, Sallust, Livy, &c., and the elegance and -force of their sententious brevity are extinguished. -</p> - -<p> -<span lang="la">"Auferre, trucidare, rapere, falsis nominibus, imperium appellant." -"Deorum injurias, diis curæ." "Allieni appetens, sui profusus; -ardens in cupiditatibus; satis loquentiæ, sapientiæ parum." -"Annibal peto pacem." "Per diem Sol non <i>uret</i> te, neque Luna -per noctem."</span> Wire-draw these expressions by filling up the whole -syntax and sense, and they become dull paraphrases on rich sentiments. -We may say then truly with Quinctilian, <span lang="la">"Aliud est -Grammaticé, aliud Latiné loqui."</span> I am no friend, therefore, to -what is called <i>Purism</i>, but a zealous one to the <i>Neology</i> which -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_185'>[185]</a></span>has introduced these two words without the authority of any -dictionary. I consider the one as destroying the nerve and -beauty of language, while the other improves both, and adds to -its copiousness. I have been not a little disappointed, and made -suspicious of my own judgment, on seeing the Edinburgh Reviews, -the ablest critics of the age, set their faces against the introduction -of new words into the English language; they are -particularly apprehensive that the writers of the United States will -adulterate it. Certainly so great growing a population, spread -over such an extent of country, with such a variety of climates, -of productions, of arts, must enlarge their language, to make it -answer its purpose of expressing all ideas, the new as well as the -old. The new circumstances under which we are placed, call -for new words, new phrases, and for the transfer of old words -to new objects. An American dialect will therefore be formed; -so will a West-Indian and Asiatic, as a Scotch and an Irish are -already formed. But whether will these adulterate, or enrich the -English language? Has the beautiful poetry of Burns, or his -Scottish dialect, disfigured it? Did the Athenians consider the -Doric, the Ionian, the Æolic, and other dialects, as disfiguring -or as beautifying their language? Did they fastidiously disavow -Herodotus, Pindar, Theocritus, Sappho, Alcæus, or Grecian -writers? On the contrary, they were sensible that the variety -of dialects, still infinitely varied by poetical license, constituted -the riches of their language, and made the Grecian Homer the -first of poets, as he must ever remain, until a language equally -ductile and copious shall again be spoken. -</p> - -<p> -Every language has a set of terminations, which make a part -of its peculiar idiom. Every root among the Greeks was permitted -to vary its termination, so as to express its radical idea in -the form of any one of the parts of speech; to wit, as a noun, an -adjective, a verb, participle, or adverb; and each of these parts -of speech again, by still varying the termination, could vary the -shade of idea existing in the mind. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -It was not, then, the number of Grecian roots (for some other -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_186'>[186]</a></span>languages may have as many) which made it the most copious of -the ancient languages; but the infinite diversification which each -of these admitted. Let the same license be allowed in English, -the roots of which, native and adopted, are perhaps more numerous, -and its idiomatic terminations more various than of the -Greek, and see what the language would become. Its idiomatic -terminations are:— -</p> - -<p> -<i>Subst.</i> Gener-ation—ator; degener-acy; gener-osity—ousness—alship—alissimo; -king-dom—ling; joy-ance; enjoy-er—ment; -herb-age—alist; sanct-uary—imony—itude; royal-ism; lamb-kin; -child-hood; bishop-ric; proceed-ure; horseman-ship; worthi-ness. -</p> - -<p> -<i>Adj.</i> Gener-ant—ative—ic—ical—able—ous—al; joy-ful—less—some; -herb-y; accous-escent—ulent; child-ish; wheat-en. -</p> - -<p> -<i>Verb.</i> Gener-ate—alize. -</p> - -<p> -<i>Part.</i> Gener-ating—ated. -</p> - -<p> -<i>Adv.</i> Gener-al—ly. -</p> - -<p> -I do not pretend that this is a complete list of all the terminations -of the two languages. It is as much so as a hasty recollection -suggests, and the omissions are as likely to be to the disadvantage -of the one as the other. If it be a full, or equally fair -enumeration, the English are the double of the Greek terminations. -</p> - -<p> -But there is still another source of copiousness more abundant -than that of termination. It is the composition of the root, and -of every member of its family, 1, with prepositions, and 2, with -other words. The prepositions used in the composition of Greek -words are:— -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Now multiply each termination of a family into every preposition, -and how prolific does it make each root! But the English -language, besides its own prepositions, about twenty in -number, which it compounds with English roots, uses those of -the Greek for adopted Greek roots, and of the Latin for Latin -roots. The English prepositions, with examples of their use, are -a, as in a-long, a-board, a-thirst, a-clock; be, as in be-lie; mis, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_187'>[187]</a></span>as in mis-hap; these being inseparable. The separable, with examples, -are above-cited, after-thought, gain-say, before-hand, -fore-thought, behind-hand, by-law, for-give, fro-ward, in-born, -on-set, over-go, out-go, thorough-go, under-take, up-lift, with-stand. -Now let us see what copiousness this would produce, -were it allowed to compound every root and its family with -every preposition, where both sense and sound would be in its -favor. Try it on an English root, the verb "to place," Anglo -Saxon <span lang="ang"><i>plæce</i></span>,<a name='FA_4' id='FA_4' href='#FN_4' class='fnanchor'>[4]</a> for instance, and the Greek and Latin roots, of -kindred meaning, adopted in English, to wit, <span class="greek" title="thesis">θεσις</span> and <span lang="la">locatio</span>, -with their prepositions. -</p> - -<ul class="simple"> -<li>mis-place</li> -<li>after-place</li> -<li>gain-place</li> -<li>fore-place</li> -<li>hind-place</li> -<li>by-place</li> -<li>for-place</li> -<li>fro-place</li> -<li>in-place</li> -<li>on-place</li> -<li>over-place</li> -<li>out-place</li> -<li>thorough-place</li> -<li>under-place</li> -<li>up-place</li> -<li>with-place</li> -<li>amphi-thesis</li> -<li>ana-thesis</li> -<li>anti-thesis</li> -<li>apo-thesis</li> -<li>dia-thesis</li> -<li>ek-thesis</li> -<li>en-thesis</li> -<li>epi-thesis</li> -<li>cata-thesis</li> -<li>para-thesis</li> -<li>peri-thesis</li> -<li>pro-thesis</li> -<li>pros-thesis</li> -<li>syn-thesis</li> -<li>hyper-thesis</li> -<li>hypo-thesis</li> -<li>a-location</li> -<li>ab-location</li> -<li>abs-location</li> -<li>al-location</li> -<li>anti-location</li> -<li>circum-location</li> -<li>cis-location</li> -<li>col-location</li> -<li>contra-location</li> -<li>de-location</li> -<li>di-location</li> -<li>dis-location</li> -<li>e-location</li> -<li>ex-location</li> -<li>extra-location</li> -<li>il-location</li> -<li>inter-location</li> -<li>intro-location</li> -<li>juxta-location</li> -<li>ob-location</li> -<li>per-location</li> -<li>post-location</li> -<li>pre-location</li> -<li>preter-location</li> -<li>pro-location</li> -<li>retro-location</li> -<li>re-location</li> -<li>se-location</li> -<li>sub-location</li> -<li>super-location</li> -<li>trans-location</li> -<li>ultra-location</li> -</ul> - -<p> -Some of these compounds would be new; but all present distinct -meanings, and the synonisms of the three languages offer a -choice of sounds to express the same meaning; add to this, that -in some instances, usage has authorized the compounding an -English root with a Latin preposition, as in de-place, dis-place, -re-place. This example may suffice to show what the language -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_188'>[188]</a></span>would become, in strength, beauty, variety, and every circumstance -which gives perfection to language, were it permitted -freely to draw from all its legitimate sources. -</p> - -<p> -The second source of composition is of one family of roots -with another. The Greek avails itself of this most abundantly, -and beautifully. The English once did it freely, while in its -Anglo-Saxon form, <i>e. g.</i> <span class="OldEnglish">boc-cræft</span>, book-craft, learning, <span class="OldEnglish">riht-geleaf-full</span>, -right-belief-ful, orthodox. But it has lost by desuetude -much of this branch of composition, which it is desirable -however to resume. -</p> - -<p> -If we wish to be assured from experiment of the effect of a -judicious spirit of Neology, look at the French language. Even -before the revolution, it was deemed much more copious than the -English; at a time, too, when they had an academy which endeavored -to arrest the progress of their language, by fixing it to -a Dictionary, out of which no word was ever to be sought, used, -or tolerated. The institution of parliamentary assemblies in -1789, for which their language had no opposite terms or phrases, -as having never before needed them, first obliged them to adopt -the Parliamentary vocabulary of England; and other new circumstances -called for corresponding new words; until by the -number of these adopted, and by the analogies for adoption -which they have legitimated, I think we may say with truth that -a <span lang="fr_FR">Dictionaire Neologique</span> of these would be half as large as the -dictionary of the academy; and that at this time it is the language -in which every shade of idea, distinctly perceived by the -mind, may be more exactly expressed, than in any language at -this day spoken by man. Yet I have no hesitation in saying -that the English language is founded on a broader base, native -and adopted, and capable, with the like freedom of employing -its materials, of becoming superior to that in copiousness and -euphony. Not indeed by holding fast to Johnson's Dictionary; -not by raising a hue and cry against every word he has not -licensed; but by encouraging and welcoming new compositions -of its elements. Learn from Lye and Benson what the language -would now have been if restrained to their vocabularies. Its -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_189'>[189]</a></span>enlargement must be the consequence, to a certain degree, of its -transplantation from the latitude of London into every climate -of the globe; and the greater the degree the more precious will -it become as the organ of the development of the human -mind. -</p> - -<p> -These are my visions on the improvement of the English language -by a free use of its faculties. To realize them would require -a course of time. The example of good writers, the approbation -of men of letters, the judgment of sound critics, and -of none more than of the Edinburgh Reviewers, would give it -a beginning, and once begun, its progress might be as rapid as it -has been in France, where we see what a period of only twenty -years has effected. Under the auspices of British science and -example it might commence with hope. But the dread of innovation -there, and especially of any example set by France, has, I -fear, palsied the spirit of improvement. Here, where all is new, -no innovation is feared which offers good. But we have no distinct -class of literati in our country. Every man is engaged in -some industrious pursuit, and science is but a secondary occupation, -always subordinate to the main business of his life. Few -therefore of those who are qualified, have leisure to write. In -time it will be otherwise. In the meanwhile, necessity obliges -us to neologize. And should the language of England continue -stationary, we shall probably enlarge our employment of it, until -its new character may separate it in name as well as in power, -from the mother-tongue. -</p> - -<p> -Although the copiousness of a language may not in strictness -make a part of its grammar, yet it cannot be deemed foreign to -a general course of lectures on its structure and character; and -the subject having been presented to my mind by the occasion -of your letter, I have indulged myself in its speculation, and -hazarded to you what has occurred, with the assurance of my -great respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_190'>[190]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN WILSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 17, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 3d has been duly received. That -of Mr. Eppes had before come to hand, covering your MS. on -the reformation of the orthography of the plural of nouns ending -in <i>y</i>, and <i>ey</i>, and on orthoepy. A change has been long desired -in English orthography, such as might render it an easy -and true index of the pronunciation of words. The want of -conformity between the combinations of letters, and the sounds -they should represent, increases to foreigners the difficulty -of acquiring the language, occasions great loss of time to children -in learning to read, and renders correct spelling rare but -in those who read much. In England a variety of plans and -propositions have been made for the reformation of their orthography. -Passing over these, two of our countrymen, Dr. Franklin -and Dr. Thornton, have also engaged in the enterprise; -the former proposing an addition of two or three new characters -only, the latter a reformation of the whole alphabet nearly. But -these attempts in England, as well as here, have been without -effect. About the middle of the last century an attempt was -made to banish the letter <i>d</i> from the words bridge, judge, hedge, -knowledge, &c., others of that termination, and to write them as -we write age, cage, sacrilege, privilege; but with little success. -The attempt was also made, which you mention in your second -part, to drop the letter <i>u</i> in words of Latin derivation ending in -<i>ou</i>r, and to write honor, candor, rigor, &c., instead of honour, -candour, rigour. But the <i>u</i> having been picked up in the passage -of these words from the Latin, through the French, to us, -is still preserved by those who consider it as a memorial of our -title to the words. Other partial attempts have been made by -individual writers, but with as little success. Pluralizing nouns -in <i>y</i>, and <i>ey</i>, by adding <i>s</i> only, as you propose, would certainly -simplify the spelling, and be analogous to the general idiom of -the language. It would be a step gained in the progress of -general reformation, if it could prevail. But my opinion being -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_191'>[191]</a></span>requested I must give it candidly, that judging of the future by -the past, I expect no better fortune to this than similar preceding -propositions have experienced. It is very difficult to persuade -the great body of mankind to give up what they have once -learned, and are now masters of, for something to be learnt anew. -Time alone insensibly wears down old habits, and produces -small changes at long intervals, and to this process we must all -accommodate ourselves, and be content to follow those who will -not follow us. Our Anglo-Saxon ancestors had twenty ways of -spelling the word "many." Ten centuries have dropped all of -them and substituted that which we now use. I now return -your MS. without being able, with the gentlemen whose letters -are cited, to encourage hope as to its effect. I am bound, however, -to acknowledge that this is a subject to which I have not -paid much attention; and that my doubts therefore should weigh -nothing against their more favorable expectations. That these -may be fulfilled, and mine prove unfounded, I sincerely wish, -because I am a friend to the reformation generally of whatever -can be made better, and because it could not fail of gratifying -you to be instrumental in this work. Accept the assurance of -my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 22, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Since my letter of June the 27th, I am in your -debt for many; all of which I have read with infinite delight. -They open a wide field for reflection, and offer subjects enough -to occupy the mind and the pen indefinitely. I must follow the -good example you have set, and when I have not time to take -up every subject, take up a single one. Your approbation of my -outline to Dr. Priestley is a great gratification to me; and I very -much suspect that if thinking men would have the courage to -think for themselves, and to speak what they think, it would be -found they do not differ in religious opinions as much as is supposed. -I remember to have heard Dr. Priestley say, that if all -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_192'>[192]</a></span>England would candidly examine themselves, and confess, they -would find that Unitarianism was really the religion of all; and -I observe a bill is now depending in parliament for the relief of -Anti-Trinitarians. It is too late in the day for men of sincerity -to pretend they believe in the Platonic mysticisms that three are -one, and one is three; and yet that the one is not three, and the -three are not one; to divide mankind by a single letter into -<span class="greek" title="homoousians">ομοουσιανς</span> and <span class="greek" title="homoiousians">ὁμοιουσιανς</span>. But this constitutes the craft, the power -and the profit of the priests. Sweep away their gossamer fabrics -of factitious religion, and they would catch no more flies. We -should all then, like the Quakers, live without an order of priests, -moralize for ourselves, follow the oracle of conscience, and say -nothing about what no man can understand, nor therefore believe; -for I suppose belief to be the assent of the mind to an intelligible -proposition. -</p> - -<p> -It is with great pleasure I can inform you, that Priestley -finished the comparative view of the doctrines of the philosophers -of antiquity, and of Jesus, before his death; and that it -was printed soon after. And, with still greater pleasure, that I -can have a copy of his work forwarded from Philadelphia, by a -correspondent there, and presented for your acceptance, by the -same mail which carries you this, or very soon after. The -branch of the work which the title announces, is executed with -learning and candor, as was everything Priestley wrote, but perhaps -a little hastily; for he felt himself pressed by the hand of -death. The Abbé Batteux had, in fact laid the foundation of -this part in his Causes Premieres, with which he has given us -the originals of Ocellus and Timæus, who first committed the -doctrines of Pythagoras to writing, and Enfield, to whom the -Doctor refers, had done it more copiously. But he has omitted -the important branch, which, in your letter of August the 9th, -you say you have never seen executed, a comparison of the morality -of the Old Testament with that of the New. And yet, no -two things were ever more unlike. I ought not to have asked -him to give it. He dared not. He would have been eaten alive -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_193'>[193]</a></span>by his intolerant brethren, the Cannibal priests. And yet, this -was really the most interesting branch of the work. -</p> - -<p> -Very soon after my letter to Doctor Priestley, the subject being -still in my mind, I had leisure during an abstraction from business -for a day or two, while on the road, to think a little more -on it, and to sketch more fully than I had done to him, a syllabus -of the matter which I thought should enter into the work. -I wrote it to Doctor Rush, and there ended all my labor on the -subject; himself and Doctor Priestley being the only two depositories -of my secret. The fate of my letter to Priestley, after -his death, was a warning to me on that of Doctor Rush; and at -my request, his family were so kind as to quiet me by returning -my original letter and syllabus. By this, you will be sensible -how much interest I take in keeping myself clear of religious -disputes before the public, and especially of seeing my syllabus -disembowelled by the Aruspices of the modern Paganism. Yet -I enclose it <i>to you</i> with entire confidence, free to be perused by -yourself and Mrs. Adams, but by no one else, and to be returned -to me. -</p> - -<p> -You are right in supposing, in one of yours, that I had not -read much of Priestley's Predestination, his no-soul system, or -his controversy with Horsley. But I have read his Corruptions -of Christianity, and Early Opinions of Jesus, over and over again; -and I rest on them, and on Middleton's writings, especially his -letters from Rome, and to Waterland, as the basis of my own -faith. These writings have never been answered, nor can be -answered by quoting historical proofs, as they have done. For -these facts, therefore, I cling to their learning, so much superior -to my own. -</p> - -<p> -I now fly off in a tangent to another subject. Marshall, in -the first volume of his history, chapter 3, p. 180, ascribes the petition -to the King, of 1774, (1 Journ. Cong. 67) to the pen of -Richard Henry Lee. I think myself certain it was not written -by him, as well from what I recollect to have heard, as from the -internal evidence of style. His was loose, vague, frothy, rhetorical. -He was a poorer writer than his brother Arthur; and Arthur's -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_194'>[194]</a></span>standing may be seen in his Monitor's letters, to insure the -sale of which, they took the precaution of tacking to them a new -edition of the Farmer's letters, like Mezentius, who <span lang="la">"<i>mortua -jungebat corpora vivis</i>."</span> You were of the committee, and can -tell me who wrote this petition, and who wrote the address to -the inhabitants of the colonies, ib. 45. Of the papers of July -1775, I recollect well that Mr. Dickinson drew the petition to the -King, ib. 149; I think Robert R. Livingston drew the address -to the inhabitants of Great Britain, ib. 152. Am I right in this? -And who drew the address to the people of Ireland, ib. 180? -On these questions I ask of your memory to help mine. Ever -and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. EPPES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, September 11, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I turn with great reluctance from the functions -of a private citizen to matters of State. The swaggering on -deck, as a passenger, is so much more pleasant than clambering -the ropes as a seaman, and my confidence in the skill and activity -of those employed to work the vessel is so entire, that I notice -nothing <span lang="fr_FR"><i>en passant</i></span>, but how smoothly she moves. Yet I -avail myself of the leisure which a visit to this place procures -me, to revolve again in my mind the subject of my former letter, -and in compliance with the request of yours of ——, to add some -further thoughts on it. Though intended as only supplementary -to that, I may fall into repetitions, not having that with me, nor -paper or book of any sort to supply the default of a memory on -the wane. -</p> - -<p> -The objects of finance in the United States have hitherto -been very simple; merely to provide for the support of the government -on its peace establishment, and to pay the debt contracted -in the revolutionary war, a war which will be sanctioned -by the approbation of posterity through all future ages. The -means provided for these objects were ample, and resting on a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_195'>[195]</a></span>consumption which little affected the poor, may be said to have -been sensibly felt by none. The fondest wish of my heart ever -was that the surplus portion of these taxes, destined for the payment -of that debt, should, when that object was accomplished, be -continued by annual or biennial re-enactments, and applied, in time -of peace, to the improvement of our country by canals, roads and -useful institutions, literary or others; and in time of war to the -maintenance of the war. And I believe that keeping the civil list -within proper bounds, the surplus would have been sufficient for -any war, administered with integrity and judgment. For authority -to apply the surplus to objects of improvement, an amendment -of the constitution would have been necessary. I have -said that the taxes should be continued by annual or biennial re-enactments, -because a constant hold, by the nation, of the strings -of the public purse, is a salutary restraint from which an honest -government ought not to wish, nor a corrupt one to be permitted -to be free. No tax should ever be yielded for a longer term than -that of the congress wanting it, except when pledged for the reimbursement -of a loan. On this system, the standing income -being once liberated from the revolutionary debt, no future loan -nor future tax would ever become necessary, and wars would no -otherwise affect our pecuniary interests than by suspending the -improvements belonging to a state of peace. This happy consummation -would have been achieved by another eight years' -administration, conducted by Mr. Madison, and executed in its -financial department by Mr. Gallatin, could peace have been so -long preserved. So enviable a state in prospect for our country, -induced me to temporize, and to bear with national wrongs which -under no other prospect ought ever to have been unresented or -unresisted. My hope was, that by giving time for reflection, and -retraction of injury, a sound calculation of their own interests -would induce the aggressing nations to redeem their own character -by a return to the practice of right. But our lot happens to -have been cast in an age when two nations to whom circumstances -have given a temporary superiority over others, the one -by land, the other by sea, throwing off all restraints of morality, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_196'>[196]</a></span>all pride of national character, forgetting the mutability of fortune -and the inevitable doom which the laws of nature pronounce -against departure from justice, individual or national, -have dared to treat her reclamations with derision, and to set up -force instead of reason as the umpire of nations. Degrading -themselves thus from the character of lawful societies into lawless -bands of robbers and pirates, they are abusing their brief -ascendency by desolating the world with blood and rapine. -Against such a banditti, war had become less ruinous than peace, -for then peace was a war on one side only. On the final and -formal declarations of England, therefore, that she never would -repeal her orders of council as to us, until those of France should -be repealed as to other nations as well as us, and that no practicable -arrangement against her impressment of our seamen could -be proposed or devised, war was justly declared, and ought to -have been declared. This change of condition has clouded our -prospects of liberation from debt, and of being able to carry on -a war without new loans or taxes. But although deferred, these -prospects are not desperate. We should keep forever in view -the state of 1817, towards which we were advancing, and consider -it as that which we must attain. Let the old funds continue -appropriated to the civil list and revolutionary debt, and -the reversion of the surplus to improvement during peace, and let -us take up this war as a separate business, for which, substantive -and distinct provision is to be made. -</p> - -<p> -That we are bound to defray its expenses within our own -time, and unauthorized to burthen posterity with them, I suppose -to have been proved in my former letter. I will place the question -nevertheless in one additional point of view. The former -regarded their independent right over the earth; this over their -own persons. There have existed nations, and civilized and -learned nations, who have thought that a father had a right to -sell his child as a slave, in perpetuity; that he could alienate -his body and industry conjointly, and <span lang="la"><i>à fortiori</i></span> his industry -separately; and consume its fruits himself. A nation asserting -this fratricide right might well suppose they could burthen with -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_197'>[197]</a></span>public as well as private debt their <span lang="la">"<i>nati natorum, et qui nascentur -at illis</i>."</span> But we, this age, and in this country especially, -are advanced beyond those notions of natural law. We acknowledge -that our children are born free; that that freedom is -the gift of nature, and not of him who begot them; that though -under our care during infancy, and therefore of necessity under -a duly tempered authority, that care is confided to us to be exercised -for the preservation and good of the child only; and his -labors during youth are given as a retribution for the charges of -infancy. As he was never the property of his father, so when -adult he is <span lang="la"><i>sui juris</i></span>, entitled himself to the use of his own limbs -and the fruits of his own exertions: so far we are advanced, -without mind enough, it seems, to take the whole step. We believe, -or we act as if we believed, that although an individual -father cannot alienate the labor of his son, the aggregate body -of fathers may alienate the labor of all their sons, of their posterity, -in the aggregate, and oblige them to pay for all the enterprises, -just or unjust, profitable or ruinous, into which our vices, -our passions, or our personal interests may lead us. But I trust -that this proposition needs only to be looked at by an American -to be seen in its true point of view, and that we shall all consider -ourselves unauthorized to saddle posterity with our debts, -and morally bound to pay them ourselves; and consequently -within what may be deemed the period of a generation, or the -life of the majority. In my former letter I supposed this to be a -little<a name='FA_5' id='FA_5' href='#FN_5' class='fnanchor'>[5]</a> over twenty years. We must raise then ourselves the -money for this war, either by taxes within the year, or by loans; -and if by loans, we must repay them ourselves, proscribing forever -the English practice of perpetual funding; the ruinous -consequences of which, putting right out of the question, should -be a sufficient warning to a considerate nation to avoid the -example. -</p> - -<p> -The raising money by Tontine, more practised on the continent -of Europe than in England, is liable to the same objection, -of encroachment on the independent rights of posterity; because -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_198'>[198]</a></span>the annuities not expiring gradually, with the lives on which -they rest, but all on the death of the last survivor only, they -will of course over-pass the term of a generation, and the more -probably as the subjects on whose lives the annuities depend, -are generally chosen of the ages, constitutions and occupations -most favorable to long life. -</p> - -<p> -Annuities for single lives are also beyond our powers, because -the single life may pass the term of a generation. This last -practice is objectionable too, as encouraging celibacy, and the -disinherison of heirs. -</p> - -<p> -Of the modes which are within the limits of right, that of -raising within the year its whole expenses by taxation, might be -beyond the abilities of our citizens to bear. It, is moreover, -generally desirable that the public contributions should be as uniform -as practicable from year to year, that our habits of industry -and of expense may become adapted to them; and that they may -be duly digested and incorporated with our annual economy. -</p> - -<p> -There remains then for us but the method of limited anticipation, -the laying taxes for a term of years within that of our -right, which may be sold for a present sum equal to the expenses -of the year; in other words, to obtain a loan equal to the expenses -of the year, laying a tax adequate to its interest, and to such -a surplus as will reimburse, by growing instalments, the whole -principal within the term. This is, in fact, what has been called -raising money on the sale of annuities for years. In this way a -new loan, and of course a new tax, is requisite every year during -the continuance of the war; and should that be so long as -to produce an accumulation of tax beyond our ability, in time -of war the resource would be an enactment of the taxes requisite -to ensure good terms, by securing the lender, with a suspension -of the payment of instalments of principal and perhaps of -interest also, until the restoration of peace. This method of -anticipating our taxes, or of borrowing on annuities for years, -insures repayment to the lender, guards the rights of posterity, -prevents a perpetual alienation of the public contributions, and -consequent destitution of every resource even for the ordinary -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_199'>[199]</a></span>support of government. The public expenses of England during -the present reign, have amounted to the fee simple value of -the whole island. If its whole soil could be sold, farm by farm, -for its present market price, it would not defray the cost of -governing it during the reign of the present king, as managed -by him. Ought not then the right of each successive generation -to be guarantied against the dissipations and corruptions of those -preceding, by a fundamental provision in our constitution? And, -if that has not been made, does it exist the less; there being between -generation and generation, as between nation and nation, -no other law than that of nature? And is it the less dishonest -to do what is wrong, because not expressly prohibited by written -law? Let us hope our moral principles are not yet in that stage -of degeneracy, and that in instituting the system of finance to -be hereafter pursued, we shall adopt the only safe, the only lawful -and honest one, of borrowing on such short terms of reimbursement -of interest and principal as will fall within the accomplishment -of our own lives. -</p> - -<p> -The question will be asked and ought to be looked at, what is -to be the resource if loans cannot be obtained? There is but -one, <span lang="la">"<i>Carthago delenda est</i>."</span> Bank paper must be suppressed, -and the circulating medium must be restored to the nation to -whom it belongs. It is the only fund on which they can rely -for loans; it is the only resource which can never fail them, and -it is an abundant one for every necessary purpose. Treasury -bills, bottomed on taxes, bearing or not bearing interest, as may -be found necessary, thrown into circulation will take the place -of so much gold and silver, which last, when crowded, will find -an efflux into other countries, and thus keep the quantum of -medium at its salutary level. Let banks continue if they please, -but let them discount for cash alone or for treasury notes. They -discount for cash alone in every other country on earth except -Great Britain, and her too often unfortunate copyist, the United -States. If taken in time they may be rectified by degrees, and -without injustice, but if let alone till the alternative forces itself -on us, of submitting to the enemy for want of funds, or the suppression -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_200'>[200]</a></span>of bank paper, either by law or by convulsion, we cannot -foresee how it will end. The remaining questions are mathematical -only. How are the taxes and the time of their continuance -to be proportioned to the sum borrowed, and the stipulated -interest? -</p> - -<p> -The rate of interest will depend on the state of the money -market, and the duration of the tax on the will of the legislature. -Let us suppose that (to keep the taxes as low as possible) they -adopt the term of twenty years for reimbursement, which we -call their maximum; and let the interest they last gave of 7½ -per cent. be that which they must expect to give. The problem -then will stand in this form. Given the sum borrowed (which -call <i>s</i>,) a million of dollars for example; the rate of interest -.075 or 75/1000; (call it <i>r</i>-<i>i</i>) and the duration of the annuity or -tax, twenty years, (=<i>t</i>,) what will be (<i>a</i>) the annuity or tax, -which will reimburse principal and interest within the given -term? This problem, laborious and barely practicable to common -arithmetic, is readily enough solved, Algebraically and -with the aid of Logarithms. The theorem applied to the case -is <i>a</i>=(tr-1x1)/(1-1/n) the solution of which gives <i>a</i>=$98,684.2, nearly -$100,000, or 1/10 of the sum borrowed. -</p> - -<p> -It maybe satisfactory to see stated in figures the yearly progression -of reimbursement of the million of dollars, and their -interest at 7½ per cent. effected by the regular payment of —— -dollars annually. It will be as follows: -</p> - -<table summary = "Annuity Calculations at 7.5%" class="narrow"> -<tr> -<td colspan="8">Borrowed, $1,000,000.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Balance after</td> -<td class="tdb">1st</td> -<td class="tdb">payment,</td> -<td class="tdb tdr">$975,000</td> -<td class="tdb">Balance after</td> -<td class="tdb">11th</td> -<td class="tdb">paym't,</td> -<td class="tdb tdr">$594,800</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>2d</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">948,125</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>12th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">539,410</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>3d</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">919,234</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>13th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">479,866</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>4th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 888,177</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>14th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">415,850</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>5th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 854,790</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>15th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">347,039</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>6th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 818,900</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>16th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">273,068</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>7th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 780,318</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>17th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">193,548</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>8th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 738,841</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>18th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr">108,064</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>9th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 694,254</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>19th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 16,169</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>"</td> -<td>10th</td> -<td>"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 646,324</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_201'>[201]</a></span>If we are curious to know the effect of the same annual sum -on loans at lower rates of interest, the following process will -give it: -</p> - -<p> -From the Logarithm of <i>a</i>, subtract the Logarithm <i>r</i>-<i>i</i>, and -from the number of the remaining Logarithm subtract <i>s</i>, then -subtract the Logarithm of this last remainder from the difference -between the Logarithm <i>a</i> and Logarithm <i>r</i>-<i>i</i> as found before, -divide the remainder by Logarithm <i>r</i>, the quotient will be <i>t</i>. It -will be found that —— dollars will reimburse a million, -</p> - -<table summary="Annuities at Various Interest Rates" class="narrow"> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td>Years.</td> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td>Dollars.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">At 7½</td> -<td>per cent.</td> -<td>interest in </td> -<td>19.17,</td> -<td> costing</td> -<td>in the whole </td> -<td>1,917,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">7 </td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>17.82,</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>1,782,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">6½</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>16.67,</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>1,667,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">6 </td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>15.72,</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>1,572,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">5½</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>14.91,</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>1,491,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">5 </td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>14. 2,</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>1,420,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">0 </td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>10. </td> -<td>"</td> -<td>"</td> -<td>1,000,000</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -By comparing the 1st and the last of these articles, we see that -if the United States were in possession of the circulating medium, -as they ought to be, they could redeem what they could borrow -from that, dollar for dollar, and in ten annual instalments; -whereas, the usurpation of that fund by bank paper, obliging them -to borrow elsewhere at 7½ per cent., two dollars are required -to reimburse one. So that it is literally true that the toleration -of banks of paper-discount, costs the United States one-half their -war taxes; or, in other words, doubles the expenses of every war. -Now think, but for a moment, what a change of condition that -would be, which should save half our war expenses, require but -half the taxes, and enthral us in debt but half the time. -</p> - -<p> -Two loans having been authorized, of sixteen and seven and -a half millions, they will require for their due reimbursement -two millions three hundred and fifty thousand dollars of the three -millions expected from the taxes lately imposed. When the produce -shall be known of the several items of these taxes, such of -them as will make up this sum should be selected, appropriated, -and pledged for the reimbursement of these loans. The balance -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_202'>[202]</a></span>of six hundred and fifty thousand dollars, will be a provision for -6½ millions of the loan of the next year; and in all future loans, -I would consider it as a rule never to be departed from, to lay a -tax of 1/10, and pledge it for the reimbursement. -</p> - -<p> -In the preceding calculations no account is taken of the increasing -population of the United States, which we know to be -in a compound ratio of more than 3 per cent. per annum; nor -of the increase of wealth, proved to be in a higher ratio by the -increasing productiveness of the imports on consumption. We -shall be safe therefore in considering every tax as growing at -the rate of 3 per cent. compound ratio annually. I say <i>every -tax</i>, for as to those on consumption the fact is known; and the -same growth will be found in the value of real estate, if valued -annually; or, which would be better, 3 per cent. might be assumed -by the law as the average increase, and an addition of -1/33 of the tax paid the preceding year, be annually called for. -Supposing then a tax laid which would bring in $100,000 at the -time it is laid, and that it increases annually at the rate of 3 per -cent. compound, its important effect may be seen in the following -statement: -</p> - -<table summary="Effect of increasing Taxes, Part I" class="narrow"> -<tr> -<td class="tdr tdb">The 1st</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">year</td> -<td class="tdb">103,090,</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">and reduces</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">the</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">million to </td> -<td class="tdr tdb">$972,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">2d</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>106,090,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>938,810</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">3d</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>109,273,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>899,947</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">4th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>112,556,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>854,896</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">5th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>115,920,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>803,053</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">6th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>119,410,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>743,915</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">7th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>122,990,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>676,719</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">8th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdu">126,680,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>600,793</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td>915,913</td> - -</tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Effect of increasing Taxes, Part I" class="p2 narrow"> -<tr> -<td>It yields the</td> -<td class="tdb">9th</td> -<td class="tdb">year</td> -<td class="tdr tdb">$130,470,</td> -<td class="tdc tdb"> and reduces</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">it to</td> -<td class="tdr tdb">$515,382</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>10th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">134,390,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">419,646</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>11th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">138,420,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">312,699</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>12th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">142,580,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">193,517</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>13th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">146,850,</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr"> 61,181</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>14th</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">151,260</td> -<td class="tdc">over pays,</td> -<td class="tdr tdu">85,491</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td class="tdr">1,759,883</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_203'>[203]</a></span>This estimate supposes a million borrowed at 7½ per cent; -but, if obtained from the circulation without interest, it would -be reimbursed within eight years and eight months, instead of -fourteen years, or of twenty years, on our first estimate. -</p> - -<p> -But this view being in prospect only, should not affect the -quantum of tax which the former circulation pronounces necessary. -Our creditors have a right to certainty, and to consider -these political speculations as make-weights only to that, and at -our risk, not theirs. To us belongs only the comfort of hoping -an earlier liberation than that calculation holds out, and the right -of providing expressly that the tax hypothecated shall cease so -soon as the debt it secures shall be actually reimbursed; and I -will add that to us belongs also the regret that improvident legislators -should have exposed us to a twenty years' thraldom of -debts and taxes, for the necessary defence of our country, where -the same contributions would have liberated us in eight or nine -years; or have reduced us perhaps to an abandonment of our -rights, by their abandonment of the only resource which could -have ensured their maintenance. -</p> - -<p> -I omit many considerations of detail because they will occur -to yourself, and my letter is too long already. I can refer you -to no book as treating of this subject fully and suitably to our -circumstances. Smith gives the history of the public debt of -England, and some views adapted to that; and Dr. Price, in his -book on annuities, has given a valuable chapter on the effects of -a sinking fund. But our business being to make every loan tax -a sinking fund for itself, no general one will be wanting; and if -my confidence is well founded that our original import, when -freed from the revolutionary debt, will suffice to embellish and -improve our country in peace, and defend her in war, the present -may be the only occasion of perplexing ourselves with sinking -funds. -</p> - -<p> -Should the injunctions under which I laid you, as to my former -letter, restrain any useful purpose to which you could apply -it, I remove them; preferring public benefit to all personal considerations. -My original disapprobation of banks circulating paper -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_204'>[204]</a></span>is not unknown, nor have I since observed any effects either -on the morals or fortunes of our citizens, which are any counterbalance -for the public evils produced; and a thorough conviction -that, if this war continues, that circulation must be suppressed, -or the government shaken to its foundation by the weight of -taxes, and impracticability to raise funds on them, renders duty -to that paramount to the love of ease and quiet. -</p> - -<p> -When I was here in May last, I left it without knowing that -Francis was at school in this neighborhood. As soon as I returned, -on the present occasion, I sent for him, but his tutor informed -me that he was gone on a visit to you. I shall hope permission -for him always to see me on my visits to this place, -which are three or four times a year. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, September 14, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I owe you a thousand thanks for your favor of -August 22d and its enclosures, and for Dr. Priestley's doctrines -of Heathen Philosophy compared with those of Revelation. -Your letter to Dr. Rush and the syllabus, I return enclosed with -this according to your injunctions, though with great reluctance. -May I beg a copy of both? -</p> - -<p> -They will do you no harm; me and others much good. -</p> - -<p> -I hope you will pursue your plan, for I am confident you will -produce a work much more valuable than Priestley's, though -that is curious, and considering the expiring powers with which -it was written, admirable. -</p> - -<p> -The bill in Parliament for the relief of Anti-Trinitarians, is -a great event, and will form an epoch in ecclesiastical history. -The motion was made by my friend Smith, of Clapham, a friend -of the Belshams. -</p> - -<p> -I should be very happy to hear that the bill is passed. -</p> - -<p> -The human understanding is a revelation from its Maker which -can never be disputed or doubted. There can be no scepticism, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_205'>[205]</a></span>Pyrrhonism, or incredulity, or infidelity, here. No prophecies, -no miracles are necessary to prove the celestial communication. -</p> - -<p> -This revelation has made it certain that two and one make -three, and that one is not three nor can three be one. We can -never be so certain of any prophecy, or the fulfilment of any -prophecy, or of any miracle, or the design of any miracle, as we -are from the revelation of nature, <i>i. e.</i>, Nature's God, that two and -two are equal to four. Miracles or prophecies might frighten us -out of our wits; might scare us to death; might induce us to lie, -to say that we believe that two and two make five. But we -should not believe it. We should know the contrary. -</p> - -<p> -Had you and I been forty days with Moses on Mount Sinai, -and been admitted to behold the divine Shekinah, and there told -that one was three and three one, we might not have had courage -to deny it, but we could not have believed it. -</p> - -<p> -The thunders, and lightnings, and earthquakes, and the transcendent -splendors and glories might have overwhelmed us with -terror and amazement, but we could not have believed the doctrine. -We should be more likely to say in our hearts whatever -we might say with our lips,—This is chance. There is no God, -no truth. This is all delusion, fiction, and a lie, or it is all chance. -But what is chance? It is motion, it is action, it is event, it is -phenomenon without cause. -</p> - -<p> -Chance is no cause at all, it is nothing. And nothing has produced -all this pomp and splendor. And nothing may produce -our eternal damnation in the flames of hell-fire and brimstone, -for what we know, as well as this tremendous exhibition of terror -and falsehood. -</p> - -<p> -God has infinite wisdom, goodness and power. He created -the universe. His duration is eternal, <span lang="la">a parte ante</span> and <span lang="la">a parte post</span>. -</p> - -<p> -His presence is as extensive as space. What is space? An -infinite spherical vacuum. He created this speck of dirt and the -human species for his glory, and with the deliberate design of -making nine-tenths of our species miserable forever, for his glory. -</p> - -<p> -This is the doctrine of Christian Theologians in general, ten -to one. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_206'>[206]</a></span>Now, my friend, can prophecies or miracles convince you or -me, that infinite benevolence, wisdom and power, created and -preserves for a time, innumerable millions, to make them miserable -forever for his own glory? -</p> - -<p> -Wretch! what is his glory? Is he ambitious? Does he want -promotion? Is he vain-tickled with adulation? Exulting and -triumphing in his power and the sweetness of his vengeance? -</p> - -<p> -Pardon me, my Maker, for these awful questions. My answer -to them is always ready. I believe no such things. My adoration -of the Author of the Universe is too profound and too sincere. -</p> - -<p> -The love of God and his creation, delight, joy, triumph, exultation -in my own existence, though but an atom, a molecule organique -in the universe, are my religion. Howl, snarl, bite, ye -Calvinistic, ye Athanasian divines, if you will. Ye will say I -am no Christian. I say ye are no Christians, and there the account -is balanced. -</p> - -<p> -Yet I believe all the honest men among you are Christians, in -my sense of the word. -</p> - -<p> -When I was at college, I was a metaphysician, at least I -thought myself such. And such men as Lock, Hemenway and -West, thought me so too; for we were forever disputing though -in great good humor. -</p> - -<p> -When I was sworn as an Attorney, in 1758, in Boston, though -I lived in Braintree, I was in a low state of health—thought in -great danger of a consumption; living on milk, vegetable pudding -and water. Not an atom of meat, or a drop of spirit. My -next neighbor, my cousin, my friend Dr. Savil, was my physician. -He was anxious about me, and did not like to take the -sole responsibility of my recovery. He invited me to a ride. I -mounted my horse and rode with him to Hingham, on a visit to -Dr. Ezekiel Hersey, a physician of great fame, who felt my -pulse, looked in my eyes, heard Savil describe my regimen and -course of medicine, and then pronounced his oracle: "Persevere, -and as sure as there is a God in Heaven you will recover." -</p> - -<p> -He was an everlasting talker, and ran out into history, philosophy, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_207'>[207]</a></span>metaphysics, &c., and frequently put questions to me as if -he wanted to sound me, and see if there was anything in me besides -hectic fever. I was young, and then very bashful, however -saucy I may have sometimes been since. I gave him very -modest and very diffident answers. But when I got upon metaphysics, -I seemed to feel a little bolder, and ventured into something -like argument with him. I drove him up, as I thought, -into a corner, from which he could not escape. "Sir, it will follow -from what you have now advanced, that the universe, as -distinct from God, is both infinite and eternal." "Very true," -said Dr. Hersey, "your inference is just, the consequence is inevitable, -and I believe the universe to be both eternal and infinite." -</p> - -<p> -Here I was brought up! I was defeated. I was not prepared -for this answer. This was fifty-five years ago. -</p> - -<p> -When I was in England, from 1785 to 1788, I may say I was -intimate with Dr. Price. I had much conversation with him at -his own house, at my house, and at the houses and tables of my -friends. In some of our most unreserved conversations, when -we have been alone, he has repeatedly said to me: "I am inclined -to believe that the universe is eternal and infinite. It seems -to me that an eternal and infinite effect must necessarily flow -from an eternal and infinite cause; and an infinite wisdom, goodness -and power, that could have been induced to produce a universe -in time, must have produced it from eternity. It seems to -me the effect must flow from the cause." -</p> - -<p> -Now, my friend Jefferson, suppose an eternal, self-existent -being, existing from eternity, possessed of infinite wisdom, goodness -and power, in absolute, total solitude, six thousand years -ago, conceiving the benevolent project of creating a universe! I -have no more to say at present. -</p> - -<p> -It has been long, very long, a settled opinion in my mind, that -there is now, never will be, and never was but one being who -can understand the universe. -</p> - -<p> -And that it is not only vain, but wicked, for insects to pretend -to comprehend it. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_208'>[208]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, September 15, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—My last sheet would not admit an observation -that was material to my design. -</p> - -<p> -Dr. Price was inclined to think that infinite wisdom and goodness -could not permit infinite power to be inactive from eternity, -but that an infinite and eternal universe must have necessarily -flowed from these attributes. -</p> - -<p> -Plato's system was "<span class="greek" title="agathos">αγαθος</span>" was eternal, self-existent, &c. -His ideas, his word, his reason, his wisdom, his goodness, or in -one word his "Logos" was omnipotent, and produced the universe -from all eternity. Now! as far as you and I can understand -Hersey, Price and Plato, are they not of one theory? Of -one mind? What is the difference? I own an eternal solitude -of a self-existent being, infinitely wise, powerful and good, is to -me altogether incomprehensible and incredible. I could as soon -believe the Athanasian creed. -</p> - -<p> -You will ask me what conclusion I draw from all this? I -answer, I drop into myself, and acknowledge myself to be a -fool. No mind but one can see through the immeasurable system. -It would be presumption and impiety in me to dogmatize -on such subjects. My duties in my little infinitessimal circle I -can understand and feel. The duties of a son, a brother, a -father, a neighbor, a citizen, I can see and feel, but I trust the -Ruler with his skies. -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p><span lang="la">Si quid novisti rectius, istis</span></p> -<p><span lang="la">Candidus imperti, si non, his utere, mecum.</span></p> -</div> -</div> - -<p> -This world is a mixture of the sublime and the beautiful, the -base and the contemptible, the whimsical and ridiculous, (according -to our narrow sense and trifling feelings.) It is an enigma and -a riddle. You need not be surprised, then, if I should descend -from these heights to the most egregious trifle. But first let me -say, I asked you in a former letter how far advanced we were -in the science of aristocracy since Theognis' Stallions, Jacks and -Rams? Have not Chancellor Livingston and Major General -Humphreys introduced an hereditary aristocracy of Merino -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_209'>[209]</a></span>Sheep? How shall we get rid of this aristocracy? It is entailed -upon us forever. And an aristocracy of land jobbers and -stock jobbers is equally and irremediably entailed upon us, to -endless generations. -</p> - -<p> -Now for the odd, the whimsical, the frivolous. I had scarcely -sealed my last letter to you upon Theognis' doctrine of well-born -Stallions, Jacks and Rams, when they brought me from the Post -Office a packet, without post mark, without letter, without name, -date or place. Nicely sealed was a printed copy of eighty or -ninety pages, and in large full octavo, entitled: Section first—Aristocracy. -I gravely composed my risible muscles and read it -through. It is from beginning to end an attack upon me by -name for the doctrines of aristocracy in my three volumes of -Defence, &c. The conclusion of the whole is that an aristocracy -of bank paper is as bad as the nobility of France or England. -I most assuredly will not controvert this point with this man. -Who he is I cannot conjecture. The honorable John Taylor of -Virginia, of all men living or dead, first occurred to me. -</p> - -<p> -Is it Oberon? Is it Queen Mab, that reigns and sports with -us little beings? I thought my books as well as myself were -forgotten. But behold! I am to become a great man in my expiring -moments. Theognis and Plato, and Hersey and Price, -and Jefferson and I, must go down to posterity together; and I -know not, upon the whole, where to wish for better company. -I wish to add Vanderkemp, who has been here to see me, after -an interruption of twenty-four years. I could and ought to add -many others, but the catalogue would be too long. I am, as -ever. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Why is Plato associated with Theognis, &c.? Because -no man ever expressed so much terror of the power of -birth. His genius could invent no remedy or precaution against -it, but a community of wives; a confusion of families; a total -extinction of all relations of father, son and brother. Did the -French Revolutionists contrive much better against the influence -of birth? -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_210'>[210]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. WM. CANBY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 18, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of August 27th, am -sensible of the kind intentions from which it flows, and truly -thankful for them. The more so as they could only be the result -of a favorable estimate of my public course. During a long -life, as much devoted to study as a faithful transaction of the -trusts committed to me would permit, no subject has occupied -more of my consideration than our relations with all the beings -around us, our duties to them, and our future prospects. After -reading and hearing everything which probably can be suggested -respecting them, I have formed the best judgment I could as to -the course they prescribe, and in the due observance of that -course, I have no recollections which give me uneasiness. An -eloquent preacher of your religious society, Richard Motte, in a -discourse of much emotion and pathos, is said to have exclaimed -aloud to his congregation, that he did not believe there was a -Quaker, Presbyterian, Methodist or Baptist in heaven, having -paused to give his hearers time to stare and to wonder. He added, -that in heaven, God knew no distinctions, but considered all -good men as his children, and as brethren of the same family. I -believe, with the Quaker preacher, that he who steadily observes -those moral precepts in which all religions concur, will never be -questioned at the gates of heaven, as to the dogmas in which -they all differ. That on entering there, all these are left behind -us, and the Aristides and Catos, the Penns and Tillotsons, Presbyterians -and Baptists, will find themselves united in all principles -which are in concert with the reason of the supreme mind. -Of all the systems of morality, ancient or modern, which have -come under my observation, none appear to me so pure as that -of Jesus. He who follows this steadily need not, I think, be -uneasy, although he cannot comprehend the subtleties and mysteries -erected on his doctrines by those who, calling themselves -his special followers and favorites, would make him come into -the world to lay snares for all understandings but theirs. These -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_211'>[211]</a></span>metaphysical heads, usurping the judgment seat of God, denounce -as his enemies all who cannot perceive the Geometrical -logic of Euclid in the demonstrations of St. Athanasius, that -three are one, and one is three; and yet that the one is not -three nor the three one. In all essential points you and I are of -the same religion; and I am too old to go into inquiries and -changes as to the unessential. Repeating, therefore, my thankfulness -for the kind concern you have been so good as to express, -I salute you with friendship and brotherly esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DUANE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 18, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Repeated inquiries on the part of Senator Tracy -what has become of his book, (the MS. I last sent you,) oblige -me to ask of you what I shall say to him. I congratulate you -on the brilliant affair of the Enterprise and Boxer. No heart is -more rejoiced than mine at these mortifications of English pride, -and lessons to Europe that the English are not invincible at sea. -And if these successes do not lead us too far into the navy mania, -all will be well. But when are to cease the severe lessons we -receive by land, demonstrating our want of competent officers? -The numbers of our countrymen betrayed into the hands of the -enemy by the treachery, cowardice or incompetence of our high -officers, reduce us to the humiliating necessity of acquiescing in -the brutal conduct observed towards them. When, during the -last war, I put Governor Hamilton and Major Hay into a dungeon -and in irons for having themselves personally done the -same to the American prisoners who had fallen into their hands, -and was threatened with retaliation by Philips, then returned to -New York, I declared to him I would load ten of their Saratoga -prisoners (then under my care and within half a dozen miles -of my house) with double irons for every American they should -misuse under pretence of retaliation, and it put an end to the -practice. But the ten for one are now with them. Our present -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_212'>[212]</a></span>hopes of being able to do something by land seem to rest on -Chauncey. Strange reverse of expectations that our land force -should be under the wing of our little navy. Accept the assurance -of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. ISAAC M'PHERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 18, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I thank you for the communication of Mr. Jonathan -Ellicot's letter in yours of August 28th, and the information it -conveys. With respect to mine of August 13th, I do not know -that it contains anything but what any man of mathematical -reading may learn from the same sources; however, if it can be -used for the promotion of right, I consent to such an use of it. -Your inquiry as to the date of Martin's invention of the drill -plough, with a leathern band and metal buckets, I cannot precisely -answer; but I received one from him in 1794, and have -used it ever since for sowing various seeds, chiefly peas, turnips, -and benni. I have always had in mind to use it for wheat; -but sowing only a row at a time, I had proposed to him some -years ago to change the construction so that it should sow four -rows at a time, twelve inches apart; and I have been waiting -for this to be done either by him or myself; and have not, therefore, -commenced that use of it. I procured mine at first through -Col. John Taylor of Caroline, who had been long in the use of -it, and my impression was that it was not then a novel thing. -Mr. Martin is still living, I believe. If not, Colonel Taylor, his -neighbor, probably knows its date. If the bringing together -under the same roof various useful things before known, which -you mention as one of the grounds of Mr. Evans' claim, entitles -him to an exclusive use of all these, either separately or combined, -every utensil of life might be taken from us by a patent. -I might build a stable, bring into it a cutting-knife to chop straw, -a hand-mill to grind the grain, a curry comb and brush to clean -the horses, and by a patent exclude every one from ever more -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_213'>[213]</a></span>using these things without paying me. The elevator, the conveyer, -the hopper-boy, are distinct things, unconnected but by -juxtaposition. If no patent can be claimed for any one of these -separately, it cannot be for all of them,—several nothings put together -cannot make a something;—this would be going very -wide of the object of the patent laws. I salute you with esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JAMES MARTIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 20, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of August 20th, enabled me to turn to mine -of February 23d, 1798, and your former one of February 22d, -1801, and to recall to my memory the oration at Jamaica, which -was the subject of them. I see with pleasure a continuance of the -same sound principles in the address to Mr. Quincy. Your quotation -from the former paper alludes, as I presume, to the term of -office to our Senate; a term, like that of the judges, too long for -my approbation. I am for responsibilities at short periods, seeing -neither reason nor safety in making public functionaries independent -of the nation for life, or even for long terms of years. -On this principle I prefer the Presidential term of four years, to -that of seven years, which I myself had at first suggested, annexing -to it, however, ineligibility forever after; and I wish it -were now annexed to the 2d quadrennial election of President. -</p> - -<p> -The conduct of Massachusetts, which is the subject of your -address to Mr. Quincy, is serious, as embarrassing the operations -of the war, and jeopardizing its issue; and still more so, as an -example of contumacy against the Constitution. One method -of proving their purpose, would be to call a convention of their -State, and to require them to declare themselves members of the -Union, and obedient to its determinations, or not members, and -let them go. Put this question solemnly to their people, and their -answer cannot be doubtful. One half of them are republicans, -and would cling to the Union from principle. Of the other half, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_214'>[214]</a></span>the dispassionate part would consider, 1st. That they do not -raise bread sufficient for their own subsistence, and must look to -Europe for the deficiency, if excluded from our ports, which vital -interests would force us to do. 2d. That they are navigating -people without a stick of timber for the hull of a ship, nor a -pound of anything to export in it, which would be admitted at -any market. 3d. That they are also a manufacturing people, -and left by the exclusive system of Europe without a market -but ours. 4th. That as the rivals of England in manufactures, -in commerce, in navigation, and fisheries, they would meet her -competition in every point. 5th. That England would feel no -scruples in making the abandonment and ruin of such a rival the -price of a treaty with the producing States; whose interest too -it would be to nourish a navigation beyond the Atlantic, rather -than a hostile one at our own door. And 6th. That in case of war -with the Union, which occurrences between coterminous nations -frequently produce, it would be a contest of one against fifteen. -The remaining portion of the Federal moiety of the State would, -I believe, brave all these obstacles, because they are monarchists -in principle, bearing deadly hatred to their republican fellow-citizens, -impatient under the ascendency of republican principles, -devoted in their attachment to England, and preferring to be -placed under her despotism, if they cannot hold the helm of government -here. I see, in their separation, no evil but the example, -and I believe that the effect of that would be corrected by -an early and humiliating return to the Union, after losing much -of the population of their country, insufficient in its own resources -to feed her numerous inhabitants, and inferior in all its -allurements to the more inviting soils, climates, and governments -of the other States. Whether a dispassionate discussion before -the public, of the advantages and disadvantages of separation to -both parties, would be the best medicine for this dialytic fever, -or to consider it as sacrilege ever to touch the question, may be -doubted. I am, myself, generally disposed to indulge, and to -follow reason; and believe that in no case would it be safer than -in the present. Their refractory course, however, will not be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_215'>[215]</a></span>unpunished by the indignation of their co-States, their loss of -influence with them, the censures of history, and the stain on -the character of their State. With my thanks for the paper enclosed, -accept the assurance of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR LOGAN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 3, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of September -18th, and I perceive in it the same spirit of peace which I know -you have ever breathed, and to preserve which you have made -many personal sacrifices. That your efforts did much towards -preventing declared war with France, I am satisfied. Of those -with England, I am not equally informed. I have ever cherished -the same spirit with all nations, from a consciousness that peace, -prosperity, liberty, and morals, have an intimate connection. -During the eight years of my administration, there was not a -year that England did not give us such cause as would have -provoked a war from any European government. But I always -hoped that time and friendly remonstrances would bring her to -a sounder view of her own interests, and convince her that these -would be promoted by a return to justice and friendship towards -us. Continued impressments of our seamen by her naval commanders, -whose interest it was to mistake them for theirs, her -innovations on the law of nations to cover real piracies, could -illy be borne; and perhaps would not have been borne, had not -contraventions of the same law by France, fewer in number but -equally illegal, rendered it difficult to single the object of war. -England, at length, singled herself, and took up the gauntlet, -when the unlawful decrees of France being revoked as to us, -she, by the proclamation of her Prince Regent, protested to the -world that she would never revoke hers until those of France -should be removed as to all nations. Her minister too, about the -same time, in an official conversation with our Chargé, rejected -our substitute for her practice of impressment; proposed no other; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_216'>[216]</a></span>and declared explicitly that no admissible one for this abuse could -be proposed. Negotiation being thus cut short, no alternative -remained but war, or the abandonment of the persons and property -of our citizens on the ocean. The last one, I presume, no -American would have preferred. War was therefore declared, -and justly declared; but accompanied with immediate offers of -peace on simply doing us justice. These offers were made -through Russel, through Admiral Warren, through the government -of Canada, and the mediation proposed by her best friend Alexander, -and the greatest enemy of Bonaparte, was accepted without -hesitation. An entire confidence in the abilities and integrity of -those now administering the government, has kept me from the inclination, -as well as the occasion, of intermeddling in the public -affairs, even as a private citizen may justifiably do. Yet if you -can suggest any conditions which we ought to accept, and which -have not been repeatedly offered and rejected, I would not hesitate -to become the channel of their communication to the administration. -The revocation of the orders of council, and discontinuance -of impressment, appear to me indispensable. And I think a -thousand ships taken unjustifiably in time of peace, and thousands -of our citizens impressed, warrant expectations of indemnification; -such a Western frontier, perhaps, given to Canada, as -may put it out of their power hereafter to employ the tomahawk -and scalping-knife of the Indians on our women and children; -or, what would be nearly equivalent, the exclusive right to the -lakes. The modification, however, of this indemnification must -be effected by the events of the war. No man on earth has -stronger detestation than myself of the unprincipled tyrant who -is deluging the continent of Europe with blood. No one was -more gratified by his disasters of the last campaign; nor wished, -more sincerely, success to the efforts of the virtuous Alexander. -But the desire of seeing England forced to just terms of peace -with us, makes me equally solicitous for her entire exclusion -from intercourse with the rest of the world, until by this peaceable -engine of constraint, she can be made to renounce her views -of dominion over the ocean, of permitting no other nation to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_217'>[217]</a></span>navigate it but with her license, and on tribute to her; and her -aggressions on the persons of our citizens who may choose to -exercise their right of passing over that element. Should the -continental armistice issue in closing Europe against her, she -may become willing to accede to just terms with us; which I -should certainly be disposed to meet, whatever consequences it -might produce on our intercourse with the continental nations. -My principle is to do whatever is right, and leave consequences -to Him who has the disposal of them. I repeat, therefore, that -if you can suggest what may lead to a just peace, I will willingly -communicate it to the proper functionaries. In the meantime, its -object will be best promoted by a vigorous and unanimous prosecution -of the war. -</p> - -<p> -I am happy in this occasion of renewing the interchange of -sentiments between us, which has formerly been a source of -much satisfaction to me; and with the homage of my affectionate -attachment and respect to Mrs. Logan, I pray you to accept -the assurance of my continued friendship and esteem for yourself. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 13, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Since mine of August the 22d, I have received -your favors of August the 16th, September the 2d, 14th, 15th, -and—, and Mrs. Adams' of September the 20th. I now send -you, according to your request, a copy of the syllabus. To fill -up this skeleton with arteries, with veins, with nerves, muscles -and flesh, is really beyond my time and information. Whoever -could undertake it would find great aid in Enfield's judicious -abridgment of Brucker's History of Philosophy, in which he has -reduced five or six quarto volumes, of one thousand pages each -of Latin closely printed, to two moderate octavos of English open -type. -</p> - -<p> -To compare the morals of the Old, with those of the New -Testament, would require an attentive study of the former, a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_218'>[218]</a></span>search through all its books for its precepts, and through all its -history for its practices, and the principles they prove. As commentaries, -too, on these, the philosophy of the Hebrews must be -inquired into, their Mishna, their Gemara, Cabbala, Jezirah, Sohar, -Cosri, and their Talmud, must be examined and understood, -in order to do them full justice. Brucker, it would seem, has -gone deeply into these repositories of their ethics, and Enfield -his epitomizer, concludes in these words: "Ethics were so little -understood among the Jews, that in their whole compilation -called the Talmud, there is only one treatise on moral subjects. -Their books of morals chiefly consisted in a minute enumeration -of duties. From the law of Moses were deduced six hundred -and thirteen precepts, which were divided into two classes, -affirmative and negative, two hundred and forty-eight in the former, -and three hundred and sixty-five in the latter. It may -serve to give the reader some idea of the low state of moral philosophy -among the Jews in the middle age, to add that of the -two hundred and forty-eight affirmative precepts, only three were -considered as obligatory upon women, and that in order to obtain -salvation, it was judged sufficient to fulfil any one single law in -the hour of death; the observance of the rest being deemed necessary, -only to increase the felicity of the future life. What a -wretched depravity of sentiment and manners must have prevailed, -before such corrupt maxims could have obtained credit! -It is impossible to collect from these writings a consistent series -of moral doctrine." Enfield, B. 4, chap. 3. It was the reformation -of this "wretched depravity" of morals which Jesus undertook. -In extracting the pure principles which he taught, we -should have to strip off the artificial vestments in which they -have been muffled by priests, who have travestied them into various -forms, as instruments of riches and power to themselves. -We must dismiss the Platonists and Plotinists, the Stagyrites and -Gamalielites, the Eclectics, the Gnostics and Scholastics, their -essences and emanations, their Logos and Demiurgos, Æons and -Dæmons, male and female, with a long train of &c. &c. &c., or, -shall I say at once, of nonsense. We must reduce our volume to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_219'>[219]</a></span>the simple evangelists, select, even from them, the very words -only of Jesus, paring off the amphiboligisms into which they -have been led, by forgetting often, or not understanding, what -had fallen from him, by giving their own misconceptions as his -dicta, and expressing unintelligibly for others what they had not -understood themselves. There will be found remaining the most -sublime and benevolent code of morals which has ever been -offered to man. I have performed this operation for my own use, -by cutting verse by verse out of the printed book, and arranging -the matter which is evidently his, and which is as easily distinguishable -as diamonds in a dunghill. The result is an octavo -of forty-six pages, of pure and unsophisticated doctrines, such -as were professed and acted on by the <i>unlettered</i> Apostles, the -Apostolic Fathers, and the Christians of the first century. Their -Platonising successors, indeed, in after times, in order to legitimate -the corruptions which they had incorporated into the doctrines -of Jesus, found it necessary to disavow the primitive Christians, -who had taken their principles from the mouth of Jesus -himself, of his Apostles, and the Fathers cotemporary with them. -They excommunicated their followers as heretics, branding them -with the opprobrious name of Ebionites or Beggars. -</p> - -<p> -For a comparison of the Grecian philosophy with that of Jesus, -materials might be largely drawn from the same source. Enfield -gives a history and detailed account of the opinions and principles -of the different sects. These relate to the Gods, their natures, -grades, places and powers; the demi-Gods and Dæmons, -and their agency with man; the universe, its structure, extent -and duration; the origin of things from the elements of fire, -water, air and earth; the human soul, its essence and derivation; -the <span lang="la"><i>summum bonum</i></span> and <span lang="la"><i>finis bonorum</i></span>; with a thousand idle -dreams and fancies on these and other subjects, the knowledge -of which is withheld from man; leaving but a short chapter for -his moral duties, and the principal section of that given to what -he owes himself, to precepts for rendering him impassible, and -unassailable by the evils of life, and for preserving his mind in a -state of constant serenity. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_220'>[220]</a></span>Such a canvas is too broad for the age of seventy, and especially -of one whose chief occupations have been in the practical -business of life. We must leave, therefore, to others, younger -and more learned than we are, to prepare this euthanasia for Platonic -Christianity, and its restoration to the primitive simplicity -of its founder. I think you give a just outline of the theism of -the three religions, when you say that the principle of the Hebrew -was the fear, of the Gentile the honor, and of the Christian -the love of God. -</p> - -<p> -An expression in your letter of September the 14th, that "the -human understanding is a revelation from its maker," gives the -best solution that I believe can be given of the question, "what -did Socrates mean by his Dæmon?" He was too wise to believe, -and too honest to pretend, that he had real and familiar converse -with a superior and invisible being. He probably considered the -suggestions of his conscience, or reason, as revelations or inspirations -from the Supreme mind, bestowed, on important occasions, -by a special superintending Providence. -</p> - -<p> -I acknowledge all the merit of the hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter, -which you ascribe to it. It is as highly sublime as a chaste -and correct imagination can permit itself to go. Yet in the contemplation -of a being so superlative, the hyperbolic flights of -the Psalmist may often be followed with approbation, even with -rapture; and I have no hesitation in giving him the palm over -all the hymnists of every language and of every time. Turn to -the 148th psalm, in Brady and Tate's version. Have such conceptions -been ever before expressed? Their version of the 15th -psalm is more to be esteemed for its pithiness than its poetry. -Even Sternhold, the leaden Sternhold, kindles, in a single instance, -with the sublimity of his original, and expresses the majesty -of God descending on the earth, in terms not unworthy of -the subject: -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p>"The Lord descended from above,</p> -<p>And underneath his feet he cast</p> -<p>On Cherubim and Seraphim</p> -<p>And on the wings of mighty winds</p> -<p>And bowed the heav'ns most high;</p> -<p>The darkness of the sky.</p> -<p>Full royally he rode;</p> -<p>Came flying all abroad."—Psalm xviii. 9, 10.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_221'>[221]</a></span>The Latin versions of this passage by Buchanan and by Johnston, -are but mediocres. But the Greek of Duport is worthy of -quotation, -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p><span class="greek" title="Ouranon anklinas katebê; hypo possi d' eoisin">Ουρανον αγκλινας κατεβη· υπο πὸσσι δ' εοισιν</span></p> -<p><span class="greek" title="Achlys amphi melaina chythê kai nyx erebennê">Αχλύς αμφι μελαινα χυθη και νυξ ερεβεννη</span>.</p> -<p><span class="greek" title="Rhimpha potato cheroubô ocheumenos, hôsper eph' hippô">Ῥιμφα ποτατο χερουβω οχευμενος, ωσπερ εφ' ιππω·</span></p> -<p><span class="greek" title="Hiptato de pterygessi polyplanktou anemoio">Ἱπτατο δε πτερυγεσσι πολυπλαγκτου ανεμοιο</span>.</p> -</div></div> - -<p> -The best collection of these psalms is that of the Octagonian -dissenters of Liverpool, in their printed form of prayer; but -they are not always the best versions. Indeed, bad is the best -of the English versions; not a ray of poetical genius having -ever been employed on them. And how much depends on this, -may be seen by comparing Brady and Tate's 15th psalm with -Blacklock's <span lang="la"><i>Justum et tenacem propositi virum</i></span> of Horace, quoted -in Hume's history, Car. 2, ch. 65. A translation of David in -this style, or in that of Pompei's Cleanthes, might give us some -idea of the merit of the original. The character, too, of the -poetry of these hymns is singular to us; written in monostichs, -each divided into strophe and anti-strophe, the sentiment of the first -member responded with amplification or antithesis in the second. -</p> - -<p> -On the subject of the postscript of yours of August the 16th -and of Mrs. Adams' letter, I am silent. I know the depth of -the affliction it has caused, and can sympathise with it the more -sensibly, inasmuch as there is no degree of affliction, produced -by the loss of those dear to us, which experience has not taught -me to estimate. I have ever found time and silence the only -medicine, and these but assuage, they never can suppress, the deep -drawn sigh which recollection forever brings up, until recollection -and life are extinguished together. Ever affectionately -yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 28, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—According to the reservation between us, of taking -up one of the subjects of our correspondence at a time, I -turn to your letters of August the 16th and September the 2d. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_222'>[222]</a></span>The passage you quote from Theognis, I think has an ethical -rather than a political object. The whole piece is a moral <i>exhortation</i>, -<span class="greek" title="parainesis">παραινεσις</span>, and this passage particularly seems to be a -reproof to man, who, while with his domestic animals he is -curious to improve the race, by employing always the finest -male, pays no attention to the improvement of his own race, but -intermarries with the vicious, the ugly, or the old, for considerations -of wealth or ambition. It is in conformity with the principle -adopted afterwards by the Pythagoreans, and expressed by -Ocellus in another form; <span class="greek" title="peri de tês ek tôn allêlôn anthrôpôn geneseôs">περι δε τῆς ἐκ τῶν αλληλων ανθρωπων γενεσεως</span> -&c.—<span class="greek" title="ouch hêdonês heneka hê mixis">ουχ ηδονης ενεκα η μιξις</span>: which, as literally as intelligibility -will admit, may be thus translated: "concerning the interprocreation -of men, how, and of whom it shall be, in a perfect manner, -and according to the laws of modesty and sanctity, conjointly, -this is what I think right. First to lay it down that -we do not commix for the sake of pleasure, but of the procreation -of children. For the powers, the organs and desires for -coition have not been given by God to man for the sake of -pleasure, but for the procreation of the race. For as it were incongruous, -for a mortal born to partake of divine life, the immortality -of the race being taken away, God fulfilled the purpose -by making the generations uninterrupted and continuous. -This, therefore, we are especially to lay down as a principle, that -coition is not for the sake of pleasure." But nature, not trusting -to this moral and abstract motive, seems to have provided more -securely for the perpetuation of the species, by making it the -effect of the <span lang="la"><i>oestrum</i></span> implanted in the constitution of both sexes. -And not only has the commerce of love been indulged on this -unhallowed impulse, but made subservient also to wealth and -ambition by marriage, without regard to the beauty, the healthiness, -the understanding, or virtue of the subject from which we -are to breed. The selecting the best male for a Harem of well -chosen females also, which Theognis seems to recommend from -the example of our sheep and asses, would doubtless improve the -human, as it does the brute animal, and produce a race of veritable -<span class="greek" title="aristoi">ἄριστοι</span>. For experience proves, that the moral and physical -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_223'>[223]</a></span>qualities of man, whether good or evil, are transmissible in a certain -degree from father to son. But I suspect that the equal -rights of men will rise up against this privileged Solomon and -his Haram, and oblige us to continue acquiescence under the -"<span class="greek" title="Amaurôsis geneos astôn">Αμαυρωσις γενεος αστων</span>" which Theognis complains of, and to content -ourselves with the accidental aristoi produced by the fortuitous -concourse of breeders. For I agree with you that there is -a natural aristocracy among men. The grounds of this are virtue -and talents. Formerly, bodily powers gave place among the -aristoi. But since the invention of gunpowder has armed the -weak as well as the strong with missile death, bodily strength, -like beauty, good humor, politeness and other accomplishments, -has become but an auxiliary ground of distinction. There is -also an artificial aristocracy, founded on wealth and birth, without -either virtue or talents; for with these it would belong to -the first class. The natural aristocracy I consider as the most -precious gift of nature, for the instruction, the trusts, and government -of society. And indeed, it would have been inconsistent -in creation to have formed man for the social state, and not to -have provided virtue and wisdom enough to manage the concerns -of the society. May we not even say, that that form of -government is the best, which provides the most effectually for a -pure selection of these natural aristoi into the offices of government? -The artificial aristocracy is a mischievous ingredient in -government, and provision should be made to prevent its ascendency. -On the question, what is the best provision, you and I -differ; but we differ as rational friends, using the free exercise -of our own reason, and mutually indulging its errors. You -think it best to put the <span lang="la">pseudo-aristoi</span> into a separate chamber of -legislation, where they may be hindered from doing mischief by -their co-ordinate branches, and where, also, they may be a protection -to wealth against the Agrarian and plundering enterprises -of the majority of the people. I think that to give them power -in order to prevent them from doing mischief, is arming them -for it, and increasing instead of remedying the evil. For if the -co-ordinate branches can arrest their action, so may they that of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_224'>[224]</a></span>the co-ordinates. Mischief may be done negatively as well as -positively. Of this, a cabal in the Senate of the United States -has furnished many proofs. Nor do I believe them necessary to -protect the wealthy; because enough of these will find their -way into every branch of the legislation, to protect themselves. -From fifteen to twenty legislatures of our own, in action -for thirty years past, have proved that no fears of an equalization -of property are to be apprehended from them. I think -the best remedy is exactly that provided by all our constitutions, -to leave to the citizens the free election and separation of the -aristoi from the <span lang="la">pseudo-aristoi</span>, of the wheat from the chaff. In -general they will elect the really good and wise. In some instances, -wealth may corrupt, and birth blind them; but not in -sufficient degree to endanger the society. -</p> - -<p> -It is probable that our difference of opinion may, in some -measure, be produced by a difference of character in those among -whom we live. From what I have seen of Massachusetts and -Connecticut myself, and still more from what I have heard, and -the character given of the former by yourself, (vol. 1, page 111,) -who know them so much better, there seems to be in those two -States a traditionary reverence for certain families, which has -rendered the offices of the government nearly hereditary in those -families. I presume that from an early period of your history, -members of those families happening to possess virtue and -talents, have honestly exercised them for the good of the people, -and by their services have endeared their names to them. In -coupling Connecticut with you, I mean it politically only, not -morally. For having made the Bible the common law of their -land, they seem to have modeled their morality on the story of -Jacob and Laban. But although this hereditary succession to -office with you, may, in some degree, be founded in real family -merit, yet in a much higher degree, it has proceeded from your -strict alliance of Church and State. These families are canonised -in the eyes of the people on common principles, "you tickle -me, and I will tickle you." In Virginia we have nothing of -this. Our clergy, before the revolution, having been secured -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_225'>[225]</a></span>against rivalship by fixed salaries, did not give themselves the -trouble of acquiring influence over the people. Of wealth, there -were great accumulations in particular families, handed down -from generation to generation, under the English law of entails. -But the only object of ambition for the wealthy was a seat in -the King's Council. All their court then was paid to the crown -and its creatures; and they Philipised in all collisions between -the King and the people. Hence they were unpopular; and -that unpopularity continues attached to their names. A Randolph, -a Carter, or a Burwell must have great personal superiority -over a common competitor to be elected by the people even at -this day. At the first session of our legislature after the Declaration -of Independence, we passed a law abolishing entails. And -this was followed by one abolishing the privilege of primogeniture, -and dividing the lands of intestates equally among all their -children, or other representatives. These laws, drawn by myself, -laid the axe to the foot of pseudo-aristocracy. And had -another which I prepared been adopted by the legislature, our -work would have been complete. It was a bill for the more general -diffusion of learning. This proposed to divide every county -into wards of five or six miles square, like your townships; -to establish in each ward a free school for reading, writing and -common arithmetic; to provide for the annual selection of the -best subjects from these schools, who might receive, at the public -expense, a higher degree of education at a district school; -and from these district schools to select a certain number of the -most promising subjects, to be completed at an University, where -all the useful sciences should be taught. Worth and genius -would thus have been sought out from every condition of life, -and completely prepared by education for defeating the competition -of wealth and birth for public trusts. My proposition had, -for a further object, to impart to these wards those portions of -self-government for which they are best qualified, by confiding -to them the care of their poor, their roads, police, elections, the -nomination of jurors, administration of justice in small cases, -elementary exercises of militia; in short, to have made them -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_226'>[226]</a></span>little republics, with a warden at the head of each, for all those -concerns which, being under their eye, they would better manage -than the larger republics of the county or State. A general call -of ward meetings by their wardens on the same day through the -State, would at any time produce the genuine sense of the people -on any required point, and would enable the State to act in -mass, as your people have so often done, and with so much effect -by their town meetings. The law for religious freedom, -which made a part of this system, having put down the aristocracy -of the clergy, and restored to the citizen the freedom of -the mind, and those of entails and descents nurturing an equality -of condition among them, this on education would have raised -the mass of the people to the high ground of moral respectability -necessary to their own safety, and to orderly government; and -would have completed the great object of qualifying them to select -the veritable aristoi, for the trusts of government, to the exclusion -of the pseudalists; and the same Theognis who has furnished -the epigraphs of your two letters, assures us that "<span class="greek" title="Oudemian -pô, Kyrn', agathoi polin ôlesan andres">Ουδεμιαν -πω, Κυρν', αγαθοι πολιν ωλεσαν ανδρες</span>." Although this law has not -yet been acted on but in a small and inefficient degree, it is still -considered as before the legislature, with other bills of the revised -code, not yet taken up, and I have great hope that some -patriotic spirit will, at a favorable moment, call it up, and make -it the key-stone of the arch of our government. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to aristocracy, we should further consider, that -before the establishment of the American States, nothing was -known to history but the man of the old world, crowded within -limits either small or overcharged, and steeped in the vices which -that situation generates. A government adapted to such men -would be one thing; but a very different one, that for the man -of these States. Here every one may have land to labor for -himself, if he chooses; or, preferring the exercise of any other -industry, may exact for it such compensation as not only to -afford a comfortable subsistence, but wherewith to provide for a -cessation from labor in old age. Every one, by his property, or -by his satisfactory situation, is interested in the support of law -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_227'>[227]</a></span>and order. And such men may safely and advantageously reserve -to themselves a wholesome control over their public affairs, -and a degree of freedom, which, in the hands of the <span lang="fr_FR"><i>canaille</i></span> of -the cities of Europe, would be instantly perverted to the demolition -and destruction of everything public and private. The -history of the last twenty-five years of France, and of the last -forty years in America, nay of its last two hundred years, proves -the truth of both parts of this observation. -</p> - -<p> -But even in Europe a change has sensibly taken place in the -mind of man. Science had liberated the ideas of those who read -and reflect, and the American example had kindled feelings of -right in the people. An insurrection has consequently begun, of -science, talents, and courage, against rank and birth, which have -fallen into contempt. It has failed in its first effort, because the -mobs of the cities, the instrument used for its accomplishment, -debased by ignorance, poverty, and vice, could not be restrained -to rational action. But the world will recover from the panic -of this first catastrophe. Science is progressive, and talents and -enterprise on the alert. Resort may be had to the people of the -country, a more governable power from their principles and subordination; -and rank, and birth, and tinsel-aristocracy will finally -shrink into insignificance, even there. This, however, we have -no right to meddle with. It suffices for us, if the moral and -physical condition of our own citizens qualifies them to select -the able and good for the direction of their government, with a -recurrence of elections at such short periods as will enable them -to displace an unfaithful servant, before the mischief he meditates -may be irremediable. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus stated my opinion on a point on which we differ, -not with a view to controversy, for we are both too old to change -opinions which are the result of a long life of inquiry and reflection; -but on the suggestions of a former letter of yours, that we -ought not to die before we have explained ourselves to each -other. We acted in perfect harmony, through a long and perilous -contest for our liberty and independence. A constitution -has been acquired, which, though neither of us thinks perfect, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_228'>[228]</a></span>yet both consider as competent to render our fellow citizens the -happiest and the securest on whom the sun has ever shone. If -we do not think exactly alike as to its imperfections, it matters -little to our country, which, after devoting to it long lives of disinterested -labor, we have delivered over to our successors in life, -who will be able to take care of it and of themselves. -</p> - -<p> -Of the pamphlet on aristocracy which has been sent to you, or -who may be its author, I have heard nothing but through your -letter. If the person you suspect, it may be known from the -quaint, mystical, and hyperbolical ideas, involved in affected, -new-fangled and pedantic terms which stamp his writings. -Whatever it be, I hope your quiet is not to be affected at this -day by the rudeness or intemperance of scribblers; but that you -may continue in tranquillity to live and to rejoice in the prosperity -of our country, until it shall be your own wish to take -your seat among the aristoi who have gone before you. Ever -and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN W. EPPES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 6, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I had not expected to have troubled you again -on the subject of finance; but since the date of my last, I have -received from Mr. Law a letter covering a memorial on that subject, -which, from its tenor, I conjecture must have been before -Congress at their two last sessions. This paper contains two -propositions; the one for issuing treasury notes, bearing interest, -and to be circulated as money; the other for the establishment -of a national bank. The first was considered in my former letter; -and the second shall be the subject of the present. -</p> - -<p> -The scheme is for Congress to establish a national bank, suppose -of thirty millions capital, of which they shall contribute ten -millions in new six per cent. stock, the States ten millions, and -individuals ten millions, one half of the two last contributions to -be of similar stock, for which the parties are to give cash to Congress; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_229'>[229]</a></span>the whole, however, to be under the exclusive management -of the individual subscribers, who are to name all the -directors; neither Congress nor the States having any power of -interference in its administration. Discounts are to be at five -per cent., but the profits are expected to be seven per cent. -Congress then will be paying six per cent. on twenty millions, -and receiving seven per cent. on ten millions, being its third of -the institution; so that on the ten millions cash which they receive -from the States and individuals, they will, in fact, have to -pay but five per cent. interest. This is the bait. The charter -is proposed to be for forty or fifty years, and if any future augmentations -should take place, the individual proprietors are to have -the privilege of being the sole subscribers for that. Congress are -further allowed to issue to the amount of three millions of notes, -bearing interest, which they are to receive back in payment for -lands at a premium of five or ten per cent., or as subscriptions for -canals, roads, and bridges, in which undertakings they are, of -course, to be engaged. This is a summary of the case as I understand -it; but it is very possible I may not understand it in all its -parts, these schemes being always made unintelligible for the gulls -who are to enter into them. The advantages and disadvantages -shall be noted promiscuously as they occur; leaving out the -speculation of canals, &c., which, being an episode only in the -scheme, may be omitted, to disentangle it as much as we can. -</p> - -<p> -1. Congress are to receive five millions from the States (if -they will enter into this partnership, which few probably will), -and five millions from the individual subscribers, in exchange for -ten millions of six per cent. stock, one per cent. of which, however, -they will make on their ten millions of stock remaining in -bank, and so reduce it, in effect, to a loan of ten millions at five -per cent. interest. This is good; but -</p> - -<p> -2. They authorize this bank to throw into circulation ninety -millions of dollars, (three times the capital,) which increases our -circulating medium fifty per cent., depreciates proportionably the -present value of a dollar, and raises the price of all future purchases -in the same proportion. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_230'>[230]</a></span>3. This loan of ten millions at five per cent., is to be once for -all, only. Neither the terms of the scheme, nor their own prudence -could ever permit them to add to the circulation in the -same, or any other way, for the supplies of the succeeding years -of the war. These succeeding years then are to be left unprovided -for, and the means of doing it in a great measure precluded. -</p> - -<p> -4. The individual subscribers, on paying their own five millions -of cash to Congress, become the depositories of ten millions -of stock belonging to Congress, five millions belonging to the -States, and five millions to themselves, say twenty millions, with -which, as no one has a right ever to see their books, or to ask a -question, they may choose their time for running away, after -adding to their booty the proceeds of as much of their own notes -as they shall be able to throw into circulation. -</p> - -<p> -5. The subscribers may be one, two, or three, or more individuals, -(many single individuals being able to pay in the five -millions,) whereupon this bank oligarchy or monarchy enters -the field with ninety millions of dollars, to direct and control the -politics of the nation; and of the influence of these institutions -on our politics, and into what scale it will be thrown, we have -had abundant experience. Indeed, England herself may be the -real, while her friend and trustee here shall be the nominal and -sole subscriber. -</p> - -<p> -6. This state of things is to be fastened on us, without the -power of relief, for forty or fifty years. That is to say, the eight -millions of people now existing, for the sake of receiving one -dollar and twenty-five cents apiece, at five per cent. interest, are -to subject the fifty millions of people who are to succeed them -within that term, to the payment of forty-five millions of dollars, -principal and interest, which will be payable in the course of the -fifty years. -</p> - -<p> -7. But the great and national advantage is to be the relief of -the present <i>scarcity of money</i>, which is produced and proved by, -</p> - -<p> -1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles -for the troops, ammunition, &c. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_231'>[231]</a></span>2. By the cash sent to the frontiers, and the vacuum occasioned -in the trading towns by that. -</p> - -<p> -3. By the late loans. -</p> - -<p> -4. By the necessity of recurring to shavers with <i>good</i> paper, -which the existing banks are not able to take up; and -</p> - -<p> -5. By the numerous applications of bank charters, showing -that an increase of circulating medium is wanting. -</p> - -<p> -Let us examine these causes and proofs of the want of an increase -of medium, one by one. -</p> - -<p> -1. The additional industry created to supply a variety of articles -for troops, ammunition, &c. Now, I had always supposed -that war produced a diminution of industry, by the number -of hands it withdraws from industrious pursuits for employment -in arms, &c., which are totally unproductive. And if it calls for -new industry in the articles of ammunition and other military -supplies, the hands are borrowed from other branches on which -the demand is slackened by the war; so that it is but a shifting of -these hands from one pursuit to another. -</p> - -<p> -2. The cash sent to the frontiers occasions a vacuum in the -trading towns, which requires a new supply. Let us examine -what are the calls for money to the frontiers. Not for clothing, -tents, ammunition, arms, which are all bought in the trading -towns. Not for provisions; for although these are bought partly -in the immediate country, bank bills are more acceptable there -than even in the trading towns. The pay of the army calls for -some cash, but not a great deal, as bank notes are as acceptable -with the military men, perhaps more so; and what cash is sent -must find its way back again in exchange for the wants of the -upper from the lower country. For we are not to suppose that -cash stays accumulating there forever. -</p> - -<p> -3. This scarcity has been occasioned by the late loans. But -does the government borrow money to keep it in their coffers? -Is it not instantly restored to circulation by payment for its necessary -supplies? And are we to restore a vacuum of twenty -millions of dollars by an emission of ninety millions? -</p> - -<p> -4. The want of medium is proved by the recurrence of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_232'>[232]</a></span>individuals with <i>good</i> paper to brokers at exorbitant interest; -and -</p> - -<p> -5. By the numerous applications to the State governments for -additional banks; New York wanting eighteen millions, Pennsylvania -ten millions, &c. But say more correctly, the speculators -and spendthrifts of New York and Pennsylvania, but never -consider them as being the States of New York and Pennsylvania. -These two items shall be considered together. -</p> - -<p> -It is a litigated question, whether the circulation of paper, -rather than of specie, is a good or an evil. In the opinion of -England and of English writers it is a good; in that of all other -nations it is an evil; and excepting England and her copyist, the -United States, there is not a nation existing, I believe, which -tolerates a paper circulation. The experiment is going on, however, -desperately in England, pretty boldly with us, and at the -end of the chapter, we shall see which opinion experience approves: -for I believe it to be one of those cases where mercantile -clamor will bear down reason, until it is corrected by ruin. In -the meantime, however, let us reason on this new call for a national -bank. -</p> - -<p> -After the solemn decision of Congress against the renewal of -the charter of the bank of the United States, and the grounds of -that decision, (the want of constitutional power,) I had imagined -that question at rest, and that no more applications would be -made to them for the incorporation of banks. The opposition -on that ground to its first establishment, the small majority by -which it was overborne, and the means practiced for obtaining -it, cannot be already forgotten. The law having passed, however, -by a majority, its opponents, true to the sacred principle of -submission to a majority, suffered the law to flow through its -term without obstruction. During this, the nation had time to -consider the constitutional question, and when the renewal was -proposed, they condemned it, not by their representatives in Congress -only, but by express instructions from different organs of -their will. Here then we might stop, and consider the memorial -as answered. But, setting authority apart, we will examine -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_233'>[233]</a></span>whether the Legislature ought to comply with it, even if they -had the power. -</p> - -<p> -Proceeding to reason on this subject, some principles must be -premised as forming its basis. The adequate price of a thing -depends on the capital and labor necessary to produce it. [In -the term <i>capital</i>, I mean to include science, because capital as -well as labor has been employed to acquire it.] Two things requiring -the same capital and labor, should be of the same price. -If a gallon of wine requires for its production the same capital -and labor with a bushel of wheat, they should be expressed by -the same price, derived from the application of a common measure -to them. The comparative prices of things being thus to be estimated -and expressed by a common measure, we may proceed -to observe, that were a country so insulated as to have no commercial -intercourse with any other, to confine the interchange of -all its wants and supplies within itself, the amount of circulating -medium, as a common measure for adjusting these exchanges, -would be quite immaterial. If their circulation, for instance, -were of a million of dollars, and the annual produce of their industry -equivalent to ten millions of bushels of wheat, the price -of a bushel of wheat might be one dollar. If, then, by a progressive -coinage, their medium should be doubled, the price of -a bushel of wheat might become progressively two dollars, and -without inconvenience. Whatever be the proportion of the circulating -medium to the value of the annual produce of industry, -it may be considered as the representative of that industry. In -the first case, a bushel of wheat will be represented by one dollar; -in the second, by two dollars. This is well explained by -Hume, and seems admitted by Adam Smith, B. 2. c. 2, 436, 441, -490. But where a nation is in a full course of interchange of -wants and supplies with all others, the proportion of its medium -to its produce is no longer indifferent. Ib. 441. To trade on -equal terms, the common measure of values should be as nearly -as possible on a par with that of its corresponding nations, whose -medium is in a sound state; that is to say, not in an accidental -state of excess or deficiency. Now, one of the great advantages -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_234'>[234]</a></span>of specie as a medium is, that being of universal value, it -will keep itself at a general level, flowing out from where it is -too high into parts where it is lower. Whereas, if the medium -be of local value only, as paper money, if too little, indeed, gold -and silver will flow in to supply the deficiency; but if too much, -it accumulates, banishes the gold and silver not locked up in -vaults and hoards, and depreciates itself; that is too say, its proportion -to the annual produce of industry being raised, more of -it is required to represent any particular article of produce than -in the other countries. This is agreed by Smith, (B. 2. c. 2. -437,) the principal advocate for a paper circulation; but advocating -it on the sole condition that it be strictly regulated. He -admits, nevertheless, that "the commerce and industry of a country -cannot be so secure when suspended on the Dædalian wings -of paper money, as on the solid ground of gold and silver; and -that in time of war, the insecurity is greatly increased, and great -confusion possible where the circulation is for the greater part in -paper." B. 2. c. 2. 484. But in a country where loans are uncertain, -and a specie circulation the only sure resource for them, -the preference of that circulation assumes a far different degree -of importance, as is explained in my former letters. -</p> - -<p> -The only advantage which Smith proposes by substituting -paper in the room of gold and silver money, B. 2. c. 2. 434, is -"to replace an expensive instrument with one much less costly, -and <i>sometimes</i> equally convenient;" that is to say, page 437, -"to allow the gold and silver to be sent abroad and converted -into foreign goods," and to substitute paper as being a cheaper -measure. But this makes no addition to the stock or capital of -the nation. The coin sent out was worth as much, while in the -country, as the goods imported and taking its place. It is only, -then, a change of form in a part of the national capital, from -that of gold and silver to other goods. He admits, too, that -while a part of the goods received in exchange for the coin exported -may be materials, tools and provisions for the employment -of an additional industry, a part, also, may be taken back in foreign -wines, silks, &c., to be consumed by idle people who produce -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_235'>[235]</a></span>nothing; and so far the substitution promotes prodigality, -increases expense and corruption, without increasing production. -So far also, then, it lessens the capital of the nation. What may -be the amount which the conversion of the part exchanged for -productive goods may add to the former productive mass, it is -not easy to ascertain, because, as he says, page 441, "it is impossible -to determine what is the proportion which the circulating -money of any country bears to the whole value of the annual -produce. It has been computed by different authors, from a -fifth<a name='FA_6' id='FA_6' href='#FN_6' class='fnanchor'>[6]</a> to a thirtieth of that value." In the United States it must -be less than in any other part of the commercial world; because -the great mass of their inhabitants being in responsible circumstances, -the great mass of their exchanges in the country is -effected on credit, in their merchants' ledger, who supplies all -their wants through the year, and at the end of it receives the -produce of their farms, or other articles of their industry. It is -a fact, that a farmer with a revenue of ten thousand dollars a -year, may obtain all his supplies from his merchant, and liquidate -them at the end of the year, by the sale of his produce to him, -without the intervention of a single dollar of cash. This, then, -is merely barter, and in this way of barter a great portion of the -annual produce of the United States is exchanged without the -intermediation of cash. We might safely, then, state our medium -at the minimum of one-thirtieth. But what is one-thirtieth of the -value of the annual produce of the industry of the United States? -Or what is the whole value of the annual produce of the United -States? An able writer and competent judge of the subject, in -1799, on as good grounds as probably could be taken, estimated -it, on the then population of four and a half millions of inhabitants, -to be thirty-seven and a half millions sterling, or one hundred -and sixty-eight and three-fourths millions of dollars. See -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_236'>[236]</a></span>Cooper's Political Arithmetic, page 47. According to the same -estimate for our present population, it will be three hundred millions -of dollars, one-thirtieth of which, Smith's minimum, would -be ten millions, and one-fifth, his maximum, would be sixty millions -for the quantum of circulation. But suppose that instead -of our needing the least circulating medium of any nation, from -the circumstance before mentioned, we should place ourselves in -the middle term of the calculation, to-wit: at thirty-five millions. -One-fifth of this, at the least, Smith thinks should be retained in -specie, which would leave twenty-eight millions of specie to be -exported in exchange for other commodities; and if fifteen millions -of that should be returned in productive goods, and not in -articles of prodigality, that would be the amount of capital which -this operation would add to the existing mass. But to what -mass? Not that of the three hundred millions, which is only its -gross annual produce, but to that capital of which the three hundred -millions are but the annual produce. But this being gross, -we may infer from it the value of the capital by considering that -the rent of lands is generally fixed at one-third of the gross produce, -and is deemed its nett profit, and twenty times that its fee -simple value. The profits on landed capital may, with accuracy -enough for our purpose, be supposed on a par with those of other -capital. This would give us then for the United States, a capital -of two thousand millions, all in active employment, and exclusive -of unimproved lands lying in a great degree dormant. Of -this, fifteen millions would be the hundred and thirty-third part. -And it is for this petty addition to the capital of the nation, this -minimum of one dollar, added to one hundred and thirty-three -and a third or three-fourths per cent., that we are to give up our -gold and silver medium, its intrinsic solidity, its universal value, -and its saving powers in time of war, and to substitute for it paper, -with all its train of evils, moral, political and physical, which -I will not pretend to enumerate. -</p> - -<p> -There is another authority to which we may appeal for the -proper quantity of circulating medium for the United States. -The old Congress, when we were estimated at about two millions -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_237'>[237]</a></span>of people, on a long and able discussion, June 22d, 1775, -decided the sufficient quantity to be two millions of dollars, -which sum they then emitted.<a name='FA_7' id='FA_7' href='#FN_7' class='fnanchor'>[7]</a> According to this, it should be -eight millions, now that we are eight millions of people. This -differs little from Smith's minimum of ten millions, and strengthens -our respect for that estimate. -</p> - -<p> -There is, indeed, a convenience in paper; its easy transmission -from one place to another. But this may be mainly supplied -by bills of exchange, so as to prevent any great displacement of -actual coin. Two places trading together balance their dealings, -for the most part, by their mutual supplies, and the debtor individuals -of either may, instead of cash, remit the bills of those who -are creditors in the same dealings; or may obtain them through -some third place with which both have dealings. The cases -would be rare where such bills could not be obtained, either directly -or circuitously, and too unimportant to the nation to overweigh -the train of evils flowing from paper circulation. -</p> - -<p> -From eight to thirty-five millions then being our proper circulation, -and two hundred millions the actual one, the memorial -proposes to issue ninety millions more, because, it says, a great -scarcity of money is proved by the numerous applications for -banks; to wit, New York for eighteen millions, Pennsylvania ten -millions, &c. The answer to this shall be quoted from Adam Smith, -B. 2. c. 2. page 462; where speaking of the complaints of the -trader against the Scotch bankers, who had already gone too far -in their issues of paper, he says, "those traders and other undertakers -having got so much assistance from banks, wished to get -still more. The banks, they seem to have thought, could extend -their credits to whatever sum might be wanted, without incurring -any other expense besides that of a few reams of paper. -They complained of the contracted views and dastardly spirit of -the directors of those banks, which did not, they said, extend -their credits in proportion to the extension of the trade of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_238'>[238]</a></span>country; meaning, no doubt, by the extension of that trade, the -extension of their own projects beyond what they could carry -on, either <i>with their own capital</i>, or with what they had credit to -borrow of private people in the usual way of bond or mortgage. -The banks, they seem to have thought, were in honor bound to -supply the deficiency, and to provide them with all the capital -which they wanted to trade with." And again, page 470: -"when bankers discovered that certain projectors were trading, -not with any capital of their own, but with that which they advanced -them, they endeavored to withdraw gradually, making -every day greater and greater difficulties about discounting. -These difficulties alarmed and enraged in the highest degree -those projectors. Their own distress, of which this prudent and -necessary reserve of the banks was no doubt the immediate occasion, -they called the distress of the country; and this distress -of the country, they said, was altogether owing to the ignorance, -pusillanimity, and bad conduct of the banks, which did not give -a sufficiently liberal aid to the spirited undertakings of those who -exerted themselves in order to beautify, improve and enrich the -country. It was the duty of the banks, they seemed to think, -to lend for as long a time, and to as great an extent, as they -might wish to borrow." It is, probably, the <i>good paper</i> of these -projectors which the memorial says, the bank being <i>unable</i> to -discount, goes into the hands of brokers, who (knowing the risk -of this <i>good paper</i>) discount it at a much higher rate than legal -interest, to the great distress of the enterprising adventurers, who -had rather try trade on borrowed capital, than go to the plough -or other laborious calling. Smith again says, page 478, "that -the industry of Scotland languished for want of money to employ -it, was the opinion of the famous Mr. Law. By establishing -a bank of a particular kind, which, he seems to have -imagined might issue paper to the amount of the whole value -of all the lands in the country, he proposed to remedy this want -of money. It was afterwards adopted, with some variations, by -the Duke of Orleans, at that time Regent of France. The idea -of the possibility of multiplying paper to almost any extent, was -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_239'>[239]</a></span>the real foundation of what is called the Mississippi scheme, the -most extravagant project both of banking and stock jobbing, -that perhaps the world ever saw. The principles upon which it -was founded are explained by Mr. Law himself, in a discourse -concerning money and trade, which he published in Scotland -when he first proposed his project. The splendid but visionary -ideas which are set forth in that and some other works upon -the same principles, still continue to make an impression upon -many people, and have perhaps, in part, contributed to that excess -of banking which has of late been complained of both in -Scotland and in other places." The Mississippi scheme, it is -well known, ended in France in the bankruptcy of the public -treasury, the crush of thousands and thousands of private fortunes, -and scenes of desolation and distress equal to those of an -invading army, burning and laying waste all before it. -</p> - -<p> -At the time we were funding our national debt, we heard much -about "a public debt being a public blessing;" that the stock representing -it was a creation of active capital for the aliment of -commerce, manufactures and agriculture. This paradox was -well adapted to the minds of believers in dreams, and the gulls -of that size entered <span lang="la"><i>bonâ fide</i></span> into it. But the art and mystery -of banks is a wonderful improvement on that. It is established -on the principle that "<i>private</i> debts are a public blessing." That -the evidences of those private debts, called bank notes, become -active capital, and aliment the whole commerce, manufactures, -and agriculture of the United States. Here are a set of people, -for instance, who have bestowed on us the great blessing of running -in our debt about two hundred millions of dollars, without -our knowing who they are, where they are, or what property -they have to pay this debt when called on; nay, who have made -us so sensible of the blessings of letting them run in our debt, -that we have exempted them by law from the repayment of -these debts beyond a given proportion, (generally estimated at -one-third.) And to fill up the measure of blessing, instead of -paying, they receive an interest on what they owe from those to -whom they owe; for all the notes, or evidences of what they -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_240'>[240]</a></span>owe, which we see in circulation, have been lent to somebody -on an interest which is levied again on us through the medium -of commerce. And they are so ready still to deal out their -liberalities to us, that they are now willing to let themselves run -in our debt ninety millions more, on our paying them the same -premium of six or eight per cent. interest, and on the same legal -exemption from the repayment of more than thirty millions of -the debt, when it shall be called for. But let us look at this -principle in its original form, and its copy will then be equally -understood. "A public debt is a public blessing." That our -debt was juggled from forty-three up to eighty millions, and funded -at that amount, according to this opinion was a great public -blessing, because the evidences of it could be vested in commerce, -and thus converted into active capital, and then the more -the debt was made to be, the more active capital was created. -That is to say, the creditors could now employ in commerce the -money due them from the public, and make from it an annual -profit of five per cent., or four millions of dollars. But observe, -that the public were at the same time paying on it an interest of -exactly the same amount of four millions of dollars. Where -then is the gain to either party, which makes it a public blessing? -There is no change in the state of things, but of persons -only. A has a debt due to him from the public, of which he -holds their certificate as evidence, and on which he is receiving -an annual interest. He wishes, however, to have the money itself, -and to go into business with it. B has an equal sum of -money in business, but wishes now to retire, and live on the -interest. He therefore gives it to A in exchange for A's certificates -of public stock. Now, then, A has the money to employ -in business, which B so employed before. B has the money -on interest to live on, which A. lived on before; and the public -pays the interest to B. which they paid to A. before. Here is -no new creation of capital, no additional money employed, nor -even a change in the employment of a single dollar. The only -change is of place between A and B in which we discover no -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_241'>[241]</a></span>creation of capital, nor public blessing. Suppose, again, the -public to owe nothing. Then A not having lent his money to -the public, would be in possession of it himself, and would go -into business without the previous operation of selling stock. -Here again, the same quantity of capital is employed as in the -former case, though no public debt exists. In neither case is -there any creation of active capital, nor other difference than -that there is a public debt in the first case, and none in the last; -and we may safely ask which of the two situations is most truly -a public blessing? If, then, a <i>public</i> debt be no public blessing, -we may pronounce, <i>à fortiori</i>, that a private one cannot be so. -If the debt which the banking companies owe be a blessing to -any body, it is to themselves alone, who are realizing a solid -interest of eight or ten per cent. on it. As to the public, these -companies have banished all our gold and silver medium, which, -before their institution, we had without interest, which never -could have perished in our hands, and would have been our salvation -now in the hour of war; instead of which they have -given us two hundred million of froth and bubble, on which we -are to pay them heavy interest, until it shall vanish into air, as -Morris' notes did. We are warranted, then, in affirming that -this parody on the principle of "a public debt being a public -blessing," and its mutation into the blessing of private instead of -public debts, is as ridiculous as the original principle itself. In -both cases, the truth is, that capital may be produced by industry, -and accumulated by economy; but jugglers only will propose -to create it by legerdemain tricks with paper. -</p> - -<p> -I have called the actual circulation of bank paper in the United -States, two hundred millions of dollars. I do not recollect -where I have seen this estimate; but I retain the impression -that I thought it just at the time. It may be tested, however, -by a list of the banks now in the United States, and the amount -of their capital. I have no means of recurring to such a list for -the present day; but I turn to two lists in my possession for -the years of 1803 and 1804. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_242'>[242]</a></span></p> - -<table summary="Circulation of bank paper"> -<tr> -<td>In 1803, there were thirty-four banks, whose capital -was</td> -<td class="tdr tdb">$28,902,000</td> -</tr> - -<tr> -<td>In 1804, there were sixty-six, consequently thirty-two -additional ones. Their capital is not stated, but -at the average of the others, (excluding the highest, -that of the United States, which was of ten -millions,) they would be of six hundred thousand -dollars each, and add</td> -<td class="tdr tdu tdb">19,200,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Making a total of</td> -<td class="tdr">$48,102,000</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -or say of fifty millions in round numbers. Now, every one -knows the immense multiplication of these institutions since -1804. If they have only doubled, their capital will be of one -hundred millions, and if trebled, as I think probable, it will be one -hundred and fifty millions, on which they are at liberty to circulate -treble the amount. I should sooner, therefore, believe -two hundred millions to be far below than above the actual circulation. -In England, by a late parliamentary document, (see -Virginia Argus of October the 18th, 1813, and other public papers -of about that date,) it appears that six years ago the Bank -of England had twelve millions of pounds sterling in circulation, -which had increased to forty-two millions in 1812, or to one -hundred and eighty-nine millions of dollars. What proportion -all the other banks may add to this, I do not know; if we were -allowed to suppose they equal it, this would give a circulation -of three hundred and seventy-eight millions, or the double of -ours on a double population. But that nation is essentially commercial, -ours essentially agricultural, and needing, therefore, less -circulating medium, because the produce of the husbandman -comes but once a year, and is then partly consumed at home, -partly exchanged by barter. The dollar, which was of four -shilling and sixpence sterling, was, by the same document, stated -to be then six shillings and nine pence, a depreciation of exactly -fifty per cent. The average price of wheat on the continent of Europe, -at the commencement of its present war with England, was -about a French crown, of one hundred and ten cents, the bushel. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_243'>[243]</a></span>With us it was one hundred cents, and consequently we could -send it there in competition with their own. That ordinary -price has now doubled with us, and more than doubled in England; -and although a part of this augmentation may proceed -from the war demand, yet from the extraordinary nominal rise -in the prices of land and labor here, both of which have nearly -doubled in that period, and are still rising with every new bank, -it is evident that were a general peace to take place to-morrow, -and time allowed for the re-establishment of commerce, justice, -and order, we could not afford to raise wheat for much less than -two dollars, while the continent of Europe, having no paper circulation, -and that of its specie not being augmented, would raise -it at their former price of one hundred and ten cents. It follows, -then, that with our redundancy of paper, we cannot, after peace, -send a bushel of wheat to Europe, unless extraordinary circumstances -double its price in particular places, and that then the -exporting countries of Europe could undersell us. -</p> - -<p> -It is said that our paper is as good as silver, because we may -have silver for it at the bank where it issues. This is not true. -One, two, or three persons might have it; but a general application -would soon exhaust their vaults, and leave a ruinous proportion -of their paper in its intrinsic worthless form. It is a -fallacious pretence, for another reason. The inhabitants of -the banking cities might obtain cash for their paper, as far as -the cash of the vaults would hold out, but distance puts it -out of the power of the country to do this. A farmer having -a note of a Boston or Charleston bank, distant hundreds of miles, -has no means of calling for the cash. And while these calls are -impracticable for the country, the banks have no fear of their -being made from the towns; because their inhabitants are mostly -on their books, and there on sufferance only, and during good -behavior. -</p> - -<p> -In this state of things, we are called on to add ninety millions -more to the circulation. Proceeding in this career, it is infallible, -that we must end where the revolutionary paper ended. -Two hundred millions was the whole amount of all the emissions -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_244'>[244]</a></span>of the old Congress, at which point their bills ceased to -circulate. We are now at that sum, but with treble the population, -and of course a longer tether. Our depreciation is, as yet, -but about two for one. Owing to the support its credit receives -from the small reservoirs of specie in the vaults of the banks, it -is impossible to say at what point their notes will stop. Nothing -is necessary to effect it but a general alarm; and that -may take place whenever the public shall begin to reflect on, and -perceive the impossibility that the banks should repay this sum. -At present, caution is inspired no farther than to keep prudent -men from selling property on long payments. Let us suppose -the panic to arise at three hundred millions, a point to which -every session of the legislatures hasten us by long strides. Nobody -dreams that they would have three hundred millions of -specie to satisfy the holders of their notes. Were they even to -stop now, no one supposes they have two hundred millions in -cash, or even the sixty-six and two-third millions, to which -amount alone the law compels them to repay. One hundred and -thirty-three and one-third millions of loss, then, is thrown on the -public by law; and as to the sixty-six and two-thirds, which -they are legally bound to pay, and ought to have in their vaults, -every one knows there is no such amount of cash in the United -States, and what would be the course with what they really have -there? Their notes are refused. Cash is called for. The inhabitants -of the banking towns will get what is in the vaults, -until a few banks declare their insolvency; when, the general -crush becoming evident, the others will withdraw even the cash -they have, declare their bankruptcy at once, and leave an empty -house and empty coffers for the holders of their notes. In this -scramble of creditors, the country gets nothing, the towns but -little. What are they to do? Bring suits? A million of creditors -bring a million of suits against John Nokes and Robert Styles, -wheresoever to be found? All nonsense. The loss is total. -And a sum is thus swindled from our citizens, of seven times the -amount of the real debt, and four times that of the fictitious one -of the United States, at the close of the war. All this they will -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_245'>[245]</a></span>justly charge on their legislatures; but this will be poor satisfaction -for the two or three hundred millions they will have lost. -It is time, then, for the public functionaries to look to this. Perhaps -it may not be too late. Perhaps, by giving time to the -banks, they may call in and pay off their paper by degrees. But -no remedy is ever to be expected while it rests with the State -legislatures. Personal motive can be excited through so many -avenues to their will, that, in their hands, it will continue to -go on from bad to worse, until the catastrophe overwhelms us. -I still believe, however, that on proper representations of the subject, -a great proportion of these legislatures would cede to Congress -their power of establishing banks, saving the charter rights -already granted. And this should be asked, not by way of -amendment to the constitution, because until three-fourths should -consent, nothing could be done; but accepted from them one by -one, singly, as their consent might be obtained. Any single -State, even if no other should come into the measure, would find -its interest in arresting foreign bank paper immediately, and its -own by degrees. Specie would flow in on them as paper disappeared. -Their own banks would call in and pay off their -notes gradually, and their constituents would thus be saved from -the general wreck. Should the greater part of the States concede, -as is expected, their power over banks to Congress, besides -insuring their own safety, the paper of the non-conceding States -might be so checked and circumscribed, by prohibiting its receipt -in any of the conceding States, and even in the non-conceding -as to duties, taxes, judgments, or other demands of the -United States, or of the citizens of other States, that it would -soon die of itself, and the medium of gold and silver be universally -restored. This is what ought to be done. But it will not -be done. <span lang="la"><i>Carthago non delibitur.</i></span> The overbearing clamor of -merchants, speculators, and projectors, will drive us before them -with our eyes open, until, as in France, under the Mississippi -bubble, our citizens will be overtaken by the crush of this -baseless fabric, without other satisfaction than that of execrations -on the heads of those functionaries, who, from ignorance, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_246'>[246]</a></span>pusillanimity or corruption, have betrayed the fruits of their industry -into the hands of projectors and swindlers. -</p> - -<p> -When I speak comparatively of the paper emission of the old -Congress and the present banks, let it not be imagined that I -cover them under the same mantle. The object of the former -was a holy one; for if ever there was a holy war, it was that -which saved our liberties and gave us independence. The object -of the latter, is to enrich swindlers at the expense of the -honest and industrious part of the nation. -</p> - -<p> -The sum of what has been said is, that pretermitting the constitutional -question on the authority of Congress, and considering -this application on the grounds of reason alone, it would be best -that our medium should be so proportioned to our produce, as to -be on a par with that of the countries with which we trade, and -whose medium is in a sound state; that specie is the most perfect -medium, because it will preserve its own level; because, having -intrinsic and universal value, it can never die in our hands, and -it is the surest resource of reliance in time of war; that the trifling -economy of paper, as a cheaper medium, or its convenience -for transmission, weighs nothing in opposition to the advantages -of the precious metals; that it is liable to be abused, has been, -is, and forever will be abused, in every country in which it is -permitted; that it is already at a term of abuse in these States, -which has never been reached by any other nation, France excepted, -whose dreadful catastrophe should be a warning against -the instrument which produced it; that we are already at ten or -twenty times the due quantity of medium; insomuch, that no -man knows what his property is now worth, because it is bloating -while he is calculating; and still less what it will be worth -when the medium shall be relieved from its present dropsical -state; and that it is a palpable falsehood to say we can have -specie for our paper whenever demanded. Instead, then, of -yielding to the cries of scarcity of medium set up by speculators, -projectors and commercial gamblers, no endeavors should be -spared to begin the work of reducing it by such gradual means -as may give time to private fortunes to preserve their poise, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_247'>[247]</a></span>settle down with the subsiding medium; and that, for this purpose, -the States should be urged to concede to the General -Government, with a saving of chartered rights, the exclusive -power of establishing banks of discount for paper. -</p> - -<p> -To the existence of banks of <i>discount</i> for <i>cash</i>, as on the continent -of Europe, there can be no objection, because there can -be no danger of abuse, and they are a convenience both to merchants -and individuals. I think they should even be encouraged, -by allowing them a larger than legal interest on short discounts, -and tapering thence, in proportion as the term of discount is -lengthened, down to legal interest on those of a year or more. -Even banks of <i>deposit</i>, where cash should be lodged, and a paper -acknowledgment taken out as its representative, entitled to a -return of the cash on demand, would be convenient for remittances, -travelling persons, &c. But, liable as its cash would be -to be pilfered and robbed, and its paper to be fraudulently re-issued, -or issued without deposit, it would require skilful and -strict regulation. This would differ from the bank of Amsterdam, -in the circumstance that the cash could be redeemed on -returning the note. -</p> - -<p> -When I commenced this letter to you, my dear Sir, on Mr. -Law's memorial, I expected a short one would have answered -that. But as I advanced, the subject branched itself before me -into so many collateral questions, that even the rapid views I -have taken of each have swelled the volume of my letter beyond -my expectations, and, I fear, beyond your patience. Yet -on a revisal of it, I find no part which has not so much bearing -on the subject as to be worth merely the time of perusal. I -leave it then as it is; and will add only the assurances of my -constant and affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN JACOB ASTOR, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 9, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of October 18th has been duly received, -and I learn with great pleasure the progress you have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_248'>[248]</a></span>made towards an establishment on Columbia river. I view it -as the germ of a great, free and independent empire on that side -of our continent, and that liberty and self-government spreading -from that as well as this side, will ensure their complete establishment -over the whole. It must be still more gratifying to -yourself to foresee that your name will be handed down with -that of Columbus and Raleigh, as the father of the establishment -and founder of such an empire. It would be an afflicting thing -indeed, should the English be able to break up the settlement. -Their bigotry to the bastard liberty of their own country, and -habitual hostility to every degree of freedom in any other, will -induce the attempt; they would not lose the sale of a bale of -furs for the freedom of the whole world. But I hope your party -will be able to maintain themselves. If they have assiduously -cultivated the interests and affections of the natives, these will -enable them to defend themselves against the English, and furnish -them an asylum even if their fort be lost. I hope, and have -no doubt our government will do for its success whatever they -have power to do, and especially that at the negotiations for -peace, they will provide, by convention with the English, for the -safety and independence of that country, and an acknowledgment -of our right of patronizing them in all cases of injury from foreign -nations. But no patronage or protection from this quarter -can secure the settlement if it does not cherish the affections of -the natives and make it their interest to uphold it. While you -are doing so much for future generations of men, I sincerely wish -you may find a present account in the just profits you are entitled -to expect from the enterprise. I will ask of the President -permission to read Mr. Stuart's journal. With fervent wishes -for a happy issue to this great undertaking, which promises to -form a remarkable epoch in the history of mankind, I tender you -the assurance of my great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_249'>[249]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, November 12, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—As I owe you more for your letters of October -12th and 28th than I shall be able to pay, I shall begin with the -P. S. to the last. -</p> - -<p> -I am very sorry to say that I cannot assist your memory in the -inquiries of your letter of August 22d. I really know not who -was the compositor of any one of the petitions or addresses you -enumerate. Nay, further: I am certain I never did know. I -was so shallow a politician that I was not aware of the importance -of those compositions. They all appeared to me, in the -circumstances of the country, like children's play at marbles or -push-pin, or like misses in their teens, emulating each other in -their pearls, their bracelets, their diamond pins and Brussels -lace. -</p> - -<p> -In the Congress of 1774, there was not one member, except -Patrick Henry, who appeared to me sensible of the precipice, or -rather the pinnacle on which we stood, and had candor and courage -enough to acknowledge it. America is in total ignorance, or -under infinite deception concerning that assembly. To draw the -characters of them all would require a volume, and would now -be considered as a characatured print. One-third Tories, another -Whigs, and the rest Mongrels. -</p> - -<p> -There was a little aristocracy among us of talents and letters. -Mr. Dickinson was <span lang="la"><i>primus interpares</i></span>, the bell-weather, the leader -of the aristocratical flock. -</p> - -<p> -Billy, <i>alias</i> Governor Livingston, and his son-in-law, Mr. Jay, -were of the privileged order. The credit of most if not all those -compositions, was often if not generally given to one or the other -of these choice spirits. Mr. Dickinson, however, was not on any -of the original committees. He came not into Congress till October -17th. He was not appointed till the 15th by his assembly. -</p> - -<p> -Vol. 1, 30. Congress adjourned October 27th, though our correct -secretary has not recorded any final adjournment or dissolution. -Mr. Dickinson was in Congress but ten days. The business -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_250'>[250]</a></span>was all prepared, arranged, and even in a manner finished -before his arrival. -</p> - -<p> -R. H. Lee was the chairman of the committee for preparing -the loyal and dutiful address to his majesty. Johnson and Henry -were acute spirits, and understood the controversy very well, -though they had not the advantages of education like Lee and -John Rutledge. -</p> - -<p> -The subject had been near a month under discussion in Congress, -and most of the materials thrown out there. It underwent -another deliberation in committee, after which they made the -customary compliment to their chairman, by requesting him to -prepare and report a draught, which was done, and after examination, -correction, amelioration or pejoration, as usual reported to -Congress. October 3d, 4th and 5th were taken up in debating -and deliberating on matters proper to be contained in the address -to his majesty, vol. 122. October 21st. The address to the -king was, after debate, re-committed, and Mr. John Dickinson -added to the committee. The first draught was made, and all -the essential materials put together by Lee. It might be embellished -and seasoned afterwards with some of Mr. Dickinson's -piety, but I know not that it was. Neat and handsome as the -composition is, having never had any confidence in the utility -of it, I never have thought much about it since it was adopted. -Indeed, I never bestowed much attention on any of those addresses -which were all but repetitions of the same things, the -same facts and arguments, dress and ornament rather than body, -soul or substance. My thoughts and cares were nearly monopolized -by the theory of our rights and wrongs, by measures for the -defence of the country, and the means of governing ourselves. -I was in a great error, no doubt, and am ashamed to confess it; -for those things were necessary to give popularity to our cause -both at home and abroad. And to show my stupidity in a stronger -light, the reputation of any one of those compositions has been -a more splendid distinction than any aristocratical star or garter -in the escutcheon of every man who has enjoyed it. Very sorry -that I cannot give you more satisfactory information, and more -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_251'>[251]</a></span>so that I cannot at present give more attention to your two last -excellent letters. I am, as usual, affectionately yours. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -N. B. I am almost ready to believe that John Taylor, of Caroline, -or of Hazlewood, Port Royal, Virginia, is the author of -630 pages of printed octavo upon my books that I have received. -The style answers every characteristic that you have intimated. -Within a week I have received and looked into his Arator. They -must spring from the same brain, as Minerva issued from the -head of Jove, or rather as Venus rose from the froth of the sea. -There is, however, a great deal of good sense in Arator, and -there is some in his Aristocracy. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, November 15, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Accept my thanks for the comprehensive syllabus -in your favor of October 12th. -</p> - -<p> -The Psalms of David, in sublimity, beauty, pathos and originality, -or, in one word, in poetry, are superior to all the odes, -hymns and songs in our language. But I had rather read them -in our prose translation, than in any version I have seen. His -morality, however, often shocks me, like Tristram Shandy's execrations. -</p> - -<p> -Blacklock's translation of Horace's "Justum," is admirable; -superior to Addison's. Could David be translated as well, his -superiority would be universally acknowledged. We cannot compare -the sublime poetry. By Virgil's "Pollio," we may conjecture -there was prophecy as well as sublimity. Why have those -verses been annihilated? I suspect Platonic Christianity, Pharisaical -Judaism or Machiavilian politics, in this case, as in all -other cases, of the destruction of records and literary monuments, -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p> -The <span lang="la">auri sacra fames, et dominandi sæva cupido.</span> -</p></div></div> - -<p> -Among all your researches in Hebrew history and controversy, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_252'>[252]</a></span>have you ever met a book the design of which is to prove that -the ten commandments, as we have them in our Catechisms and -hung up in our churches, were not the ten commandments written -by the finger of God upon tables delivered to Moses on -Mount Sinai, and broken by him in a passion with Aaron for his -golden calf, nor those afterwards engraved by him on tables of -stone; but a very different set of commandments? -</p> - -<p> -There is such a book, by J. W. Goethen, Schriften, Berlin -1775-1779. I wish to see this book. You will perceive the -question in Exodus, 20: 1, 17, 22, 28, chapter 24: 3, &c.; chapter -24: 12; chapter 25: 31; chapter 31: 18; chapter 31: 19; -chapter 34: 1; chapter 34: 10, &c. -</p> - -<p> -I will make a covenant with all this people. Observe that -which I command this day: -</p> - -<p> -1. Thou shalt not adore any other God. Therefore take heed -not to enter into covenant with the inhabitants of the country; -neither take for your sons their daughters in marriage. They -would allure thee to the worship of false Gods. Much less shall -you in any place erect images. -</p> - -<p> -2. The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou keep. Seven -days shalt thou eat unleavened bread, at the time of the month -Abib; to remember that about that time, I delivered thee from -Egypt. -</p> - -<p> -3. Every first born of the mother is mine; the male of thine -herd, be it stock or flock. But you shall replace the first born -of an ass with a sheep. The first born of your sons shall you -<i>redeem</i>. No man shall appear before me with empty hands. -</p> - -<p> -4. Six days shalt thou labor. The seventh day thou shalt -rest from ploughing and gathering. -</p> - -<p> -5. The feast of weeks shalt thou keep with the firstlings of the -wheat harvest; and the feast of harvesting at the end of the year. -</p> - -<p> -6. Thrice in every year all male persons shall appear before -the Lord. Nobody shall invade your country, as long as you -obey this command. -</p> - -<p> -7. Thou shalt not sacrifice the blood of a sacrifice of mine, -upon leavened bread. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_253'>[253]</a></span>8. The sacrifice of the Passover shall not remain till the next -day. -</p> - -<p> -9. The firstlings of the produce of your land, thou shalt bring -to the house of the Lord. -</p> - -<p> -10. Thou shalt not boil the kid, while it is yet sucking. -</p> - -<p> -And the Lord spake to Moses: Write these words, as after -these words I made with you and with Israel a covenant. -</p> - -<p> -I know not whether Goethen translated or abridged from the -Hebrew, or whether he used any translation, Greek, Latin, or -German. But he differs in form and words somewhat from our -version, Exodus 34: 10 to 28. The sense seems to be the same. -The tables were the evidence of the covenant, by which the -Almighty attached the people of Israel to himself. By these -laws they were separated from all other nations, and were reminded -of the principal epochs of their history. -</p> - -<p> -When and where originated our ten commandments? The -tables and the ark were lost. Authentic copies in few, if any -hands; the ten Precepts could not be observed, and were little -remembered. -</p> - -<p> -If the book of Deuteronomy was compiled, during or after -the Babylonian captivity, from traditions, the error or amendment -might come in those. -</p> - -<p> -But you must be weary, as I am at present of problems, conjectures, -and paradoxes, concerning Hebrew, Grecian and Christian -and all other antiquities; but while we believe that the <span lang="la"><i>finis -bonorum</i></span> will be happy, we may leave learned men to their disquisitions -and criticisms. -</p> - -<p> -I admire your employment in selecting the philosophy and -divinity of Jesus, and separating it from all mixtures. If I had -eyes and nerves I would go through both Testaments and mark -all that I understand. To examine the Mishna, Gemara, Cabbala, -Jezirah, Sohar, Cosri and Talmud of the Hebrews would require -the life of Methuselah, and after all his 969 years would -be wasted to very little purpose. The dæmon of hierarchical -despotism has been at work both with the Mishna and Gemara. -In 1238 a French Jew made a discovery to the Pope (Gregory -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_254'>[254]</a></span>9th) of the heresies of the Talmud. The Pope sent thirty-five -articles of error to the Archbishops of France, requiring them to -seize the books of the Jews and burn all that contained any errors. -He wrote in the same terms to the kings of France, England, -Arragon, Castile, Leon, Navarre and Portugal. In consequence -of this order, twenty cartloads of Hebrew books were -burnt in France; and how many times twenty cartloads were -destroyed in the other kingdoms? The Talmud of Babylon -and that of Jerusalem were composed from 120 to 500 years -after the destruction of Jerusalem. -</p> - -<p> -If Lightfoot derived light from what escaped from Gregory's -fury, in explaining many passages in the New Testament, by -comparing the expressions of the Mishna with those of the -Apostles and Evangelists, how many proofs of the corruptions -of Christianity might we find in the passages burnt? -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, November 15, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I cannot appease my melancholy commiseration -for our armies in this furious snow storm, in any way so well as -by studying your letter of Oct. 28. -</p> - -<p> -We are now explicitly agreed upon one important point, viz., -that there is a natural aristocracy among men, the grounds of -which are virtue and talents. You very justly indulge a little -merriment upon this solemn subject of aristocracy. I often laugh -at it too, for there is nothing in this laughable world more -ridiculous than the management of it by all the nations of the -earth; but while we smile, mankind have reason to say to us, as -the frogs said to the boys, what is sport to you, are wounds and -death to us. When I consider the weakness, the folly, the pride, -the vanity, the selfishness, the artifice, the low craft and mean -cunning, the want of principle, the avarice, the unbounded ambition, -the unfeeling cruelty of a majority of those (in all nations) -who are allowed an aristocratical influence, and, on the other -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_255'>[255]</a></span>hand, the stupidity with which the more numerous multitude not -only become their dupes, but even love to be taken in by their -tricks, I feel a stronger disposition to weep at their destiny, than -to laugh at their folly. But though we have agreed in one point, -in words, it is not yet certain that we are perfectly agreed in sense. -Fashion has introduced an indeterminate use of the word talents. -Education, wealth, strength, beauty, stature, birth, marriage, -graceful attitudes and motions, gait, air, complexion, physiognomy, -are talents, as well as genius, science, and learning. Any -one of these talents that in fact commands or influences two -votes in society, gives to the man who possesses it the character -of an aristocrat, in my sense of the word. Pick up the first hundred -men you meet, and make a republic. Every man will -have an equal vote; but when deliberations and discussions are -opened, it will be found that twenty-five, by their talents, virtues -being equal, will be able to carry fifty votes. Every one -of these twenty-five is an aristocrat in my sense of the word; -whether he obtains his one vote in addition to his own, by his -birth, fortune, figure, eloquence, science, learning, craft, cunning, -or even his character for good fellowship, and a <span lang="fr_FR"><i>bon vivant</i></span>. -</p> - -<p> -What gave Sir William Wallace his amazing aristocratical -superiority? His strength. What gave Mrs. Clark her aristocratical -influence—to create generals, admirals, and bishops? -Her beauty. What gave Pompadour and Du Barry the power -of making cardinals and popes? And I have lived for years in -the hotel de Valentinois, with Franklin, who had as many virtues -as any of them. In the investigation of the meaning of the -word "talents," I could write 630 pages as pertinent as John -Taylor's, of Hazlewood; but I will select a single example; for -female aristocrats are nearly as formidable as males. A daughter -of a green grocer walks the streets in London daily, with a -basket of cabbage sprouts, dandelions, and spinage, on her head. -She is observed by the painters to have a beautiful face, an elegant -figure, a graceful step, and a <i>debonair</i>. They hire her to -sit. She complies, and is painted by forty artists in a circle -around her. The scientific Dr. William Hamilton outbids the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_256'>[256]</a></span>painters, sends her to school for a genteel education, and marries -her. This lady not only causes the triumphs of the Nile, Copenhagen, -and Trafalgar, but separates Naples from France, and -finally banishes the king and queen from Sicily. Such is the -aristocracy of the natural talent of beauty. Millions of examples -might be quoted from history, sacred and profane, from Eve, -Hannah, Deborah, Susanna, Abigail, Judith, Ruth, down to -Helen, Mrs. de Mainbenor, and Mrs. Fitzherbert. For mercy's -sake do not compel me to look to our chaste States and territories -to find women, one of whom let go would in the words -of Holopherne's guards, deceive the whole earth. -</p> - -<p> -The proverbs of Theognis, like those of Solomon, are observations -on human nature, ordinary life, and civil society, with -moral reflections on the facts. I quoted him as a witness of the -fact, that there was as much difference in the races of men as in -the breeds of sheep, and as a sharp reprover and censurer of the -sordid, mercenary practice of disgracing birth by preferring gold -to it. Surely no authority can be more expressly in point to -prove the existence of inequalities, not of rights, but of moral, -intellectual, and physical inequalities in families, descents and -generations. If a descent from pious, virtuous, wealthy, literary, -or scientific ancestors, is a letter of recommendation, or introduction -in a man's favor, and enables him to influence only one vote -in addition to his own, he is an aristocrat; for a democrat can -have but one vote. Aaron Burr has 100,000 votes from the -single circumstance of his descent from President Burr and President -Edwards. -</p> - -<p> -Your commentary on the proverbs of Theognis, reminded me -of two solemn characters; the one resembling John Bunyan, the -other Scarron. The one John Torrey, the other Ben Franklin. -Torrey, a poet, an enthusiast, a superstitious bigot, once very -gravely asked my brother, whether it would not be better for -mankind if children were always begotten by religious motives -only? Would not religion in this sad case have as little efficacy -in encouraging procreation, as it has now in discouraging -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_257'>[257]</a></span>it? I should apprehend a decrease of population, even in our -country where it increases so rapidly. -</p> - -<p> -In 1775, Franklin made a morning visit at Mrs. Yard's, to Sam -Adams and John. He was unusually loquacious. "Man, a rational -creature!" said Franklin. "Come, let us suppose a rational -man. Strip him of all his appetites, especially his hunger and -thirst. He is in his chamber, engaged in making experiments, -or in pursuing some problem. He is highly entertained. At -this moment a servant knocks. 'Sir, dinner is on the table.' -'Dinner! pox! pough! but what have you for dinner?' 'Ham -and chickens.' 'Ham, and must I break the chain of my -thoughts to go down and gnaw a morsel of damned hog's arse? -Put aside your ham; I will dine to-morrow.'" Take away appetite, -and the present generation would not live a month, and no -future generation would ever exist; and thus the exalted dignity -of human nature would be annihilated and lost, and in my -opinion the whole loss would be of no more importance than -putting out a candle, quenching a torch, or crushing a fire-fly, <i>if -in this world we only have hope</i>. Your distinction between -natural and artificial aristocracy, does not appear to me founded. -Birth and wealth are conferred upon some men as imperiously -by nature as genius, strength, or beauty. The heir to honors, -and riches, and power, has often no more merit in procuring these -advantages, than he has in obtaining a handsome face, or an -elegant figure. When aristocracies are established by human -laws, and honor, wealth, and power are made hereditary by -municipal laws and political institutions, then I acknowledge artificial -aristocracy to commence; but this never commences till -corruption in elections become dominant and uncontrollable. But -this artificial aristocracy can never last. The everlasting envies, -jealousies, rivalries, and quarrels among them; their cruel rapacity -upon the poor ignorant people, their followers, compel them -to set up Cæsar, a demagogue, to be a monarch, a master; <span lang="fr_FR"><i>pour -mettre chacun à sa place</i></span>. Here you have the origin of all artificial -aristocracy, which is the origin of all monarchies. And -both artificial aristocracy and monarchy, and civil, military, political, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_258'>[258]</a></span>and hierarchical despotism, have all grown out of the -natural aristocracy of virtues and talents. We, to be sure, are -far remote from this. Many hundred years must roll away before -we shall be corrupted. Our pure, virtuous, public-spirited, -federative republic will last forever, govern the globe, and introduce -the perfection of man; his perfectibility being already proved -by Price, Priestley, Condorcet, Rousseau, Diderot, and Godwin. -Mischief has been done by the Senate of the United States. I -have known and felt more of this mischief, than Washington, -Jefferson, and Madison, all together. But this has been all -caused by the constitutional power of the Senate, in executive -business, which ought to be immediately, totally, and essentially -abolished. Your distinction between the <span class="greek" title="Aristoi">Αριστοι</span> and <span class="greek" title="pseudo aristoi">ψευδο αριστοι</span>, -will not help the matter. I would trust one as well as the other -with unlimited power. The law wisely refuses an oath as a -witness in his own case, to the saint as well as the sinner. No -romance would be more amusing than the history of your Virginian -and our New England aristocratical families. Yet even -in Rhode Island there has been no clergy, no church, and I had -almost said no State, and some people say no religion. There -has been a constant respect for certain old families. Fifty-seven -or fifty-eight years ago, in company with Colonel, Counsellor, -Judge, John Chandler, whom I have quoted before, a newspaper -was brought in. The old sage asked me to look for the -news from Rhode Island, and see how the elections had gone -there. I read the list of Wanbous, Watrous, Greens, Whipples, -Malboues, &c. "I expected as much," said the aged gentleman, -"for I have always been of opinion that in the most popular -governments, the elections will generally go in favor of the most -ancient families." To this day, when any of these tribes—and -we may add Ellerys, Channings, Champlins, &c.,—are pleased -to fall in with the popular current, they are sure to carry all before -them. -</p> - -<p> -You suppose a difference of opinion between you and me on -the subject of aristocracy. I can find none. I dislike and detest -hereditary honors, offices, emoluments, established by law -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_259'>[259]</a></span>So do you. I am for excluding legal, hereditary distinctions -from the United States as long as possible. So are you. I only -say that mankind have not yet discovered any remedy against -irresistible corruption in elections to offices of great power and -profit, but making them hereditary. -</p> - -<p> -But will you say our elections are pure? Be it so, upon the -whole; but do you recollect in history a more corrupt election -than that of Aaron Burr to be President, or that of De Witt -Clinton last year? By corruption here, I mean a sacrifice of -every national interest and honor to private and party objects. I -see the same spirit in Virginia that you and I see in Rhode Island -and the rest of New England. In New York it is a struggle -of family feuds—a feudal aristocracy. Pennsylvania is a -contest between German, Irish and old England families. When -Germans and Irish unite they give 30,000 majorities. There is -virtually a white rose and a red rose, a Cæsar and a Pompey, in -every State in this Union, and contests and dissensions will be as -lasting. The rivalry of Bourbons and Noaillises produced the -French revolution, and a similar competition for consideration -and influence exists and prevails in every village in the world. -Where will terminate the <span lang="la"><i>rabies agri</i></span>? The continent will be -scattered over with manors much larger than Livingston's, Van -Rensselaers's, or Philips's; even our Deacon Strong will have a -principality among you Southern folk. What inequality of -talents will be produced by these land jobbers. Where tends -the mania of banks? At my table in Philadelphia, I once proposed -to you to unite in endeavors to obtain an amendment of -the constitution prohibiting to the separate States the power of -creating banks; but giving Congress authority to establish one -bank with a branch in each State, the whole limited to ten millions -of dollars. Whether this project was wise or unwise, I -know not, for I had deliberated little on it then, and have never -thought it worth thinking of since. But you spurned the proposition -from you with disdain. This system of banks, begotten, -brooded and hatched by Duer, Robert and Gouverneur Morris, -Hamilton and Washington, I have always considered as a system -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_260'>[260]</a></span>of national injustice. A sacrifice of public and private -interest to a few aristocratical friends and favorites. My scheme -could have had no such effect. Verres plundered temples, and -robbed a few rich men, but he never made such ravages among -private property in general, nor swindled so much out of the -pockets of the poor, and middle class of people, as these banks -have done. No people but this would have borne the imposition -so long. The people of Ireland would not bear Wood's half-pence. -What inequalities of talent have been introduced into this -country by these aristocratical banks! Our Winthrops, Winslows, -Bradfords, Saltonstalls, Quinceys, Chandlers, Leonards, -Hutchinsons, Olivers, Sewalls, &c., are precisely in the situation -of your Randolphs, Carters, and Burwells, and Harrisons. -Some of them unpopular for the part they took in the late revolution, -but all respected for their names and connections; and -whenever they fell in with the popular sentiments are preferred -<span lang="la"><i>ceteris paribus</i></span>, to all others. When I was young the <span lang="la"><i>summum -bonum</i></span> in Massachusetts was to be worth £10,000 sterling, ride -in a chariot, be Colonel of a regiment of militia, and hold a seat -in his Majesty's council. No man's imagination aspired to anything -higher beneath the skies. But these plumbs, chariots, -colonelships, and counsellorships, are recorded and will never be -forgotten. No great accumulations of land were made by our -early settlers. Mr. Baudoin, a French refugee, made the first -great purchases, and your General Dearborne, born under a fortunate -star, is now enjoying a large portion of the aristocratical -sweets of them. As I have no amanuenses but females, and -there is so much about generation in this letter that I dare not -ask any of them to copy it, and I cannot copy it myself, I must -beg of you to return it to me. Your old friend. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ——. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -November 28, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -I will not fatigue you, my dear Sir, with long and labored excuses -for having been so tardy in writing to you; but I will -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_261'>[261]</a></span>briefly mention that the thousand hostile ships which cover -the ocean render attempts to pass it now very unfrequent, and -these concealing their intentions from all that they may not be -known to the enemy, are gone before heard of in such inland -situations as mine. To this, truth must add the torpidity of age -as one of the obstacles to punctual correspondence. -</p> - -<p> -Your letters of October 21 and November 15, 1811, and August -29, 1813, were duly received, and with that of November -15 came the MS. copy of your work on Economy. The extraordinary -merit of the former volume had led me to anticipate -great satisfaction and edification from the perusal of this, and I -can say with truth and sincerity that these expectations were -completely fulfilled, new principles developed, former ones corrected, -or rendered more perspicuous, present us an interesting -science, heretofore voluminous and embarrassed, now happily -simplified and brought within a very moderate compass. After -an attentive perusal, which enabled me to bear testimony to its -worth, I took measures for getting it translated and printed in -Philadelphia; the distance from which place prepared me to expect -great and unavoidable delays. But notwithstanding my -continual urgencies these have gone far beyond my calculations. -In a letter of September 26th from the editor, in answer to one of -mine, after urging in excuse the causes of the delay, he expresses -his confidence that it would be ready by the last of October, and -that period being now past, I am in daily expectation of hearing -from him. As I write the present letter without knowing by -what conveyance it may go, I am not without a hope of receiving -a copy of the work in time to accompany this. I shall then -be anxious to learn that better health and more encouraging circumstances -enable you to pursue your plan through the two remaining -branches of morals and legislation, which executed in -the same lucid, logical and condensed style, will present such a -whole as the age we live in will not before have received. -Should the same motives operate for their first publication here, -I am now offered such means, nearer to me, as promise a more -encouraging promptitude in the execution. And certainly no -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_262'>[262]</a></span>effort should be spared on my part to ensure to the world such -an acquisition. The MS. of the first work has been carefully -recalled and deposited with me. That of the second, when -done with, shall be equally taken care of. -</p> - -<p> -If unmerited praise could give pleasure to a candid mind, I -should have been highly exalted, in my own opinion, on the occasion -of the first work. One of the best judges and best men -of the age has ascribed it to myself; and has for some time been -employed in translating it into French. It would be a gratification -to which you are highly entitled, could I transcribe the -sheets he has written me in praise, nay in rapture with the work; -and were I to name the man, you would be sensible there is not -another whose suffrage would be more encouraging. But the -casualties which lie between us would render criminal the naming -any one. In a letter which I am now writing him, I shall -set him right as to myself, and acknowledge my humble station -far below the qualifications necessary for that work; and shall -discourage his perseverance in retranslating into French a work -the original of which is so correct in its diction that not a word -can be altered but for the worse; and from a translation, too, -where the author's meaning has sometimes been illy understood, -sometimes mistaken, and often expressed in words not the best -chosen. Indeed, when the work, through its translation, becomes -more generally known here, the high estimation in which it is -held by all who become acquainted with it, encourage me to -hope I may get it printed in the original. I sent a copy of it to -the late President of William and Mary College of this State, who -adopted it at once as the elementary book of that institution. -From these beginnings it will spread and become a political gospel -for a nation open to reason, and in a situation to adopt and -profit by its results, without a fear of their leading to wrong. -</p> - -<p> -I sincerely wish you all the health, comfort and leisure necessary -to dispose and enable you to persevere in employing yourself -so useful for present and future times, and I pray you to be -assured you have not a more grateful votary for your benefactions -to mankind, nor one of higher sentiments of esteem and -affectionate respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_263'>[263]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, December 3, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The proverbs of the old Greek poets are as short -and pithy as any of Solomon or Franklin. Hesiod has several. -His <span class="greek" title="Athanatous men prôta theous nomô hôs diakeitai Tima">Αθανατους μὲν πρῶτα θεους νομω ως διακειται Τιμα</span>. Honor the gods -established by law. I know not how we can escape martyrdom -without a discreet attention to this precept. You have suffered, -and I have suffered more than you, for want of a strict observance -of this rule. -</p> - -<p> -There is another oracle of this Hesiod, which requires a kind -of dance upon a tight rope and a slack rope too, in philosophy -and theology: <span class="greek" title="Pistis d' ara homôs kai apistia ôlesan andras.">Πιστις δ' αρα ομως και απιστια ωλεσαν ανδρας.</span> If believing -too little or too much is so fatal to mankind, what will -become of us all? -</p> - -<p> -In studying the perfectability of human nature and its progress -towards perfection in this world, on this earth, remember -that I have met many curious and interesting characters. -</p> - -<p> -About three hundred years ago, there appeared a number of -men of letters, who appeared to endeavor to believe neither too -little nor too much. They labored to imitate the Hebrew archers, -who could shoot to an hair's breadth. The Pope and his -church believed too much. Luther and his church believed too -little. This little band was headed by three great scholars: -Erasmus, Vives and Badens. This triumvirate is said to have -been at the head of the republic of letters in that age. Had -Condorcet been master of his subject, I fancy he would have -taken more notice, in his History of the Progress of Mind, of -these characters. Have you their writings? I wish I had. I -shall confine myself at present to Vives. He wrote commentaries -on the City of God of St. Augustine, some parts of which -were censured by the Doctors of the Louvain, as too bold and -too free. I know not whether the following passage of the -learned Spaniard was among the sentiments condemned or not: -</p> - -<p> -"I have been much afflicted," says Vives, "when I have seriously -considered how diligently, and with what exact care, the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_264'>[264]</a></span>actions of Alexander, Hannibal, Scipio, Pompey, Cæsar and other -commanders, and the lives of Socrates, Plato, Aristotle and other -philosophers, have been written and fixed in an everlasting remembrance, -so that there is not the least danger they can ever -be lost; but then the acts of the Apostles, and martyrs and saints -of our religion, and of the affairs of the rising and established -church, being involved in much darkness, are almost totally unknown, -though they are of so much greater advantage than the -lives of the philosophers or great generals, both as to the improvement -of our knowledge and practice. For what is written -of these holy men, except a very few things, is very much corrupted -and defaced with the mixture of many fables, while the -writer, indulging his own humor, doth not tell us what the saint -did, but what the historian would have had him do. And the -fancy of the writer dictates the life and not the truth of things." -And again Vives says: "There have been men who have thought -it a great piece of piety, to invent lies for the sake of religion." -</p> - -<p> -The great Cardinal Barronius, too, confesses: "There is nothing -which seems so much neglected to this day, as a true and -certain account of the affairs of the church, collected with an -exact diligence. And that I may speak of the more ancient, it -is very difficult to find any of them who have published commentaries -on this subject, which have hit the truth in all points." -</p> - -<p> -Canus, too, another Spanish prelate of great name, says: "I -speak it with grief and not by way of reproach, Laertius has -written the lives of the philosophers with more ease and industry -than the Christians have those of the saints. Suetonius has represented -the lives of the Cæsars with much more truth and sincerity -than the Catholics have the affairs (I will not say of the -emperors) but even those of the martyrs, holy virgins and confessors. -For they have not concealed the vice nor the very -suspicions of vice, in good and commendable philosophers or -princes, and in the worst of them they discover the very colors or -appearances of virtue. But the greatest part of our writers either -follow the conduct of their affections, or industriously feign many -things; so that I, for my part, am very often both weary and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_265'>[265]</a></span>ashamed of them, because I know that they have thereby brought -nothing of advantage to the church of Christ, but very much inconvenience." -Vives and Canus are moderns, but Arnobius, the -converter of Lætantius, was ancient. He says: "But neither -could all that was done be written, or arrive at the knowledge of -all men—many of our great actions being done by obscure men -and those who had no knowledge of letters. And if some of -them are committed to letters and writings, yet even here, by the -malice of the devils and men like them, whose great design and -study is to intercept and ruin this truth, by interpolating or adding -some things to them, or by changing or taking out words, -syllables or letters, they have put a stop to the faith of wise men, -and corrupted the truth of things." -</p> - -<p> -Indeed, Mr. Jefferson, what could be invented to debase the -ancient Christianism, which Greeks, Romans, Hebrews and Christian -factions, above all the Catholics, have not fraudulently imposed -upon the public? Miracles after miracles have rolled down -in torrents, wave succeeding wave in the Catholic church, from -the Council of Nice, and long before, to this day. -</p> - -<p> -Aristotle, no doubt, thought his <span class="greek" title="Oute pasi pisteuontes, oute pasin -apistountes">Ουτε πασι πιστευοντες, ουτε πασιν -απιστουντες</span>, very wise and very profound; but what is its worth? -What man, woman or child ever believed everything or nothing? -Oh! that Priestley could live again, and have leisure and means! -An inquirer after truth, who had neither time nor means, might -request him to search and re-search for answers to a few questions: -</p> - -<p> -1. Have we more than two witnesses of the life of Jesus—Matthew -and John? -</p> - -<p> -2. Have we one witness to the existence of Matthew's gospel -in the first century? -</p> - -<p> -3. Have we one witness of the existence of John's gospel in -the first century? -</p> - -<p> -4. Have we one witness of the existence of Mark's gospel in -the first century? -</p> - -<p> -5. Have we one witness of the existence of Luke's gospel in -the first century? -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_266'>[266]</a></span>6. Have we any witness of the existence of St. Thomas' gospel, -that is the gospel of the infancy in the first century? -</p> - -<p> -7. Have we any evidence of the existence of the Acts of the -Apostles in the first century? -</p> - -<p> -8. Have we any evidence of the existence of the supplement -to the Acts of the Apostles, Peter and Paul, or Paul and Tecle, -in the first century? -</p> - -<p> -Here I was interrupted by a new book, Chateaubriand's Travels -in Greece, Palestine and Egypt, and by a lung fever with -which the amiable companion of my life has been violently and -dangerously attacked. -</p> - -<p> -December 13th. I have fifty more questions to put to Priestley, -but must adjourn them to a future opportunity. -</p> - -<p> -I have read Chateaubriand with as much delight as I ever read -Bunyan's Pilgrims' Progress, Robinson Crusoe's Travels, or Gulliver's, -or Whitefield's, or Wesley's Life, or the Life of St. Francis, -St. Anthony, or St. Ignatius Loyola. A work of infinite -learning, perfectly well written, a magazine of information, but -enthusiastic, bigoted, superstitious, Roman Catholic throughout. -If I were to indulge in jealous criticism and conjecture, I should -suspect that there had been an Œcuemenical counsel of Popes, -Cardinals and Bishops, and that this traveller has been employed -at their expense to make this tour, to lay a foundation for the -resurrection of the Catholic Hierarchy in Europe. -</p> - -<p> -Have you read La Harpe's Course de Literature, in fifteen volumes? -Have you read St. Pierre's Studies of Nature? -</p> - -<p> -I am now reading the controversy between Voltaire and Monotte. -</p> - -<p> -Our friend Rush has given us for his last legacy, an analysis -of some of the diseases of the mind. -</p> - -<p> -Johnson said, "We are all more or less mad;" and who is or -has been more mad than Johnson? -</p> - -<p> -I know of no philosopher, or theologian, or moralist, ancient -or modern, more profound, more infallible than Whitefield, if the -anecdote I heard be true. -</p> - -<p> -He began: "Father Abraham," with his hands and eyes gracefully -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_267'>[267]</a></span>directed to the heavens, as I have more than once seen -him; "Father Abraham, who have you there with you? Have -you Catholics?" "No." "Have you Protestants?" "No." -"Have you Churchmen?" "No." "Have you Dissenters?" -"No." "Have you Presbyterians?" "No." "Quakers?" "No." -"Anabaptists?" "No." "Who have you there? Are you -alone?" "No." -</p> - -<p> -"My brethren, you have the answer to all these questions in -the words of my text: 'He who feareth God and worketh -righteousness, shall be accepted of Him.'" -</p> - -<p> -Allegiance to the Creator and Governor of the Milky-Way, and -the Nebulæ, and benevolence to all his creatures, is my Religion. -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p> -<span lang="la">Si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti.</span> -</p> -</div></div> - -<p> -I am as ever. -</p> - -<h3> -TO BARON DE HUMBOLDT. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -December 6, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Friend and Baron</span>,—I have to acknowledge your -two letters of December 20 and 26, 1811, by Mr. Correa, and am -first to thank you for making me acquainted with that most -excellent character. He was so kind as to visit me at Monticello, -and I found him one of the most learned and amiable of men. -It was a subject of deep regret to separate from so much worth -in the moment of its becoming known to us. -</p> - -<p> -The livraison of your astronomical observations, and the 6th -and 7th on the subject of New Spain, with the corresponding -atlasses, are duly received, as had been the preceding cahiers. -For these treasures of a learning so interesting to us, accept my -sincere thanks. I think it most fortunate that your travels in -those countries were so timed as to make them known to the -world in the moment they were about to become actors on its stage. -That they will throw off their European dependence I have no -doubt; but in what kind of government their revolution will -end I am not so certain. History, I believe, furnishes no example -of a priest-ridden people maintaining a free civil government. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_268'>[268]</a></span>This marks the lowest grade of ignorance, of which their civil as -well as religious leaders will always avail themselves for their own -purposes. The vicinity of New Spain to the United States, and -their consequent intercourse, may furnish schools for the higher, -and example for the lower classes of their citizens. And Mexico, -where we learn from you that men of science are not wanting, -may revolutionize itself under better auspices than the -Southern provinces. These last, I fear, must end in military -despotisms. The different casts of their inhabitants, their mutual -hatreds and jealousies, their profound ignorance and bigotry, -will be played off by cunning leaders, and each be made the instrument -of enslaving the others. But of all this you can best -judge, for in truth we have little knowledge of them to be depended -on, but through you. But in whatever governments -they end they will be <i>American</i> governments, no longer to be -involved in the never-ceasing broils of Europe. The European -nations constitute a separate division of the globe; their localities -make them part of a distinct system; they have a set of -interests of their own in which it is our business never to engage -ourselves. America has a hemisphere to itself. It must -have its separate system of interests, which must not be subordinated -to those of Europe. The insulated state in which nature -has placed the American continent, should so far avail it that no -spark of war kindled in the other quarters of the globe should -be wafted across the wide oceans which separate us from them. -And it will be so. In fifty years more the United States alone -will contain fifty millions of inhabitants, and fifty years are soon -gone over. The peace of 1763 is within that period. I was -then twenty years old, and of course remember well all the -transactions of the war preceding it. And you will live to see -the epoch now equally ahead of us; and the numbers which will -then be spread over the other parts of the American hemisphere, -catching long before that the principles of our portion of it, and -concurring with us in the maintenance of the same system. You -see how readily we run into ages beyond the grave; and even -those of us to whom that grave is already opening its quiet -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_269'>[269]</a></span>bosom. I am anticipating events of which you will be the bearer -to me in the Elysian fields fifty years hence. -</p> - -<p> -You know, my friend, the benevolent plan we were pursuing -here for the happiness of the aboriginal inhabitants in our vicinities. -We spared nothing to keep them at peace with one -another. To teach them agriculture and the rudiments of the -most necessary arts, and to encourage industry by establishing -among them separate property. In this way they would have -been enabled to subsist and multiply on a moderate scale of -landed possession. They would have mixed their blood with -ours, and been amalgamated and identified with us within no distant -period of time. On the commencement of our present war, -we pressed on them the observance of peace and neutrality, but -the interested and unprincipled policy of England has defeated -all our labors for the salvation of these unfortunate people. They -have seduced the greater part of the tribes within our neighborhood, -to take up the hatchet against us, and the cruel massacres -they have committed on the women and children of our frontiers -taken by surprise, will oblige us now to pursue them to extermination, -or drive them to new seats beyond our reach. Already -we have driven their patrons and seducers into Montreal, -and the opening season will force them to their last refuge, the -walls of Quebec. We have cut off all possibility of intercourse -and of mutual aid, and may pursue at our leisure whatever plan -we find necessary to secure ourselves against the future effects -of their savage and ruthless warfare. The confirmed brutalization, -if not the extermination of this race in our America, is -therefore to form an additional chapter in the English history of -the same colored man in Asia, and of the brethren of their own -color in Ireland, and wherever else Anglo-mercantile cupidity -can find a two-penny interest in deluging the earth with human -blood. But let us turn from the loathsome contemplation of the -degrading effects of commercial avarice. -</p> - -<p> -That their Arrowsmith should have stolen your Map of Mexico, -was in the piratical spirit of his country. But I should be -sincerely sorry if our Pike has made an ungenerous use of your -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_270'>[270]</a></span>candid communications here; and the more so as he died in the -arms of victory gained over the enemies of his country. Whatever -he did was on a principle of enlarging knowledge, and not -for filthy shillings and pence of which he made none from that -work. If what he has borrowed has any effect it will be to excite -an appeal in his readers from his defective information to the -copious volumes of it with which you have enriched the world. -I am sorry he omitted even to acknowledge the source of his information. -It has been an oversight, and not at all in the spirit -of his generous nature. Let me solicit your forgiveness then of -a deceased hero, of an honest and zealous patriot, who lived and -died for his country. -</p> - -<p> -You will find it inconceivable that Lewis's journey to the Pacific -should not yet have appeared; nor is it in my power to tell -you the reason. The measures taken by his surviving companion, -Clarke, for the publication, have not answered our wishes in -point of despatch. I think, however, from what I have heard, -that the mere journal will be out within a few weeks in two -volumes 8vo. These I will take care to send you with the tobacco -seed you desired, if it be possible for them to escape the -thousand ships of our enemies spread over the ocean. The botanical -and zoological discoveries of Lewis will probably experience -greater delay, and become known to the world through -other channels before that volume will be ready. The Atlas, I -believe, waits on the leisure of the engraver. -</p> - -<p> -Although I do not know whether you are now at Paris or -ranging the regions of Asia to acquire more knowledge for the -use of men, I cannot deny myself the gratification of an endeavor -to recall myself to your recollection, and of assuring you -of my constant attachment, and of renewing to you the just -tribute of my affectionate esteem and high respect and consideration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_271'>[271]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MADAM DE TESSÉ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -December 8, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -While at war, my dear Madam and friend, with the leviathan -of the ocean, there is little hope of a letter escaping his thousand -ships; yet I cannot permit myself longer to withhold the acknowledgment -of your letter of June 28 of the last year, with -which came the memoirs of the Margrave of Bareuth. I am -much indebted to you for this singular morsel of history which -has given us a certain view of kings, queens and princes, disrobed -of their formalities. It is a peep into the state of the Egyptian -god Apis. It would not be easy to find grosser manners, coarser -vices, or more meanness in the poorest huts of our peasantry. The -princess shows herself the legitimate sister of Frederic, cynical, -selfish, and without a heart. Notwithstanding your wars with England, -I presume you get the publications of that country. The -memoirs of Mrs. Clarke and of her <i>darling</i> prince, and the book, -emphatically so called, because it is the <span lang="la">Biblia Sacra Deorum et -Dearum sub-cœlestium</span>, the Prince Regent, his Princess and the -minor deities of his sphere, form a worthy sequel to the memoirs -of Bareuth; instead of the vulgarity and penury of the court -of Berlin, giving us the vulgarity and profusion of that of London, -and the gross stupidity and profligacy of the latter, in lieu -of the genius and misanthropism of the former. The whole -might be published as a supplement to M. de Buffon, under the -title of the "Natural History of Kings and Princes," or as a separate -work and called "Medicine for Monarchists." The "Intercepted -Letters," a later English publication of great wit and humor, -has put them to their proper use by holding them up as -butts for the ridicule and contempt of mankind. Yet by such -worthless beings is a great nation to be governed and even made -to deify their old king because he is only a fool and a maniac, -and to forgive and forget his having lost to them a great and -flourishing empire, added nine hundred millions sterling to their -debt, for which the fee simple of the whole island would not -sell, if offered farm by farm at public auction, and increased their -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_272'>[272]</a></span>annual taxes from eight to seventy millions sterling, more than -the whole rent-roll of the island. What must be the dreary -prospect from the son when such a father is deplored as a national -loss. But let us drop these odious beings and pass to those of -an higher order, the plants of the field. I am afraid I have -given you a great deal more trouble than I intended by my enquiries -for the Maronnier or Castanea Saliva, of which I wished -to possess my own country, without knowing how rare its culture -was even in yours. The two plants which your researches -have placed in your own garden, it will be all but impossible to -remove hither. The war renders their safe passage across the -Atlantic extremely precarious, and, if landed anywhere but in -the Chesapeake, the risk of the additional voyage along the coast -to Virginia, is still greater. Under these circumstances it is better -they should retain their present station, and compensate to -you the trouble they have cost you. -</p> - -<p> -I learn with great pleasure the success of your new gardens at -Auenay. No occupation can be more delightful or useful. They -will have the merit of inducing you to forget those of Chaville. -With the botanical riches which you mention to have been derived -to England from New Holland, we are as yet unacquainted. -Lewis's journey across our continent to the Pacific has added -a number of new plants to our former stock. Some of them -are curious, some ornamental, some useful, and some may by -culture be made acceptable on our tables. I have growing, -which I destine for you, a very handsome little shrub of the size -of a currant bush. Its beauty consists in a great produce of -berries of the size of currants, and literally as white as snow, -which remain on the bush through the winter, after its leaves -have fallen, and make it an object as singular as it is beautiful. -We call it the snow-berry bush, no botanical name being yet -given to it, but I do not know why we might not call it Chionicoccos, -or Kallicoccos. All Lewis's plants are growing in the -garden of Mr. McMahon, a gardener of Philadelphia, to whom -I consigned them, and from whom I shall have great pleasure, -when peace is restored, in ordering for you any of these or of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_273'>[273]</a></span>our other indigenous plants. The port of Philadelphia has great -intercourse with Bordeaux and Nantes, and some little perhaps -with Havre. I was mortified not long since by receiving a letter -from a merchant in Bordeaux, apologizing for having suffered -a box of plants addressed by me to you, to get accidentally -covered in his warehouse by other objects, and to remain three -years undiscovered, when every thing in it was found to be rotten. -I have learned occasionally that others rotted in the ware-houses -of the English pirates. We are now settling that account -with them. We have taken their Upper Canada and shall -add the Lower to it when the season will admit; and hope to -remove them fully and finally from our continent. And what -they will feel more, for they value their colonies only for the -bales of cloth they take from them, we have established manufactures, -not only sufficient to supersede our demand from them, -but to rivalize them in foreign markets. But for the course of -our war I will refer you to M. de La Fayette, to whom I state it -more particularly. -</p> - -<p> -Our friend Mr. Short is well. He makes Philadelphia his -winter quarters, and New York, or the country, those of the summer. -In his fortune he is perfectly independent and at ease, and -does not trouble himself with the party politics of our country. -Will you permit me to place here for M. de Tessé the testimony -of my high esteem and respect, and accept for yourself an assurance -of the warm recollections I retain of your many civilities -and courtesies to me, and the homage of my constant and -affectionate attachment and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DON VALENTIN DE TORONDA CORUNA. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 14, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have had the pleasure of receiving several letters -from you, covering printed propositions and pamphlets on -the state of your affairs, and all breathing the genuine sentiments -of order, liberty and philanthropy, with which I know you to be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_274'>[274]</a></span>sincerely inspired. We learn little to be depended on here as to -your civil proceedings, or of the division of sentiments among -you; but in this absence of information I have made whatever -you propose the polar star of my wishes. What is to be the issue -of your present struggles we here cannot judge. But we -sincerely wish it may be what is best for the happiness and reinvigoration -of your country. That its divorce from its American -colonies, which is now unavoidable, will be a great blessing, -it is impossible not to pronounce on a review of what Spain was -when she acquired them, and of her gradual descent from that -proud eminence to the condition in which her present war found -her. Nature has formed that peninsula to be the second, and -why not the first nation in Europe? Give equal habits of -energy to the bodies, and of science to the minds of her citizens, -and where could her superior be found? The most advantageous -relation in which she can stand with her American colonies is -that of independent friendship, secured by the ties of consanguinity, -sameness of language, religion, manners, and habits, and -certain from the influence of these, of a preference in her commerce, -if, instead of the eternal irritations, thwartings, machinations -against their new governments, the insults and aggressions -which Great Britain has so unwisely practised towards us, to -force us to hate her against our natural inclinations, Spain yields, -like a genuine parent, to the forisfamiliation of her colonies, now -at maturity, if she extends to them her affections, her aid, her -patronage in every court and country, it will weave a bond of -union indissoluble by time. We are in a state of semi-warfare -with your adjoining colonies, the Floridas. We do not consider -this as affecting our peace with Spain or any other of her former -possessions. We wish her and them well; and under her present -difficulties at home, and her doubtful future relations with -her colonies, both wisdom and interest will, I presume, induce -her to leave them to settle themselves the quarrels they draw on -themselves from their neighbors. The commanding officers in -the Floridas have excited and armed the neighboring savages to -war against us, and to murder and scalp many of our women -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_275'>[275]</a></span>and children as well as men, taken by surprise—poor creatures! -They have paid for it with the loss of the flower of their -strength, and have given us the right, as we possess the power, -to exterminate or to expatriate them beyond the Mississippi. This -conduct of the Spanish officers will probably oblige us to take -possession of the Floridas, and the rather as we believe the English -will otherwise seize them, and use them as stations to distract -and annoy us. But should we possess ourselves of them, -and Spain retain her other colonies in this hemisphere, I presume -we shall consider them in our hands as subjects of negociation. -</p> - -<p> -We are now at the close of our second campaign with England. -During the first we suffered several checks, from the want -of capable and tried officers; all the higher ones of the Revolution -having died off during an interval of thirty years of peace. -But this second campaign has been more successful, having given -us all the lakes and country of Upper Canada, except the single -post of Kingston, at its lower extremity. The two immediate -causes of the war were the Orders of Council, and impressment -of our seamen. The first having been removed after we had -declared war, the war is continued for the second; and a third -has been generated by their conduct during the war, in exciting -the Indian hordes to murder and scalp the women and children -on our frontier. This renders peace for ever impossible but on -the establishment of such a meridian boundary to their possessions, -as that they never more can have such influence with the -savages as to excite again the same barbarities. The thousand -ships, too, they took from us in peace, and the six thousand seamen -impressed, call for this indemnification. On the water we -have proved to the world the error of their invincibility, and -shown that with equal force and well-trained officers, they can -be beaten by other nations as brave as themselves. Their lying -officers and printers will give to Europe very different views of -the state of their war with us. But you will see now, as in the -Revolutionary war, that they will lie, and conquer themselves out -of all their possessions on this continent. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_276'>[276]</a></span>I pray for the happiness of your nation, and that it may be -blessed with sound views and successful measures, under the difficulties -in which it is involved; and especially that they may -know the value of your counsels, and to yourself I tender the -assurances of my high respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, December 25, 1813. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Answer my letters at your leisure. Give yourself -no concern. I write as for a refuge and protection against -<i>ennui</i>. -</p> - -<p> -The fundamental principle of all philosophy and all christianity, -is "<i>Rejoice always in all things!</i>" "Be thankful at all -times for all good, and all that we call evil." Will it not follow -that I ought to rejoice and be thankful that Priestley has lived? -That Gibbon has lived? That Hume has lived, though a conceited -Scotchman? That Bolingbroke has lived, though a -haughty, arrogant, supercilious dogmatist? That Burke and -Johnson have lived, though superstitious slaves, or self-deceiving -hypocrites, both? Is it not laughable to hear Burke call Bolingbroke -a superficial writer? To hear him ask: "Who ever read -him through?" Had I been present, I would have answered -him, "I, I myself, I have read him through more than fifty years -ago, and more than five times in my life, and once within five -years past. And in my opinion, the epithet 'superficial,' belongs -to you and your friend Johnson more than to him." -</p> - -<p> -I might say much more. But I believe Burke and Johnson to -have been as political christians as Leo Tenth. -</p> - -<p> -I return to Priestley, though I have great complaints against -him for personal injuries and persecution, at the same time that -I forgive it all, and hope and pray that he may be pardoned for -it all above. -</p> - -<p> -Dr. Brocklesby, an intimate friend and convivial companion of -Johnson, told me that Johnson died in agonies of horror of annihilation; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_277'>[277]</a></span>and all the accounts we have of his death, corroborate -this account of Brocklesby. Dread of annihilation! Dread of -nothing! A dread of nothing, I should think, would be no dread -at all. Can there be any real, substantial, rational fear of nothing? -Were you on your death-bed, and in your last moments -informed by demonstration of revelation, that you would cease -to think and to feel, at your dissolution, should you be terrified? -You might be ashamed of yourself for having lived so long to -bear the proud man's contumely. You might be ashamed of -your Maker, and compare him to a little girl, amusing herself, -her brothers and sisters, by blowing bubbles in soap-suds. You -might compare him to boys sporting with crackers and rockets, -or to men employed in making mere artificial fire-works, or to -men and women at fairs and operas, or Sadler's Wells' exploits, -or to politicians in their intrigues, or to heroes in their butcheries, -or to Popes in their devilisms. But what should you fear? -Nothing. <span lang="la"><i>Emori nolo, sed me mortuum esse nihil estimo.</i></span> -</p> - -<p> -To return to Priestley. You could make a more luminous -book than his, upon the doctrines of heathen philosophers compared -with those of revelation. Why has he not given us a more -satisfactory account of the Pythagorean Philosophy and Theology? -He barely names Œileus, who lived long before Plato. -His treatise of kings and monarchy has been destroyed, I conjecture, -by Platonic Philosophers, Platonic Jews or Christians, or -by fraudulent republicans or despots. His treatise of the universe -has been preserved. He labors to prove the eternity of -the world. The Marquis D'Argens translated it, in all its noble -simplicity. The Abbé Batteaux has since given another translation. -D'Argens not only explains the text, but sheds more light -upon the ancient systems. His remarks are so many treatises, -which develop the concatenation of ancient opinions. The most -essential ideas of the theology, of the physics, and of the morality -of the ancients are clearly explained, and their different doctrines -compared with one another and with the modern discoveries. -I wish I owned this book and one hundred thousand more -that I want every day, now when I am almost incapable of making -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_278'>[278]</a></span>any use of them. No doubt he informs us that Pythagoras -was a great traveller. Priestley barely mentions Timæus, but it -does not appear that he had read him. Why has he not given -us an account of him and his book? He was before Plato, and -gave him the idea of his Timæus, and much more of his philosophy. -</p> - -<p> -After his master, he maintained the existence of matter; that -matter was capable of receiving all sorts of forms; that a moving -power agitated all the parts of it, and that an intelligence -produced a regular and harmonious world. This intelligence had -seen a plan, an <i>idea</i> (Logos) in conformity to which it wrought, -and without which it would not have known what it was about, -nor what it wanted to do. This plan was the <i>idea</i>, image or -model which had represented to the Supreme Intelligence the -world before it existed, which had directed it in its action upon -the moving power, and which it contemplated in forming the -elements, the bodies and the world. This model was distinguished -from the intelligence which produced the world, as the -architect is from his plans. He divided the productive cause of -the world into a spirit which directed the moving force, and into -an image which determined it in the choice of the directions -which it gave to the moving force, and the forms which it gave -to matter. I wonder that Priestley has overlooked this, because -it is the same philosophy with Plato's, and would have shown -that the Pythagorean as well as the Platonic philosophers probably -concurred in the fabrication of the Christian Trinity. Priestley -mentions the name of Achylas, but does not appear to have -read him, though he was a successor of Pythagoras, and a great -mathematician, a great statesman and a great general. John -Gram, a learned and honorable Dane, has given a handsome -edition of his works, with a Latin translation and an ample account -of his life and writings. Seleucus, the Legislator of Locris, -and Charondas, of Sybaris, were disciples of Pythagoras, and -both celebrated to immortality for the wisdom of their laws, five -hundred years before Christ. Why are those laws lost? I say -<i>the spirit of party</i> has destroyed them; civil, political and ecclesiastical -bigotry. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_279'>[279]</a></span>Despotical, monarchical, aristocratical and democratical fury -have all been employed in this work of destruction of everything -that could give us true light, and a clear insight of antiquity. -For every one of these parties, when possessed of power, or -when they have been undermost, and struggling to get uppermost, -has been equally prone to every species of fraud and violence -and usurpation. -</p> - -<p> -Why has not Priestley mentioned these Legislators? The -preamble to the laws of Zaleucus, which is all that remains, is -as orthodox christian theology as Priestley's, and christian benevolence -and forgiveness of injuries almost as clearly expressed. -</p> - -<p> -Priestley ought to have done impartial justice to philosophy -and philosophers. Philosophy, which is the result of reason, is -the first, the original revelation of the Creator to his creature, -man. When this revelation is clear and certain by intuition or -necessary induction, no subsequent revelation supported by prophecies -or miracles can supersede it. Philosophy is not only the -love of wisdom, but the science of the universe and its cause. -</p> - -<p> -There is, there was, and there will be but one master of philosophy -in the universe. Portions of it, in different degrees, are -revealed to creatures. -</p> - -<p> -Philosophy looks with an impartial eye on all terrestrial religions. -I have examined all, as well as my narrow sphere, my -straightened means and my busy life would allow me, and the -result is, that the Bible is the best book in the world. It contains -more of my little philosophy than all the libraries I have -seen; and such parts of it as I cannot reconcile to my little philosophy, -I postpone for future investigation. -</p> - -<p> -Priestley ought to have given us a sketch of the religion and -morals of Zoroaster, of Sanchoniathon, of Confucius, and all the -founders of religions before Christ, whose superiority would, -from such a comparison, have appeared the more transcendent. -</p> - -<p> -Priestley ought to have told us that Pythagoras passed twenty -years in his travels in India, in Egypt, in Chaldea, perhaps in -Sodom and Gomorrah, Tyre and Sydon. He ought to have told -us that in India he conversed with the Brahmins, and read the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_280'>[280]</a></span>Shasta, five thousand years old, written in the language of the -sacred Sansosistes, with the elegance and sentiments of Plato. -Where is to be found theology more orthodox, or philosophy -more profound, than in the introduction to the Shasta? "God -is one creator of all universal sphere, without beginning, without -end. God governs all the creation by a general providence, resulting -from his eternal designs. Search not the essence and the -nature of the eternal, who is one; your research will be vain -and presumptuous. It is enough that, day by day, and night by -night, you adore his power, his wisdom and his goodness, in his -works. The eternal willed in the fullness of time, to communicate -of his essence and of his splendor, to beings capable of perceiving -it. They as yet existed not. The eternal willed and -they were. He created Birma, Vitsnou and Siv." These doctrines, -sublime, if ever there were any sublime, Pythagoras -learned in India, and taught them to Zaleucus and his other disciples. -He there learned also his Metempsychosis, but this -never was popular, never made much progress in Greece or Italy, -or any other country besides India and Tartary, the region of the -grand immortal Lama. And how does this differ from the possessions -of demons in Greece and Rome? from the demon of -Socrates? from the worship of cows and crocodiles in Egypt and -elsewhere? -</p> - -<p> -After migrating through various animals, from elephants to serpents, -according to their behavior, souls that at last behaved -well, became men and women, and then if they were good, they -went to heaven. -</p> - -<p> -All ended in heaven, if they became virtuous. Who can -wonder at the widow of Malabar? Where is the lady, who, if -her faith were without doubt that she should go to heaven with -her husband on the one, or migrate into a toad or a wasp on the -other, would not lay down on the pile, and set fire to the fuel? -</p> - -<p> -Modifications and disguises of the Metempsychosis, has crept -into Egypt, and Greece, and Rome, and other countries. Have -you read Farmer on the Dæmons and possessions of the New -Testament? According to the Shasta, Moisasor, with his companions, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_281'>[281]</a></span>rebelled against the eternal, and were precipitated down -to Ondoro, the region of darkness. -</p> - -<p> -Do you know anything of the Prophecy of Enoch? Can you -give me a comment on the 6th, the 9th, the 14th verses of the -epistle of Jude? -</p> - -<p> -If I am not weary of writing, I am sure you must be of reading -such incoherent rattle. I will not persecute you so severely -in future, if I can help it. -</p> - -<p> -So farewell. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS LIEPER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 1, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I had hoped, when I retired from the business of -the world, that I should have been permitted to pass the evening -of life in tranquillity, undisturbed by the peltings and passions -of which the public papers are the vehicles. I see, however, -that I have been dragged into the newspapers by the infidelity -of one with whom I was formerly intimate, but who has abandoned -the American principles out of which that intimacy grew, -and become the bigoted partisan of England, and malcontent of -his own government. In a letter which he wrote to me, he earnestly -besought me to avail our country of the good understanding -which existed between the executive and myself, by recommending -an offer of such terms to our enemy as might produce -a peace, towards which he was confident that enemy was disposed. -In my answer, I stated the aggressions, the insults and -injuries, which England had been heaping on us for years, our -long forbearance in the hope she might be led by time and reflection -to a sounder view of her own interests, and of their connection -with justice to us, the repeated propositions for accommodation -made by us and rejected by her, and at length her Prince -Regent's solemn proclamation to the world that he would never -repeal the orders in council <i>as to us</i>, until France should have -revoked her illegal decrees <i>as to all the world</i>, and her minister's -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_282'>[282]</a></span>declaration to ours, that no admissible precaution against the -impressment of our seamen, could be proposed: that the unavoidable -declaration of war which followed these was accompanied -by advances for peace, on terms which no American -could dispense with, made through various channels, and unnoticed -and unanswered through any; but that if he could suggest -any other conditions which we ought to accept, and which -had not been repeatedly offered and rejected, I was ready to be -the channel of their conveyance to the government; and, to -show him that neither that attachment to Bonaparte nor French -influence, which they allege eternally without believing it -themselves, affected my mind, I threw in the two little sentences -of the printed extract enclosed in your friendly favor of the 9th -ultimo, and exactly these two little sentences, from a letter of -two or three pages, he has thought proper to publish, naked, -alone, and with my name, although other parts of the letter would -have shown that I wished such limits only to the successes of -Bonaparte, as should not prevent his completely closing Europe -against British manufactures and commerce; and thereby reducing -her to just terms of peace with us. -</p> - -<p> -Thus am I situated. I receive letters from all quarters, some -from known friends, some from those who write like friends, on -various subjects. What am I to do? Am I to button myself up -in Jesuitical reserve, rudely declining any answer, or answering -in terms so unmeaning as only to prove my distrust? Must I -withdraw myself from all interchange, of sentiment with the -world? I cannot do this. It is at war with my habits and -temper. I cannot act as if all men were unfaithful because some -are so; nor believe that all will betray me, because some do. I -had rather be the victim of occasional infidelities, than relinquish -my general confidence in the honesty of man. -</p> - -<p> -So far as to the breach of confidence which has brought me -into the newspapers, with a view to embroil me with my friends, -by a supposed separation in opinion and principle from them. -But it is impossible that there can be any difference of opinion -among us on the two propositions contained in these two little -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_283'>[283]</a></span>sentences, when explained, as they were explained in the context -from which they were insulated. That Bonaparte is an -unprincipled tyrant, who is deluging the continent of Europe -with blood, there is not a human being, not even the wife of his -bosom, who does not see: nor can there, I think, be a doubt as -to the line we ought to wish drawn between his successes and -those of Alexander. Surely none of us wish to see Bonaparte -conquer Russia, and lay thus at his feet the whole continent of -Europe. This done, England would be but a breakfast; and, -although I am free from the visionary fears which the votaries -of England have effected to entertain, because I believe he cannot -effect the conquest of Europe; yet put all Europe into his -hands, and he might spare such a force, to be sent in British -ships, as I would as leave not have to encounter, when I see how -much trouble a handful of British soldiers in Canada has given -us. No. It cannot be to our interest that all Europe should be -reduced to a single monarchy. The true line of interest for us, -is, that Bonaparte should be able to effect the complete exclusion -of England from the whole continent of Europe, in order, -as the same letter said, "by this peaceable engine of constraint, -to make her renounce her views of dominion over the ocean, of -permitting no other nation to navigate it but with her license, -and on tribute to her, and her aggressions on the persons of our -citizens who may choose to exercise their right of passing over -that element." And this would be effected by Bonaparte's succeeding -so far as to close the Baltic against her. This success I -wished him the last year, this I wish him this year; but were -he again advanced to Moscow, I should again wish him such -disasters as would prevent his reaching Petersburg. And were -the consequences even to be the longer continuance of our war, -I would rather meet them than see the whole force of Europe -wielded by a single hand. -</p> - -<p> -I have gone into this explanation, my friend, because I know -you will not carry my letter to the newspapers, and because I -am willing to trust to your discretion the explaining me to our -honest fellow laborers, and the bringing them to pause and reflect, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_284'>[284]</a></span>if any of them have not sufficiently reflected on the extent -of the success we ought to wish to Bonaparte, with a view to -our own interests only; and even were we not men, to whom -nothing human should be indifferent. But is our particular interest -to make us insensible to all sentiments of morality? Is it -then become criminal, the moral wish that the torrents of blood -this man is shedding in Europe, the sufferings of so many human -beings, good as ourselves, on whose necks he is trampling, the -burnings of ancient cities, devastations of great countries, the -destruction of law and order, and demoralization of the world, -should be arrested, even if it should place our peace a little further -distant? No. You and I cannot differ in wishing that -Russia, and Sweden, and Denmark, and Germany, and Spain, -and Portugal, and Italy, and even England, may retain their independence. -And if we differ in our opinions about Towers -and his four beasts and ten kingdoms, we differ as friends, indulging -mutual errors, and doing justice to mutual sincerity and -honesty. In this spirit of sincere confidence and affection, I -pray God to bless you here and hereafter. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 2, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of November the 25th reached this -place December the 21st, having been near a month on the way. -How this could happen I know not, as we have two mails a -week both from Fredericksburg and Richmond. It found me -just returned from a long journey and absence, during which so -much business had accumulated, commanding the first attentions, -that another week has been added to the delay. -</p> - -<p> -I deplore, with you, the putrid state into which our newspapers -have passed, and the malignity, the vulgarity, and mendacious -spirit of those who write for them; and I enclose you a -recent sample, the production of a New England judge, as a -proof of the abyss of degradation into which we are fallen. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_285'>[285]</a></span>These ordures are rapidly depraving the public taste, and lessening -its relish for sound food. As vehicles of information, and a -curb on our functionaries, they have rendered themselves useless, -by forfeiting all title to belief. That this has, in a great degree, -been produced by the violence and malignity of party spirit, I -agree with you; and I have read with great pleasure the paper -you enclosed me on that subject, which I now return. It is at -the same time a perfect model of the style of discussion which -candor and decency should observe, of the tone which renders -difference of opinion even amiable, and a succinct, correct, and -dispassionate history of the origin and progress of party among -us. It might be incorporated as it stands, and without changing -a word, into the history of the present epoch, and would give to -posterity a fairer view of the times than they will probably derive -from other sources. In reading it with great satisfaction, there -was but a single passage where I wished a little more development -of a very sound and catholic idea; a single intercalation to rest -it solidly on true bottom. It is near the end of the first page, -where you make a statement of genuine republican maxims; saying, -"that the people ought to possess as much political power -as can possibly exist with the order and security of society." -Instead of this, I would say, "that the people, being the only -safe depository of power, should exercise in person every function -which their qualifications enable them to exercise, consistently -with the order and security of society; that we now find -them equal to the election of those who shall be invested with -their executive and legislative powers, and to act themselves in -the judiciary, as judges in questions of fact; that the range of -their powers ought to be enlarged," &c. This gives both the -reason and exemplication of the maxim you express, "that they -ought to possess as much political power," &c. I see nothing -to correct either in your facts or principles. -</p> - -<p> -You say that in taking General Washington on your shoulders, -to bear him harmless through the federal coalition, you encounter -a perilous topic. I do not think so. You have given the -genuine history of the course of his mind through the trying -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_286'>[286]</a></span>scenes in which it was engaged, and of the seductions by which -it was deceived, but not depraved. I think I knew General -Washington intimately and thoroughly; and were I called on to -delineate his character, it should be in terms like these. -</p> - -<p> -His mind was great and powerful, without being of the very -first order; his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of -a Newton, Bacon, or Locke; and as far as he saw, no judgment -was ever sounder. It was slow in operation, being little aided -by invention or imagination, but sure in conclusion. Hence the -common remark of his officers, of the advantage he derived -from councils of war, where hearing all suggestions, he selected -whatever was best; and certainly no General ever planned his -battles more judiciously. But if deranged during the course of -the action, if any member of his plan was dislocated by sudden -circumstances, he was slow in re-adjustment. The consequence -was, that he often failed in the field, and rarely against an enemy -in station, as at Boston and York. He was incapable of fear, -meeting personal dangers with the calmest unconcern. Perhaps -the strongest feature in his character was prudence, never -acting until every circumstance, every consideration, was maturely -weighed; refraining if he saw a doubt, but, when once -decided, going through with his purpose, whatever obstacles opposed. -His integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible -I have ever known, no motives of interest or consanguinity, -of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. He was, -indeed, in every sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great -man. His temper was naturally irritable and high toned; but -reflection and resolution had obtained a firm and habitual ascendency -over it. If ever, however, it broke its bonds, he was -most tremendous in his wrath. In his expenses he was honorable, -but exact; liberal in contributions to whatever promised -utility; but frowning and unyielding on all visionary projects, -and all unworthy calls on his charity. His heart was not warm -in its affections; but he exactly calculated every man's value, -and gave him a solid esteem proportioned to it. His person, you -know, was fine, his stature exactly what one would wish, his -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_287'>[287]</a></span>deportment easy, erect and noble; the best horseman of his age, -and the most graceful figure that could be seen on horseback. -Although in the circle of his friends, where he might be unreserved -with safety, he took a free share in conversation, his colloquial -talents were not above mediocrity, possessing neither -copiousness of ideas, nor fluency of words. In public, when -called on for a sudden opinion, he was unready, short and embarrassed. -Yet he wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and -correct style. This he had acquired by conversation with the -world, for his education was merely reading, writing and common -arithmetic, to which he added surveying at a later day. -His time was employed in action chiefly, reading little, and that -only in agriculture and English history. His correspondence -became necessarily extensive, and, with journalizing his agricultural -proceedings, occupied most of his leisure hours within doors. -On the whole, his character was, in its mass, perfect, in nothing -bad, in few points indifferent; and it may truly be said, that -never did nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a -man great, and to place him in the same constellation with whatever -worthies have merited from man an everlasting remembrance. -For his was the singular destiny and merit, of leading -the armies of his country successfully through an arduous war, -for the establishment of its independence; of conducting its councils -through the birth of a government, new in its forms and -principles, until it had settled down into a quiet and orderly train; -and of scrupulously obeying the laws through the whole of his -career, civil and military, of which the history of the world furnishes -no other example. -</p> - -<p> -How, then, can it be perilous for you to take such a man on -your shoulders? I am satisfied the great body of republicans -think of him as I do. We were, indeed, dissatisfied with him -on his ratification of the British treaty. But this was short lived. -We knew his honesty, the wiles with which he was encompassed, -and that age had already began to relax the firmness of -his purposes; and I am convinced he is more deeply seated in -the love and gratitude of the republicans, than in the Pharisaical -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_288'>[288]</a></span>homage of the federal monarchists. For he was no monarchist -from preference of his judgment. The soundness of that gave -him correct views of the rights of man, and his severe justice -devoted him to them. He has often declared to me that he considered -our new constitution as an experiment on the practicability -of republican government, and with what dose of liberty -man could be trusted for his own good; that he was determined -the experiment should have a fair trial, and would lose the last -drop of his blood in support of it. And these declarations he -repeated to me the oftener and more pointedly, because he knew -my suspicions of Colonel Hamilton's views, and probably had -heard from him the same declarations which I had, to wit, "that -the British constitution, with its unequal representation, corruption -and other existing abuses, was the most perfect government -which had ever been established on earth, and that a reformation -of those abuses would make it an impracticable government." -I do believe that General Washington had not a firm confidence -in the durability of our government. He was naturally distrustful -of men, and inclined to gloomy apprehensions; and I was -ever persuaded that a belief that we must at length end in something -like a British constitution, had some weight in his adoption -of the ceremonies of levees, birth-days, pompous meetings with -Congress, and other forms of the same character, calculated to -prepare us gradually for a change which he believed possible, -and to let it come on with as little shock as might be to the public -mind. -</p> - -<p> -These are my opinions of General Washington, which I would -vouch at the judgment seat of God, having been formed on an -acquaintance of thirty years. I served with him in the Virginia -legislature from 1769 to the Revolutionary war, and again, a short -time in Congress, until he left us to take command of the army. -During the war and after it we corresponded occasionally, and -in the four years of my continuance in the office of Secretary -of State, our intercourse was daily, confidential and cordial. -After I retired from that office, great and malignant pains were -taken by our federal monarchists, and not entirely without effect, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_289'>[289]</a></span>to make him view me as a theorist, holding French principles -of government, which would lead infallibly to licentiousness and -anarchy. And to this he listened the more easily, from my -known disapprobation of the British treaty. I never saw him -afterwards, or these malignant insinuations should have been -dissipated before his just judgment, as mists before the sun. I -felt on his death, with my countrymen, that "verily a great man -hath fallen this day in Israel." -</p> - -<p> -More time and recollection would enable me to add many -other traits of his character; but why add them to you who knew -him well? And I cannot justify to myself a longer detention -of your paper. -</p> - -<p> -<span lang="la"><i>Vale, proprieque tuum, me esse tibi persuadeas.</i></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN PINTARD RECORDING SECRETARY OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL -SOCIETY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 9, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of December 22d, informing -me that the New York Historical Society had been -pleased to elect me an honorary member of that institution. I -am entirely sensible of the honor done me by this election, and -I pray you to become the channel of my grateful acknowledgments -to the society. At this distance, and at my time of life, -I cannot but be conscious how little it will be in my power -to further their establishment, and that I should be but an unprofitable -member, carrying into the institution indeed, my best -wishes for its success, and a readiness to serve it on any occasion -which should occur. With these acknowledgments, be so good -as to accept for the society, as well as for yourself, the assurances -of my high respect and consideration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_290'>[290]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO SAMUEL M. BURNSIDE, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN -SOCIETY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 9, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of the 13th of December, -informing me of the institution of the American Antiquarian -Society, and expressing its disposition to honor me with an -admission into it, and the request of my co-operation in the advancement -of its objects. No one can be more sensible of the -honor and the favor of these dispositions, and I pray you to have -the goodness to testify to them all the gratitude I feel on receiving -assurances of them. There has been a time of life when I -should have entered into their views with zeal, and with a hope -of not being altogether unuseful. But, now more than septuagenary, -retired from the active scenes and business of life, I am -sensible how little I can contribute to the advancement of the -objects of their views; but I shall certainly, and with great pleasure, -embrace any occasion which shall occur, of rendering them -any services in my power. With these assurances, be so good -as to accept for them and for yourself, those of my high respect -and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR THOMAS COOPER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 16, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of November 8th, if it was rightly -dated, did not come to hand till December 13th, and being absent -on a long journey, it has remained unanswered till now. -The copy of your introductory lecture was received and acknowledged -in my letter of July 12, 1812, with which I sent -you Tracy's first volume on Logic. Your Justinian came safely -also, and I have been constantly meaning to acknowledge it, but -I wished, at the same time, to say something more. I possessed -Theopilus', Vinnius' and Harris' editions, but read over your -notes and the <span lang="la"><i>addenda et corrifenda</i></span>, and especially the parallels -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_291'>[291]</a></span>with the English law, with great satisfaction and edification. -Your edition will be very useful to our lawyers, some of whom -will need the translation as well as the notes. But what I had -wanted to say to you on the subject, was that I much regret that -instead of this work, useful as it may be, you had not bestowed -the same time and research rather on a translation and notes on -Bracton, a work which has never been performed for us, and -which I have always considered as one of the greatest desiderata -in the law. The laws of England, in their progress from the -earliest to the present times, may be likened to the road of a traveller, -divided into distinct stages or resting places, at each of -which a review is taken of the road passed over so far. The first -of these was Bracton's <span lang="la"><i>De legibus Angliæ</i></span>; the second, Coke's -Institutes; the third, the Abridgment of the law by Matthew Bacon; -and the fourth, Blackstone's Commentaries. Doubtless there -were others before Bracton which have not reached us. Alfred, -in the preface to his laws, says they were compiled from those -of Ina, Offa, and Aethelbert, into which, or rather preceding them, -the clergy have interpolated the 20th, 21st, 22d, 23d and 24th -chapters of Exodus, so as to place Alfred's preface to what was -really his, awkwardly enough in the body of the work. An interpolation -the more glaring, as containing laws expressly contradicted -by those of Alfred. This pious fraud seems to have been -first noted by Howard, in his <span lang="la"><i>Contumes Anglo Normandes</i></span> (188), -and the pious judges of England have had no inclination to -question it; [of this disposition in these judges, I could give you -a curious sample from a note in my common-place book, made -while I was a student, but it is too long to be now copied. Perhaps -I may give it to you with some future letter.] This digest -of Alfred of the laws of the Heptarchy into a single code, common -to the whole kingdom, by him first reduced into one, was -probably the birth of what is called the common law. He has -been styled, <span lang="la">"Magnus Juris Anglicani Conditor;"</span> and his code, -the Dom-Dec, or doom-book. That which was made afterwards -under Edward the Confessor, was but a restoration of Alfred's, -with some intervening alterations. And this was the code which -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_292'>[292]</a></span>the English so often, under the Norman princes, petitioned to -have restored to them. But, all records previous to the <i>Magna -Charta</i> having been early lost, Bracton's is the first digest of the -whole body of law which has come down to us entire. What -materials for it existed in his time we know not, except the unauthoritative -collections of Lambard & Wilkins, and the treatise -of Glanville, <span lang="la">tempore</span> H. 2. Bracton's is the more valuable, -because being written a very few years after the <i>Magna Charta</i>, -which commences what is called the statute law, it gives us the -state of the common law in its ultimate form, and exactly at the -point of division between the common and statute law. It is -a most able work, complete in its matter and luminous in its method. -</p> - -<p> -2. The statutes which introduced changes began now to be -preserved; applications of the law to new cases by the courts, -began soon after to be reported in the year-books, these to be -methodized and abridged by Fitzherbert, Broke, Rolle, and others; -individuals continued the business of reporting; particular treatises -were written by able men, and all these, by the time of -Lord Coke, had formed so large a mass of matter as to call for a -new digest, to bring it within reasonable compass. This he undertook -in his Institutes, harmonizing all the decisions and opinions -which were reconcilable, and rejecting those not so. This -work is executed with so much learning and judgment, that I -do not recollect that a single position in it has ever been judicially -denied. And although the work loses much of its value by its -chaotic form, it may still be considered as the fundamental code -of the English law. -</p> - -<p> -3. The same processes re-commencing of statutory changes, -new divisions, multiplied reports, and special treatises, a new accumulation -had formed, calling for new reduction, by the time -of Matthew Bacon. His work, therefore, although not pretending -to the textual merit of Bracton's, or Coke's, was very acceptable. -His alphabetical arrangement, indeed, although better -than Coke's jumble, was far inferior to Bracton's. But it was a -sound digest of the materials existing on the several alphabetical -heads under which he arranged them. His work was not admitted -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_293'>[293]</a></span>as authority in Westminster Hall; yet it was the manual of -every judge and lawyer, and, what better proves its worth, has -been its daily growth in the general estimation. -</p> - -<p> -4. A succeeding interval of changes and additions of matter -produced Blackstone's Commentaries, the most lucid in arrangement -which had yet been written, correct in its matter, classical -in style, and rightfully taking its place by the side of the Justinian -Institutes. But, like them it was only an elementary book. -It did not present all the subjects of the law in all their details. -It still left it necessary to recur to the original works of which it -was the summary. The great mass of law books from which it -was extracted, was still to be consulted on minute investigations. -It wanted, therefore, a species of merit which entered deeply into -the value of those of Bracton, Coke and Bacon. They had in -effect swept the shelves of all the materials preceding them. To -give Blackstone, therefore, a full measure of value, another work -is still wanting, to-wit: to incorporate with his principles a compend -of the particular cases subsequent to Bacon, of which they -are the essence. This might be done by printing under his text -a digest like Bacon's continued to Blackstone's time. It would -enlarge his work, and increase its value peculiarly to us, because -just there we break off from the parent stem of the English law, -unconcerned in any of its subsequent changes or decisions. -</p> - -<p> -Of the four digests noted, the three last are possessed and understood -by every one. But the first, the fountain of them all, -remains in its technical Latin, abounding in terms antiquated, -obsolete, and unintelligible but to the most learned of the body -of lawyers. To give it to us then in English, with a glossary -of its old terms, is a work for which I know nobody but yourself -possessing the necessary learning and industry. The latter -part of it would be furnished to your hand from the glossaries of -Wilkins, Lambard, Spelman, Somner in the X. Scriptores, the -index of Coke and the law dictionaries. Could not such an undertaking -be conveniently associated with your new vocation of -giving law lectures? I pray you to think of it.<a name='FA_8' id='FA_8' href='#FN_8' class='fnanchor'>[8]</a> A further operation -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_294'>[294]</a></span>indeed, would still be desirable. To take up the doctrines -of Bracton, <span lang="la"><i>separatim et seriatim</i></span>, to give their history -through the periods of Lord Coke and Bacon, down to Blackstone, -to show when and how some of them have become extinct, -the successive alterations made in others, and their progress -to the state in which Blackstone found them. But this might be -a separate work, left for your greater leisure or for some future -pen.<a name='FA_9' id='FA_9' href='#FN_9' class='fnanchor'>[9]</a> -</p> - -<p> -I have long had under contemplation, and been collecting materials -for the plan of an university in Virginia which should comprehend -all the sciences useful to us, and none others. The general -idea is suggested in the Notes on Virginia, Qu. 14. This -would probably absorb the functions of William and Mary College, -and transfer them to a healthier and more central position: -perhaps to the neighborhood of this place. The long and lingering -decline of William and Mary, the death of its last president, -its location and climate, force on us the wish for a new institution -more convenient to our country generally, and better -adapted to the present state of science. I have been told there -will be an effort in the present session of our legislature, to effect -such an establishment. I confess, however, that I have not great -confidence that this will be done. Should it happen, it would -offer places worthy of you, and of which you are worthy. It -might produce, too, a bidder for the apparatus and library of Dr. -Priestley, to which they might add mine on their own terms. -This consists of about seven or eight thousand volumes, the best -chosen collection of its size probably in America, and containing -a great mass of what is most rare and valuable, and especially -of what relates to America. -</p> - -<p> -You have given us, in your Emporium, Bollman's medley on -Political Economy. It is the work of one who sees a little of -everything, and the whole of nothing; and were it not for your -own notes on it, a sentence of which throws more just light on -the subject than all his pages, we should regret the place it occupies -of more useful matter. The bringing our countrymen to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_295'>[295]</a></span>a sound comparative estimate of the vast value of internal commerce, -and the disproportionate importance of what is foreign, is -the most salutary effort which can be made for the prosperity of -these States, which are entirely misled from their true interests -by the infection of English prejudices, and illicit attachments to -English interests and connections. I look to you for this effort. -It would furnish a valuable chapter for every Emporium; but I -would rather see it also in the newspapers, which alone find access -to every one. -</p> - -<p> -Everything predicted by the enemies of banks, in the beginning, -is now coming to pass. We are to be ruined now by the deluge of -bank paper, as we were formerly by the old Continental paper. It -is cruel that such revolutions in private fortunes should be at the -mercy of avaricious adventurers, who, instead of employing their -capital, if any they have, in manufactures, commerce, and other useful -pursuits, make it an instrument to burthen all the interchanges -of property with their swindling profits, profits which are the -price of no useful industry of theirs. Prudent men must be on -their guard in this game of <i>Robin's alive</i>, and take care that the -spark does not extinguish in their hands. I am an enemy to all -banks discounting bills or notes for anything but coin. But our -whole country is so fascinated by this Jack-lantern wealth, that -they will not stop short of its total and fatal explosion.<a name='FA_10' id='FA_10' href='#FN_10' class='fnanchor'>[10]</a> -</p> - -<p> -Have you seen the memorial to Congress on the subject of -Oliver Evans' patent rights? The memorialists have published -in it a letter of mine containing some views on this difficult subject. -But I have opened it no further than to raise the questions -belonging to it. I wish we could have the benefit of your lights -on these questions. The abuse of the frivolous patents is likely -to cause more inconvenience than is countervailed by those really -useful. We know not to what uses we may apply implements -which have been in our hands before the birth of our government, -and even the discovery of America. The memorial is a -thin pamphlet, printed by Robinson of Baltimore, a copy of -which has been laid on the desk of every member of Congress. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_296'>[296]</a></span>You ask if it is a secret who wrote the commentary on Montesquieu? -It must be a secret during the author's life. I may -only say at present that it was written by a Frenchman, that the -original MS. in French is now in my possession, that it was -translated and edited by General Duane, and that I should rejoice -to see it printed in its original tongue, if any one would -undertake it. No book can suffer more by translation, because -of the severe correctness of the original in the choice of its terms. -I have taken measures for securing to the author his justly-earned -fame, whenever his death or other circumstances may render it -safe for him. Like you, I do not agree with him in everything, -and have had some correspondence with him on particular points. -But on the whole, it is a most valuable work, one which I think -will form an epoch in the science of government, and which I -wish to see in the hands of every American student, as the elementary -and fundamental institute of that important branch of -human science.<a name='FA_11' id='FA_11' href='#FN_11' class='fnanchor'>[11]</a> -</p> - -<p> -I have never seen the answer of Governor Strong to the judges -of Massachusetts, to which you allude, nor the Massachusetts -reports in which it is contained. But I am sure you join me in -lamenting the general defection of lawyers and judges, from the -free principles of government. I am sure they do not derive this -degenerate spirit from the father of our science, Lord Coke. But -it may be the reason why they cease to read him, and the source -of what are now called "Blackstone lawyers." -</p> - -<p> -Go on in all your good works, without regard to the eye "of -suspicion and distrust with which you may be viewed by some," -and without being weary in well doing, and be assured that you -are justly estimated by the impartial mass of our fellow citizens, -and by none more than myself. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_297'>[297]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO OLIVER EVANS, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 16, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—In August last I received a letter from Mr. Isaac McPherson -of Baltimore, on the controversies subsisting between -yourself and some persons in that quarter interested in mills. -These related to your patent rights for the elevators, conveyors, -and hopper-boys; and he requested any information I could give -him on that subject. Having been formerly a member of the -patent board, as long as it existed, and bestowed in the execution -of that trust much consideration on the questions belonging to it, -I thought it an act of justice, and indeed of duty, to communicate -such facts and principles as had occurred to me on the subject. -I therefore wrote the letter of August 13, which is the -occasion of your favor to me of the 7th instant, just now received, -but without the report of the case tried in the circuit court of -Maryland, or your memorial to Congress, mentioned in the letter as -accompanying it. You request an answer to your letter, which -my respect and esteem for you would of themselves have dictated; -but I am not certain that I distinguish the particular points -to which you wish a specific answer. You agree in the letter, -that the chain of buckets and Archimedes screw are old inventions; -that every one had, and still has, a right to use them and -the hopper-boy, if that also existed previously, in the forms and -constructions known before your patent; and that, therefore, you -have neither a grant nor claim, to the exclusive right of using -elevators, conveyors, hopper-boys, or drills, but only of the improved -elevator, the improved hopper-boy, &c. In this, then, we -are entirely agreed, and your right to your own improvements in -the construction of these machines is explicitly recognized in my -letter. I think, however, that your letter claims something more, -although it is not so explicitly defined as to convey to my mind -the precise idea which you perhaps meant to express. Your -letter says that your patent is for your improvement in the manufacture -of flour by the application of certain principles, and of -such machinery as will carry those principles into operation, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_298'>[298]</a></span>whether of the improved elevator, improved hopper-boy, or -(without being confined to them) of any machinery known and -free to the public. I can conceive how a machine may improve -the manufacture of flour; but not how a <i>principle</i> abstracted from -any machine can do it. It must then be the machine, and the -principle of that machine, which is secured to you by your patent. -Recurring now to the words of your definition, do they -mean that, while all are free to use the old string of buckets, and -Archimedes' screw for the purposes to which they had been formerly -applied, you alone have the exclusive right to apply them -to the manufacture of flour? that no one has a right to apply his -old machines to all the purposes of which they are susceptible? -that every one, for instance, who can apply the hoe, the spade, -or the axe to any purpose to which they have not been before -applied, may have a patent for the exclusive right to that -application? and may exclude all others, under penalties, from so -using their hoe, spade, or axe? If this be the meaning, my -opinion that the legislature never meant by the patent law to -sweep away so extensively the rights of their constituents, to -environ everything they touch with snares, is expressed in the -letter of August 13, from which I have nothing to retract, nor -ought to add but the observation that if a new application of our -old machines be a ground of monopoly, the patent law will take -from us much more good than it will give. Perhaps it may -mean another thing, that while every one has a right to the distinct -and separate use of the buckets, the screw, the hopper-boy, -in their old forms, the patent gives you the exclusive right to -combine their uses on the same object. But if we have a -right to use three things separately, I see nothing in reason, or in -the patent law, which forbids our using them all together. A -man has a right to use a saw, an axe, a plane separately; may -he not combine their uses on the same piece of wood? He has -a right to use his knife to cut his meat, a fork to hold it; may -a patentee take from him the right to combine their use on the -same subject? Such a law, instead of enlarging our conveniences, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_299'>[299]</a></span>as was intended, would most fearfully abridge them, and crowd -us by monopolies out of the use of the things we have. -</p> - -<p> -I have no particular interest, however, in these questions, nor -any inclination to be the advocate of either party; and I hope I -shall be excused from it. I shall acquiesce cheerfully in the decisions -in your favor by those to whom the laws have confided -them, without blaming the other party for being unwilling, when -so new a branch of science has been recently engrafted on our -jurisprudence, one with which its professors have till now had no -call to make themselves acquainted, one bearing little analogy to -their professional educations or pursuits. That they should be unwilling, -I say, to admit that one or two decisions, before inferior -and local tribunals, before the questions shall have been repeatedly -and maturely examined in all their bearings, before the cases -shall have presented themselves in all their forms and attitudes, -before a sanction by the greater part of the judges on the most -solemn investigations, and before the industry and intelligence -of many defendants may have excited to efforts for the vindication -of the general rights of the citizen; that one or other of the -precedents should forever foreclose the whole of a new subject. -</p> - -<p> -To the publication of this answer with your letter, as you request, -I have no objection. I wish right to be done to all parties, -and to yourself, particularly and personally, the just rewards -of genius; and I tender you the assurances of my great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 17, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In your last letter to me you expressed a desire -to look into the question whether, by the laws of nature, one -generation of men can, by any act of theirs, bind those which -are to follow them? I say, by the laws of nature, there being -between generation and generation, as between nation and nation, -no other obligatory law; and you requested to see what I -had said on the subject to Mr. Eppes. I enclose, <i>for your own -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_300'>[300]</a></span>perusal</i>, therefore, three letters which I wrote to him on the -course of our finances, which embrace the question before stated. -When I wrote the first, I had no thought of following it by a -second. I was led to that by his subsequent request, and after -the second I was induced, in a third, to take up the subject of -banks, by the communication of a proposition to be laid before -Congress for the establishment of a new bank. I mention this -to explain the total absence of order in these letters as a whole. -I have said above that they are sent for <i>your own perusal</i>, not -meaning to debar any use of the matter, but only that my name -may in nowise be connected with it. I am too desirous of -tranquillity to bring such a nest of hornets on me as the fraternities -of banking companies, and this infatuation of banks is a -torrent which it would be a folly for me to get into the way of. I -see that it must take its course, until actual ruin shall awaken us -from its delusions. Until the gigantic banking propositions of -this winter had made their appearance in the different legislatures, -I had hoped that the evil might still be checked; but I see -now that it is desperate, and that we must fold our arms and go -to the bottom with the ship. I had been in hopes that good old -Virginia, not yet so far embarked as her northern sisters, would -have set the example this winter, of beginning the process of -cure, by passing a law that, after a certain time, suppose of six -months, no bank bill of less than ten dollars should be permitted. -That after some other reasonable term, there should be none less -than twenty dollars, and so on, until those only should be left in -circulation whose size would be above the common transactions -of any but merchants. This would ensure to us an ordinary -circulation of metallic money, and would reduce the quantum of -paper within the bounds of moderate mischief. And it is the -only way in which the reduction can be made without a shock -to private fortunes. A sudden stoppage of this trash, either by -law or its own worthlessness, would produce confusion and ruin. -Yet this will happen by its own extinction, if left to itself. -Whereas, by a salutary interposition of the legislature, it may be -withdrawn insensibly and safely. Such a mode of doing it, too, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_301'>[301]</a></span>would give less alarm to the bank-holders, the discreet part of -whom must wish to see themselves secured by some circumscription. -It might be asked what we should do for change? The -banks must provide it, first to pay off their five-dollar bills, next -their ten-dollar bills and so on, and they ought to provide it to -lessen the evils of their institution. But I now give up all hope. -After producing the same revolutions in private fortunes as the -old Continental paper did, it will die like that, adding a total incapacity -to raise resources for the war. -</p> - -<p> -Withdrawing myself within the shell of our own State, I -have long contemplated a division of it into hundreds or wards, -as the most fundamental measure for securing good government, -and for instilling the principles and exercise of self-government -into every fibre of every member of our commonwealth. But -the details are too long for a letter, and must be the subject of -conversation, whenever I shall have the pleasure of seeing you. -It is for some of you young legislators to immortalize yourselves -by laying this stone as the basis of our political edifice. -</p> - -<p> -I must ask the favor of an early return of the enclosed papers, -of which I have no copy. Ever affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. R. M. PATTERSON, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN -PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 20, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of the 7th, informing -me that the American Philosophical Society, at their meeting of -that day, had been pleased unanimously to elect me as President -of the Society. I receive with just sensibility this proof of -their continued good will, and pray you to assure them of my -gratitude for these favors, of my devotedness to their service, and -the pleasure with which at all times I should in any way be made -useful to them. -</p> - -<p> -For yourself be pleased to accept the assurance of my great -esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_302'>[302]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO PRESIDENT ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 24, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have great need of the indulgence so kindly -extended to me in your favor of December 25, of permitting me -to answer your friendly letters at my leisure. My frequent and -long absences from home are a first cause of tardiness in my -correspondence, and a second the accumulation of business during -my absence, some of which imperiously commands first attentions. -I am now in arrear to you for your letters of November -12, 14, 16, December 3, 19, 25. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -You ask me if I have ever seen the work of I. W. Goethen's -Schriften? Never; nor did the question ever occur to me before -where get we the ten commandments? The book indeed gives -them to us verbatim, but where did it get them? For itself tells -us they were written by the finger of God on tables of stone, -which were destroyed by Moses; it specifies those on the second -set of tables in different form and substance, but still without -saying how the others were recovered. But the whole history -of these books is so defective and doubtful, that it seems vain to -attempt minute inquiry into it; and such tricks have been played -with their text, and with the texts of other books relating to -them, that we have a right from that cause to entertain much -doubt what parts of them are genuine. In the New Testament -there is internal evidence that parts of it have proceeded from -an extraordinary man; and that other parts are of the fabric of -very inferior minds. It is as easy to separate those parts, as to -pick out diamonds from dunghills. The matter of the first was -such as would be preserved in the memory of the hearers, and -handed on by tradition for a long time; the latter such stuff -as might be gathered up, for imbedding it, anywhere, and at any -time. I have nothing of Vives, or Budæus, and little of Erasmus. -If the familiar histories of the Saints, the want of which -they regret, would have given us the histories of those tricks -which these writers acknowledge to have been practised, and of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_303'>[303]</a></span>the lies they agree have been invented for the sake of religion, -I join them in their regrets. These would be the only parts of -their histories worth reading. It is not only the sacred volumes -they have thus interpolated, gutted, and falsified, but the works -of others relating to them, and even the laws of the land. We -have a curious instance of one of these pious frauds in the laws -of Alfred. He composed, you know, from the laws of the -Heptarchy, a digest for the government of the United Kingdom, -and in his preface to that work he tells us expressly the sources -from which he drew it, to wit, the laws of Ina, of Offa and -Aethelbert, (not naming the Pentateuch.) But his pious interpolator, -very awkwardly, <i>premises</i> to his work four chapters of -Exodus (from the 20th to the 23d) as a part of the laws of the -land; so that Alfred's <i>preface</i> is made to stand in the body of -the work. Our judges too have lent a ready hand to further -these frauds, and have been willing to lay the yoke of their own -opinions on the necks of others; to extend the coercions of -municipal law to the dogmas of their religion, by declaring that -these make a part of the law of the land. In the Year-Book -34, H. 6, p. 38, in <span lang="la">Quære impedit</span>, where the question was how -far the common law takes notice of the ecclesiastical law, Prisot, -Chief Justice, in the course of his argument, says, <span lang="fr_FR">"a tiels leis -que ils de seint eglise ont, en <i>ancien scripture</i>, covient a nous a -donner credence; car ces common luy sur quels touts manners -leis sont fondes; et auxy, siv, nous sumus obliges de canustre -lour esy de saint eglise,"</span> &c. Finch begins the business of -falsification by mistranslating and mistating the words of Prisot -thus: "to such laws of the church as have warrant in <i>holy scripture</i> -our law giveth credence." Citing the above case and the -words of Prisot in the margin, Finch's law, B. 1, c. 3, here then -we find <span lang="fr_FR"><i>ancien scripture</i></span>, ancient writing, translated "holy scripture." -This, Wingate, in 1658, erects into a maxim of law in -the very words of Finch, but citing Prisot and not Finch. And -Sheppard, tit. Religion, in 1675 laying it down in the same -words of Finch, quotes the Year-Book, Finch and Wingate. -Then comes Sir Matthew Hale, in the case of the King <i>v.</i> Taylor, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_304'>[304]</a></span>1 Ventr. 293, 3 Keb. 607, and declares that "Christianity is -part and parcel of the laws of England." Citing nobody, and -resting it, with his judgment against the witches, on his own -authority, which indeed was sound and good in all cases into -which no superstition or bigotry could enter. Thus strengthened, -the court in 1728, in the King <i>v.</i> Woolston, would not suffer -it to be questioned whether to write against Christianity was -punishable at common law, saying it had been so settled by Hale -in Taylor's case, 2 Stra. 834. Wood, therefore, 409, without -scruple, lays down as a principle, that all blaspheming and profaneness -are offences at the common law, and cites Strange. -Blackstone, in 1763, repeats, in the words of Sir Matthew Hale, -that "Christianity is part of the laws of England," citing Ventris -and Strange, <span lang="la"><i>ubi supra</i></span>. And Lord Mansfield, in the case -of the Chamberlain of London <i>v.</i> Evans, in 1767, qualifying -somewhat the position, says that "the essential principles of revealed -religion are part of the common law." Thus we find -this string of authorities all hanging by one another on a single -hook, a mistranslation by Finch of the words of Prisot, or on -nothing. For all quote Prisot, or one another, or nobody. Thus -Finch misquotes Prisot; Wingate also, but using Finch's words; -Sheppard quotes Prisot, Finch and Wingate; Hale cites nobody; -the court in Woolston's case cite Hale; Wood cites Woolston's -case; Blackstone that and Hale, and Lord Mansfield volunteers -his own <span lang="la"><i>ipse dixit</i></span>. And who now can question but that the -whole Bible and Testament are a part of the common law? And -that Connecticut, in her blue laws, laying it down as a principle -that the laws of God should be the laws of their land, except -where their own contradicted them, did anything more than express, -with a salvo, what the English judges had less cautiously -declared without any restriction? And what, I dare say, our -cunning Chief Justice would swear to, and find as many sophisms -to twist it out of the general terms of our declarations of rights, -and even the stricter text of the Virginia "act for the freedom -of religion," as he did to twist Burr's neck out of the halter of -treason. May we not say then with him who was all candor -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_305'>[305]</a></span>and benevolence, "woe unto you, ye lawyers, for ye lade men -with burthens grievous to bear." -</p> - -<p> -I think with you, that Priestley, in his comparison of the doctrines -of philosophy and revelation, did not do justice to the undertaking. -But he felt himself pressed by the hand of death. -Enfield has given us a more distinct account of the ethics of the -ancient philosophers; but the great work of which Enfield's is -an abridgment, Brucker's History of Philosophy, is the treasure -which I would wish to possess, as a book of reference or of -special research only, for who could read six volumes quarto, of -one thousand pages each, closely printed, of modern Latin? -Your account of D'Argens' Œileus makes me wish for him also. -Œileus furnishes a fruitful text for a sensible and learned commentator. -The Abbé Batteaux, which I have, is a meagre thing. -</p> - -<p> -You surprise me with the account you give of the strength of -family distinction still existing in your State. With us it is so -totally extinguished, that not a spark of it is to be found but lurking -in the hearts of some of our old tories; but all bigotries hang -to one another, and this in the Eastern States hangs, as I suspect, -to that of the priesthood. Here youth, beauty, mind and -manners, are more valued than a pedigree. -</p> - -<p> -I do not remember the conversation between us which you -mention in yours of November 15th, on your proposition to vest -in Congress the exclusive power of establishing banks. My opposition -to it must have been grounded, not on taking the power -from the States, but on leaving any vestige of it in existence, -even in the hands of Congress; because it would only have been -a change of the organ of abuse. I have ever been the enemy -of banks, not of those discounting for cash, but of those foisting -their own paper into circulation, and thus banishing our cash. -My zeal against those institutions was so warm and open at the -establishment of the Bank of the United States, that I was derided -as a maniac by the tribe of bank-mongers, who were seeking to -filch from the public their swindling and barren gains. But the -errors of that day cannot be recalled. The evils they have engendered -are now upon us, and the question is how we are to get -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_306'>[306]</a></span>out of them? Shall we build an altar to the old paper money -of the revolution, which ruined individuals but saved the republic, -and burn on that all the bank charters, present and future, -and their notes with them? For these are to ruin both republic -and individuals. This cannot be done. The mania is too -strong. It has seized, by its delusions and corruptions, all the -members of our governments, general, special and individual. -Our circulating paper of the last year was estimated at two hundred -millions of dollars. The new banks now petitioned for, to -the several legislatures, are for about sixty millions additional -capital, and of course one hundred and eighty millions of additional -circulation, nearly doubling that of the last year, and raising -the whole mass to near four hundred millions, or forty for -one, of the wholesome amount of circulation for a population of -eight millions circumstanced as we are, and you remember how -rapidly our money went down after our forty for one establishment -in the revolution. I doubt if the present trash can hold as -long. I think the three hundred and eighty millions must blow -all up in the course of the present year, or certainly it will be -consummated by the re-duplication to take place of course at the -legislative meetings of the next winter. Should not prudent -men, who possess stock in any monied institution, either draw -and hoard the cash now while they can, or exchange it for canal -stock, or such other as being bottomed on immovable property, -will remain unhurt by the crush? I have been endeavoring to -persuade a friend in our legislature to try and save this State -from the general ruin by timely interference. I propose to him, -First, to prohibit instantly, all foreign paper. Secondly, to give -our banks six months to call in all their five-dollar bills (the lowest -we allow); another six months to call in their ten-dollar -notes, and six months more to call in all below fifty dollars. -This would produce so gradual a diminution of medium, as not -to shock contracts already made—would leave finally, bills of -such size as would be called for only in transactions between -merchant and merchant, and ensure a metallic circulation for those -of the mass of citizens. But it will not be done. You might as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_307'>[307]</a></span>well, with the sailors, whistle to the wind, as suggest precautions -against having too much money. We must bend then before -the gale, and try to hold fast ourselves by some plank of the -wreck. God send us all a safe deliverance, and to yourself every -other species and degree of happiness. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. I return your letter of November 15th, as it requests, -and supposing that the late publication of the life of our good and -really great Rittenhouse may not have reached you, I send a -copy for your acceptance. Even its episodes and digressions -may add to the amusement it will furnish you. But if the history -of the world were written on the same scale, the whole world -would not hold it. Rittenhouse, as an astronomer, would stand -on a line with any of his time, and as a mechanician, he certainly -has not been equalled. In this view he was truly great; but, -placed along side of Newton, every human character must appear -diminutive, and none would have shrunk more feelingly from the -painful parallel than the modest and amiable Rittenhouse, whose -genius and merit are not the less for this exaggerated comparison -of his over zealous biographer. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN CLARKE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 27, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 2d came to hand some time -ago, and I perceive in it the proofs of a mind worthily occupied -on the best interests of our common country. To carry on our -war with success, we want <i>able</i> officers, and a sufficient number -of soldiers. The former, time and trial can alone give us; to -procure the latter, we need only the tender of sufficient inducements -and the assiduous pressure of them on the proper subjects. -The inducement of interest proposed by you, is undoubtedly the -principal one on which any reliance can be placed, and the assiduous -pressure of it on the proper subjects would probably be -better secured by making it the interest and the duty of a given -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_308'>[308]</a></span>portion of the militia, rather than that of a mere recruiting officer. -Whether, however, it is the best mode, belongs to the decision -of others; but, satisfied that it is one of the good ones, I forwarded -your letter to a member of the government, who will -make it a subject of consideration by those with whom the authority -rests. Whether the late discomfiture of Bonaparte will -have the effect of shortening or lengthening our war, is uncertain. -It is cruel that we should have been forced to wish any -success to such a destroyer of the human race. Yet while it was -our interest and that of humanity that he should not subdue -Russia, and thus lay all Europe at his feet, it was desirable to us -that he should so far succeed as to close the Baltic to our enemy, -and force him, by the pressure of internal distress, into a disposition -to return to the paths of justice towards us. If the French -nation stand by Bonaparte, he may rally, rise again, and yet give -Great Britain so much employment as to give time for a just -settlement of our questions with her. We must patiently wait -the solution of this doubt by time. Accept the assurances of my -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SAMUEL GREENHOW. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 31, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter on the subject of the Bible Society arrived -here while I was on a journey to Bedford, which occasioned a -long absence from home. Since my return, it has lain, with a -mass of others accumulated during my absence, till I could answer -them. I presume the views of the society are confined to -our own country, for with the religion of other countries my -own forbids intermeddling. I had not supposed there was a family -in this State not possessing a Bible, and wishing without -having the means to procure one. When, in earlier life, I was -intimate with every class, I think I never was in a house where -that was the case. However, circumstances may have changed, -and the society, I presume, have evidence of the fact. I therefore -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_309'>[309]</a></span>enclose you cheerfully, an order on Messrs. Gibson & Jefferson -for fifty dollars, for the purposes of the society, sincerely -agreeing with you that there never was a more pure and sublime -system of morality delivered to man than is to be found in the -four evangelists. Accept the assurance of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 31, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 23d is received. Say had -come to hand safely. But I regretted having asked the return -of him; for I did not find in him one new idea upon the subject -I had been contemplating; nothing more than a succinct, judicious -digest of the tedious pages of Smith. -</p> - -<p> -You ask my opinion on the question, whether the States can -add any qualifications to those which the constitution has prescribed -for their members of Congress? It is a question I had -never before reflected on; yet had taken up an off-hand opinion, -agreeing with your first, that they could not; that to add new -qualifications to those of the constitution, would be as much an -alteration as to detract from them. And so I think the House -of Representatives of Congress decided in some case; I believe -that of a member from Baltimore. But your letter having induced -me to look into the constitution, and to consider the question -a little, I am again in your predicament, of doubting the -correctness of my first opinion. Had the constitution been -silent, nobody can doubt but that the right to prescribe all -the qualifications and disqualifications of those they would -send to represent them, would have belonged to the State. So -also the constitution might have prescribed the whole, and excluded -all others. It seems to have preferred the middle way. -It has exercised the power in part, by declaring some disqualifications, -to wit, those of not being twenty-five years of age, of -not having been a citizen seven years, and of not being an inhabitant -of the State at the time of election. But it does not -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_310'>[310]</a></span>declare, itself, that the member shall not be a lunatic, a pauper, -a convict of treason, of murder, of felony, or other infamous -crime, or a non-resident of his district; nor does it prohibit to the -State the power of declaring these, or any other disqualifications -which its particular circumstances may call for; and these may -be different in different States. Of course, then, by the tenth -amendment, the power is reserved to the State. If, wherever -the constitution assumes a single power out of many which belong -to the same subject, we should consider it as assuming the -whole, it would vest the General Government with a mass of -powers never contemplated. On the contrary, the assumption of -particular powers seems an exclusion of all not assumed. This -reasoning appears to me to be sound; but, on so recent a change -of view, caution requires us not to be too confident, and that we -admit this to be one of the doubtful questions on which honest -men may differ with the purest motives; and the more readily, -as we find we have differed from ourselves on it. -</p> - -<p> -I have always thought that where the line of demarcation between -the powers of the General and the State governments was -doubtfully or indistinctly drawn, it would be prudent and praiseworthy -in both parties, never to approach it but under the most -urgent necessity. Is the necessity now urgent, to declare that -no non-resident of his district shall be eligible as a member of -Congress? It seems to me that, in practice, the partialities of -the people are a sufficient security against such an election; and -that if, in any instance, they should ever choose a non-resident, -it must be one of such eminent merit and qualifications, as would -make it a good, rather than an evil; and that, in any event, the -examples will be so rare, as never to amount to a serious evil. If -the case then be neither clear nor urgent, would it not be better -to let it lie undisturbed? Perhaps its decision may never be -called for. But if it be indispensable to establish this disqualification -now, would it not look better to declare such others, at -the same time, as may be proper? I frankly confide to yourself -these opinions, or rather no-opinions, of mine; but would not -wish to have them go any farther. I want to be quiet; and although -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_311'>[311]</a></span>some circumstances, now and then, excite me to notice -them, I feel safe, and happier in leaving events to those whose -turn it is to take care of them; and, in general, to let it be understood, -that I meddle little or not at all with public affairs. -There are two subjects, indeed, which I shall claim a right to -further as long as I breathe, the public education, and the sub -division of counties into wards. I consider the continuance of -republican government as absolutely hanging on these two hooks. -Of the first, you will, I am sure, be an advocate, as having already -reflected on it, and of the last, when you shall have reflected. -Ever affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 10, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In my letter of January 16, I promised you a -sample from my common-place book, of the pious disposition of -the English judges, to connive at the frauds of the clergy, a disposition -which has even rendered them faithful allies in practice. -When I was a student of the law, now half a century ago, after -getting through Coke Littleton, whose matter cannot be abridged, -I was in the habit of abridging and common-placing what I read -meriting it, and of sometimes mixing my own reflections on the -subject. I now enclose you the extract from these entries which -I promised. They were written at a time of life when I was -bold in the pursuit of knowledge, never fearing to follow truth -and reason to whatever results they led, and bearding every -authority which stood in their way. This must be the apology, -if you find the conclusions bolder than historical facts and principles -will warrant. Accept with them the assurances of my -great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -<i>Common-place Book.</i> -</p> - -<p> -873. In Quare imp. in C. B. 34, H. 6, fo. 38, the def. Br. of -Lincoln pleads that the church of the pl. became void by the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_312'>[312]</a></span>death of the incumbent, that the pl. and J. S. each pretending a -right, presented two several clerks; that the church being thus -rendered litigious, he was not obliged, by the <i>Ecclesiastical law</i> -to admit either, until an inquisition <span lang="la">de jure patronatus</span>, in the -ecclesiastical court: that, by the same law, this inquisition was -to be at the suit of either claimant, and was not <span lang="la"><i>ex-officio</i></span> to be -instituted by the bishop, and at his proper costs; that neither -party had desired such an inquisition; that six months passed -whereon it belonged to him of right to present as on a lapse, -which he had done. The pl. demurred. A question was, How -far the <i>Ecclesiastical law</i> was to be respected in this matter by -the common law court? and Prisot C. 3, in the course of his -argument uses this expression, <span lang="fr_FR">"A tiels leis que ils de seint -eglise ont en <i>ancien scripture</i>, covient a nous a donner credence, -car ces common ley sur quel touts manners leis sont fondés: et -auxy, sin, nous sumus obligès de conustre nostre ley; et, sin, si -poit apperer or á nous que liévesque ad fait comme un ordinary -fera en tiel cas, adong nous devons ces adjuger bon autrement -nemy,"</span> &c. It does not appear that judgment was given. Y. -B. <span lang="la">ubi supra</span>. S. C. Fitzh. abr. Qu. imp. 89. Bro. abr. Qu. imp. -12. Finch mistakes this in the following manner: "To such -laws of the church as have warrant in <i>Holy Scripture</i>, our law -giveth credence," and cites the above case, and the words of -Prisot on the margin. Finch's law. B. 1, ch. 3, published 1613. -Here we find <span lang="fr_FR">"ancien scripture"</span> [<i>ancient writing</i>] converted -into "Holy Scripture," whereas it can only mean the <i>ancient -written</i> laws of the church. It cannot mean the Scriptures, 1, -because the <span lang="fr_FR">"ancien scripture"</span> must then be understood to mean -the "Old Testament" or Bible, in opposition to the "New Testament," -and to the exclusion of that, which would be absurd -and contrary to the wish of those who cite this passage to prove -that the Scriptures, or Christianity, is a part of the common law. -2. Because Prisot says, <span lang="fr_FR">"Ceo [est] common ley, sur quel touts -manners leis sont fondés."</span> Now, it is true that the ecclesiastical -law, so far as admitted in England, derives its authority from -the common law. But it would not be true that the Scriptures -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_313'>[313]</a></span>so derive their authority. 3. The whole case and arguments -show that the question was how far the Ecclesiastical law in -general should be respected in a common law court. And in -Bro. abr. of this case, Littleton says, <span lang="la">"Les juges del common -ley prendra conusans quid est <i>lax ecclesiæ</i>, vel admiralitatis, et -trujus modi."</span> 4. Because the particular part of the Ecclesiastical -law then in question, to wit, the right of the patron to present -to his advowson, was not founded on the law of God, but -subject to the modification of the lawgiver, and so could not introduce -any such general position as Finch pretends. Yet Wingate -[in 1658] thinks proper to erect this false quotation into a -maxim of the common law, expressing it in the very words of -Finch, but citing Prisot, wing. max. 3. Next comes Sheppard, -[in 1675,] who states it in the same words of Finch, and quotes -the Year-Book, Finch and Wingate. 3. Shepp. abr. tit. Religion. -In the case of the King <i>v.</i> Taylor, Sir Matthew Hale lays it -down in these words, "Christianity is parcel of the laws of England." -1 Ventr. 293, 3 Keb. 607. But he quotes no authority, -resting it on his own, which was good in all cases in which his -mind received no bias from his bigotry, his superstitions, his -visions about sorceries, demons, &c. The power of these over -him is exemplified in his hanging of the witches. So strong -was this doctrine become in 1728, by additions and repetitions -from one another, that in the case of the King <i>v.</i> Woolston, the -court would not suffer it to be debated, whether to write against -Christianity was punishable in the temporal courts at common -law, saying it had been so settled in Taylor's case, ante 2, stra. -834; therefore, Wood, in his Institute, lays it down that all blasphemy -and profaneness are offences by the <i>common law</i>, and -cites Strange<span lang="la"> ubi supra</span>. Wood 409. And Blackstone [about -1763] repeats, in the words of Sir Matthew Hale, that "Christianity -is part of the laws of England," citing Ventris and Strange -<span lang="la">ubi supra</span>. 4. Blackst. 59. Lord Mansfield qualifies it a little by -saying that "The essential principles of revealed religion are -part of the common law." In the case of the Chamberlain of -London <i>v.</i> Evans, 1767. But he cites no authority, and leaves us -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_314'>[314]</a></span>at our peril to find out what, in the opinion of the judge, and -according to the measure of his foot or his faith, are those essential -principles of revealed religion obligatory on us as a part of -the common law. -</p> - -<p> -Thus we find this string of authorities, when examined to the -beginning, all hanging on the same hook, a perverted expression -of Prisot's, or on one another, or nobody. Thus Finch quotes -Prisot; Wingate also; Sheppard quotes Prisot, Finch and Wingate; -Hale cites nobody; the court in Woolston's case cite -Hale; Wood cites Woolston's case; Blackstone that and Hale; -and Lord Mansfield, like Hale, ventures it on his own authority. -In the earlier ages of the law, as in the year-books, for instance, -we do not expect much recurrence to authorities by the judges, -because in those days there were few or none such made public. -But in latter times we take no judge's word for what the law is, -further than he is warranted by the authorities he appeals to. -His decision may bind the unfortunate individual who happens -to be the particular subject of it; but it cannot alter the law. -Though the common law may be termed<span lang="la"> "Lex non Scripta,"</span> -yet the same Hale tells us "when I call those parts of our laws -<span lang="la">Leges non Scriptæ</span>, I do not mean as if those laws were only -oral, or communicated from the former ages to the latter merely -by word. For all those laws have their several monuments in -writing, whereby they are transferred from one age to another, -and without which they would soon lose all kind of certainty. -They are for the most part extant in records of pleas, proceedings, -and judgments, in books of reports and judicial decisions, -in tractates of learned men's arguments and opinions, preserved -from ancient times and still extant in writing." Hale's H. c. d. -22. Authorities for what is common law may therefore be as well -cited, as for any part of the <span lang="la">Lex Scripta</span>, and there is no better -instance of the necessity of holding the judges and writers to a -declaration of their authorities than the present; where we detect -them endeavoring to make law where they found none, and -to submit us at one stroke to a whole system, no particle of -which has its foundation in the common law. For we know -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_315'>[315]</a></span>that the common law is that system of law which was introduced -by the Saxons on their settlement in England, and altered from -time to time by proper legislative authority from that time to the -date of Magna Charta, which terminates the period of the common -law, or <span lang="la">lex non scripta</span>, and commences that of the statute -law, or <span lang="la">Lex Scripta</span>. This settlement took place about the middle -of the fifth century. But Christianity was not introduced -till the seventh century; the conversion of the first Christian -king of the Heptarchy having taken place about the year 598, -and that of the last about 686. Here, then, was a space of two -hundred years, during which the common law was in existence, -and Christianity no part of it. If it ever was adopted, therefore, -into the common law, it must have been between the introduction -of Christianity and the date of the Magna Charta. But -of the laws of this period we have a tolerable collection by Lambard -and Wilkins, probably not perfect, but neither very defective; -and if any one chooses to build a doctrine on any law of -that period, supposed to have been lost, it is incumbent on him -to prove it to have existed, and what were its contents. These -were so far alterations of the common law, and became themselves -a part of it. But none of these adopt Christianity as a -part of the common law. If, therefore, from the settlement of -the Saxons to the introduction of Christianity among them, that -system of religion could not be a part of the common law, because -they were not yet Christians, and if, having their laws from -that period to the close of the common law, we are all able to -find among them no such act of adoption, we may safely affirm -(though contradicted by all the judges and writers on earth) that -Christianity neither is, nor ever was a part of the common law. -Another cogent proof of this truth is drawn from the silence of -certain writers on the common law. Bracton gives us a very -complete and scientific treatise of the whole body of the common -law. He wrote this about the close of the reign of Henry -III., a very few years after the date of the Magna Charta. We -consider this book as the more valuable, as it was written about -the time which divides the common and statute law, and therefore -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_316'>[316]</a></span>gives us the former in its ultimate state. Bracton, too, was -an ecclesiastic, and would certainly not have failed to inform us -of the adoption of Christianity as a part of the common law, -had any such adoption ever taken place. But no word of his, -which intimates anything like it, has ever been cited. Fleta and -Britton, who wrote in the succeeding reign (of Edward I.), are -equally silent. So also is Glanvil, an earlier writer than any of -them, (viz.: temp. H. 2,) but his subject perhaps might not have -led him to mention it. Justice Fortescue Aland, who possessed -more Saxon learning than all the judges and writers before mentioned -put together, places this subject on more limited ground. -Speaking of the laws of the Saxon kings, he says, "the ten -commandments were made part of their laws, and consequently -were once part of the law of England; so that to break any of -the ten commandments was then esteemed a breach of the common -law, of England; and why it is not so now, perhaps it may -be difficult to give a good reason." Preface to Fortescue Aland's -reports, xvii. Had he proposed to state with more minuteness -how much of the scriptures had been made a part of the common -law, he might have added that in the laws of Alfred, where -he found the ten commandments, two or three other chapters of -Exodus are copied almost verbatim. But the adoption of a part -proves rather a rejection of the rest, as municipal law. We -might as well say that the Newtonian system of philosophy is a -part of the common law, as that the Christian religion is. The -truth is that Christianity and Newtonianism being reason and -verity itself, in the opinion of all but infidels and Cartesians, they -are protected under the wings of the common law from the dominion -of other sects, but not erected into dominion over them. -An eminent Spanish physician affirmed that the lancet had slain -more men than the sword. Doctor Sangrado, on the contrary, -affirmed that with plentiful bleedings, and draughts of warm -water, every disease was to be cured. The common law protects -both opinions, but enacts neither into law. See post. 879. -</p> - -<p> -879. Howard, in his <span lang="fr_FR">Contumes Anglo-Normandes,</span> 1. 87, notices -the falsification of the laws of Alfred, by prefixing to them -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_317'>[317]</a></span>four chapters of the Jewish law, to wit: the 20th, 21st, 22d and -23d chapters of Exodus, to which he might have added the 15th -chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, v. 23, and precepts from -other parts of the scripture. These he calls a <span lang="fr_FR"><i>hors d'œuvre</i></span> of -some pious copyist. This awkward monkish fabrication makes -the preface to Alfred's genuine laws stand in the body of the -work, and the very words of Alfred himself prove the fraud; -for he declares, in that preface, that he has collected these laws -from those of Ina, of Offa, Aethelbert and his ancestors, saying -nothing of any of them being taken from the Scriptures. It is -still more certainly proved by the inconsistencies it occasions. -For example, the Jewish legislator Exodus xxi. 12, 13, 14, -(copied by the Pseudo Alfred § 13,) makes murder, with the Jews, -death. But Alfred himself, Le. xxvi., punishes it by a fine only, -called a Weregild, proportioned to the condition of the person -killed. It is remarkable that Hume (append. 1 to his History) -examining this article of the laws of Alfred, without perceiving -the fraud, puzzles himself with accounting for the inconsistency -it had introduced. To strike a pregnant woman so that she die -is death by Exodus, xxi. 22, 23, and Pseud. Alfr. § 18; but by -the laws of Alfred ix., pays a Weregild for both woman and -child. To smite out an eye, or a tooth, Exod. xxi. 24-27. -Pseud. Alfr. § 19, 20, if of a servant by his master, is freedom to -the servant; in every other case retaliation. But by Alfr. Le. -xl. a fixed indemnification is paid. Theft of an ox, or a sheep, -by the Jewish law, Exod. xxii. 1, was repaid five-fold for the -ox and four-fold for the sheep; by the Pseudograph § 24, the -ox double, the sheep four-fold; but by Alfred Le. xvi., he who -stole a cow and a calf was to repay the worth of the cow and -401 for the calf. Goring by an ox was the death of the ox, and -the flesh not to be eaten. Exod. xxi. 28. Pseud. Alfr. § 21 by -Alfred Le. xxiv., the wounded person had the ox. The Pseudograph -makes municipal laws of the ten commandments, § 1—10, -regulates concubinage, § 12, makes it death to strike or to -curse father or mother, § 14, 15, gives an eye for an eye, tooth -for a tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_318'>[318]</a></span>wound for wound, strife for strife, § 19; sells the thief to repay -his theft, § 24; obliges the fornicator to marry the woman he -has lain with, § 29; forbids interest on money, § 35; makes -the laws of bailment, § 28, very different from what Lord Holt -delivers in Coggs v. Bernard, ante 92, and what Sir William -Jones tells us they were; and punishes witchcraft with death, -§ 30, which Sir Matthew Hale, 1 H. P. C. B. 1, ch. 33, declares -was not a felony before the Stat. 1, Jac. 12. It was under that -statute, and not this forgery, that he hung Rose Cullender and -Amy Duny, 16 Car. 2, (1662,) on whose trial he declared "that -there were such creatures as witches he made no doubt at all; -for first the Scripture had affirmed so much, secondly the wisdom -of all nations had provided laws against such persons, and such -hath been the judgment of this kingdom, as appears by that act -of Parliament which hath provided punishment proportionable -to the quality of the offence." And we must certainly allow -greater weight to this position that "it was no felony till -James' Statute," laid down deliberately in his H. P. C., a work -which he wrote to be printed, finished, and transcribed for the -press in his life time, than to the hasty scripture that "at <i>common -law</i> witchcraft was punished with death as heresy, by -writ <span lang="la">de Heretico Comburendo</span>" in his Methodical Summary of -the P. C. p. 6, a work "not intended for the press, not fitted for -it, and which he declared himself he had never read over since -it was written;" Pref. Unless we understand his meaning in -that to be that witchcraft could not be punished at common law -as witchcraft, but as heresy. In either sense, however, it is a -denial of this pretended law of Alfred. Now, all men of reading -know that these pretended laws of homicide, concubinage, -theft, retaliation, compulsory marriage, usury, bailment, and others -which might have been cited, from the Pseudograph, were never -the laws of England, not even in Alfred's time; and of course -that it is a forgery. Yet palpable as it must be to every lawyer, -the English judges have piously avoided lifting the veil under -which it was shrouded. In truth, the alliance between Church -and State in England has ever made their judges accomplices in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_319'>[319]</a></span>the frauds of the clergy; and even bolder than they are. For -instead of being contented with these four surreptitious chapters of -Exodus, they have taken the whole leap, and declared at once -that the whole Bible and Testament in a lump, make a part of -the common law; ante 873: the first judicial declaration of -which was by this same Sir Matthew Hale. And thus they incorporate -into the English code laws made for the Jews alone, -and the precepts of the gospel, intended by their benevolent author -as obligatory only in <span lang="la"><i>foro concientiæ</i></span>; and they arm the -whole with the coercions of municipal law. In doing this, too, -they have not even used the Connecticut caution of declaring, -as is done in their blue laws, that the laws of God shall be the -laws of their land, except where their own contradict them; but -they swallow the yea and nay together. Finally, in answer to -Fortescue Aland's question why the ten commandments should -not now be a part of the common law of England? we may -say they are not because they never were made so by legislative -authority, the document which has imposed that doubt on him -being a manifest forgery. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DR. JOHN MANNERS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 22, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The opinion which, in your letter of January 24, you -are pleased to ask of me, on the comparative merits of the different -methods of classification adopted by different writers on -Natural History, is one which I could not have given satisfactorily, -even at the earlier period at which the subject was more familiar; -still less, after a life of continued occupation in civil concerns -has so much withdrawn me from studies of that kind. I -can, therefore, answer but in a very general way. And the text -of this answer will be found in an observation in your letter, -where, speaking of nosological systems, you say that disease has -been found to be an unit. Nature has, in truth, produced units -only through all her works. Classes, orders, genera, species, are -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_320'>[320]</a></span>not of her work. Her creation is of individuals. No two animals -are exactly alike; no two plants, nor even two leaves or -blades of grass; no two crystallizations. And if we may venture -from what is within the cognizance of such organs as ours, -to conclude on that beyond their powers, we must believe that -no two particles of matter are of exact resemblance. This infinitude -of units or individuals being far beyond the capacity of our -memory, we are obliged, in aid of that, to distribute them into -masses, throwing into each of these all the individuals which -have a certain degree of resemblance; to subdivide these again -into smaller groups, according to certain points of dissimilitude -observable in them, and so on until we have formed what we -call a system of classes, orders, genera and species. In doing -this, we fix arbitrarily on such characteristic resemblances and -differences as seem to us most prominent and invariable in the -several subjects, and most likely to take a strong hold in our -memories. Thus Ray formed one classification on such lines of -division as struck him most favorably; Klein adopted another; -Brisson a third, and other naturalists other designations, till Linnæus -appeared. Fortunately for science, he conceived in the -three kingdoms of nature, modes of classification which obtained -the approbation of the learned of all nations. His system was -accordingly adopted by all, and united all in a general language. -It offered the three great desiderata: First, of aiding the -memory to retain a knowledge of the productions of nature. -Secondly, of rallying all to the same names for the same objects, -so that they could communicate understandingly on them. And -Thirdly, of enabling them, when a subject was first presented, to -trace it by its character up to the conventional name by which it -was agreed to be called. This classification was indeed liable -to the imperfection of bringing into the same group individuals -which, though resembling in the characteristics adopted by the -author for his classification, yet have strong marks of dissimilitude -in other respects. But to this objection every mode of classification -must be liable, because the plan of creation is inscrutable -to our limited faculties. Nature has not arranged her productions -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_321'>[321]</a></span>on a single and direct line. They branch at every step, and -in every direction, and he who attempts to reduce them into departments, -is left to do it by the lines of his own fancy. The -objection of bringing together what are disparata in nature, lies -against the classifications of Blumenbach and of Cuvier, as well -as that of Linnæus, and must forever lie against all. Perhaps -not in equal degree; on this I do not pronounce. But neither is -this so important a consideration as that of uniting all nations -under one language in Natural History. This had been happily -effected by Linnæus, and can scarcely be hoped for a second -time. Nothing indeed is so desperate as to make all mankind -agree in giving up a language they possess, for one which they -have to learn. The attempt leads directly to the confusion of -the tongues of Babel. Disciples of Linnæus, of Blumenbach, -and of Cuvier, exclusively possessing their own nomenclatures, -can no longer communicate intelligibly with one another. However -much, therefore, we are indebted to both these naturalists, -and to Cuvier especially, for the valuable additions they have -made to the sciences of nature, I cannot say they have rendered -her a service in this attempt to innovate in the settled nomenclature -of her productions; on the contrary, I think it will be a -check on the progress of science, greater or less, in proportion as -their schemes shall more or less prevail. They would have -rendered greater service by holding fast to the system on which -we had once all agreed, and by inserting into that such new genera, -orders, or even classes, as new discoveries should call for. -Their systems, too, and especially that of Blumenbach, are liable -to the objection of giving too much into the province of anatomy. -It may be said, indeed, that anatomy is a part of natural -history. In the broad sense of the word, it certainly is. In -that sense, however, it would comprehend all the natural sciences, -every created thing being a subject of natural history <span lang="la">in extenso</span>. -But in the subdivisions of general science, as has been observed -in the particular one of natural history, it has been necessary to -draw arbitrary lines, in order to accommodate our limited views. -According to these, as soon as the structure of any natural production -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_322'>[322]</a></span>is destroyed by art, it ceases to be a subject of natural -history, and enters into the domain ascribed to chemistry, to -pharmacy, to anatomy, &c. Linnæus' method was liable to this -objection so far as it required the aid of anatomical dissection, as -of the heart, for instance, to ascertain the place of any animal, or -of a chemical process for that of a mineral substance. It would -certainly be better to adopt as much as possible such exterior and -visible characteristics as every traveller is competent to observe, -to ascertain and to relate. But with this objection, lying but in -a small degree, Linnæus' method was received, understood, and -conventionally settled among the learned, and was even getting -into common use. To disturb it then was unfortunate. The -new system attempted in botany, by Jussieu, in mineralogy, by -Haüy, are subjects of the same regret, and so also the no-system -of Buffon, the great advocate of individualism in opposition to -classification. He would carry us back to the days and to the -confusion of Aristotle and Pliny, give up the improvements of -twenty centuries, and co-operate with the neologists in rendering -the science of one generation useless to the next by perpetual -changes of its language. In botany, Wildenow and Persoon -have incorporated into Linnæus the new discovered plants. I -do not know whether any one has rendered us the same service -as to his natural history. It would be a very acceptable one. -The materials furnished by Humboldt, and those from New -Holland particularly, require to be digested into the Catholic system. -Among these, the Ornithorhyncus mentioned by you, is an -amusing example of the anomalies by which nature sports with -our schemes of classification. Although without mammæ, naturalists -are obliged to place it in the class of mammiferæ; and -Blumenbach, particularly, arranges it in his order of Palmipeds -and toothless genus, with the walrus and manatie. In Linnæus' -system it might be inserted as a new genus between the anteater -and manis, in the order of Bruta. It seems, in truth, to have -stronger relations with that class than any other in the construction -of the heart, its red and warm blood, hairy integuments, in -being quadruped and viviparous, and may we not say, in its <i>tout -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_323'>[323]</a></span>ensemble</i>, which Buffon makes his sole principle of arrangement? -The mandible, as you observe, would draw it towards the birds, -were not this characteristic overbalanced by the weightier ones -before mentioned. That of the Cloaca is equivocal, because although -a character of birds, yet some mammalia, as the beaver -and sloth, have the rectum and urinary passage terminating at a -common opening. Its ribs also, by their number and structure, -are nearer those of the bird than of the mammalia. It is possible -that further opportunities of examination may discover the -mammæ. Those of the Opossum are asserted, by the Chevalier -d'Aboville, from his own observations on that animal, made while -here with the French army, to be not discoverable until pregnancy, -and to disappear as soon as the young are weaned. The -Duckbill has many additional particularities which liken it to -other genera, and some entirely peculiar. Its description and history -needs yet further information. -</p> - -<p> -In what I have said on the method of classing, I have not at -all meant to insinuate that that of Linnæus is intrinsically preferable -to those of Blumenbach and Cuvier. I adhere to the -Linnean because it is sufficient as a ground-work, admits of supplementary -insertions as new productions are discovered, and -mainly because it has got into so general use that it will not be -easy to displace it, and still less to find another which shall have -the same singular fortune of obtaining the general consent. -During the attempt we shall become unintelligible to one another, -and science will be really retarded by efforts to advance -it made by its most favorite sons. I am not myself apt to be -alarmed at innovations recommended by reason. That dread belongs -to those whose interests or prejudices shrink from the advance -of truth and science. My reluctance is to give up an universal -language of which we are in possession, without an assurance -of general consent to receive another. And the higher -the character of the authors recommending it, and the more -excellent what they offer, the greater the danger of producing -schism. -</p> - -<p> -I should seem to need apology for these long remarks to you -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_324'>[324]</a></span>who are so much more recent in these studies, but I find it in -your particular request and my own respect for it, and with that -be pleased to accept the assurance of my esteem and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, February, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I was nibbing my pen and brushing my faculties, -to write a polite letter of thanks to Mr. Counsellor Barton, for his -valuable memoirs of Dr. Rittenhouse, (though I could not account -for his sending it to me), when I received your favor of -January 25th. I now most cordially endorse my thanks over to -you. The book is in the modern American style, an able imitation -of Marshall's Washington, though far more entertaining -and instructive; a Washington Mausoleum; an Egyptian pyramid. -I shall never read it any more than Taylor's aristocracy. -Mrs. Adams reads it with great delight, and reads to me what she -finds interesting, and that is indeed the whole book. I have not -time to hear it all. -</p> - -<p> -Rittenhouse was a virtuous and amiable man, an exquisite mechanician, -master of the astronomy known in his time; an expert -mathematician, a patient calculator of numbers. But we -have had a Winthrop, an Andrew Oliver, a Willard, a Webber, -his equals, and we have a Bowditch his superior in all these particulars, -except the mechanism. But you know Philadelphia is -the heart, the censorium, the pineal gland of the United States. -</p> - -<p> -In politics, Rittenhouse was a good, simple, ignorant, well-meaning, -Franklinian democrat, totally ignorant of the world. -As an anchorite, an honest dupe of the French Revolution; a -mere instrument of Jonathan Dickinson Sargent, Dr. Hutchinson, -Genet, and Mifflin, I give him all the credit of his Planetarium. -The improvement of the Orrery to the Planetarium was -an easy, natural thought, and nothing was wanting but calculations -of orbits Distranus, and periods of revolutions; all of which -were made to his hands long before he existed. Patience, perseverance, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_325'>[325]</a></span>and sleight of hand, is his undoubted merit and praise. -I had read Taylor in the Senate, till his style was so familiar to me -that I had not read three pages, before I suspected the author. I -wrote a letter to him, and he candidly acknowledged that the -six hundred and fifty pages were sent me with his consent. I -wait with impatience for the publication, and annunciation of -the work. Arator ought not to have been adulterated with politics, -but his precept "Gather up the fragments that nothing be -lost," is of inestimable value in agriculture and horticulture. -Every weed, cob, husk, stalk, ought to be saved for manure. -</p> - -<p> -Your researches in the laws of England establishing Christianity -as the law of the land, and part of the common law, are curious -and very important. Questions without number will arise in this -country. Religious controversies, and ecclesiastical contests, are -as common, and will be as sharp as any in civil politics, foreign -and domestic. In what sense, and to what extent the Bible -is law, may give rise to as many doubts and quarrels as any of -our civil, political, military, or maritime laws, and will intermix -with them all, to irritate factions of every sort. I dare not look -beyond my nose into futurity. Our money, our commerce, our -religion, our National and State Constitutions, even our arts and -sciences, are so many seed plots, of division, faction, sedition -and rebellion. Everything is transmuted into an instrument of -electioneering. Election is the grand Brahma, the immortal -Lama, I had almost said, the Juggernaut; for wives are almost -ready to burn upon the pile, and children to be thrown under -the wheel. You will perceive, by these figures, that I have been -looking into oriental history, and Hindoo religion. I have read -voyages, and travels, and everything I could collect, and the last -is Priestley's "Comparison of the Institutions of Moses with those -of the Hindoos, and other Ancient Nations," a work of great labor, -and not less haste. I thank him for the labor, and forgive, -though I lament the hurry. You would be fatigued to read, and -I, just recruiting from a little longer confinement and indisposition -than I have had for thirty years, have not strength to -write many observations. But I have been disappointed in the -principal points of my curiosity: -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_326'>[326]</a></span>1st. I am disappointed by finding that no just comparison can -be made, because the original Shasta, and the original Vedams -are not obtained, or if obtained, not yet translated into any European -language. -</p> - -<p> -2d. In not finding such morsels of the sacred books as have -been translated and published, which are more honorable to the -original Hindoo religion than anything he has quoted. -</p> - -<p> -3d. In not finding a full development of the history of the -doctrine of the Metempsichosis which originated— -</p> - -<p> -4th. In the history of the rebellion of innumerable hosts of -angels in Heaven against the Supreme Being, who after some -thousands of years of war, conquered them, and hurled them -down to the regions of total darkness, where they have suffered -a part of the punishment of their crime, and then were mercifully -released from prison, permitted to ascend to earth, and migrate -into all sorts of animals, reptiles, birds, beasts, and men, -according to their rank and character, and even into vegetables, -and minerals, there to serve on probation. If they passed without -reproach their several gradations, they were permitted to become -cows and men. If as men they behaved well, <i>i. e.</i> to the -satisfaction of the priests, they were restored to their original -rank and bliss in Heaven. -</p> - -<p> -5th. In not finding the Trinity of Pythagoras and Plato, their -contempt of matter, flesh, and blood, their almost adoration of -fire and water, their metempsichosis, and even the prohibition of -beans, so evidently derived from India. -</p> - -<p> -6th. In not finding the prophecy of Enoch deduced from India, -in which the fallen angels make such a figure. But you are -weary. Priestley has proved the superiority of the Hebrews to -the Hindoos, as they appear in the Gentoo laws, and institutes -of Menu; but the comparison remains to be made with the -Shasta. -</p> - -<p> -In his remarks on Mr. Dupuis, page 342, Priestley says: "The -History of the fallen angels is another circumstance, on which -Mr. Dupuis lays much stress. According to the Christians, he -says, Vol. I, page 336, there was from the beginning a division -among the angels; some remaining faithful to the light, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_327'>[327]</a></span>others taking the part of darkness, &c.; but this supposed history -is not found in the Scriptures. It has only been inferred, -from a wrong interpretation of one passage in the 2d epistle of -Peter, and a corresponding one in that of Jude, as has been shown -by judicious writers. That there is such a person as the Devil, -is not a part of my faith, nor that of many other Christians, -nor am I sure that it was the belief of any of the Christian -writers. Neither do I believe the doctrine of demoniacal possessions, -whether it was believed by the sacred writers or not; -and yet my unbelief in these articles does not affect my faith in -the great facts of which the Evangelists were eye and ear witnesses. -They might not be competent judges in the one case, -though perfectly so with respect to the other." -</p> - -<p> -I will ask Priestley, when I see him, do you believe those passages -in Peter and Jude to be interpolations? If so, by whom -made? And when? And where? And for what end? Was it -to support, or found, the doctrine of the fall of man, original -sin, the universal corruption, depravation and guilt of human -nature and mankind; and the subsequent incarnation of God to -make atonement and redemption? Or do you think that Peter -and Jude believed the book of Enoch to have been written by -the seventh from Adam, and one of the sacred canonical books -of the Hebrew Prophets? Peter, 2d epistle, c. 2d, v. 4th, says -"For if God spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them -down to <i>hell</i>, and delivered them into chains of <i>darkness</i> to be -reserved unto Judgment." Jude, v. 6th says, "and the angels -which kept their first estate, but left their own habitations, he -hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness, unto the -judgment of the great day." Verse 14th, "And Enoch, also, -the seventh from Adam, prophesied of these sayings, behold the -Lord cometh with ten thousands of his saints, to execute judgment -upon all," &c. Priestley says, "a wrong interpretation" -has been given to these texts. I wish he had favored us with -his right interpretation of them. In another place, page 326, -Priestley says, "There is no circumstance of which Mr. Dupuis -avails himself so much, or repeats so often, both with respect to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_328'>[328]</a></span>the Jewish and Christian religions, as the history of the <i>Fall of -Man</i>, in the book of Genesis." I believe with him, and have -maintained in my writings, that this history is either an allegory, -or founded on uncertain tradition, that it is an hypothesis to account -for the origin of evil, adopted by Moses, which by no -means accounts for the facts. -</p> - -<p> -<i>March 3d.</i> So far was written almost a month ago; but sickness -has prevented progress. I had much more to say about this -work. I shall never be a disciple of Priestley. He is as absurd, -inconsistent, credulous and incomprehensible, as Athanasius. -Read his letter to the Jews in this volume. Could a rational -creature write it? Aye! such rational creatures as Rochefoucauld, -and Condorcet, and John Taylor, in politics, and Towers' -Jurieus, and French Prophets in Theology. Priestley's account -of the philosophy and religion of India, appears to me to be -such a work as a man of busy research would produce—who -should undertake to describe Christianity from the sixth to -the twelfth century, when a deluge of wonders overflowed the -world; when miracles were performed and proclaimed from -every convent, and monastery, hospital, churchyard, mountain, -valley, cave and cupola. -</p> - -<p> -There is a book which I wish I possessed. It has never -crossed the Atlantic. It is entitled <span lang="la">Acta Sanctorum</span>, in forty-seven -volumes in folio. It contains the lives of the Saints. It -was compiled in the beginning of the sixteenth century by -Bollandus, Henschenius and Papebrock. What would I give to -possess in one immense mass, one stupendous draught, all the -legends, true, doubtful and false. -</p> - -<p> -These Bollandists dared to discuss some of the facts, and hint -that some of them were doubtful. E. G. Papebrock doubted -the antiquity of the Carmellites from Elias; and whether the -face of Jesus Christ was painted on the handkerchief of St. -Véronique; and whether the prepuce of the Saviour of the -world, which was shown in the church of Antwerp, could be -proved to be genuine? For these bold scepticisms he was libelled -in pamphlets, and denounced by the Pope, and the Inquisition -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_329'>[329]</a></span>in Spain. The Inquisition condemned him; but the Pope -not daring to acquit or condemn him, prohibited all writings pro. -and con. But as the physicians cure one disease by exciting -another, as a fever by a salivation, this Bull was produced by a -new claim. The brothers of the Order of Charity asserted a -descent from Abraham, nine hundred years anterior to the Carmellites. -</p> - -<p> -A philosopher who should write a description of Christianism -from the Bollandistic Saints of the sixth and tenth century -would probably produce a work tolerably parallel to Priestley's -upon the Hindoos. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GIDEON GRANGER, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 9, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of February 22d came to hand on -the 4th instant. Nothing is so painful to me as appeals to my -memory on the subject of past transactions. From 1775 to -1809, my life was an unremitting course of public transactions, -so numerous, so multifarious, and so diversified by places and -persons, that, like the figures of a magic lanthern, their succession -was with a rapidity that scarcely gave time for fixed impressions. -Add to this the decay of memory consequent on advancing -years, and it will not be deemed wonderful that I should -be a stranger as it were even to my own transactions. Of some -indeed I retain recollections of the particular, as well as general -circumstances; of others a strong impression of the general fact, -with an oblivion of particulars; but of a great mass, not a trace -either of general or particular remains in my mind. I have duly -pondered the facts stated in your letter, and for the refreshment -of my memory have gone over the letters which passed between -us while I was in the administration of the government, have -examined my private notes, and such other papers as could assist -me in the recovery of the facts, and shall now state them <span lang="la">seriatim</span> -from your letter, and give the best account of them I am -able to derive from the joint sources of memory and papers. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_330'>[330]</a></span>"I have been denounced as a Burrite; but you know that in -1800 I sent Erving from Boston to inform Virginia of the danger -resulting from his intrigues." I well remember Mr. Erving's -visit to this State about that time, and his suggestions of the designs -meditated in the quarter you mention; but as my duties -on the occasion were to be merely passive, he of course, as I -presume, addressed his communications more particularly to those -who were free to use them. I do not recollect his mentioning -you; but I find that in your letter to me of April 26, 1804, you -state your agency on that occasion, so that I have no reason to -doubt the fact. -</p> - -<p> -"That in 1803-4, on my advice, you procured Erastus Granger -to inform De Witt Clinton of the plan to elevate Burr in -New York." Here I do not recollect the particulars; but I have -a general recollection that Colonel Burr's conduct had already, -at that date rendered his designs suspicious; that being for that -reason laid aside by his constituents as Vice President, and aiming -to become the Governor of New York, it was thought advisable -that the persons of influence in that State should be put -on their guard; and Mr. Clinton being eminent, no one was -more likely to receive intimations from us, nor any one more -likely to be confided in for their communication than yourself. -I have no doubt therefore of the fact, and the less because in -your letter to me of October 9, 1806, you remind me of it. -</p> - -<p> -About the same period, that is, in the winter of 1803-4, another -train of facts took place which, although not specifically stated -in your letter, I think it but justice to yourself that I should -state. I mean the intrigues which were in agitation, and at the -bottom of which we believed Colonel Burr to be; to form a -coalition of the five eastern States, with New York and New Jersey, -under the new appellation of the seven eastern States; either -to overawe the Union by the combination of their power and -their will, or by threats of separating themselves from it. Your -intimacy with some of those in the secret gave you opportunities -of searching into their proceedings, of which you made me -daily and confidential reports. This intimacy to which I had -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_331'>[331]</a></span>such useful recourse, at the time, rendered you an object of suspicion -with many as being yourself a partisan of Colonel Burr, -and engaged in the very combination which you were faithfully -employed in defeating. I never failed to justify you to all those -who brought their suspicions to me, and to assure them of my -knowledge of your fidelity. Many were the individuals, then -members of the legislature, who received these assurances from -me, and whose apprehensions were thereby quieted. This first -project of Colonel Burr having vanished in smoke, he directed -to the western country those views which are the subject of -your next article. -</p> - -<p> -"That in 1806, I communicated by the first mail after I had -got knowledge of the fact, the supposed plans of Burr in his -western expedition; upon which communication your council -was first called together to take measures in relation to that subject." -Not exactly on that single communication; on the 15th -and 18th of September, I had received letters from Colonel -George Morgan, and from a Mr. Nicholson of New York, suggesting -in a general way the manœuvres of Colonel Burr. Similar -information came to the Secretary of State from a Mr. Williams -of New York. The indications, however, were so vague -that I only desired their increased attention to the subject, and -further communications of what they should discover. Your -letter of October 16, conveying the communications of General -Eaton to yourself and to Mr. Ely gave a specific view of the -objects of this new conspiracy, and corroborating our previous -information, I called the Cabinet together, on the 22d of October, -when specific measures were adopted for meeting the dangers -threatened in the various points in which they might occur. -I say your letter of October 16 gave this information, because -its date, with the circumstance of its being no longer on my files, -induce me to infer it was that particular letter, which having -been transferred to the bundle of the documents of that conspiracy, -delivered to the Attorney General, is no longer in my -possession. -</p> - -<p> -Your mission of Mr. Pease on the route to New Orleans, at -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_332'>[332]</a></span>the time of that conspiracy, with powers to see that the mails -were expected, and to dismiss at once every agent of the Post -Office whose fidelity could be justly doubted, and to substitute -others on the spot was a necessary measure, taken with my approbation; -and he executed the trusts to my satisfaction. I do -not know however that my subsequent appointment of him to -the office of Surveyor General was influenced, as you suppose, -by those services. My motives in that appointment were my -personal knowledge of his mathematical qualifications and satisfactory -informations of the other parts of his character. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the dismission of the prosecutions for sedition -in Connecticut, it is well known to have been a tenet of the republican -portion of our fellow citizens, that the sedition law was -contrary to the constitution and therefore void. On this ground -I considered it as a nullity wherever I met it in the course of -my duties; and on this ground I directed <span lang="la"><i>nolle prosequis</i></span> in all -the prosecutions which had been instituted under it, and as far -as the public sentiment can be inferred from the occurrences of -the day, we may say that this opinion had the sanction of the -nation. The prosecutions, therefore, which were afterwards instituted -in Connecticut, of which two were against printers, two -against preachers, and one against a judge, were too inconsistent -with this principle to be permitted to go on. We were bound to -administer to others the same measure of law, not which they -had meted to us, but we to ourselves, and to extend to all equally -the protection of the same constitutional principles. These -prosecutions, too, were chiefly for charges against myself, and I -had from the beginning laid it down as a rule to notice nothing -of the kind. I believed that the long course of services in which -I had acted on the public stage, and under the eye of my fellow -citizens, furnished better evidence to them of my character and -principles, than the angry invectives of adverse partisans in whose -eyes the very acts most approved by the majority were subjects -of the greatest demerit and censure. These prosecutions against -them, therefore, were to be dismissed as a matter of duty. But -I wished it to be done with all possible respect to the worthy -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_333'>[333]</a></span>citizens who had advised them, and in such way as to spare -their feelings which had been justly irritated by the intemperance -of their adversaries. As you were of that State and intimate -with these characters, the business was confided to you, and you -executed it to my perfect satisfaction. -</p> - -<p> -These I think are all the particular facts on which you have -asked my testimony, and I add with pleasure, and under a sense -of duty, the declaration that the increase of rapidity in the movement -of the mails which had been vainly attempted before, were -readily undertaken by you on your entrance into office, and zealously -and effectually carried into execution, and that the affairs -of the office were conducted by you with ability and diligence, -so long as I had opportunities of observing them. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the first article mentioned in your letter, in -which I am neither concerned nor consulted, I will yet, as a -friend, volunteer my advice. I never knew anything of it, nor -would ever listen to such gossiping trash. Be assured, my dear -Sir, that the dragging such a subject before the public will excite -universal reprobation, and they will drown in their indignation -all the solid justifications which they would otherwise have received -and weighed with candor. Consult your own experience, -reflect on the similar cases which have happened within your -own knowledge, and see if ever there was a single one in which -such a mode of recrimination procured favor to him who used it. -You may give pain where perhaps you wish it, but be assured -it will re-act on yourself with double though delayed effect, and -that it will be one of those incidents of your life on which you -will never reflect with satisfaction. Be advised, then; erase it -even from your memory, and stand erect before the world on the -high ground of your own merits, without stooping to what is -unworthy either of your or their notice. Remember that we -often repent of what we have said, but never, never of that which -we have not. You may have time enough hereafter to mend -your hold, if ever it can be mended by such matter as that. -Take time then, and do not commit your happiness and public -estimation by too much precipitancy. I am entirely uninformed -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_334'>[334]</a></span>of the state of things which you say exists, and which will oblige -you to make a solemn appeal to the nation, in vindication of your -character. But whatever that be, I feel it a duty to bear testimony -to the truth, and I have suggested with frankness other -considerations occurring to myself, because I wish you well, and -I add sincere assurances of my great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HORATIO G. SPAFFORD. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 17, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I am an unpunctual correspondent at best. While -my affairs permit me to be within doors, I am too apt to take up -a book and to forget the calls of the writing-table. Besides this, -I pass a considerable portion of my time at a possession so distant, -and uncertain as to its mails, that my letters always await -my return here. This must apologise for my being so late in -acknowledging your two favors of December 17th and January -28th, as also that of the Gazetteer, which came safely to hand. -I have read it with pleasure, and derived from it much information -which I did not possess before. I wish we had as full a -statement as to all our States. We should know ourselves better, -our circumstances and resources, and the advantageous ground -we stand on as a whole. We are certainly much indebted to -you for this fund of valuable information. I join in your reprobation -of our merchants, priests, and lawyers, for their adherence -to England and monarchy, in preference to their own country -and its constitution. But merchants have no country. The -mere spot they stand on does not constitute so strong an attachment -as that from which they draw their gains. In every country -and in every age, the priest has been hostile to liberty. He -is always in alliance with the despot, abetting his abuses in return -for protection to his own. It is easier to acquire wealth and -power by this combination than by deserving them, and to effect -this, they have perverted the purest religion ever preached to -man into mystery and jargon, unintelligible to all mankind, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_335'>[335]</a></span>therefore the safer engine for their purposes. With the lawyers -it is a new thing. They have, in the mother country, been generally -the firmest supporters of the free principles of their constitution. -But there too they have changed. I ascribe much of -this to the substitution of Blackstone for my Lord Coke, as an -elementary work. In truth, Blackstone and Hume have made -tories of all England, and are making tories of those young -Americans whose native feelings of independence do not place -them above the wily sophistries of a Hume or a Blackstone. -These two books, but especially the former, have done more towards -the suppression of the liberties of man, than all the million -of men in arms of Bonaparte and the millions of human lives -with the sacrifice of which he will stand loaded before the judgment -seat of his Maker. I fear nothing for our liberty from the -assaults of force; but I have seen and felt much, and fear more -from English books, English prejudices, English manners, and -the apes, the dupes, and designs among our professional crafts. -When I look around me for security against these seductions, I -find it in the wide-spread of our agricultural citizens, in their unsophisticated -minds, their independence and their power, if called -on, to crush the Humists of our cities, and to maintain the principles -which severed us from England. I see our safety in the -extent of our confederacy, and in the probability that in the proportion -of that the sound parts will always be sufficient to crush -local poisons. In this hope I rest, and tender you the assurance -of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GIRARDIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 18, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—According to your request of the other day, I send -you my formula and explanation of Lord Napier's theorem, for -the solution of right-angled spherical triangles. With you I -think it strange that the French mathematicians have not used -or noticed this method more than they have done. Montucla, in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_336'>[336]</a></span>his account of Lord Napier's inventions, expresses a like surprise -at this fact, and does justice to the ingenuity, the elegance, and -convenience of the theorem, which, by a single rule easily preserved -in the memory, supplies the whole table of cases given in -the books of spherical trigonometry. Yet he does not state the -rule, but refers for it to Wolf, <span lang="fr_FR">Cours de Mathematiques</span>. I have -not the larger work of Wolf; and in the French translation of -his abridgement, (by some member of the congregation of St. -Maur,) the branch of spherical trigonometry is entirely omitted. -Potter, one of the English authors of Courses of Mathematics, -has given the Catholic proposition, as it is called, but in terms -unintelligible, and leading to error, until, by repeated trials, we -have ascertained the meaning of some of his equivocal expressions. -In Robert Simson's Euclid we have the theorem with its -demonstrations, but less aptly for the memory, divided into two -rules, and these are extended as the original was, only to the -cases of right-angled triangles. Hutton, in his Course of Mathematics, -declines giving the rules, as "too artificial to be applied -by young computists." But I do not think this. It is true that -when we use them, their demonstration is not always present to -the mind; but neither is this the case generally in using mathematical -theorems, or in the various steps of an algebraical process. -We act on them, however, mechanically, and with confidence, -as truths of which we have heretofore been satisfied by -demonstration, although we do not at the moment retrace the -processes which establish them. Hutton, however, in his Mathematical -Dictionary, under the terms "circular parts," and "extremes," -has given us the rules, and in all their extensions to -oblique spherical, and to plane triangles. I have endeavored to -reduce them to a form best adapted to my own frail memory, by -couching them in the fewest words possible, and such as cannot, -I think, mislead, or be misunderstood. My formula, with -the explanation which may be necessary for your pupils, is as -follows: -</p> - -<p> -Lord Napier noted first the parts, or elements of a triangle, to -wit, the sides and angles; and expunging from these the right-angle, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_337'>[337]</a></span>as if it were a non-existence, he considered the other five -parts, to wit, the three sides, and two oblique angles, as arranged -in a circle, and therefore called them the circular parts; but chose, -(for simplifying the result,) instead of the hypothenuse and two -oblique angles, themselves, to substitute their complements. So -that his five circular parts are the two legs themselves, and the -complements of the hypothenuse and of the two oblique angles. -If the three of these, given and required, were all adjacent, he -called it the case of conjunct parts, the middle element the <span class='smcap'>MIDDLE -PART</span>, and the two others the <span class='smcap'>EXTREMES</span> disjunct from the -middle or <span class='smcap'>EXTREMES DISJUNCT</span>. He then laid down his catholic -rule, to wit: -</p> - -<p> -"The rectangle of the radius, and sine of the middle part, is -equal to the rectangle of the <i>tangents</i> of the two <span class='smcap'>EXTREMES -CONJUNCT</span>, and to that of the <i>cosines</i> of the two <span class='smcap'>EXTREMES DISJUNCT</span>." -</p> - -<p> -And to aid our recollection in which case the tangents, and in -which the cosines are to be used, preserving the original designations -of the inventor, we may observe that the <i>tangent</i> belongs -to the <i>conjunct</i> case, terms of sufficient affinity to be associated -in the memory; and the sine <i>complement</i> remains of course -for the <i>disjunct case</i>; and further, if you please, that the initials -of radius and sine, which are to be used together, are alphabetical -consecutives. -</p> - -<p> -Lord Napier's rule may also be used for the solution of oblique -spherical triangles. For this purpose a perpendicular must be let -fall from an angle of the given triangle internally on the base, -forming it into two right-angled triangles, one of which may -contain two of the data. Or, if this cannot be done, then letting -it fall externally on the prolongation of the base, so as to form a -right-angled triangle comprehending the oblique one, wherein -two of the data will be common to both. To secure two of the -data from mutilation, this perpendicular must always be let fall -from the end of a given side, and opposite to a given angle. -</p> - -<p> -But there will remain yet two cases wherein Lord Napier's -rule cannot be used, to wit, where all the sides, or all the angles -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_338'>[338]</a></span>alone are given. To meet these two cases, Lord Buchan and -Dr. Minto devised an analogous rule. They considered the sides -themselves, and the supplements of the angles as circular parts -in these cases; and, dropping a perpendicular from any angle -from which it would fall internally on the opposite side, they -assumed that angle, or that side, as the <span class='smcap'>MIDDLE</span> part, and the other -angles, or other sides, as the <span class='smcap'>OPPOSITE</span> or <span class='smcap'>EXTREME</span> parts, disjunct -in both cases. Then "the rectangle under the tangents of half -the sum, and half the difference of the segments of the <span class='smcap'>MIDDLE</span> -part, is equal to the rectangle under the tangents of half the sums, -and half the difference of the <span class='smcap'>OPPOSITE PARTS</span>." -</p> - -<p> -And, since every plane triangle may be considered as described -on the surface of a sphere of an infinite radius, these two rules -may be applied to plane right-angled triangles, and through them -to the oblique. But as Lord Napier's rule gives a direct solution -only in the case of two sides, and an uncomprised angle, one, -two, or three operations, with this combination of parts, may be -necessary to get at that required. -</p> - -<div class="figleft"><a id="triangle"></a> -<img src="images/350.jpg" width="130" height="151" alt="Triangular rule" /> -</div> - -<div class="figright"> -<img src="images/351.jpg" width="96" height="82" alt="Angle" /> -</div> - -<p> -You likewise requested for the use of your school, an explanation -of a method of platting the courses of a survey, which I -mentioned to you as of my own practice. This is so obvious -and simple, that as it occurred to myself, so I presume it has to -others, although I have not seen it stated in any of the books. -For drawing parallel lines, I use the triangular rule, the hypothenusal -side of which being applied to the side -of a common straight rule, the triangle slides -on that, as thus, always parallel to itself. -Instead of drawing meridians on his paper, -let the pupil draw a parallel of latitude, or -east and west line, and note in that a point -for his first station, then applying to it his -protractor, lay off the first course and distance in the usual way -to ascertain his second station. For the second course, lay the triangular -rule to the east and west line, or first parallel, holding the -straight or guide rule firmly against its hypothenusal side. Then -slide up the triangle (for a northerly course) to the point of his -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_339'>[339]</a></span>second station, and pressing it firmly there, lay the protractor to -that, and mark off the second course, and distance as before, for -the third station. Then lay the triangle to the first parallel again, -and sliding it as before to the point of the third station, there -apply to it the protractor for the third course and distance, which -gives the fourth station; and so on. Where a course is southwardly, -lay the protractor, as before, to the northern edge of the -triangle, but prick its reversed course, which reversed again in -drawing, gives the true course. When the station has got so -far from the first parallel, as to be out of the reach of the parallel -rule sliding on its hypothenuse, another parallel must be drawn -by laying the edge, or longer leg of the triangle to -the first parallel as before, applying the guide-rule to -the end, or short leg, (instead of the hypothenuse,) as -in the margin, and sliding the triangle up to the -point for the new parallel. I have found this, in practice, the -quickest and most correct method of platting which I have ever -tried, and the neatest also, because it disfigures the paper with -the fewest unnecessary lines. -</p> - -<p> -If these mathematical trifles can give any facilities to your -pupils, they may in their hands become matters of use, as in -mine they have been of amusement only. -</p> - -<p> -Ever and respectfully yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUFIEF. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 19, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 6th instant is just received, and -I shall with equal willingness and truth, state the degree of -agency you had, respecting the copy of M. de Becourt's book, -which came to my hands. That gentleman informed me, by -letter, that he was about to publish a volume in French, <span lang="fr_FR">"Sur -la Création du Monde, un Systême d'Organisation Primitive,"</span> -which, its title promised to be, either a geological or astronomical -work. I subscribed; and, when published, he sent me a copy; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_340'>[340]</a></span>and as you were my correspondent in the book line in Philadelphia, -I took the liberty of desiring him to call on you for the price, -which, he afterwards informed me, you were so kind as to pay -him for me, being, I believe, two dollars. But the sole copy -which came to me was from himself directly, and, as far as I -know, was never seen by you. -</p> - -<p> -I am really mortified to be told that, <i>in the United States of -America</i>, a fact like this can become a subject of inquiry, and -of criminal inquiry too, as an offence against religion; that a -question about the sale of a book can be carried before the civil -magistrate. Is this then our freedom of religion? and are we to -have a censor whose imprimatur shall say what books may be -sold, and what we may buy? And who is thus to dogmatize -religious opinions for our citizens? Whose foot is to be the -measure to which ours are all to be cut or stretched? Is a priest -to be our inquisitor, or shall a layman, simple as ourselves, set -up his reason as the rule for what we are to read, and what we -must believe? It is an insult to our citizens to question whether -they are rational beings or not, and blasphemy against religion -to suppose it cannot stand the test of truth and reason. If M. de -Becourt's book be false in its facts, disprove them; if false in its -reasoning, refute it. But, for God's sake, let us freely hear both -sides, if we choose. I know little of its contents, having barely -glanced over here and there a passage, and over the table of contents. -From this, the Newtonian philosophy seemed the chief -object of attack, the issue of which might be trusted to the -strength of the two combatants; Newton certainly not needing -the auxiliary arm of the government, and still less the holy -author of our religion, as to what in it concerns him. I thought -the work would be very innocent, and one which might be confided -to the reason of any man; not likely to be much read if -let alone, but, if persecuted, it will be generally read. Every -man in the United States will think it a duty to buy a copy, in -vindication of his right to buy, and to read what he pleases. I -have been just reading the new constitution of Spain. One of -its fundamental basis is expressed in these words: "The <i>Roman -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_341'>[341]</a></span>Catholic</i> religion, the only true one, is, and always shall be, that -of the Spanish nation. The government protects it by wise and -just laws, and prohibits the exercise of any other whatever." -Now I wish this presented to those who question what you may -sell, or we may buy, with a request to strike out the words, -"Roman Catholic," and to insert the denomination of their own -religion. This would ascertain the code of dogmas which each -wishes should domineer over the opinions of all others, and be -taken, like the Spanish religion, under the "protection of wise -and just laws." It would shew to what they wish to reduce the -liberty for which one generation has sacrificed life and happiness. -It would present our boasted freedom of religion as a thing of -theory only, and not of practice, as what would be a poor exchange -for the theoretic thraldom, but practical freedom of -Europe. But it is impossible that the laws of Pennsylvania, -which set us the first example of the wholesome and happy -effects of religious freedom, can permit the inquisitorial functions -to be proposed to their courts. Under them you are surely -safe. -</p> - -<p> -At the date of yours of the 6th, you had not received mine of -the 3d inst., asking a copy of an edition of Newton's Principia, -which I had seen advertised. When the cost of that shall be -known, it shall be added to the balance of $4.93, and incorporated -with a larger remittance I have to make to Philadelphia. -Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO LE CHEVALIER DE ONIS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 28, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you, Sir, for the copy of the new constitution of -Spain which you have been so kind as to send me; and I sincerely -congratulate yourself and the Spanish nation on this great -stride towards political happiness. The invasion of Spain has -been the most unprecedented and unprincipled of the transactions -of modern times. The crimes of its enemies, the licentiousness -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_342'>[342]</a></span>of its associates in defence, the exertions and sufferings -of its inhabitants under slaughter and famine, and its consequent -depopulation, will mark indelibly the baneful ascendancy -of the tyrants of the sea and continent, and characterize with -blood and wretchedness the age in which they have lived. Yet -these sufferings of Spain will be remunerated, her population restored -and increased, under the auspices and protection of this -new constitution; and the miseries of the present generation -will be the price, and even the cheap price of the prosperity of -endless generations to come. -</p> - -<p> -There are parts of this constitution, however, in which you -would expect of course that we should not concur. One of these -is the intolerance of all but the Catholic religion; and no security -provided against the re-establishment of an Inquisition, the exclusive -judge of Catholic opinions, and authorized to proscribe and -punish those it shall deem anti-Catholic. Secondly, the aristocracy, -<span lang="la"><i>quater sublimata</i></span>, of her legislators; for the ultimate electors -of these will themselves have been three times sifted from the mass -of the people, and may choose from the nation at large persons -never named by any of the electoral bodies. But there is one -provision which will immortalize its inventors. It is that which, -after a certain epoch, disfranchises every citizen who cannot -read and write. This is new, and is the fruitful germ of the improvement -of everything good, and the correction of everything -imperfect in the present constitution. This will give you an -enlightened people, and an energetic public opinion which will -control and enchain the aristocratic spirit of the government. -On the whole I hail your country as now likely to resume and -surpass its ancient splendor among nations. This might perhaps -have been better secured by a just confidence in the self-sufficient -strength of the peninsula itself; everything without its -limits being its weakness not its force. If the mother country -has not the magnanimity to part with the colonies in friendship, -thereby making them, what they would certainly be, her -natural and firmest allies, these will emancipate themselves, after -exhausting her strength and resources in ineffectual efforts to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_343'>[343]</a></span>hold them in subjection. They will be rendered enemies of the -mother country, as England has rendered us by an unremitting -course of insulting injuries and silly provocations. I do not -say this from the impulse of national interest, for I do not know -that the United States would find an interest in the independence -of neighbor nations, whose produce and commerce would rivalize -ours. It could only be that kind of interest which every -human being has in the happiness and prosperity of every other. -But putting right and reason out of the question, I have no doubt -that on calculations of interest alone, it is that of Spain to anticipate -voluntarily, and as a matter of grace, the independence of -her colonies, which otherwise necessity will enforce. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. DELAPLAINE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 3, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favors of April 16 and 19, on the subject of the -portraits of Columbus and Americus Vespucius were received on -the 30th. While I resided at Paris, knowing that these portraits -and those of some other of the early American worthies were in -the gallery of Medicis at Florence, I took measures for engaging -a good artist to take and send me copies of them. I considered -it as even of some public concern that our country should not be -without the portraits of its first discoverers. These copies have -already run the risks of transportations from Florence to Paris, -to Philadelphia, to Washington, and lastly to this place, where -they are at length safely deposited. You request me "to forward -them to you at Philadelphia for the purpose of having engravings -taken from them for a work you propose to publish, -and you pledge your honor that they shall be restored to me in -perfect safety." I have no doubt of the sincerity of your intentions -in this pledge; and that it would be complied with as -far as it would be in your power. But the injuries and accidents -of their transportation to Philadelphia and back again are -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_344'>[344]</a></span>not within your control. Besides the rubbing through a land -carriage of six hundred miles, a carriage may overset in a river -or creek, or be crashed with everything in it. The frequency -of such accidents to the stages renders all insurance against them -impossible. And were they to escape the perils of this journey -I should be liable to the same calls, and they to the same or -greater hazards from all those in other parts of the continent who -should propose to publish any work in which they might wish -to employ engravings of the same characters. From public, -therefore, as well as private considerations, I think that these -portraits ought not to be hazarded from their present deposit. -Like public records, I make them free to be copied, but, being as -originals in this country, they should not be exposed to the accidents -or injuries of travelling post. While I regret, therefore, -the necessity of declining to comply with your request, I freely -and with pleasure offer to receive as a guest any artist whom you -shall think proper to engage, and will make them welcome to -take copies at their leisure for your use. I wish them to be -multiplied for safe preservation, and consider them as worthy a -place in every collection. Indeed I do not know how it happened -that Mr. Peale did not think of copying them while they -were in Philadelphia; and I think it not impossible that either -the father or the son might now undertake the journey for the -use of their museum. On the ground of our personal esteem for -them, they would be at home in my family. -</p> - -<p> -When I received these portraits at Paris, Mr. Daniel Parker of -Massachusetts happened to be there, and determined to procure -for himself copies from the same originals at Florence; and I -think he did obtain them, and that I have heard of their being -in the hands of some one in Boston. If so, it might perhaps be -easier to get some artist there to take and send you copies. But -be this as it may, you are perfectly welcome to the benefit of -mine in the way I have mentioned. -</p> - -<p> -The two original portraits of myself taken by Mr. Stewart, -after which you enquire, are both in his possession at Boston. -One of them only is my property. The President has a copy -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_345'>[345]</a></span>from that which Stewart considered as the best of the two; but -I believe it is at his seat in his State. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for the print of Dr. Rush. He was one of my -early and intimate friends, and among the best of men. The -engraving is excellent as is everything from the hand of Mr. Edwin. -Accept the assurance of my respect, and good wishes for -the success of your work. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN F. WATSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 17, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have long been a subscriber to the edition of the Edinburgh -Review first published by Mr. Sargeant, and latterly by -Eastburn, Kirk & Co., and already possess from No. 30 to 42 inclusive; -except that Nos. 31 and 37 never came to hand. These -two and No. 29, I should be glad to receive, with all subsequently -published, through the channel of Messrs. Fitzwhylson & -Potter of Richmond, with whom I originally subscribed, and to -whom it is more convenient to make payment by a standing order -on my correspondent at Richmond. I willingly also subscribe -for the republication of the first twenty-eight numbers to -be furnished me through the same channel, for the convenience -of payment. This work is certainly unrivalled in merit, and if -continued by the same talents, information and principles which -distinguish it in every department of science which it reviews, -it will become a real Encyclopedia, justly taking its station in our -libraries with the most valuable depositories of human knowledge. -Of the Quarterly Review I have not seen many numbers. As -the antagonist of the other it appears to me a pigmy against a -giant. The precept <span lang="la">"audi alteram partem,"</span> on which it is republished -here, should be sacred with the judge who is to decide -between the contending claims of individual and individual. It -is well enough for the young who have yet opinions to make up in -questions of principle in ethics or politics. But to those who have -gone through this process with industry, reflection, and singleness -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_346'>[346]</a></span>of heart, who have formed their conclusions and acted on them -through life, to be reading over and over again what they have -already read, considered and condemned, is an idle waste of time. -It is not in the history of modern England or among the advocates -of the principles or practices of her government, that the -friend of freedom, or of political morality, is to seek instruction. -There has indeed been a period, during which both were to be -found, not in her government, but in the band of worthies who -so boldly and ably reclaimed the rights of the people, and wrested -from their government theoretic acknowledgments of them. -This period began with the Stuarts, and continued but one reign -after them. Since that, the vital principle of the English constitution -is <i>corruption</i>, its practices the natural results of that principle, -and their consequences a pampered aristocracy, annihilation -of the substantial middle class, a degraded populace, oppressive -taxes, general pauperism, and national bankruptcy. -Those who long for these blessings here will find their generating -principles well developed and advocated by the antagonist -of the Edinburgh Review. Still those who doubt should read -them; every man's reason being his own rightful umpire. This -principle, with that of acquiescence in the will of the majority -will preserve us free and prosperous as long as they are sacredly -observed. Accept the assurances of my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. ABRAHAM SMALL. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 20, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I thank you for the copy of the American Speaker -which you have been so kind as to send me. It is a judicious -selection of what has been excellently spoken on both sides of -the Atlantic; and according to your request, I willingly add -some suggestions, should another edition be called for. To the -speeches of Lord Chatham might be added his reply to Horace -Walpole, on the Seamen's bill, in the House of Commons, in -1740, one of the severest which history has recorded. Indeed, -the subsequent speeches in order, to which that reply gave rise -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_347'>[347]</a></span>being few, short and pithy, well merit insertion in such a collection -as this. They are in the twelfth volume of Chandler's Debates -of the House of Commons. But the finest thing, in my -opinion, which the English language has produced, is the defence -of Eugene Aram, spoken by himself at the bar of the York -assizes, in 1759, on a charge of murder, and to be found in the -Annual Register of that date, or a little after. It had been upwards -of fifty years since I had read it, when the receipt of your -letter induced me to look up a MS. copy I had preserved, and on -re-perusal at this age and distance of time, it loses nothing of its -high station in my mind for classical style, close logic, and strong -representation. I send you this copy which was taken for me -by a school-boy, replete with errors of punctuation, of orthography, -and sometimes substitutions of one word for another. It -would be better to recur to the Annual Register itself for correctness, -where also I think are stated the circumstances and issue -of the case. To these I would add the short, the nervous, the -unanswerable speech of Carnot, in 1803, on the proposition to -declare Bonaparte consul for life. This creed of republicanism -should be well translated, and placed in the hands and heart of -every friend to the rights of self-government. I consider these -speeches of Aram and Carnot, and that of Logan, inserted in -your collection, as worthily standing in a line with those of -Scipio and Hannibal in Livy, and of Cato and Cæsar in Sallust. -On examining the Indian speeches in my possession, I find none -which are not already in your collection, except that my copy of -the corn-planter's has much in it which yours has not. But observing -that the omissions relate to special subjects only, I presume -they are made purposely and indeed properly. -</p> - -<p> -I must add more particular thanks for the kind expressions of -your letter towards myself. These testimonies of approbation -from my fellow-citizens, offered too when the lapse of time may -have cooled and matured their opinions, are an ample reward for -such services as I have been able to render them, and are peculiarly -gratifying in a state of retirement and reflection. I pray -you to accept the assurance of my respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_348'>[348]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS LAW, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, June 13, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The copy of your Second Thoughts on Instinctive -Impulses, with the letter accompanying it, was received just -as I was setting out on a journey to this place, two or three days' -distant from Monticello. I brought it with me and read it with -great satisfaction, and with the more as it contained exactly my -own creed on the foundation of morality in man. It is really -curious that on a question so fundamental, such a variety of -opinions should have prevailed among men, and those, too, of the -most exemplary virtue and first order of understanding. It shows -how necessary was the care of the Creator in making the moral -principle so much a part of our constitution as that no errors of -reasoning or of speculation might lead us astray from its observance -in practice. Of all the theories on this question, the most -whimsical seems to have been that of Wollaston, who considers -<i>truth</i> as the foundation of morality. The thief who steals your -guinea does wrong only inasmuch as he acts a lie in using your -guinea as if it were his own. Truth is certainly a branch of -morality, and a very important one to society. But presented as -its foundation, it is as if a tree taken up by the roots, had its -stem reversed in the air, and one of its branches planted in the -ground. Some have made the <i>love of God</i> the foundation of -morality. This, too, is but a branch of our moral duties, which -are generally divided into duties to God and duties to man. If -we did a good act merely from the love of God and a belief that -it is pleasing to Him, whence arises the morality of the Atheist? -It is idle to say, as some do, that no such being exists. We have -the same evidence of the fact as of most of those we act on, -to-wit: their own affirmations, and their reasonings in support -of them. I have observed, indeed, generally, that while in protestant -countries the defections from the Platonic Christianity of -the priests is to Deism, in catholic countries they are to Atheism. -Diderot, D'Alembert, D'Holbach, Condorcet, are known to have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_349'>[349]</a></span>been among the most virtuous of men. Their virtue, then, must -have had some other foundation than the love of God. -</p> - -<p> -The <span class="greek" title="To kalon">Το καλον</span> of others is founded in a different faculty, that of -taste, which is not even a branch of morality. We have indeed -an innate sense of what we call beautiful, but that is exercised -chiefly on subjects addressed to the fancy, whether through the eye -in visible forms, as landscape, animal figure, dress, drapery, architecture, -the composition of colors, &c., or to the imagination directly, -as imagery, style, or measure in prose or poetry, or whatever -else constitutes the domain of criticism or taste, a faculty -entirely distinct from the moral one. Self-interest, or rather self-love, -or <i>egoism</i>, has been more plausibly substituted as the basis -of morality. But I consider our relations with others as constituting -the boundaries of morality. With ourselves we stand on -the ground of identity, not of relation, which last, requiring two -subjects, excludes self-love confined to a single one. To ourselves, -in strict language, we can owe no duties, obligation requiring -also two parties. Self-love, therefore, is no part of morality. -Indeed it is exactly its counterpart. It is the sole antagonist -of virtue, leading us constantly by our propensities to self-gratification -in violation of our moral duties to others. Accordingly, -it is against this enemy that are erected the batteries of -moralists and religionists, as the only obstacle to the practice of -morality. Take from man his selfish propensities, and he can -have nothing to seduce him from the practice of virtue. Or subdue -those propensities by education, instruction or restraint, and -virtue remains without a competitor. Egoism, in a broader sense, -has been thus presented as the source of moral action. It has -been said that we feed the hungry, clothe the naked, bind up the -wounds of the man beaten by thieves, pour oil and wine into -them, set him on our own beast and bring him to the inn, because -we receive ourselves pleasure from these acts. So Helvetius, -one of the best men on earth, and the most ingenious advocate -of this principle, after defining "interest" to mean not -merely that which is pecuniary, but whatever may procure us -pleasure or withdraw us from pain, [<span lang="fr_FR"><i>de l'esprit</i></span> 2, 1,] says, [ib. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_350'>[350]</a></span>2, 2,] "the humane man is he to whom the sight of misfortune -is insupportable, and who to rescue himself from this spectacle, -is forced to succor the unfortunate object." This indeed is true. -But it is one step short of the ultimate question. These good acts -give us pleasure, but how happens it that they give us pleasure? -Because nature hath implanted in our breasts a love of others, a -sense of duty to them, a moral instinct, in short, which prompts -us irresistibly to feel and to succor their distresses, and protests -against the language of Helvetius, [ib. 2, 5,] "what other motive -than self-interest could determine a man to generous actions? -It is as impossible for him to love what is good for the sake of -good, as to love evil for the sake of evil." The Creator would -indeed have been a bungling artist, had he intended man for a -social animal, without planting in him social dispositions. It is -true they are not planted in every man, because there is no rule -without exceptions; but it is false reasoning which converts exceptions -into the general rule. Some men are born without the -organs of sight, or of hearing, or without hands. Yet it would -be wrong to say that man is born without these faculties, and -sight, hearing, and hands may with truth enter into the general -definition of man. The want or imperfection of the moral sense -in some men, like the want or imperfection of the senses of sight -and hearing in others, is no proof that it is a general characteristic -of the species. When it is wanting, we endeavor to supply -the defect by education, by appeals to reason and calculation, by -presenting to the being so unhappily conformed, other motives to -do good and to eschew evil, such as the love, or the hatred, or -rejection of those among whom he lives, and whose society is -necessary to his happiness and even existence; demonstrations -by sound calculation that honesty promotes interest in the long -run; the rewards and penalties established by the laws; and ultimately -the prospects of a future state of retribution for the evil -as well as the good done while here. These are the correctives -which are supplied by education, and which exercise the functions -of the moralist, the preacher, and legislator; and they lead -into a course of correct action all those whose disparity is not -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_351'>[351]</a></span>too profound to be eradicated. Some have argued against the -existence of a moral sense, by saying that if nature had given -us such a sense, impelling us to virtuous actions, and warning us -against those which are vicious, then nature would also have designated, -by some particular ear-marks, the two sets of actions -which are, in themselves, the one virtuous and the other vicious. -Whereas, we find, in fact, that the same actions are deemed virtuous -in one country and vicious in another. The answer is -that nature has constituted <i>utility</i> to man the standard and best -of virtue. Men living in different countries, under different circumstances, -different habits and regimens, may have different -utilities; the same act, therefore, may be useful, and consequently -virtuous in one country which is injurious and vicious in another -differently circumstanced. I sincerely, then, believe with -you in the general existence of a moral instinct. I think it the -brightest gem with which the human character is studded, and -the want of it as more degrading than the most hideous of the -bodily deformities. I am happy in reviewing the roll of associates -in this principle which you present in your second letter, -some of which I had not before met with. To these might be -added Lord Kaims, one of the ablest of our advocates, who goes -so far as to say, in his Principles of Natural Religion, that a man -owes no duty to which he is not urged by some impulsive feeling. -This is correct, if referred to the standard of general feeling -in the given case, and not to the feeling of a single individual. -Perhaps I may misquote him, it being fifty years since I -read his book. -</p> - -<p> -The leisure and solitude of my situation here has led me to -the indiscretion of taxing you with a long letter on a subject -whereon nothing new can be offered you. I will indulge myself -no farther than to repeat the assurances of my continued esteem -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_352'>[352]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 5, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Since mine of January the 24th, yours of March -the 14th has been received. It was not acknowledged in the -short one of May the 18th, by Mr. Rives, the only object of that -having been to enable one of our most promising young men to -have the advantage of making his bow to you. I learned with -great regret the serious illness mentioned in your letter; and I -hope Mr. Rives will be able to tell me you are entirely restored. -But our machines have now been running seventy or eighty years, -and we must expect that, worn as they are, here a pivot, there a -wheel, now a pinion, next a spring, will be giving way; and -however we may tinker them up for awhile, all will at length -surcease motion. Our watches, with works of brass and steel, -wear out within that period. Shall you and I last to see the -course the seven-fold wonders of the times will take? The Attila -of the age dethroned, the ruthless destroyer of ten millions -of the human race, whose thirst for blood appeared unquenchable, -the great oppressor of the rights and liberties of the world, -shut up within the circle of a little island of the Mediterranean, -and dwindled to the condition of an humble and degraded pensioner -on the bounty of those he had most injured. How miserably, -how meanly, has he closed his inflated career! What a sample -of the bathos will his history present! He should have perished -on the swords of his enemies, under the walls of Paris. -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p><span lang="it_IT">"Leon piagato a morte</span></p> -<p><span lang="it_IT">Sente mancar la vita,</span></p> -<p><span lang="it_IT">Guarda la sua ferita,</span></p> -<p><span lang="it_IT">Ne s'avilisce ancor.</span></p> -<p><span lang="it_IT">Cosi fra l'ire estrema</span></p> -<p><span lang="it_IT">Rugge, minaccia, e freme,</span></p> -<p><span lang="it_IT">Che fa tremar morendo</span></p> -<p><span lang="it_IT">Tal volta il cacciator."</span>—Metast. Adriano.</p> -</div></div> - -<p> -But Bonaparte was a lion in the field only. In civil life, a -cold-blooded, calculating, unprincipled usurper, without a virtue; -no statesman, knowing nothing of commerce, political -economy, or civil government, and supplying ignorance by bold -presumption. I had supposed him a great man until his entrance -into the Assembly <span lang="fr_FR"><i>des cinq cens</i></span>, eighteen Brumaire (an. 8.) -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_353'>[353]</a></span>From that date, however, I set him down as a great scoundrel -only. To the wonders of his rise and fall, we may add that of -a Czar of Muscovy, dictating, <i>in Paris</i>, laws and limits to all -the successors of the Cæsars, and holding even the balance in -which the fortunes of this new world are suspended. I own, -that while I rejoice, for the good of mankind, in the deliverance -of Europe from the havoc which would never have ceased while -Bonaparte should have lived in power, I see with anxiety the -tyrant of the ocean remaining in vigor, and even participating in -the merit of crushing his brother tyrant. While the world is thus -turned up side down, on which of its sides are we? All the strong -reasons, indeed, place us on the side of peace; the interests of -the continent, their friendly dispositions, and even the interests -of England. Her passions alone are opposed to it. Peace would -seem now to be an easy work, the causes of the war being removed. -Her orders of council will no doubt be taken care of -by the allied powers, and, war ceasing, her impressment of our -seamen ceases of course. But I fear there is foundation for the -design intimated in the public papers, of demanding a cession of -our right in the fisheries. What will Massachusetts say to this? -I mean her majority, which must be considered as speaking -through the organs it has appointed itself, as the index of its -will. She chooses to sacrifice the liberties of our seafaring citizens, -in which we were all interested, and with them her obligations -to the co-States, rather than war with England. Will -she now sacrifice the fisheries to the same partialities? This -question is interesting to her alone; for to the middle, the southern -and western States, they are of no direct concern; of no -more than the culture of tobacco, rice and cotton, to Massachusetts. -I am really at a loss to conjecture what our refractory -sister will say on this occasion. I know what, as a citizen of -the Union, I would say to her. "Take this question <i>ad referendum</i>. -It concerns you alone. If you would rather give up -the fisheries than war with England, we give them up. If you -had rather fight for them, we will defend your interests to the -last drop of our blood, choosing rather to set a good example -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_354'>[354]</a></span>than follow a bad one." And I hope she will determine to fight -for them. With this, however, you and I shall have nothing to -do; ours being truly the case wherein <span lang="la">"<i>non tali auxilio, nec -defensoribus istis tempus eget</i>."</span> Quitting this subject, therefore -I will turn over another leaf. -</p> - -<p> -I am just returned from one of my long absences, having been -at my other home for five weeks past. Having more leisure -there than here for reading, I amused myself with reading seriously -Plato's Republic. I am wrong, however, in calling it -amusement, for it was the heaviest task-work I ever went through. -I had occasionally before taken up some of his other works, but -scarcely ever had patience to go through a whole dialogue. -While wading through the whimsies, the puerilities, and unintelligible -jargon of this work, I laid it down often to ask myself -how it could have been, that the world should have so long consented -to give reputation to such nonsense as this? How the -<span lang="fr_FR"><i>soi-disant</i></span> Christian world, indeed, should have done it, is a -piece of historical curiosity. But how could the Roman good -sense do it? And particularly, how could Cicero bestow such -eulogies on Plato? Although Cicero did not wield the dense -logic of Demosthenes, yet he was able, learned, laborious, practised -in the business of the world, and honest. He could not be -the dupe of mere style, of which he was himself the first master -in the world. With the moderns, I think, it is rather a matter -of fashion and authority. Education is chiefly in the hands -of persons who, from their profession, have an interest in the -reputation and the dreams of Plato. They give the tone while -at school, and few in their after years have occasion to revise -their college opinions. But fashion and authority apart, and -bringing Plato to the test of reason, take from him his sophisms, -futilities and incomprehensibilities, and what remains? In truth, -he is one of the race of genuine sophists, who has escaped the -oblivion of his brethren, first, by the elegance of his diction, but -chiefly, by the adoption and incorporation of his whimsies into -the body of artificial Christianity. His foggy mind is forever -presenting the semblances of objects which, half seen through -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_355'>[355]</a></span>a mist, can be defined neither in form nor dimensions. Yet this, -which should have consigned him to early oblivion, really procured -him immortality of fame and reverence. The Christian -priesthood, finding the doctrines of Christ levelled to every understanding, -and too plain to need explanation, saw in the mysticism -of Plato materials with which they might build up an -artificial system, which might, from its indistinctness, admit everlasting -controversy, give employment for their order, and introduce -it to profit, power and pre-eminence. The doctrines which -flowed from the lips of Jesus himself are within the comprehension -of a child; but thousands of volumes have not yet explained -the Platonisms engrafted on them; and for this obvious -reason, that nonsense can never be explained. Their purposes, -however, are answered. Plato is canonized; and it is now deemed -as impious to question his merits as those of an Apostle of Jesus. -He is peculiarly appealed to as an advocate of the immortality of -the soul; and yet I will venture to say, that were there no better -arguments than his in proof of it, not a man in the world -would believe it. It is fortunate for us, that Platonic republicanism -has not obtained the same favor as Platonic Christianity; or -we should now have been all living, men, women and children, -pell mell together, like beasts of the field or forest. Yet "Plato -is a great philosopher," said La Fontaine. But, says Fontenelle, -"do you find his ideas very clear?" "Oh no! he is of an -obscurity impenetrable." "Do you not find him full of contradictions?" -"Certainly," replied La Fontaine, "he is but a -sophist." Yet immediately after, he exclaims again, "Oh, Plato -was a great philosopher." Socrates had reason, indeed, to complain -of the misrepresentations of Plato; for in truth, his dialogues -are libels on Socrates. -</p> - -<p> -But why am I dosing you with these antediluvian topics? -Because I am glad to have some one to whom they are familiar, -and who will not receive them as if dropped from the moon. -Our post-revolutionary youth are born under happier stars than -you and I were. They acquire all learning in their mother's -womb, and bring it into the world ready made. The information -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_356'>[356]</a></span>of books is no longer necessary; and all knowledge which -is not innate, is in contempt, or neglect at least. Every folly -must run its round; and so, I suppose, must that of self-learning -and self-sufficiency; of rejecting the knowledge acquired in past -ages, and starting on the new ground of intuition. When sobered -by experience, I hope our successors will turn their attention -to the advantages of education. I mean of education on -the broad scale, and not that of the petty <i>academies</i>, as they call -themselves, which are starting up in every neighborhood, and -where one or two men, possessing Latin and sometimes Greek, -a knowledge of the globes, and the first six books of Euclid, -imagine and communicate this as the sum of science. They -commit their pupils to the theatre of the world, with just taste -enough of learning to be alienated from industrious pursuits, -and not enough to do service in the ranks of science. We -have some exceptions, indeed. I presented one to you lately, and -we have some others. But the terms I use are general truths. -I hope the necessity will, at length, be seen of establishing institutions -here, as in Europe, where every branch of science, useful -at this day, may be taught in its highest degree. Have you ever -turned your thoughts to the plan of such an institution? I mean -to a specification of the particular sciences of real use in human -affairs, and how they might be so grouped as to require so many -professors only as might bring them within the views of a just -but enlightened economy? I should be happy in a communication -of your ideas on this problem, either loose or digested. But -to avoid my being run away with by another subject, and adding -to the length and ennui of the present letter, I will here present -to Mrs. Adams and yourself, the assurance of my constant and -sincere friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_357'>[357]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, July 16, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received this morning your favor of the 5th, -and as I can never let a sheet of yours rest, I sit down immediately -to acknowledge it. -</p> - -<p> -Whenever Mr. Reeves, of whom I have heard nothing, shall -arrive, he shall receive all the cordial civilities in my power. -</p> - -<p> -I am sometimes afraid that my "machine" will not "surcease -motion" soon enough; for I dread nothing so much as "dying -at top," and expiring like Dean Swift, "a driveler and a show;" -or like Sam Adams, a grief and distress to his family, a weeping -helpless object of compassion for years. -</p> - -<p> -I am bold to say, that neither you nor I will live to see -the course which the "wonders of the times" will take. Many -years, and perhaps centuries must pass, before the current will -acquire a settled direction. If the Christian religion, as I understand -it, or as you understand it, should maintain its ground, -as I believe it will, yet Platonic, Pythagonic, Hindoo, Cabalistical -Christianity, which is Catholic Christianity, and which has -prevailed for 1,500 years, has received a mortal wound of which -the monster must finally die; yet so strong is his constitution, -that he may endure for centuries before he expires. -</p> - -<p> -Government has never been much studied by mankind, but -their attention has been drawn to it in the latter part of -the last century, and the beginning of this, more than at any -former period; and the vast variety of experiments that have -been made of constitutions in America, in France, in Holland, -in Geneva, in Switzerland, and even in Spain and South America, -can never be forgotten. They will be catastrophes noted. -The result, in time, will be improvements; and I have no doubt -that the honors we have experienced for the last forty years, will -ultimately terminate in the advancement of civil and religious -liberty, and ameliorations in the condition of mankind; for I am -a believer in the probable improvability and improvement, the -ameliorability and amelioration in human affairs; though I never -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_358'>[358]</a></span>could understand the doctrine of the perfectability of the human -mind. This has always appeared to me like the philosophy, or -theology of the Gentoos, viz., that a Brachman, by certain studies, -for a certain time pursued, and by certain ceremonies, a certain -number of times repeated, becomes omniscient and almighty. -</p> - -<p> -Our hopes, however, of sudden tranquillity, ought not to be -too sanguine. Fanaticism and superstition will still be selfish, -subtle, intriguing, and at times furious. Despotism will -still struggle for domination; monarchy will still study to rival -nobility in popularity; aristocracy will continue to envy all -above it, and despise and oppress all below it; democracy will -envy all, contend with all, endeavor to pull down all; and when -by chance it happens to get the upper hand for a short time, it -will be revengeful, bloody, and cruel. These, and other elements -of fanaticism and anarchy, will yet, for a long time, continue -a fermentation, which will excite alarms and require vigilance. -</p> - -<p> -Napoleon is a military fanatic like Achilles, Alexander, Cæsar, -Mahomet, Zingis, Kouli, Charles XII., &c. The maxim and -principle of all of them was the same: <span lang="la">"Jura negat sibi lata, -nihil non arrogat armis."</span> -</p> - -<p> -But is it strict to call him an usurper? Was not his elevation -to the empire of France as legitimate and authentic a national -act as that of William the III., or the House of Hanover to the -throne of the three kingdoms? or as the election of Washington to -the command of our army, or to the chair of the States? -</p> - -<p> -Human nature, in no form of it, ever could bear prosperity. -That peculiar tribe of men called conquerors, more remarkably -than any other, have been swelled with vanity by any series of -victories. -</p> - -<p> -Napoleon won so many mighty battles in such quick succession, -and for so long a time, that it was no wonder his brain became -completely intoxicated, and his enterprises rash, extravagant, -and mad. -</p> - -<p> -Though France is humbled, Britain is not. Though Bonaparte -is banished, a greater tyrant and miser usurper still -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_359'>[359]</a></span>domineers. John Bull is quite as unfeeling, as unprincipled, -more powerful, has shed more blood, than Bonaparte. John, by -his money, his intrigues, and arms, by exciting coalition after -coalition against him, made him what he was, and, at last, what -he is. How shall the tyrant of tyrants be brought low? Aye! -there's the rub! I still think Bonaparte great, at least as any -of the conquerors. The wonders "of his rise and fall," may be -seen in the life of king Theodore, or Pascal Paoli, or Mazionetti, -or Jack Cade, or Wat Tyler, or Rienzi, or Dionicus. The only -difference is that between miniatures and full-length pictures. -The schoolmaster at Corinth was a greater <i>man</i> than the tyrant -of Syracuse, upon the principle that he who conquers himself is -greater than he who takes a city. Though the ferocious roar of the -wounded lion may terrify the hunter with the possibility of another -dangerous leap, Bonaparte was shot dead at once by France. -He could no longer roar or struggle, growl or paw; he could -only gasp the death. I wish that France may not still regret -him. But these are speculations in the clouds. I agree with -you that the milk of human kindness in the Bourbons, is safer -for mankind than the fierce ambition of Napoleon. -</p> - -<p> -The Autocrator appears in an imposing light. Fifty years ago, -English writers held up terrible consequences from "thawing -out the monstrous northern snake." If Cossacks, and Tartars, -and Goths, and Vandals, and Huns, and Riparians, should get -a taste of European sweets, what may happen? Could Wellingtons -or Bonapartes resist them? -</p> - -<p> -The greatest trait of sagacity that Alexander has yet exhibited -to the world, is his courtship of the United States. But whether -this is a mature, well-digested policy, or only a transient gleam -of thought, still remains to be explained and proved by time. -</p> - -<p> -The refractory siston will not give up the fisheries. Not a -man here dares to hint at so base a thought. -</p> - -<p> -I am very glad you have seriously read Plato; and still more -rejoiced to find that your reflections upon him so perfectly harmonize -with mine. Some thirty years ago I took upon me the -severe task of going through all his works. With the help of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_360'>[360]</a></span>two Latin translations, and one English and one French translation, -and comparing some of the most remarkable passages with -the Greek, I labored through the tedious toil. My disappointment -was very great, my astonishment was greater, and my disgust -shocking. Two things only did I learn from him. 1. That -Franklin's ideas of exempting husbandmen, and mariners, &c., -from the depredations of war, was borrowed from him. 2. That -sneezing is a cure for the hickups. Accordingly, I have cured -myself, and all my friends, of that provoking disorder, for thirty -years, with a pinch of snuff. -</p> - -<p> -Some parts of some of his dialogues are entertaining like the -writings of Rousseau, but his laws and his republic, from which -I expected most, disappointed me most. -</p> - -<p> -I could scarcely exclude the suspicion that he intended the latter -as a bitter satire upon all republican government, as Xenophon -undoubtedly designed, by his essay on democracy, to ridicule -that species of republic. In a letter to the learned and -ingenious Mr. Taylor, of Haslewood, I suggested to him the -project of writing a novel, in which the hero should be sent upon -his travels through Plato's republic, and all his adventures, with -his observations on the principles and opinions, the arts and -sciences, the manners, customs, and habits of the citizens, should -be recorded. Nothing can be conceived more destructive of -human happiness; more infallibly contrived to transform men -and women into brutes, Yahoos, or demons, than a community -of wives and property. Yet in what are the writings of Rousseau -and Helvetius, wiser than those of Plato? The man who -first fenced a tobacco yard, and said this is mine, ought instantly -to have been put to death, says Rousseau. The man who first -pronounced the barbarous word <span lang="fr_FR"><i>Dieu</i></span>, ought to have been immediately -destroyed, says Diderot. In short, philosophers, ancient -and modern, appear to me as mad as Hindoos, Mahometans, and -Christians. No doubt they would all think me mad, and, for -anything I know, this globe may be the bedlam, <span lang="fr_FR"><i>Le Bicêtre</i></span> of -the universe. After all, as long as property exists, it will accumulate -in individuals and families. As long as marriage exists, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_361'>[361]</a></span>knowledge, property, and influence will accumulate in families. -Your and our equal partition of intestate estates, instead -of preventing, will, in time, augment the evil, if it is one. -</p> - -<p> -The French revolutionists saw this, and were so far consistent. -When they burned pedigrees and genealogical trees, they -annihilated, as far as they could, marriages, knowing that marriage, -among a thousand other things, was an infallible source of -aristocracy. I repeat it, so sure as the idea and existence of -<i>property</i> is admitted and established in society, accumulations -of it will be made; the snow-ball will grow as it rolls. -</p> - -<p> -Cicero was educated in the Groves of Academus, where the -name and memory of Plato were idolized to such a degree, that -if he had wholly renounced the prejudices of his education, his -reputation would have been lessened, if not injured and ruined. -In his two volumes of Discourses on Government, we may presume -that he fully examined Plato's laws and republic, as well -as Aristotle's writings on government. But these have been carefully -destroyed, not improbably with the general consent of philosophers, -politicians and priests. The loss is as much to be regretted -as that of any production of antiquity. -</p> - -<p> -Nothing seizes the attention of the staring animal so surely -as paradox, riddle, mystery, invention, discovery, wonder, temerity. -Plato and his disciples, from the fourth-century Christians -to Rousseau and Tom Paine, have been fully sensible of this -weakness in mankind, and have too successfully grounded upon -it their pretensions to fame. -</p> - -<p> -I might, indeed, have mentioned Bolingbroke, Hume, Gibbon, -Voltaire, Turgot, Helvetius, Diderot, Condorcet, Buffon, and fifty -others, all a little cracked. Be to their faults a little blind, to -their virtues ever kind. -</p> - -<p> -Education! Oh Education! The greatest grief of my heart, -and the greatest affliction of my life! To my mortification I -must confess that I have never closely thought, or very deliberately -reflected upon the subject which never occurs to me now -without producing a deep sigh, a heavy groan, and sometimes -tears. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_362'>[362]</a></span>My cruel destiny separated me from my children, almost continually -from their birth to their manhood. I was compelled to -leave them to the ordinary routine of reading, writing and Latin -school, academy and college. John, alone, was much with me, -and he but occasionally. If I venture to give you any thoughts -at all, they must be very crude. I have turned over Locke, Milton, -Condilac, Rousseau, and even Miss Edgeworth, as a bird -flies through the air. The Preceptor I have thought a good -book. -</p> - -<p> -Grammar, rhetoric, logic, ethics, mathematics, cannot be neglected. -Classics, in spite of our friend Rush, I must think indispensable. -Natural history, mechanics and experimental philosophy, -chemistry, &c., at least their rudiments, cannot be forgotten. -Geography, astronomy, and even history and chronology, -(although I am myself afflicted with a kind of Pyrrhonism -in the two latter,) I presume cannot be omitted. Theology I -would leave to Ray, Derham, Nicuentent, and Paley, rather -than to Luther, Zinzindorf, Swedenborg, Wesley or Whitefield, -or Thomas Aquinas or Wollebius. Metaphysics I would leave -in the clouds with the materialists and spiritualists, with Leibnitz, -Berkley, Priestley and Edwards, and I might add Hume and -Reed, or if permitted to be read, it should be with romances and -novels. What shall I say of music, drawing, fencing, dancing -and gymnastic exercises? What of languages, oriental and occidental? -Of French, Italian, German or Russian? of Sanscrit or -Chinese? -</p> - -<p> -The task you have prescribed to me of grouping these sciences -or arts under professors, within the views of an enlightened economy, -is far beyond my forces. Loose indeed, and indigested, -must be all the hints I can note. Might grammar, rhetoric, logic, -and ethics, be under one professor? Might mathematics, mechanics, -natural philosophy, be under another? Geography and -astronomy under a third? Laws and government, history and -chronology, under a fourth? Classics might require a fifth. -</p> - -<p> -Condilac's Course of Study has excellent parts. Among many -systems of mathematics, English, French and American, there -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_363'>[363]</a></span>is none preferable to Besout's Course. La Harpe's Course of -Literature is very valuable. -</p> - -<p> -But I am ashamed to add any more to the broken innuendos, -except assurances of my continued friendship. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE BARON DE MOLL, PRIVY COUNSELLOR OF HIS MAJESTY THE -KING OF BAVARIA, SECRETARY OF THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES -FOR THE CLASS OF MATHEMATICAL AND PHYSICAL SCIENCES, AND -OF THE AGRONOMIC SOCIETY OF BAVARIA, AT MUNICH. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 31, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Within a few days only, I have received the letter which -you did me the honor to write on the 22d of July, 1812; a delay -which I presume must be ascribed to the interruption of the intercourse -of the world by the wars which have lately desolated -it by sea and land. Still involved ourselves with a nation possessing -almost exclusively the ocean which separates us, I fear -the one I have now the honor of addressing you may experience -equal delay. I receive with much gratification the diploma of -the Agronomic Society of Bavaria, conferring on me the distinction -of being honorary member of their society. For this mark -of their good will, I pray you to be the channel of communicating -to them my respectful thanks. Age and distance will add -their obstacles to the services I shall ardently wish to render the -society. Yet sincerely devoted to this art, the basis of the subsistence, -the comforts and the happiness of man, and sensible of -the general interest which all nations have in communicating -freely to each other discoveries of new and useful processes and -implements in it, I shall with zeal at all times meet the wishes -of the society, and especially rejoice in every opportunity which -their commands may present of being useful to them. With -the homage of my respects to them, be pleased to accept for yourself -the assurances of my particular and high consideration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_364'>[364]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. WIRT. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 14, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have been laying under contribution my memory, -my private papers, the printed records, gazettes and pamphlets -in my possession, to answer the inquiries of your letter of -July 27, and I will give you the result as correctly as I can. I -kept no copy of the paper I sent you on a former occasion on -the same subject, nor do I retain an exact recollection of its contents. -But if in that I stated the question on the loan office to -have been in 1762, I did it with too slight attention to the date, -although not to the fact. I have examined the journals of the -House of Burgesses, of 1760-1-2, in my possession, and find no -trace of the proceeding in them. By those of 1764, I find that the -famous address to the king, and memorials to the Houses of Lords -and Commons, on the proposal of the Stamp Act, were of that date; -and I know that Mr. Henry was not a member of the legislature -when they were passed. I know also, because I was present, that -Robinson, (who died in May, 1766,) was in the chair on the question -of the loan office. Mr. Henry, then, must have come in between -these two epochs, and consequently in 1765. Of this year -I have no journals to refresh my memory. The first session was -in May, and his first remarkable exhibition there was on the -motion for the establishment of an office for lending money on -mortgages of real property. I find in Royle's Virginia Gazette, -of the 17th of that month this proposition for the loan office -brought forward, its advantages detailed, and the plan explained; -and it seems to have been done by a borrowing member, from -the feeling with which the motives are expressed; and to have -been preparatory to the intended motion. This was probably -made immediately after that date, and certainly before the 30th, -which was the date of Mr. Henry's famous resolutions. I had -been intimate with Mr. Henry since the winter of 1759-60, and -felt an interest in what concerned him, and I can never forget -a particular exclamation of his in the debate in which he electrified -his hearers. It had been urged that from certain unhappy -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_365'>[365]</a></span>circumstances of the colony, men of substantial property had -contracted debts, which, if exacted suddenly, must ruin them -and their families, but, with a little indulgence of time, might be -paid with ease. "What, Sir!" exclaimed Mr. Henry, in animadverting -on this, "is it proposed then to reclaim the spendthrift -from his dissipation and extravagance, by filling his pockets -with money." These expressions are indelibly impressed on -my memory. He laid open with so much energy the spirit of -favoritism on which the proposition was founded, and the abuses -to which it would lead, that it was crushed in its birth. Abortive -motions are not always entered on the journals, or rather, -they are rarely entered. It is the modern introduction of yeas -and nays which has given the means of placing a rejected motion -on the journals; and it is likely that the speaker, who, as treasurer, -was to be the loan officer, and had the direction of the -journals, would choose to omit an entry of the motion in this -case. This accounts sufficiently for the absence of any trace of -the motion in the journals. There was no suspicion then, (as -far, at least, as I know,) that Robinson had used the public -money in private loans to his friends, and that the secret object -of this scheme was to transfer those debtors to the public, and -thus clear his accounts. I have diligently examined the names -of the members on the journals of 1764, to see if any were still -living to whose memory we might recur on this subject, but I -find not a single one now remaining in life. -</p> - -<p> -Of the parson's cause I remember nothing remarkable. I was -at school with Mr. Maury during the years 1758 and 1759, and -often heard them inveigh against the iniquity of the act of 1758, -called the two-penny act. In 1763, when that cause was decided -in Hanover, I was a law-student in Williamsburg, and -remember only that it was a subject of much conversation, and -of great paper-controversy, in which Camm, and Colonel Bland, -were the principal champions. -</p> - -<p> -The disputed election in which Mr. Henry made himself remarkable, -must have been that of Dandridge and Littlepage, in -1764, of which, however, I recollect no particulars, although I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_366'>[366]</a></span>was still a student in Williamsburg, and paid attention to what -was passing in the legislature. -</p> - -<p> -I proceed now to the resolution of 1765. The copies you enclose -me, and that inserted by Judge Marshall in his history, and -copied verbatim by Burke, are really embarrassing by their differences. -1. That of the four resolutions taken from the records -of the House, is the genuine copy of what they passed, <i>as -amended</i> by themselves, cannot be doubted. 2. That the copy -which Mr. Henry left sealed up, is a true copy of these four resolutions, -<i>as reported</i> by the committee, there is no reason to doubt. -3. That Judge Marshall's version of three of these resolutions, (for -he has omitted one altogether,) is from an unauthentic source is -sufficiently proved by their great variation from the record in diction, -although equivalent in sentiment. But what are we to say of -Mr. Henry's fifth, and Mr. Marshall's two last, which we may -call the sixth and seventh resolutions? The fifth has clearly -nothing to justify the debate and proceedings which one of them -produced. But the sixth is of that character, and perfectly -tallies with the idea impressed on my mind, of that which was -expunged. Judge Marshall tells us that two were disagreed to -by the House, which may be true. I do not indeed recollect it, -but I have no recollection to the contrary. My hypothesis, then, -is this, that the two disagreed to were the fifth and seventh. -The fifth, because merely tautologous of the third and fourth, and -the seventh, because leading to individual persecution, for which -no mind was then prepared. And that the sixth was the one -passed by the House, by a majority of a single vote, and expunged -from the journals the next day. I was standing at the -door of communication between the house and lobby during the -debates and vote, and well remember, that after the numbers on -the division were told, and declared from the chair, Peyton Randolph -(then Attorney General) came out at the door where I -was standing, and exclaimed, "By God, I would have given one -hundred guineas for a single vote." For one vote would have -divided the house, and Robinson was in the chair, who he knew -would have negatived the resolution. Mr. Henry left town that -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_367'>[367]</a></span>evening, or the next morning; and Colonel Peter Randolph, then -a member of the Council, came to the House of Burgesses about -10 o'clock of the forenoon, and sat at the clerk's table till the -House-bell rang, thumbing over the volumes of Journals to find -a precedent of expunging a vote of the House, which he said -had taken place while he was a member or clerk of the House, -I do not recollect which. I stood by him at the end of the table -a considerable part of the time, looking on as he turned over the -leaves, but I do not recollect whether he found the erasure. In -the meantime, some of the timid members, who had voted for -the strongest resolution, had become alarmed, and as soon as the -House met, a motion was made, and carried, to expunge it from -the journals. And here I will observe, that Burke's statement -with his opponents, is entirely erroneous. I suppose the original -journal was among those destroyed by the British, or its obliterated -face might be appealed to. It is a pity this investigation -was not made a few years sooner, when some of the members -of the day were still living. I think inquiry should be made of -Judge Marshall for the source from which he derived his copy -of the resolutions. This might throw light on the sixth and -seventh, which I verily believe, and especially the sixth, to be -genuine in substance. On the whole, I suppose the four resolutions -which are on the record, were passed and retained by the -House; that the sixth is that which was passed by a single vote -and expunged, and the fifth and seventh, the two which Judge -Marshall says were disagreed to. That Mr. Henry's copy, then, -should not have stated all this, is the remaining difficulty. This -copy he probably sealed up long after the transaction, for it was -long afterwards that these resolutions, instead of the address and -memorials of the preceding year, were looked back to as the -commencement of legislative opposition. His own judgment may, -at a later date, have approved of the rejection of the sixth and -seventh, although not of the fifth, and he may have left and -sealed up a copy, in his own handwriting, as approved by his -ultimate judgment. This, to be sure, is conjecture, and may -rightfully be rejected by any one to whom a more plausible -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_368'>[368]</a></span>solution may occur; and there I must leave it. The address -of 1764 was drawn by Peyton Randolph. Who drew the memorial -to the Lords I do not recollect, but Mr. Wythe drew that -to the Commons. It was done with so much freedom, that, as -he has told me himself, his colleagues of the committee shrank -from it as bearing the aspect of treason, and smoothed its features -to its present form. He was, indeed, one of the very few, -(for I can barely speak of them in the plural number,) of either -character, who, from the commencement of the contest, hung -our connection with Great Britain on its true hook, that of a -common king. His unassuming character, however, made him -appear as a follower, while his sound judgment kept him in a -line with the freest spirit. By these resolutions, Mr. Henry took -the lead out of the hands of those who had heretofore guided the -proceedings of the House, that is to say, of Pendleton, Wythe, -Bland, Randolph, Nicholas. These were honest and able men, -had begun the opposition on the same grounds, but with a moderation -more adapted to their age and experience. Subsequent events -favored the bolder spirits of Henry, the Lees, Pages, Mason, &c., -with whom I went in all points. Sensible, however, of the importance -of unanimity among our constituents, although we often -wished to have gone faster, we slackened our pace, that our less -ardent colleagues might keep up with us; and they, on their -part, differing nothing from us in principle, quickened their gait -somewhat beyond that which their prudence might of itself have -advised, and thus consolidated the phalanx which breasted the -power of Britain. By this harmony of the bold with the cautious, -we advanced with our constituents in undivided mass, and with -fewer examples of separation than, perhaps, existed in any other -part of the Union. -</p> - -<p> -I do not remember the topics of Mr. Henry's argument, but -those of his opposers were that the same sentiments had been -expressed in the address and memorials of the preceding session, -to which an answer was expected and not yet received. I well -remember the cry of treason, the pause of Mr. Henry at the -name of George the III., and the presence of mind with which -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_369'>[369]</a></span>he closed his sentence, and baffled the charge vociferated. I do -not think he took the position in the middle of the floor which -you mention. On the contrary, I think I recollect him standing -in the very place which he continued afterwards habitually to -occupy in the house. -</p> - -<p> -The censure of Mr. E. Randolph on Mr. Henry in the case -of Philips, was without foundation. I remember the case, and -took my part in it. Philips was a mere robber, who availing -himself of the troubles of the times, collected a banditti, retired -to the Dismal Swamp, and from thence sallied forth, plundering -and maltreating the neighboring inhabitants, and covering himself, -without authority, under the name of a British subject. Mr. -Henry, then Governor, communicated the case to me. We both -thought the best proceeding would be by bill of attainder, unless -he delivered himself up for trial within a given time. Philips -was afterwards taken; and Mr. Randolph being Attorney -General, and apprehending he would plead that he was a British -subject, taken in arms, in support of his lawful sovereign, and as -a prisoner of war entitled to the protection of the law of nations, -he thought the safest proceeding would be to indict him -at common law as a felon and robber. Against this I believe -Philips urged the same plea: he was overruled and found -guilty. -</p> - -<p> -I recollect nothing of a doubt on the re-eligibility of Mr. -Henry to the government when his term expired in 1779, nor -can I conceive on what ground such a doubt could have been -entertained, unless perhaps that his first election in June, 1776, -having been before we were nationally declared independent, -some might suppose it should not be reckoned as one of the -three constitutional elections. -</p> - -<p> -Of the projects for appointing a Dictator there are said to -have been two. I know nothing of either but by hearsay. -The first was in Williamsburg in December, 1776. The Assembly -had the month before appointed Mr. Wythe, Mr. Pendleton, -George Mason, Thomas L. Lee, and myself, to revise the whole -body of laws, and adapt them to our new form of government. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_370'>[370]</a></span>I left the House early in December to prepare to join the Committee -at Fredericksburg, the place of our first meeting. What -passed, therefore, in the House in December, I know not, and -have not the journals of that session to look into. The second -proposition was in June, 1781, at the Staunton session of the legislature. -No trace of this last motion is entered on the journals -of that date, which I have examined. This is a further proof -that the silence of the journals is no evidence against the fact of -an abortive motion. Among the names of the members found on -the journal of the Staunton session, are John Taylor of Caroline, -General Andrew Moore, and General Edward Stevens of Culpeper, -now living. It would be well to ask information from -each of them, that their errors of memory, or of feeling, may be -corrected by collation. -</p> - -<p> -You ask if I would have any objection to be quoted as to the -fact of rescinding the last of Mr. Henry's resolutions. None at -all as to that fact, or its having been passed by a majority of -one vote only; the scene being as present to my mind as that -in which I am now writing. But I do not affirm, although I believe -it was the sixth resolution. -</p> - -<p> -It is truly unfortunate that those engaged in public affairs so -rarely make notes of transactions passing within their knowledge. -Hence history becomes fable instead of fact. The great -outlines may be true, but the incidents and coloring are according -to the faith or fancy of the writer. Had Judge Marshall -taken half your pains in sifting and scrutinizing facts, he would -not have given to the world, as true history, a false copy of a -record under his eye. Burke again has copied him, and being a -second writer on the spot, doubles the credit of the copy. When -writers are so indifferent as to the correctness of facts, the verification -of which lies at their elbow, by what measure shall we -estimate their relation of things distant, or of those given to us -through the obliquities of their own vision? Our records, it is -true, in the case under contemplation, were destroyed by the -malice and Vandalism of the British military, perhaps of their -government, under whose orders they committed so much useless -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_371'>[371]</a></span>mischief. But printed copies remained, as your examination -has proved. Those which were apocryphal, then, ought not to -have been hazarded without examination. Should you be able -to ascertain the genuineness of the sixth and seventh resolutions, I -would ask a line of information, to rectify or to confirm my own -impressions respecting them. Ever affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS COOPER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 25, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In my letter of January 16th, I mentioned to you -that it had long been in contemplation to get an University established -in this State, in which all the branches of science useful -<i>to us</i>, and <i>at this day</i>, should be taught in their highest degree, -and that this institution should be incorporated with the -College and funds of William and Mary. But what are the -sciences useful to us, and at this day thought useful to anybody? -A glance over Bacon's <span lang="la"><i>arbor scientiæ</i></span> will show the foundation -for this question, and how many of his ramifications of science -are now lopt off as nugatory. To be prepared for this new establishment, -I have taken some pains to ascertain those branches -which men of sense, as well as of science, deem worthy of cultivation. -To the statements which I have obtained from other -sources, I should highly value an addition of one from yourself. -You know our country, its pursuits, its faculties, its relations -with others, its means of establishing and maintaining an -institution of general science, and the spirit of economy with -which it requires that these should be administered. Will you -then so far contribute to our views as to consider this subject, to -make a statement of the branches of science which you think -worthy of being taught, as I have before said, at this day, and -in this country? But to accommodate them to our economy, it -will be necessary further to distribute them into groups, each -group comprehending as many branches as one industrious Professor -may competently teach, and, as much as may be, a duly -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_372'>[372]</a></span>associated family, or class, of kindred sciences. The object of -this is to bring the whole circle of useful science under the direction -of the smallest number of professors possible, and that -our means may be so frugally employed as to effect the greatest -possible good. We are about to make an effort for the introduction -of this institution. -</p> - -<p> -On the subject of patent rights, on which something has passed -between us before, you may have noted that the patent board, -while it existed, had proposed to reduce their decisions to a system -of rules as fast as the cases presented should furnish materials. -They had done but little when the business was turned -over to the courts of justice, on whom the same duty has now -devolved. A rule has occurred to me, which I think would -reach many of our cases, and go far towards securing the citizen -against the vexation of frivolous patents. It is to consider -the invention of any new mechanical power, or of any new combination -of the mechanical powers already known, as entitled to -an exclusive grant; but that the purchaser of the right to use the -invention should be free to apply it to every purpose of which it -is susceptible. For instance, the combination of machinery for -threshing wheat, should be applicable to the threshing of rye, -oats, beans, &c. The spinning machine to everything of which -it may be found capable; the chain of buckets, of which we -have been possessed thousands of years, we should be free to use -for raising water, ore, grains, meals, or anything else we can make -it raise. These rights appear sufficiently distinct, and the distinction -sound enough, to be adopted by the judges, to whom it -could not be better suggested than through the medium of the -Emporium, should any future paper of that furnish place for the -hint. -</p> - -<p> -Since the change of government in France, I am in hopes the -author of the Review of Montesquieu will consent to be named, -and perhaps may publish there his original work; not that their -press is free, but that the present government will be restrained -by public opinion, whereas the late military despotism respected -that of the army only. I salute you with friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_373'>[373]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. DELAPLAINE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 28, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 17th is received. I have not the -book of Munoz containing the print of Columbus. That work -came out after I left Europe, and we have not the same facility -of acquiring new continental publications here as there. I have -no doubt that entire credit is to be given to the account of the -print rendered by him in the extract from his work which you -have sent me; and as you say that several have attempted translations -of it, each differing from the other, and none satisfactory -to yourself, I will add to your stock my understanding of it, that -by a collation of the several translations, the author's meaning -may be the better elicited. -</p> - -<p> -Translation. "This first volume presents at the beginning -the portrait of the discoverer, designed and engraved with care. -Among many paintings and prints which are falsely sold as his -likenesses, I have seen one only which can be such, and it is -that which is preserved in the house of the most excellent Duke -of Berwick and Lina, a descendant of our hero; a figure of the -natural size, painted, as would seem, in the last century, by an -indifferent copyist, in which, nevertheless, appear some catches -from the hand of Antonio del Rincon, a celebrated painter of the -Catholic kings. The description given by Fernando Colon, of -the countenance of his father, has served to render the likeness -more resembling, and to correct the faults which are observable -in some of the features either imperfectly seized by the artist, or -disfigured by the injuries of time." -</p> - -<p> -Paraphrase explanatory of the above. Columbus was employed -by Ferdinand and Isabella, on his voyage of discovery in -1492. Debry tells us that "before his departure, his portrait -was taken by order of the king and queen," and most probably -by Rincon, their first painter. Rincon died in 1500, and Columbus -in 1506. Fernando, his son, an ecclesiastic, wrote the life -of his father in 1530, and describes in that his father's countenance. -An indifferent hand in the 17th century, copied Rincon's -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_374'>[374]</a></span>painting, which copy is preserved in the house of the Duke of -Berwick. In 1793, when a print of Columbus was wanting for -the history of Munoz, the artist from this copy, injured as it was -by time, but still exhibiting some catches of Rincon's style, and -from the verbal description of the countenance of Columbus in -the history by his son, has been enabled to correct the faults of -the copy, whether those of the copyist or proceeding from the -injuries of time, and thus to furnish the best likeness. -</p> - -<p> -The Spanish text admits this construction, and well-known -dates and historical facts verify it. -</p> - -<p> -I have taken from the second volume of Debry a rough model -of the leaf on which is the print he has given of Columbus and -his preface. It gives the exact size and outline of the print -which, with a part of the preface, is on the first page of the leaf, -and the rest on the second. I have extracted from it what related -to the print, which you will perceive could not be cut out -without a great mutilation of the book. This would not be regarded -as to its cost, which was twelve guineas for the three volumes -in Amsterdam, but that it seems to be the only copy of the -work in the United States, and I know from experience the difficulty, -if not impossibility, of getting another. I had orders -lodged with several eminent booksellers in the principal book-marts -of Europe, to-wit: London, Paris, Amsterdam, Frankfort, -Madrid, several years before this copy was obtained at the accidental -sale of an old library in Amsterdam, on the death of its -proprietor. -</p> - -<p> -We have, then, three likenesses of Columbus, from which a -choice is to be made. -</p> - -<p> -1. The print in Munoz' work, from a copy of Rincon's original, -taken in the 17th century by an indifferent hand, with conjectural -alterations suggested by the verbal description of the -younger Columbus of the countenance of his father. -</p> - -<p> -2. The miniature of Debry, from a copy taken in the sixteenth -century from the portrait made by order of the king and queen, -probably that of Rincon. -</p> - -<p> -3. The copy in my possession of the size of life, taken for -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_375'>[375]</a></span>me from the original, which is in the gallery of Florence. I say -from an original, because it is well known that in collections of -any note, and that of Florence is the first in the world, <i>no copy</i> -is ever admitted; and an original existing in Genoa would readily -be obtained for a royal collection in Florence. Vasari, in his -lives of the painters, names this portrait in his catalogue of the -paintings in that gallery, but does not say by whom it was made. -It has the aspect of a man of thirty-five, still smooth-faced and -in the vigor of life, which would place its date about 1477, -fifteen years earlier than that of Rincon. Accordingly, in the -miniature of Debry, the face appears more furrowed by time. On -the whole, I should have no hesitation at giving this the preference -over the conjectural one of Munoz, and the miniature of Debry. -</p> - -<p> -The book from which I cut the print of Vespucius which I -sent you, has the following title and date: <span lang="it_IT">"Elogio d'Amerigo -Vespucci che ha riportato il premio dalla nobile accademia Etrusca -de Cortona nel dè 15 d'Ottobre dell' Anno 1788, del P. Stanislao -Canovai della scuole prie publico professore di fisica. Matematica -in Firenze 1788, nella stamp di Pietro Allegrini."</span> This -print is unquestionably from the same original in the gallery of -Florence from which my copy was also taken. The portrait is -named in the catalogue of Vasari, and mentioned also by Bandini, -in his life of Americus Vespucius; but neither gives its history. -Both tell us there was a portrait of Vespucius taken by -Domenico, and a fine head of him by Da Vinci, which, however, -are lost, so that it would seem that this of Florence is the only -one existing. -</p> - -<p> -With this offering of what occurs to me on the subject of these -prints, accept the assurance of my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 10, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I regret much that I was so late in consulting you -on the subject of the academy we wish to establish here. The -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_376'>[376]</a></span>progress of that business has obliged me to prepare an address to -the President of the Board of Trustees,—a plan for its organization. -I send you a copy of it with a broad margin, that, if your -answer to mine of August 25th be not on the way, you may be -so good as to write your suggestions either in the margin or on -a separate paper. We shall still be able to avail ourselves of -them by way of amendments. -</p> - -<p> -Your letter of August 17th is received. Mr. Ogilvie left us four -days ago, on a tour of health, which is to terminate at New -York, from whence he will take his passage to Britain to receive -livery and seisin of his new dignities and fortunes. I am in the -daily hope of seeing M. Corrica, and the more anxious as I must -in two or three weeks commence a journey of long absence from -home. -</p> - -<p> -A comparison of the conditions of Great Britain and the United -States, which is the subject of your letter of August 17th, -would be an interesting theme indeed. To discuss it minutely -and demonstratively would be far beyond the limits of a letter. -I will give you, therefore, in brief only, the result of my reflections -on the subject. I agree with you in your facts, and in -many of your reflections. My conclusion is without doubt, as I -am sure yours will be, when the appeal to your sound judgment -is seriously made. The population of England is composed of -three descriptions of persons, (for those of minor note are too inconsiderable -to affect a general estimate.) These are, 1. The -aristocracy, comprehending the nobility, the wealthy commoners, -the high grades of priesthood, and the officers of government. -2. The laboring class. 3. The eleemosynary class, or paupers, -who are about one-fifth of the whole. The aristocracy, which -has the laws and government in their hands, have so managed -them as to reduce the third description below the means of supporting -life, even by labor; and to force the second, whether -employed in agriculture or the arts, to the maximum of labor -which the construction of the human body can endure, and to -the minimum of food, and of the meanest kind, which will -preserve it in life, and in strength sufficient to perform its functions. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_377'>[377]</a></span>To obtain food enough, and clothing, not only their whole -strength must be unremittingly exerted, but the utmost dexterity -also which they can acquire; and those of great dexterity only -can keep their ground, while those of less must sink into the -class of paupers. Nor is it manual dexterity alone, but the acutest -resources of the mind also which are impressed into this struggle -for life; and such as have means a little above the rest, as -the master-workmen, for instance, must strengthen themselves -by acquiring as much of the philosophy of their trade as will -enable them to compete with their rivals, and keep themselves -above ground. Hence the industry and manual dexterity of -their journeymen and day-laborers, and the science of their -master-workmen, keep them in the foremost ranks of competition -with those of other nations; and the less dexterous individuals, -falling into the eleemosynary ranks, furnish materials for armies -and navies to defend their country, exercise piracy on the ocean, -and carry conflagration, plunder and devastation, on the shores -of all those who endeavor to withstand their aggressions. A society -thus constituted possesses certainly the means of defence. -But what does it defend? The pauperism of the lowest class, -the abject oppression of the laboring, and the luxury, the riot, -the domination and the vicious happiness of the aristocracy. In -their hands, the paupers are used as tools to maintain their own -wretchedness, and to keep down the laboring portion by shooting -them whenever the desperation produced by the cravings of -their stomachs drives them into riots. Such is the happiness of -scientific England; now let us see the American side of the -medal. -</p> - -<p> -And, first, we have no paupers, the old and crippled among us, -who possess nothing and have no families to take care of them, -being too few to merit notice as a separate section of society, or -to affect a general estimate. The great mass of our population -is of laborers; our rich, who can live without labor, either -manual or professional, being few, and of moderate wealth. -Most of the laboring class possess property, cultivate their own -lands, have families, and from the demand for their labor are -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_378'>[378]</a></span>enabled to exact from the rich and the competent such prices as -enable them to be fed abundantly, clothed above mere decency, -to labor moderately and raise their families. They are not driven -to the ultimate resources of dexterity and skill, because their -wares will sell although not quite so nice as those of England. -The wealthy, on the other hand, and those at their ease, know -nothing of what the Europeans call luxury. They have only -somewhat more of the comforts and decencies of life than those -who furnish them. Can any condition of society be more desirable -than this? Nor in the class of laborers do I mean to withhold -from the comparison that portion whose color has condemned -them, in certain parts of our Union, to a subjection to the will -of others. Even these are better fed in these States, warmer -clothed, and labor less than the journeymen or day-laborers of -England. They have the comfort, too, of numerous families, -in the midst of whom they live without want, or fear of it; a -solace which few of the laborers of England possess. They are -subject, it is true, to bodily coercion; but are not the hundreds -of thousands of British soldiers and seamen subject to the same, -without seeing, at the end of their career, when age and accident -shall have rendered them unequal to labor, the certainty, -which the other has, that he will never want? And has not the -British seaman, as much as the African, been reduced to this -bondage by force, in flagrant violation of his own consent, and -of his natural right in his own person? and with the laborers of -England generally, does not the moral coercion of want subject -their will as despotically to that of their employer, as the physical -constraint does the soldier, the seaman, or the slave? But do -not mistake me. I am not advocating slavery. I am not justifying -the wrongs we have committed on a foreign people, by -the example of another nation committing equal wrongs on their -own subjects. On the contrary, there is nothing I would not -sacrifice to a practicable plan of abolishing every vestige of this -moral and political depravity. But I am at present comparing -the condition and degree of suffering to which oppression has -reduced the man of one color, with the condition and degree of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_379'>[379]</a></span>suffering to which oppression has reduced the man of another -color; equally condemning both. Now let us compute by numbers -the sum of happiness of the two countries. In England, -happiness is the lot of the aristocracy only; and the proportion -they bear to the laborers and paupers, you know better than I do. -Were I to guess that they are four in every hundred, then the -happiness of the nation would be to its misery as one in twenty-five. -In the United States it is as eight millions to zero, or as -all to none. But it is said they possess the means of defence, -and that we do not. How so? Are we not men? Yes; but -our men are so happy at home that they will not hire themselves -to be shot at for a shilling a day. Hence we can have no -standing armies for defence, because we have no paupers to furnish -the materials. The Greeks and Romans had no standing -armies, yet they defended themselves. The Greeks by their -laws, and the Romans by the spirit of their people, took care to -put into the hands of their rulers no such engine of oppression as -a standing army. Their system was to make every man a soldier, -and oblige him to repair to the standard of his country -whenever that was reared. This made them invincible; and -the same remedy will make us so. In the beginning of our -government we were willing to introduce the least coercion possible -on the will of the citizen. Hence a system of military -duty was established too indulgent to his indolence. This is the -first opportunity we have had of trying it, and it has completely -failed; an issue foreseen by many, and for which remedies have -been proposed. That of classing the militia according to age, -and allotting each age to the particular kind of service to which -it was competent, was proposed to Congress in 1805, and subsequently; -and, on the last trial, was lost, I believe, by a single -vote only. Had it prevailed, what has now happened would not -have happened. Instead of burning our Capitol, we should have -possessed theirs in Montreal and Quebec. We must now adopt -it, and all will be safe. We had in the United States in 1805, -in round numbers of free, able-bodied men, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_380'>[380]</a></span> -</p> - -<table summary="Population"> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tdb">120,000</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">of the</td> -<td class="tdb">ages of</td> -<td class="tdb">18</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">to</td> -<td class="tdb">21</td> -<td class="tdc tdb">inclusive.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>200,000</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>22</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>26</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>200,000</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>27</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>35</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tdu">200,000</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>35</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>45</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>In all,</td> -<td>720,000</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>18</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>45</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -With this force properly classed, organized, trained, armed and -subject to tours of a year of military duty, we have no more -to fear for the defence of our country than those who have the -resources of despotism and pauperism. -</p> - -<p> -But, you will say, we have been devastated in the meantime. -True, some of our public buildings have been burnt, and some -scores of individuals on the tide-water have lost their movable -property and their houses. I pity them, and execrate the barbarians -who delight in unavailing mischief. But these individuals -have their lands and their hands left. They are not -paupers, they have still better means of subsistence than 24/25 of -the people of England. Again, the English have burnt our -Capitol and President's house by means of their force. We can -burn their St. James' and St. Paul's by means of our money, offered -to their own incendiaries, of whom there are thousands in -London who would do it rather than starve. But it is against -the laws of civilized warfare to employ secret incendiaries. Is it -not equally so to destroy the works of art by armed incendiaries? -Bonaparte, possessed at times of almost every capital of Europe, -with all his despotism and power, injured no monument of art. -If a nation, breaking through all the restraints of civilized character, -uses its means of destruction (power, for example) without -distinction of objects, may we not use our means (<i>our</i> money -and <i>their</i> pauperism) to retaliate their barbarous ravages? Are -we obliged to use for resistance exactly the weapons chosen by -them for aggression? When they destroyed Copenhagen by superior -force, against all the laws of God and man, would it have -been unjustifiable for the Danes to have destroyed their ships by -torpedoes? Clearly not; and they and we should now be justifiable -in the conflagration of St. James' and St. Paul's. And if -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_381'>[381]</a></span>we do not carry it into execution, it is because we think it more -moral and more honorable to set a good example, than follow a -bad one. -</p> - -<p> -So much for the happiness of the people of England, and the -morality of their government, in comparison with the happiness -and the morality of America. Let us pass to another subject. -</p> - -<p> -The crisis, then, of the abuses of banking is arrived. The -banks have pronounced their own sentence of death. Between -two and three hundred millions of dollars of their promissory notes -are in the hands of the people, for solid produce and property sold, -and they formally declare they will not pay them. This is an -act of bankruptcy of course, and will be so pronounced by any -court before which it shall be brought. But <span lang="la"><i>cui bono</i></span>? The -law can only uncover their insolvency, by opening to its suitors -their empty vaults. Thus by the dupery of our citizens, and -tame acquiescence of our legislators, the nation is plundered of -two or three hundred millions of dollars, treble the amount of -debt contracted in the revolutionary war, and which, instead of -redeeming our liberty, has been expended on sumptuous houses, -carriages, and dinners. A fearful tax! if equalized on all; but -overwhelming and convulsive by its partial fall. The crush will -be tremendous; very different from that brought on by our paper -money. That rose and fell so gradually that it kept all on their -guard, and affected severely only early or long-winded contracts. -Here the contract of yesterday crushes in an instant the one or -the other party. The banks stopping payment suddenly, all -their mercantile and city debtors do the same; and all, in short, -except those in the country, who, possessing property, will be -good in the end. But this resource will not enable them to pay -a cent on the dollar. From the establishment of the United -States Bank, to this day, I have preached against this system, -but have been sensible no cure could be hoped but in the catastrophe -now happening. The remedy was to let banks drop gradation -at the expiration of their charters, and for the State governments -to relinquish the power of establishing others. This -would not, as it should not, have given the power of establishing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_382'>[382]</a></span>them to Congress. But Congress could then have issued treasury -notes payable within a fixed period, and founded on a -specific tax, the proceeds of which, as they came in, should be -exchangeable for the notes of that particular emission only. This -depended, it is true, on the will of the State legislatures, and -would have brought on us the phalanx of paper interest. But -that interest is now defunct. Their gossamer castles are dissolved, -and they can no longer impede and overawe the salutary -measures of the government. Their paper was received -on a belief that it was cash on demand. Themselves -have declared it was nothing, and such scenes are now to -take place as will open the eyes of credulity and of insanity itself, -to the dangers of a paper medium abandoned to the discretion -of avarice and of swindlers. It is impossible not to deplore -our past follies, and their present consequences, but let them -at least be warnings against like follies in future. The banks -have discontinued themselves. We are now without any medium; -and necessity, as well as patriotism and confidence, will -make us all eager to receive treasury notes, if founded on specific -taxes. Congress may now borrow of the public, and without interest, -all the money they may want, to the amount of a competent -circulation, by merely issuing their own promissory notes, -of proper denominations for the larger purposes of circulation, -but not for the small. Leave that door open for the entrance of -metallic money. And, to give readier credit to their bills, without -obliging themselves to give cash for them on demand, let their -collectors be instructed to do so, when they have cash; thus, in -some measure, performing the functions of a bank, as to their -own notes. Providence seems, indeed, by a special dispensation, -to have put down for us, without a struggle, that very paper -enemy which the interest of our citizens long since required -ourselves to put down, at whatever risk. The work is done. -The moment is pregnant with futurity, and if not seized -at once by Congress, I know not on what shoal our bark -is next to be stranded. The State legislatures should be immediately -urged to relinquish the right of establishing banks -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_383'>[383]</a></span>of discount. Most of them will comply, on patriotic principles, -under the convictions of the moment; and the non-complying -may be crowded into concurrence by legitimate devices. <span lang="la"><i>Vale, -et me, ut amaris, ama.</i></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO SAMUEL H. SMITH, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 21, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I learn from the newspapers that the Vandalism -of our enemy has triumphed at Washington over science as well -as the arts, by the destruction of the public library with the -noble edifice in which it was deposited. Of this transaction, as -of that of Copenhagen, the world will entertain but one sentiment. -They will see a nation suddenly withdrawn from a great -war, full armed and full handed, taking advantage of another -whom they had recently forced into it, unarmed, and unprepared, -to indulge themselves in acts of barbarism which do not belong -to a civilized age. When Van Ghent destroyed their shipping -at Chatham, and De Ruyter rode triumphantly up the Thames, he -might in like manner, by the acknowledgment of their own historians, -have forced all their ships up to London bridge, and -there have burnt them, the tower, and city, had these examples -been then set. London, when thus menaced, was near a thousand -years old, Washington is but in its teens. -</p> - -<p> -I presume it will be among the early objects of Congress to -re-commence their collection. This will be difficult while the -war continues, and intercourse with Europe is attended with so -much risk. You know my collection, its condition and extent. -I have been fifty years making it, and have spared no pains, opportunity -or expense, to make it what it is. While residing in -Paris, I devoted every afternoon I was disengaged, for a summer -or two, in examining all the principal bookstores, turning over -every book with my own hand, and putting by everything which -related to America, and indeed whatever was rare and valuable -in every science. Besides this, I had standing orders during the -whole time I was in Europe, on its principal book-marts, particularly -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_384'>[384]</a></span>Amsterdam, Frankfort, Madrid and London, for such works -relating to America as could not be found in Paris. So that in -that department particularly, such a collection was made as probably -can never again be effected, because it is hardly probable -that the same opportunities, the same time, industry, perseverance -and expense, with some knowledge of the bibliography of -the subject, would again happen to be in concurrence. During -the same period, and after my return to America, I was led to -procure, also, whatever related to the duties of those in the high -concerns of the nation. So that the collection, which I suppose -is of between nine and ten thousand volumes, while it includes -what is chiefly valuable in science and literature generally, extends -more particularly to whatever belongs to the American -statesman. In the diplomatic and parliamentary branches, it is -particularly full. It is long since I have been sensible it ought -not to continue private property, and had provided that at my -death, Congress should have the refusal of it at their own price. -But the loss they have now incurred, makes the present the -proper moment for their accommodation, without regard to the -small remnant of time and the barren use of my enjoying it. I -ask of your friendship, therefore, to make for me the tender of it -to the library committee of Congress, not knowing myself of -whom the committee consists. I enclose you the catalogue, which -will enable them to judge of its contents. Nearly the whole are -well bound, abundance of them elegantly, and of the choicest -editions existing. They may be valued by persons named by -themselves, and the payment made convenient to the public. It -may be, for instance, in such annual instalments as the law of -Congress has left at their disposal, or in stock of any of their late -loans, or of any loan they may institute at this session, so as to -spare the present calls of our country, and await its days of peace -and prosperity. They may enter, nevertheless, into immediate -use of it, as eighteen or twenty wagons would place it in Washington -in a single trip of a fortnight. I should be willing indeed, -to retain a few of the books, to amuse the time I have yet -to pass, which might be valued with the rest, but not included -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_385'>[385]</a></span>in the sum of valuation until they should be restored at my -death, which I would carefully provide for, so that the whole -library as it stands in the catalogue at this moment should be -theirs without any garbling. Those I should like to retain -would be chiefly classical and mathematical. Some few in other -branches, and particularly one of the five encyclopedias in the -catalogue. But this, if not acceptable, would not be urged. I -must add, that I have not revised the library since I came home -to live, so that it is probable some of the books may be missing, -except in the chapters of Law and Divinity, which have been revised -and stand exactly as in the catalogue. The return of the -catalogue will of course be needed, whether the tender be accepted -or not. I do not know that it contains any branch of -science which Congress would wish to exclude from their collection; -there is, in fact, no subject to which a member of Congress -may not have occasion to refer. But such a wish would -not correspond with my views of preventing its dismemberment. -My desire is either to place it in their hands entire, or to preserve -it so here. I am engaged in making an alphabetical index of the -author's names, to be annexed to the catalogue, which I will forward -to you as soon as completed. Any agreement you shall be -so good as to take the trouble of entering into with the committee, -I hereby confirm. Accept the assurance of my great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 24, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—It is very long since I troubled you with a letter, -which has proceeded from discretion and not want of inclination, -because I have really had nothing to write which ought to -have occupied your time. But in the late events at Washington -I have felt so much for you that I cannot withhold the expression -of my sympathies. For although every reasonable man must -be sensible that all you can do is to order that execution must -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_386'>[386]</a></span>depend on others, and failures be imputed to them alone, yet I -know that when such failures happen, they afflict even those -who have done everything they could to prevent them. Had -General Washington himself been now at the head of our affairs, -the same event would probably have happened. We all remember -the disgraces which befell us in his time in a trifling war with -one or two petty tribes of Indians, in which two armies were cut -off by not half their numbers. Every one knew, and I personally -knew, because I was then of his council, that no blame was -imputable to him, and that his officers alone were the cause of -the disasters. They must now do the same justice. I am happy -to turn to a countervailing event, and to congratulate you on the -destruction of a second hostile fleet on the lakes by McDonough; -of which, however, we have not the details. While our enemies -cannot but feel shame for their barbarous achievements at Washington, -they will be stung to the soul by these repeated victories -over them on that element on which they wish the world to -think them invincible. We have dissipated that error. They -must now feel a conviction themselves that we can beat them -gun to gun, ship to ship and fleet to fleet, and that their early -successes on the land have been either purchased from traitors, -or obtained from raw men entrusted of necessity with commands -for which no experience had qualified them, and that every day -is adding that experience to unquestioned bravery. -</p> - -<p> -I am afraid the failure of our banks will occasion embarrassment -for awhile, although it restores to us a fund which ought -never to have been surrendered by the nation, and which now, -prudently used, will carry us through all the fiscal difficulties of -the war. At the request of Mr. Eppes, who was chairman of -the committee of finance at the preceding session, I had written -him some long letters on this subject. Colonel Monroe asked the -reading of them some time ago, and I now send him another, -written to a member of our legislature, who requested my ideas -on the recent bank events. They are too long for your reading, -but Colonel Monroe can, in a few sentences, state to you their -outline. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_387'>[387]</a></span>Learning by the papers the loss of the library of Congress, I -have sent my catalogue to S. H. Smith, to make to their library -committee the offer of my collection, now of about nine or ten -thousand volumes, which may be delivered to them instantly, on -a valuation by persons of their own naming, and be paid for in -any way, and at any term they please; in stock, for example, of -any loan they have unissued, or of any one they may institute at -this session; or in such annual instalments as are at the disposal -of the committee. I believe you are acquainted with the condition -of the books, should they wish to be ascertained of this. -I have long been sensible that my library would be an interesting -possession for the public, and the loss Congress has recently -sustained, and the difficulty of replacing it, while our intercourse -with Europe is so obstructed, renders this the proper moment -for placing it at their service. Accept assurances of my constant -and affectionate friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MILES KING. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 26, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I duly received your letter of August 20th, and I thank -you for it, because I believe it was written with kind intentions, -and a personal concern for my future happiness. Whether the -particular revelation which you suppose to have been made to -yourself were real or imaginary, your reason alone is the competent -judge. For dispute as long as we will on religious tenets, -our reason at last must ultimately decide, as it is the only oracle -which God has given us to determine between what really -comes from him and the phantasms of a disordered or deluded -imagination. When he means to make a personal revelation, -he carries conviction of its authenticity to the reason he has -bestowed as the umpire of truth. You believe you have been -favored with such a special communication. Your reason, not -mine, is to judge of this; and if it shall be his pleasure to favor -me with a like admonition, I shall obey it with the same fidelity -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_388'>[388]</a></span>with which I would obey his known will in all cases. Hitherto -I have been under the guidance of that portion of reason -which he has thought proper to deal out to me. I have followed -it faithfully in all important cases, to such a degree at least as -leaves me without uneasiness; and if on minor occasions I have -erred from its dictates, I have trust in him who made us what we -are, and know it was not his plan to make us always unerring. He -has formed us moral agents. Not that, in the perfection of his -state, he can feel pain or pleasure in anything we may do; he -is far above our power; but that we may promote the happiness -of those with whom he has placed us in society, by acting -honestly towards all, benevolently to those who fall within our -way, respecting sacredly their rights, bodily and mental, and -cherishing especially their freedom of conscience, as we value -our own. I must ever believe that religion substantially good -which produces an honest life, and we have been authorized by -one whom you and I equally respect, to judge of the tree by its -fruit. Our particular principles of religion are a subject of accountability -to our God alone. I inquire after no man's, and -trouble none with mine; nor is it given to us in this life to know -whether yours or mine, our friends or our foes, are exactly the -right. Nay, we have heard it said that there is not a Quaker or -a Baptist, a Presbyterian or an Episcopalian, a Catholic or a -Protestant in heaven; that, on entering that gate, we leave those -badges of schism behind, and find ourselves united in those -principles only in which God has united us all. Let us not be -uneasy then about the different roads we may pursue, as believing -them the shortest, to that our last abode; but, following the -guidance of a good conscience, let us be happy in the hope that -by these different paths we shall all meet in the end. And that -you and I may there meet and embrace, is my earnest prayer. -And with this assurance I salute you with brotherly esteem and -respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_389'>[389]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 30, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In my letter of the 23d, an important fact escaped -me which, lest it should not occur to you, I will mention. -The monies arising from the sales of the glebe lands in the -several counties, have generally, I believe, and under the sanction -of the legislature, been deposited in some of the banks. So also -the funds of the literary society. These debts, although parcelled -among the counties, yet the counties constitute the State, -and their representatives the legislature, united into one whole. -It is right then that owing $300,000 to the banks, they should -stay so much of that sum in their own hands as will secure -what the banks owe to their constituents as divided into counties. -Perhaps the loss of these funds would be the most lasting -of the evils proceeding from the insolvency of the banks. Ever -yours with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 7, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your several favors of September 15th, 21st, -22d, came all together by our last mail. I have given to that of -the 15th a single reading only, because the hand writing (not -your own) is microscopic and difficult, and because I shall have -an opportunity of studying it in the Portfolio in print. According -to your request I return it for that publication, where it will -do a great deal of good. It will give our young men some idea -of what constitutes a well-educated man; that Cæsar and Virgil, -and a few books of Euclid, do not really contain the sum of all -human knowledge, nor give to a man figure in the ranks of -science. Your letter will be a valuable source of consultation -for us in our Collegiate courses, when, and if ever, we advance -to that stage of our establishment. -</p> - -<p> -I agree with yours of the 22d, that a professorship of Theology -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_390'>[390]</a></span>should have no place in our institution. But we cannot always -do what is absolutely best. Those with whom we act, -entertaining different views, have the power and the right of -carrying them into practice. Truth advances, and error recedes -step by step only; and to do to our fellow-men the most good in -our power, we must lead where we can, follow where we can -not, and still go with them, watching always the favorable moment -for helping them to another step. Perhaps I should concur -with you also in excluding the <i>theory</i> (not the <i>practice</i>) of -medicine. This is the <span lang="fr_FR">charlatanerie</span> of the body, as the other is -of the mind. For classical learning I have ever been a zealous -advocate; and in this, as in his theory of bleeding and mercury, -I was ever opposed to my friend Rush, whom I greatly loved; -but who has done much harm, in the sincerest persuasion that he -was preserving life and happiness to all around him. I have not, -however, carried so far as you do my ideas of the importance of -a hypercritical knowledge of the Latin and Greek languages. I -have believed it sufficient to possess a substantial understanding -of their authors. -</p> - -<p> -In the exclusion of Anatomy and Botany from the eleventh -grade of education, which is that of the man of independent fortune, -we separate in opinion. In my view, no knowledge can -be more satisfactory to a man than that of his own frame, its -parts, their functions and actions. And Botany I rank with the -most valuable sciences, whether we consider its subjects as furnishing -the principal subsistence of life to man and beast, delicious -varieties for our tables, refreshments from our orchards, -the adornments of our flower-borders, shade and perfume of our -groves, materials for our buildings, or medicaments for our bodies. -To the gentlemen it is certainly more interesting than mineralogy -(which I by no means, however, undervalue), and is more at -hand for his amusement; and to a country family it constitutes a -great portion of their social entertainment. No country gentleman -should be without what amuses every step he takes into his -fields. -</p> - -<p> -I am sorry to learn the fate of your Emporium. It was adding -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_391'>[391]</a></span>fast to our useful knowledge. Our artists particularly, and -our statesmen, will have cause to regret it. But my hope is that -its suspension will be temporary only; and that as soon as we -get over the crisis of our disordered circulation, your publishers -will resume it among their first enterprises. Accept my thanks -for the benefit of your ideas to our scheme of education, and the -assurance of my constant esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -To ——<a name='FA_12' id='FA_12' href='#FN_12' class='fnanchor'>[12]</a>. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 15, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thank you for the information of your letter of -the 10th. It gives, at length, a fixed character to our prospects. -The war, undertaken, on both sides, to settle the questions of -impressment, and the orders of council, now that these are done -away by events, is declared by Great Britain to have changed its -object, and to have become a war of conquest, to be waged until -she conquers from us our fisheries, the province of Maine, the -lakes, States and territories north of the Ohio, and the navigation -of the Mississippi; in other words, till she reduces us to unconditional -submission. On our part, then, we ought to propose, as -a counterchange of object, the establishment of the meridian of -the mouth of the Sorel northwardly, as the western boundary -of all her possessions. Two measures will enable us to effect it, -and without these, we cannot even defend ourselves. 1. To -organize the militia into classes, assigning to each class the duties -for which it is fitted, (which, had it been done when proposed, -years ago, would have prevented all our misfortunes,) abolishing -by a declaratory law the doubts which abstract scruples in some, -and cowardice and treachery in others, have conjured up about -passing imaginary lines, and limiting, at the same time, their services -to the <i>contiguous</i> provinces of the enemy. The 2d is the -ways and means. You have seen my ideas on this subject, and -I shall add nothing but a rectification of what either I have ill -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_392'>[392]</a></span>expressed, or you have misapprehended. If I have used any expression -restraining the emissions of treasury notes to a <i>sufficient</i> -medium, as your letter seems to imply, I have done it inadvertently, -and under the impression then possessing me, that the -war would be very short. A <i>sufficient</i> medium would not, on -the principles of any writer, exceed thirty millions of dollars, -and on those of some not ten millions. Our experience has -proved it may be run up to two or three hundred millions, without -more than doubling what would be the prices of things under -a <i>sufficient</i> medium, or say a metallic one, which would always -keep itself at the <i>sufficient</i> point; and, if they rise to this term, -and the descent from it be gradual, it would not produce sensible -revolutions in private fortunes. I shall be able to explain my -views more definitely by the use of numbers. Suppose we require, -to carry on the war, an annual loan of twenty millions, -then I propose that, in the first year, you shall lay a tax of two -millions, and emit twenty millions of treasury notes, of a size -proper for circulation, and bearing no interest, to the redemption -of which the proceeds of that tax shall be inviolably pledged -and applied, by recalling annually their amount of the identical -bills funded on them. The second year lay another tax of two -millions, and emit twenty millions more. The third year the -same, and so on, until you have reached the maximum of taxes -which ought to be imposed. Let me suppose this maximum to -be one dollar a head, or ten millions of dollars, merely as an exemplification -more familiar than would be the algebraical symbols -<i>x</i> or <i>y</i>. You would reach this in five years. The sixth -year, then, still emit twenty millions of treasury notes, and continue -all the taxes two years longer. The seventh year twenty -millions more, and continue the whole taxes another two years; -and so on. Observe, that although you emit ten millions of -dollars a year, you call in ten millions, and, consequently, -add but ten millions annually to the circulation. It would -be in thirty years, then, <span lang="la"><i>primâ facie</i></span>, that you would reach -the present circulation of three hundred millions, or the ultimate -term to which we might adventure. But observe, also, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_393'>[393]</a></span>that in that time we shall have become thirty millions of people -to whom three hundred millions of dollars would be no more -than one hundred millions to us now; which sum would probably -not have raised prices more than fifty per cent. on what -may be deemed the standard, or metallic prices. This increased -population and consumption, while it would be increasing the -proceeds of the redemption tax, and lessening the balance annually -thrown into circulation, would also absorb, without saturation, -more of the surplus medium, and enable us to push the -same process to a much higher term, to one which we might -safely call indefinite, because extending so far beyond the limits, -either in time or expense, of any supportable war. All we -should have to do would be, when the war should be ended, to -leave the gradual extinction of these notes to the operation of -the taxes pledged for their redemption; not to suffer a dollar of -paper to be emitted either by public or private authority, but let -the metallic medium flow back into the channels of circulation, -and occupy them until another war should oblige us to recur, for -its support, to the same resource, and the same process, on the -circulating medium. -</p> - -<p> -The citizens of a country like ours will never have unemployed -capital. Too many enterprises are open, offering high -profits, to permit them to lend their capitals on a regular and -moderate interest. They are too enterprizing and sanguine -themselves not to believe they can do better with it. I never -did believe you could have gone beyond a first or a second loan, -not from a want of confidence in the public faith, which is perfectly -sound, but from a want of disposable funds in individuals. -The circulating fund is the only one we can ever command -with certainty. It is sufficient for all our wants; and the impossibility -of even defending the country without its aid as a borrowing -fund, renders it indispensable that the nation should take -and keep it in their own hands, as their exclusive resource. -</p> - -<p> -I have trespassed on your time so far, for explanation only. I -will do it no further than by adding the assurances of my affectionate -and respectful attachment.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_394'>[394]</a></span> -</p> - -<table summary="Circulation Fund" class="p4"> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">Years.</td> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Emissions.</td> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Taxes & Redemptions.</td> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Bal. in circulation at end of year.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1815</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">millions</td> -<td class="tdr">2</td> -<td class="tdc">millions</td> -<td class="tdr">18</td> -<td class="tdc">millions</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1816</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">4</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">34</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1817</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">6</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">48</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1818</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">8</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">60</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1819</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">70</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1820</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">80</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1821</td> -<td class="tdr tdu">20</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">90</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tdr">140</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -Suppose the war to terminate here, to wit, at the end of seven -years, the reduction will proceed as follows: -</p> - -<table summary="Bank Paper over Time"> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">Years.</td> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Taxes & Redemptions.</td> -<td class="tdc" colspan="2">Bal. in cir. at end of year.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1822</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">millions</td> -<td class="tdr">80</td> -<td class="tdc">millions</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1823</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">70</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1824</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">60</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1825</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">50</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1826</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">40</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1827</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">30</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1828</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1829</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">1830</td> -<td class="tdr tdu">10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">0</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tdr">140</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -This is a tabular statement of the amount of emission, taxes, -redemptions, and balances left in circulation every year, on the -plan above sketched. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JAMES MONROE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 16, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 10th has been duly received. -The objects of our contest being thus entirely changed by England, -we must prepare for interminable war. To this end we -should put our house in order, by providing men and money to -indefinite extent. The former may be done by classing our -militia, and assigning each class to the description of duties for -which it is fit. It is nonsense to talk of regulars. They are -not to be had among a people so easy and happy at home as -ours. We might as well rely on calling down an army of angels -from heaven. I trust it is now seen that the refusal to class the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_395'>[395]</a></span>militia, when proposed years ago, is the real source of all our -misfortunes in this war. The other great and indispensable object -is to enter on such a system of finance, as can be permanently -pursued to any length of time whatever. Let us be allured -by no projects of banks, public or private, or ephemeral -expedients, which, enabling us to gasp and flounder a little longer, -only increase, by protracting the agonies of death. -</p> - -<p> -Perceiving, in a letter from the President, that either I had ill -expressed my ideas on a particular part of this subject, in the -letters I sent you, or he had misapprehended them, I wrote him -yesterday an explanation; and as you have thought the other -letters worth a perusal, and a communication to the Secretary of -the Treasury, I enclose you a copy of this, lest I should be misunderstood -by others also. Only be so good as to return me the -whole when done with, as I have no other copies. -</p> - -<p> -Since writing the letter now enclosed, I have seen the Report -of the committee of finance, proposing taxes to the amount of -twenty millions. This is a dashing proposition. But, if Congress -pass it, I shall consider it sufficient evidence that their constituents -generally can pay the tax. No man has greater confidence -than I have, in the spirit of the people, to a rational -extent. Whatever they can, they will. But, without either -market or medium, I know not how it is to be done. All markets -abroad, and all at home, are shut to us; so that we have -been feeding our horses on wheat. Before the day of collection, -bank-notes will be but as oak leaves; and of specie, there is not -within all the United States, one-half of the proposed amount -of the taxes. I had thought myself as bold as was safe in contemplating, -as possible, an annual taxation of ten millions, as a -fund for emissions of treasury notes; and, when further emissions -should be necessary, that it would be better to enlarge the time, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_396'>[396]</a></span>than the tax for redemption. Our position, with respect to our -enemy, and our markets, distinguishes us from all other nations; -inasmuch, as a state of war, with us, annihilates in an instant -all our surplus produce, that on which we depended for many -comforts of life. This renders peculiarly expedient the throwing -a part of the burdens of war on times of peace and commerce. -Still, however, my hope is that others see resources, -which, in my abstraction from the world, are unseen by me; -that there will be both market and medium to meet these taxes, -and that there are circumstances which render it wiser to levy -twenty millions at once on the people, than to obtain the same -sum on a tenth of the tax. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a letter from Colonel James Lewis, now of Tennessee, -who wishes to be appointed Indian agent, and I do it lest -he should have relied solely on this channel of communication. -You know him better than I do, as he was long your agent. I -have always believed him an honest man, and very good-humored -and accommodating. Of his other qualifications for the office, -you are the best judge. Believe me to be ever affectionately -yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR ROBERT PATTERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 23, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have heretofore confided to you my wishes to -retire from the chair of the Philosophical Society, which, however, -under the influence of your recommendations, I have hitherto -deferred. I have never, however, ceased from the purpose, -and from everything I can observe or learn at this distance, I suppose -that a new choice can now be made with as much harmony -as may be expected at any future time. I send therefore, -by this mail, my resignation, with such entreaties to be omitted -at the ensuing election as I must hope will be yielded to, for in -truth I cannot be easy in holding, as a sinecure, an honor so -justly due to the talents and services of others. I pray your -friendly assistance in assuring the society of the sentiments of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_397'>[397]</a></span>affectionate respect and gratitude with which I retire from the -high and honorable relation in which I have stood with them, -and that you will believe me to be ever and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ROBERT M. PATTERSON, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL -SOCIETY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 23, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I solicited, on a former occasion, permission from the -American Philosophical Society, to retire from the honor of their -chair, under a consciousness that distance as well as other circumstances, -denied me the power of executing the duties of the -station, and that those on whom they devolved were best entitled -to the honors they confer. It was the pleasure of the society at -that time, that I should remain in their service, and they have -continued since to renew the same marks of their partiality. Of -these I have been ever duly sensible, and now beg leave to return -my thanks for them with humble gratitude. Still, I have -never ceased, nor can I cease to feel that I am holding honors -without yielding requital, and justly belonging to others. As the -period of election is now therefore approaching, I take the occasion -of begging to be withdrawn from the attention of the society -at their ensuing choice, and to be permitted now to resign -the office of president into their hands, which I hereby do. I -shall consider myself sufficiently honored in remaining a private -member of their body, and shall ever avail myself with zeal of -every occasion which may occur, of being useful to them, retaining -indelibly a profound sense of their past favors. -</p> - -<p> -I avail myself of the channel through which the last notification -of the pleasure of the society was conveyed to me, to make -this communication, and with the greater satisfaction, as it gratifies -me with the occasion of assuring you personally of my high -respect for yourself, and of the interest I shall ever take in learning -that your worth and talents secure to you the successes they -merit.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_398'>[398]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO W. SHORT, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 28, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of October 28th came to hand on the 15th -instant only. The settlement of your boundary with Colonel -Monroe, is protracted by circumstances which seem foreign to it. -One would hardly have expected that the hostile expedition to -Washington could have had any connection with an operation -one hundred miles distant. Yet preventing his attendance, nothing -could be done. I am satisfied there is no unwillingness on -his part, but on the contrary a desire to have it settled; and therefore, -if he should think it indispensable to be present at the investigation, -as is possible, the very first time he comes here I -will press him to give a day to the decision, without regarding -Mr. Carter's absence. Such an occasion must certainly offer -soon after the fourth of March, when Congress rises of necessity -and be assured I will not lose one possible moment in effecting -it. -</p> - -<p> -Although withdrawn from all anxious attention to political -concerns, yet I will state my impressions as to the present war, -because your letter leads to the subject. The essential grounds -of the war were, 1st, the orders of council; and 2d, the impressment -of our citizens; (for I put out of sight from the love of -peace the multiplied insults on our government and aggressions on -our commerce, with which our pouch, like the Indian's, had long -been filled to the mouth.) What immediately produced the declaration -was, 1st, the proclamation of the Prince Regent that he -would never repeal the orders of council as to us, until Bonaparte -should have revoked his decrees as to all other nations as well as -ours; and 2d, the declaration of his minister to ours that no arrangement -whatever could be devised, admissible in lieu of impressment. -It was certainly a misfortune that <i>they</i> did not know -themselves at the date of this silly and insolent proclamation, -that within one month they would repeal the orders, and that <i>we</i>, -at the date of our declaration, could not know of the repeal -which was then going on one thousand leagues distant. Their -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_399'>[399]</a></span>determinations, as declared by themselves, could alone guide us, -and they shut the door on all further negotiation, throwing down -to us the gauntlet of war or submission as the only alternatives. -We cannot blame the government for choosing that of war, because -certainly the great majority of the nation thought it ought -to be chosen, not that they were to gain by it in dollars and -cents; all men know that war is a losing game to both parties. -But they know also that if they do not resist encroachment at some -point, all will be taken from them, and that more would then -be lost even in dollars and cents by submission than resistance. -It is the case of giving a part to save the whole, a limb to save -life. It is the melancholy law of human societies to be compelled -sometimes to choose a great evil in order to ward off a -greater; to deter their neighbors from rapine by making it cost -them more than honest gains. The enemy are accordingly now -disgorging what they had so ravenously swallowed. The orders -of council had taken from us near one thousand vessels. Our -list of captures from them is now one thousand three hundred, -and, just become sensible that it is small and not large ships -which gall them most, we shall probably add one thousand prizes -a year to their past losses. Again, supposing that, according to -the confession of their own minister in parliament, the Americans -they had impressed were something short of two thousand, -the war against us alone cannot cost them less than twenty -millions of dollars a year, so that each American impressed has -already cost them ten thousand dollars, and every year will -add five thousand dollars more to his price. We, I suppose, -expend more; but had we adopted the other alternative of -submission, no mortal can tell what the cost would have been. -I consider the war then as entirely justifiable on our part, although -I am still sensible it is a deplorable misfortune to us. It -has arrested the course of the most remarkable tide of prosperity -any nation ever experienced, and has closed such prospects of -future improvement as were never before in the view of any people. -Farewell all hopes of extinguishing public debt! farewell -all visions of applying surpluses of revenue to the improvements -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_400'>[400]</a></span>of peace rather than the ravages of war. Our enemy has indeed -the consolation of Satan on removing our first parents from -Paradise: from a peaceable and agricultural nation, he makes us -a military and manufacturing one. We shall indeed survive the -conflict. Breeders enough will remain to carry on population. -We shall retain our country, and rapid advances in the art of -war will soon enable us to beat our enemy, and probably drive him -from the continent. We have men enough, and I am in hopes -the present session of Congress will provide the means of commanding -their services. But I wish I could see them get into a -better train of finance. Their banking projects are like dosing -dropsy with more water. If anything could revolt our citizens -against the war, it would be the extravagance with which they -are about to be taxed. It is strange indeed that at this day, and -in a country where English proceedings are so familiar, the principles -and advantages of funding should be neglected, and expedients -resorted to. Their new bank, if not abortive at its -birth, will not last through one campaign; and the taxes proposed -cannot be paid. How can a people who cannot get fifty -cents a bushel for their wheat, while they pay twelve dollars a -bushel for their salt, pay five times the amount of taxes they -ever paid before? Yet that will be the case in all the States -south of the Potomac. Our resources are competent to the -maintenance of the war if duly economized and skillfuly employed -in the way of anticipation. However, we must suffer, -I suppose, from our ignorance in funding, as we did from that of -fighting, until necessity teaches us both; and, fortunately, our -stamina are so vigorous as to rise superior to great mismanagement. -This year I think we shall have learnt how to call forth -our force, and by the next I hope our funds, and even if the -state of Europe should not by that time give the enemy employment -enough nearer home, we shall leave him nothing to fight -for here. These are my views of the war. They embrace a -great deal of sufferance, trying privations, and no benefit but that -of teaching our enemy that he is never to gain by wanton injuries -on us. To me this state of things brings a sacrifice of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_401'>[401]</a></span>all tranquillity and comfort through the residue of life. For although -the debility of age disables me from the services and -sufferings of the field, yet, by the total annihilation in value of -the produce which was to give me subsistence and independence, -I shall be like Tantalus, up to the shoulders in water, yet dying -with thirst. We can make indeed enough to eat, drink and -clothe ourselves; but nothing for our salt, iron, groceries and -taxes, which must be paid in money. For what can we raise -for the market? Wheat? we can only give it to our horses, as -we have been doing ever since harvest. Tobacco? it is not -worth the pipe it is smoked in. Some say Whiskey; but all -mankind must become drunkards to consume it. But although -we feel, we shall not flinch. We must consider now, as in the -revolutionary war, that although the evils of resistance are great, -those of submission would be greater. We must meet, therefore, -the former as the casualties of tempests and earthquakes, and -like them necessarily resulting from the constitution of the -world. Your situation, my dear friend, is much better. For, -although I do not know with certainty the nature of your investments, -yet I presume they are not in banks, insurance companies -or any other of those gossamer castles. If in ground-rents, they -are solid; if in stock of the United States, they are equally so. -I once thought that in the event of a war we should be obliged -to suspend paying the interest of the public debt. But a dozen -years more of experience and observation on our people and -government, have satisfied me it will never be done. The sense -of the necessity of public credit is so universal and so deeply -rooted, that no other necessity will prevail against it; and I am -glad to see that while the former eight millions are steadfastly applied -to the sinking of the old debt, the Senate have lately insisted -on a sinking fund for the new. This is the dawn of that -improvement in the management of our finances which I look -to for salvation; and I trust that the light will continue to advance, -and point out their way to our legislators. They will -soon see that instead of taxes for the whole year's expenses, -which the people cannot pay, a tax to the amount of the interest -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_402'>[402]</a></span>and a reasonable portion of the principal will command the -whole sum, and throw a part of the burthens of war on times -of peace and prosperity. A sacred payment of interest is the -only way to make the most of their resources, and a sense of -that renders your income from our funds more certain than mine -from lands. Some apprehend danger from the defection of -Massachusetts. It is a disagreeable circumstance, but not a dangerous -one. If they become neutral, we are sufficient for one -enemy without them, and in fact we get no aid from them now. -If their administration determines to join the enemy, their force -will be annihilated by equality of division among themselves. -Their federalists will then call in the English army, the republicans -ours, and it will only be a transfer of the scene of war from -Canada to Massachusetts; and we can get ten men to go to -Massachusetts for one who will go to Canada. Every one, too, -must know that we can at any moment make peace with England -at the expense of the navigation and fisheries of Massachusetts. -But it will not come to this. Their own people will put -down these factionists as soon as they see the real object of their -opposition; and of this Vermont, New Hampshire, and even Connecticut -itself, furnish proofs. -</p> - -<p> -You intimate a possibility of your return to France, now that -Bonaparte is put down. I do not wonder at it, France, freed -from that monster, must again become the most agreeable country -on earth. It would be the second choice of all whose ties -of family and fortune gives a preference to some other one, and -the first of all not under those ties. Yet I doubt if the tranquillity -of France is entirely settled. If her Pretorian bands are -not furnished with employment on her external enemies, I fear -they will recall the old, or set up some new cause. -</p> - -<p> -God bless you and preserve you in bodily health. Tranquillity -of mind depends much on ourselves, and greatly on due reflection -"how much pain have cost us the evils which have never -happened." Affectionately adieu.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_403'>[403]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MELLISH. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 10, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thank you for your favor of the map of the -<span lang="la"><i>sine quâ non</i></span>, enclosed in your letter of November 12th. It was -an excellent idea; and if, with the Documents distributed by -Congress, copies of these had been sent to be posted up in every -street, on every townhouse and court-house, it would have painted -to the eyes of those who cannot read without reflecting, that reconquest -is the ultimate object of Britain. The first step towards -this is to set a limit to their expansion by taking from them that -noble country which the foresight of their fathers provided for -their multiplying and needy offspring; to be followed up by the -compression, land-board and sea-board, of that Omnipotence -which the English fancy themselves now to possess. A vain and -foolish imagination! Instead of fearing and endeavoring to crush -our prosperity, had they cultivated it in friendship, it might have -become a bulwark instead of a breaker to them. There has -never been an administration in this country which would not -gladly have met them more than half way on the road to an -equal, a just and solid connection of friendship and intercourse. -And as to repressing our growth, they might as well attempt to -repress the waves of the ocean. -</p> - -<p> -Your American Atlas is a useful undertaking for those who will -live to see and to use it. To me every mail, in the departure of -some cotemporary, brings warning to be in readiness myself also, -and to cease from new engagements. It is a warning of no -alarm. When faculty after faculty is retiring from us, and all -the avenues to cheerful sensation closing, sight failing now, hearing -next, then memory, debility of body, trepitude of mind, nothing -remaining but a sickly vegetation, with scarcely the relief -of a little locomotion, the last cannot be but a <i>coup de grace</i>. -</p> - -<p> -You propose to me the preparation of a new edition of the -Notes on Virginia. I formerly entertained the idea, and from -time to time noted some new matter, which I thought I would -arrange at leisure for a posthumous edition. But I now begin to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_404'>[404]</a></span>see that it is impracticable for me. Nearly forty years of additional -experience in the affairs of mankind would lead me into -dilatations ending I know not where. That experience indeed -has not altered a single principle. But it has furnished matter -of abundant development. Every moment, too, which I have to -spare from my daily exercise and affairs is engrossed by a correspondence, -the result of the extensive relations which my course -of life has necessarily occasioned. And now the act of writing -itself is becoming slow, laborious and irksome. I consider, therefore, -the idea of preparing a new copy of that work as no more -to be entertained. The work itself indeed is nothing more than -the measure of a shadow, never stationary, but lengthening as -the sun advances, and to be taken anew from hour to hour. It -must remain, therefore, for some other hand to sketch its appearance -at another epoch, to furnish another element for calculating -the course and motion of this member of our federal system. For -this, every day is adding new matter and strange matter. That -of reducing, by impulse instead of attraction, a sister planet into -its orbit, will be as new in our political as in the planetary system. -The operation, however, will be painful rather than difficult. -The sound part of our wandering star will probably, by its -own internal energies, keep the unsound within its course; or if -a foreign power is called in, we shall have to meet it but so much -the nearer, and with a more overwhelming force. It will probably -shorten the war. For I think it probable that the <span lang="la"><i>sine quâ -non</i></span> was designedly put into an impossible form to give time for -the development of their plots and concerts with the factionists -of Boston, and that they are holding off to see the issue, not of -the Congress of Vienna, but that of Hartford. This will begin -a new chapter in our history, and with a wish that you may live -in health to see its easy close, I tender you the assurance of my -great esteem and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_405'>[405]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. CORREA DE SERRA. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 27, 1814. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 9th has been duly received, and I -thank you for the recipe for imitating purrolani, which I shall -certainly try on my cisterns the ensuing summer. The making -them impermeable to water is of great consequence to me. That -one chemical subject may follow another, I enclose you two morsels -of ore found in this neighborhood, and supposed to be of antimony. -I am not certain, but I believe both are from the same -piece, and although the very spot where that was found is not -known, yet it is known to be within a certain space not too large -to be minutely examined, if the material be worth it. This you -can have ascertained in Philadelphia, where it is best known to -the artists how great a desideratum antimony is with them. -</p> - -<p> -You will have seen that I resigned the chair of the American -Philosophical Society, not awaiting your further information as -to the settlement of the general opinion on a successor without -schism. I did it because the term of election was too near to -admit further delay. -</p> - -<p> -On the subject which entered incidentally into our conversation -while you were here, when I came to reflect maturely, I concluded -to be silent. To do wrong is a melancholy resource, even -where retaliation renders it indispensably necessary. It is better -to suffer much from the scalpings, the conflagrations, the rapes -and rapine of savages, than to countenance and strengthen such -barbarisms by retortion. I have ever deemed it more honorable -and more profitable too, to set a good example than to follow a -bad one. The good opinion of mankind, like the lever of Archimedes, -with the given fulcrum, moves the world. I therefore -have never proposed or mentioned the subject to any one. -</p> - -<p> -I have received a letter from Mr. Say, in which he expresses -a thought of removing to this country, having discontinued the -manufactory in which he was engaged; and he asks information -from me of the prices of land, labor, produce, &c., in the neighborhood -of Charlottesville, on which he has cast his eye. Its -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_406'>[406]</a></span>neighborhood has certainly the advantages of good soil, fine -climate, navigation to market, and rational and republican society. -It would be a good enough position too for the re-establishment -of his cotton works, on a moderate scale, and combined -with the small plan of agriculture to which he seems solely to -look. But when called on to name prices, what is to be said? -We have no fixed prices now. Our dropsical medium is long -since divested of the quality of a medium of value; nor can I -find any other. In most countries a fixed quantity of wheat is -perhaps the best permanent standard. But here the blockade -of our whole coast, preventing all access to a market, has depressed -the price of that, and exalted that of other things, in opposite -directions, and, combined with the effects of the paper deluge, -leaves really no common measure of values to be resorted -to. This paper, too, received now without confidence, and for -momentary purposes only, may, in a moment, be worth nothing. -I shall think further on the subject, and give to Mr. Say the best -information in my power. To myself such an addition to our rural -society would be inestimable; and I can readily conceive that it -may be for the benefit of his children and their descendants to -remove to a country where, for enterprise and talents, so many -avenues are open to fortune and fame. But whether, at his time -of life, and with habits formed for the state of society in France, -a change for one so entirely different will be for his personal -happiness, you can better judge than myself. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Say will be surprised to find, that forty years after the development -of sound financial principles by Adam Smith and the -Economists, and a dozen years after he has given them to us in -a corrected, dense, and lucid form, there should be so much ignorance -of them in our country; that instead of funding issues -of paper on the hypothecation of specific redeeming taxes, (the -only method of anticipating, in a time of war, the resources of -times of peace, tested by the experience of nations,) we are trusting -to tricks of jugglers on the cards, to the illusions of banking -schemes for the resources of the war, and for the cure of colic to -inflations of more wind. The wise proposition of the Secretary -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_407'>[407]</a></span>at War, too, for filling our ranks with regulars, and putting our -militia into an effective form, seems to be laid aside. I fear, -therefore, that, if the war continues, it will require another year -of sufferance for men and money to lead our legislators into such -a military and financial regimen as may carry us through a war -of any length. But my hope is in peace. The negotiators at -Ghent are agreed now on every point save one, the demand and -cession of a portion of Maine. This, it is well known, cannot -be yielded by us, nor deemed by them an object for continuing -a war so expensive, so injurious to their commerce and manufactures, -and so odious in the eyes of the world. But it is a thread -to hold by until they can hear the result, not of the Congress of -Vienna, but of Hartford. When they shall know, as they will -know, that nothing will be done there, they will let go their -hold, and complete the peace of the world, by agreeing to the -<span lang="la"><i>status ante bellum</i></span>. Indemnity for the past, and security for the -future, which was our motto at the beginning of this war, must -be adjourned to another, when, disarmed and bankrupt, our -enemy shall be less able to insult and plunder the world with -impunity. This will be after my time. One war, such as that -of our Revolution, is enough for one life. Mine has been too -much prolonged to make me the witness of a second, and I hope -for a <i>coup de grace</i> before a third shall come upon us. If, indeed, -Europe has matters to settle which may reduce this <span lang="la"><i>hostis -humani generis</i></span> to a state of peace and moral order, I shall see -that with pleasure, and then sing, with old Simeon, <span lang="la"><i>nunc dimittas -Domine</i></span>. For yourself, <span lang="la"><i>cura ut valeas, et me, ut amaris, ama</i></span>. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 1, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letters of November the 30th and December -the 21st have been received with great pleasure. A truth now -and then projecting into the ocean of newspaper lies, serves like -head-lands to correct our course. Indeed, my scepticism as to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_408'>[408]</a></span>everything I see in a newspaper, makes me indifferent whether I -ever see one. The embarrassments at Washington, in August -last, I expected would be great in any state of things; but they -proved greater than expected. I never doubted that the plans -of the President were wise and sufficient. Their failure we all -impute, 1, to the insubordinate temper of Armstrong; and 2, to -the indecision of Winder. However, it ends well. It mortifies -ourselves, and so may check, perhaps, the silly boasting spirit of -our newspapers, and it enlists the feelings of the world on our -side; and the advantage of public opinion is like that of the -weather-gauge in a naval action. In Europe, the transient possession -of our Capital can be no disgrace. Nearly every Capital -there was in possession of its enemy; some often and long. But -diabolical as they paint that enemy, he burnt neither public edifices -nor private dwellings. It was reserved for England to show -that Bonaparte, in atrocity, was an infant to their ministers and -their generals. They are taking his place in the eyes of Europe, -and have turned into our channel all its good will. This -will be worth the million of dollars the repairs of their conflagration -will cost us. I hope that to preserve this weather-gauge -of public opinion, and to counteract the slanders and falsehoods -disseminated by the English papers, the government will -make it a standing instruction to their ministers at foreign courts, -to keep Europe truly informed of occurrences here, by publishing -in their papers the naked truth always, whether favorable or -unfavorable. For they will believe the good, if we candidly -tell them the bad also. -</p> - -<p> -But you have two more serious causes of uneasiness; the -want of men and money. For the former, nothing more wise -or efficient could have been imagined than what you proposed. -It would have filled our ranks with regulars, and that, too, by -throwing a just share of the burthen on the purses of those -whose persons are exempt either by age or office; and it would -have rendered our militia, like those of the Greeks and Romans, -a nation of warriors. But the go-by seems to have been given -to your proposition, and longer sufferance is necessary to force -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_409'>[409]</a></span>us to what is best. We seem equally incorrigible to our financial -course. Although a century of British experience has proved -to what a wonderful extent the funding on specific redeeming -taxes enables a nation to anticipate in war the resources of peace, -and although the other nations of Europe have tried and trodden -every path of force or folly in fruitless quest of the same object, -yet we still expect to find in juggling tricks and banking dreams, -that money can be made out of nothing, and in sufficient quantity -to meet the expenses of a heavy war by sea and land. It -is said, indeed, that money cannot be borrowed from our merchants -as from those of England. But it can be borrowed from -our people. They will give you all the necessaries of war they -produce, if, instead of the bankrupt trash they now are obliged -to receive for want of any other, you will give them a paper promise -funded on a specific pledge, and of a size for common circulation. -But you say the merchants will not take this paper. What -the people take the merchants must take, or sell nothing. All -these doubts and fears prove only the extent of the dominion -which the banking institutions have obtained over the minds of -our citizens, and especially of those inhabiting cities or other -banking places; and this dominion must be broken, or it will -break us. But here, as in the other case, we must make up our -minds to suffer yet longer before we can get right. The misfortune -is, that in the meantime we shall plunge ourselves in -unextinguishable debt, and entail on our posterity an inheritance -of eternal taxes, which will bring our government and people -into the condition of those of England, a nation of pikes and -gudgeons, the latter bred merely as food for the former. But, -however these difficulties of men and money may be disposed -of, it is fortunate that neither of them will affect our war by sea. -Privateers will find their own men and money. Let nothing be -spared to encourage them. They are the dagger which strikes -at the heart of the enemy, their commerce. Frigates and -seventy-fours are a sacrifice we must make, heavy as it is, to the -prejudices of a part of our citizens. They have, indeed, rendered -a great moral service, which has delighted me as much as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_410'>[410]</a></span>any one in the United States. But they have had no physical -effect sensible to the enemy; and now, while we must fortify -them in our harbors, and keep armies to defend them, our <i>privateers</i> -are bearding and blockading the enemy in their own seaports. -Encourage them to burn all their prizes, and let the public -pay for them. They will cheat us enormously. No matter; -they will make the merchants of England feel, and squeal, and -cry out for peace. -</p> - -<p> -I much regretted your acceptance of the war department. Not -that I know a person who I think would better conduct it. But, -conduct it ever so wisely, it will be a sacrifice of yourself. -Were an angel from Heaven to undertake that office, all our miscarriages -would be ascribed to him. Raw troops, no troops, insubordinate -militia, want of arms, want of money, want of provisions, -all will be charged to want of management in you. I -speak from experience, when I was Governor of Virginia. Without -a regular in the State, and scarcely a musket to put into the -hands of the militia, invaded by two armies, Arnold's from the -sea-board and Cornwallis' from the southward, when we were -driven from Richmond and Charlottesville, and every member -of my council fled from their homes, it was not the total destitution -of means, but the mismanagement of them, which, in the -querulous voice of the public, caused all our misfortunes. It -ended, indeed, in the capture of the whole hostile force, but not -till means were brought us by General Washington's army, and -the French fleet and army. And although the legislature, who -were personally intimate with both the means and measures, acquitted -me with justice and thanks, yet General Lee has put all -those imputations among the romances of his historical novel, -for the amusement of credulous and uninquisitive readers. Not -that I have seen the least disposition to censure you. On the -contrary, your conduct on the attack of Washington has met the -praises of every one, and your plan for regulars and militia, their -approbation. But no campaign is as yet opened. No Generals -have yet an interest in shifting their own incompetence on you, -no army agents their rogueries. I sincerely pray you may never -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_411'>[411]</a></span>meet censure where you will deserve most praise, and that your -own happiness and prosperity may be the result of your patriotic -services. -</p> - -<p> -Ever and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GIRARDIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 15, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -I have no document respecting Clarke's expedition, except the -letters of which you are in possession, one of which, I believe, -gives some account of it; nor do I possess Imlay's history of -Kentucky. -</p> - -<p> -Of Mr. Wythe's early history I scarcely know anything, except -that he was self-taught; and perhaps this might not have -been as to the Latin language, Dr. Small was his bosom friend, -and to me as a father. To his enlightened and affectionate -guidance of my studies while at College, I am indebted for -everything. -</p> - -<p> -He was Professor of Mathematics at William and Mary, and, -for some time, was in the philosophical chair. He first introduced -into both schools rational and elevated courses of study, -and, from an extraordinary conjunction of eloquence and logic, -was enabled to communicate them to the students with great effect. -He procured for me the patronage of Mr. Wythe, and -both of them, the attentions of Governor Fauquier, the ablest -man who ever filled the chair of government here. They were -inseparable friends, and at their frequent dinners with the Governor, -(after his family had returned to England,) he admitted -me always, to make it a <span lang="fr_FR"><i>partie quarrée</i></span>. At these dinners I have -heard more good sense, more rational and philosophical conversations, -than in all my life besides. They were truly Attic societies. -The Governor was musical also, and a good performer, -and associated me with two or three other amateurs in his weekly -concerts. He merits honorable mention in your history, if any -proper occasion offers. So also does Dabney Carr, father of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_412'>[412]</a></span>Peter Carr, mover of the proposition of March, 1773, for committees -of correspondence, the first fruit of which was the call -of an American Congress. I return your two pamphlets with my -thanks, and salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CHARLES CLAS, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 29, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of December 20th was four weeks -on its way to me. I thank you for it; for although founded on -a misconception, it is evidence of that friendly concern for my -peace and welfare, which I have ever believed you to feel. Of -publishing a book on religion, my dear Sir, I never had an idea. -I should as soon think of writing for the reformation of Bedlam, -as of the world of religious sects. Of these there must be, at -least, ten thousand, every individual of every one of which believes -all wrong but his own. To undertake to bring them all -right, would be like undertaking, single-handed, to fell the forests -of America. Probably you have heard me say I had taken the -four Evangelists, had cut out from them every text they had -recorded of the moral precepts of Jesus, and arranged them in a -certain order, and although they appeared but as fragments, yet -fragments of the most sublime edifice of morality which had -ever been exhibited to man. This I have probably mentioned -to you, because it is true; and the idea of its publication may -have suggested itself as an inference of your own mind. I not -only write nothing on religion, but rarely permit myself to speak -on it, and never but in a reasonable society. I have probably -said more to you than to any other person, because we have had -more hours of conversation in <i>duetto</i> in our meetings at the Forest. -I abuse the priests, indeed, who have so much abused the -pure and holy doctrines of their master, and who have laid me -under no obligations of reticence as to the tricks of their trade. -The genuine system of Jesus, and the artificial structures they -have erected, to make them the instruments of wealth, power, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_413'>[413]</a></span>and preëminence to themselves, are as distinct things in my view -as light and darkness; and while I have classed them with soothsayers -and necromancers, I place him among the greatest reformers -of morals, and scourges of priest-craft that have ever existed. -They felt him as such, and never rested until they had silenced -him by death. But his heresies against Judaism prevailing in -the long run, the priests have tacked about, and rebuilt upon -them the temple which he destroyed, as splendid, as profitable, -and as imposing as that. -</p> - -<p> -Government, as well as religion, has furnished its schisms, its -persecutions, and its devices for flattering idleness on the earnings -of the people. It has its hierarchy of emperors, kings, -princes, and nobles, as that has of popes, cardinals, archbishops, -bishops, and priests. In short, cannibals are not to be found -in the wilds of America only, but are revelling on the blood of -every living people. Turning, then, from this loathsome combination -of Church and State, and weeping over the follies of -our fellow men, who yield themselves the willing dupes and -drudges of these mountebanks, I consider reformation and redress -as desperate, and abandon them to the Quixotism of more -enthusiastic minds. -</p> - -<p> -I have received from Philadelphia, by mail, the spectacles you -had desired, and now forward them by the same conveyance, as -equally safe and more in time, than were they to await my own -going. In a separate case is a complete set of glasses, from early -use to old age. I think the pair now in the frames will suit -your eyes, but should they not, you will easily change them by -the screws. I believe the largest numbers are the smallest magnifiers, -but am not certain. Trial will readily ascertain it. -You must do me the favor to accept them as a token of my -friendship, and with them the assurance of my great esteem and -respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_414'>[414]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR PLUMER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 31, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 30th has been received. -In answer to your question whether in the course of my reading -I have ever found that any country or even considerable island -was without inhabitants when first discovered? I must answer, -with Mr. Adams, in the negative. Although the fact is curious, -it had never before struck my attention. Some small islands -have been found, and are at this day, without inhabitants, but -this is easily accounted for. Man being a gregarious animal, will -not remain but where there can be a sufficient herd of his own -kind to satisfy his social propensities. Add to this that insulated -settlements, if small, would be liable to extirpations by occasional -epidemics. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for the pamphlet you have been so kind as to -send me, and have read it with much satisfaction. But with -those to whom it is addressed Moses and the prophets have no -authority but when administering to their worldly gain. The -paradox with me is how any friend to the union of our country -can, in conscience, contribute a cent to the maintenance of any -one who perverts the sanctity of his desk to the open inculcation -of rebellion, civil war, dissolution of government, and the -miseries of anarchy. When England took alarm lest France, become -republican, should recover energies dangerous to her, she -employed emissaries with means to engage incendiaries and anarchists -in the disorganization of all government there. These, -assuming exaggerated zeal for republican government and the -rights of the people, crowded their inscriptions into the Jacobin -societies, and overwhelming by their majorities the honest and -enlightened patriots of the original institution, distorted its objects, -pursued its genuine founders under the name of Brissotines -and Girondists unto death, intrigued themselves into the -municipality of Paris, controlled by terrorism the proceedings of -the legislature, in which they were faithfully aided by their costipendaries -there, the Dantons and Marats of the Mountain, murdered -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_415'>[415]</a></span>their king, septembrized the nation, and thus accomplished -their stipulated task of demolishing liberty and government with -it. England now fears the rising force of this republican nation, -and by the same means is endeavoring to effect the same course -of miseries and destruction here; it is impossible where one sees -like courses of events commence, not to ascribe them to like -causes. We know that the government of England, maintaining -itself by corruption at home, uses the same means in other -countries of which she has any jealousy, by subsidizing agitators -and traitors among themselves to distract and paralyze them. -She sufficiently manifests that she has no disposition to spare -ours. We see in the proceedings of Massachusetts, symptoms -which plainly indicate such a course, and we know as far as such -practices can ever be dragged into light, that she has practiced, -and with success, on leading individuals of that State. Nay further, -we see those individuals acting on the very plan which our -information had warned us was settled between the parties. -These elements of explanation history cannot fail of putting together -in recording the crime of combining with the oppressors -of the earth to extinguish the last spark of human hope, that -here, at length, will be preserved a model of government, securing -to man his rights and the fruits of his labor, by an organization -constantly subject to his own will. The crime indeed, if -accomplished, would immortalize its perpetrators, and their names -would descend in history with those of Robespierre and his associates, -as the guardian genii of despotism, and demons of human -liberty. I do not mean to say that all who are acting with these -men are under the same motives. I know some of them personally -to be incapable of it. Nor was that the case with the disorganizers -and assassins of Paris. Delusions there, and party perversions -here, furnish unconscious assistants to the hired actors -in these atrocious scenes. But I have never entertained one moment's -fear on this subject. The people of this country enjoy -too much happiness to risk it for nothing; and I have never -doubted that whenever the incendiaries of Massachusetts should -venture openly to raise the standard of separation, its citizens -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_416'>[416]</a></span>would rise in mass and do justice themselves to their own parricides. -</p> - -<p> -I am glad to learn that you persevere in your historical work. -I am sure it will be executed on sound principles of Americanism, -and I hope your opportunities will enable you to make the -abortive crimes of the present, useful as a lesson for future times. -</p> - -<p> -In aid of your general work I possess no materials whatever, -or they should be entirely at your service; and I am sorry that -I have not a single copy of the pamphlet you ask, entitled "A -Summary View of the Rights of British America." It was the -draught of an instruction which I had meant to propose for our -delegates to the first Congress. Being prevented by sickness from -attending our convention, I sent it to them, and they printed -without adopting it, in the hope that conciliation was not yet -desperate. Its only merit was in being the first publication which -carried the claim of our rights their whole length, and asserted -that there was no rightful link of connection between us and -England but that of being under the same king. Haring's collection -of our statutes is published, I know, as far as the third volume, -bringing them down to 1710; and I rather believe a fourth -has appeared. One more will probably complete the work of -the revolution, and will be to us an inestimable treasure, as being -the only collection of all the acts of our legislatures now extant -in print or manuscript. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN VAUGHAN, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 5, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your very friendly letter of January 4th is but -just received, and I am much gratified by the interest taken by -yourself, and others of my colleagues of the Philosophical Society, -in what concerned myself on withdrawing from the presidency -of the Society. My desire to do so had been so long -known to every member, and the continuance of it to some, that -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_417'>[417]</a></span>I did not suppose it can be misunderstood by the public. Setting -aside the consideration of distance, which must be obvious to all, -nothing is more incumbent on the old, than to know when they -should get out of the way, and relinquish to younger successors -the honors they can no longer earn, and the duties they can no -longer perform. I rejoice in the election of Dr. Wistar, and trust -that his senior standing in the society will have been considered -as a fair motive of preference of those whose merits, standing -alone, would have justly entitled them to the honor, and who, as -juniors, according to the course of nature, may still expect their -turn. -</p> - -<p> -I have received, with very great pleasure, the visit of Mr. Ticknor, -and find him highly distinguished by science and good -sense. He was accompanied by Mr. Gray, son of the late Lieutenant -Governor of Massachusetts, of great information and -promise also. It gives me ineffable comfort to see such subjects -coming forward to take charge of the political and civil rights, -the establishment of which has cost us such sacrifices. Mr. -Ticknor will be fortunate if he can get under the wing of Mr. -Correa; and, if the happiness of Mr. Correa requires (as I suppose -it does) his return to Europe, we must sacrifice it to that -which his residence here would have given us, and acquiesce -under the regrets which our transient acquaintance with his -worth cannot fail to embody with our future recollections of him. -Of Michaux's work I possess three volumes, or rather <span lang="fr_FR"><i>catriers</i></span>, -one on Oaks, another on Beeches and Birches, and a third on -Pines. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. CRAWFORD. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 11, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have to thank you for your letter of June 16th. -It presents those special views of the state of things in Europe, -for which we look in vain into newspapers. They tell us only -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_418'>[418]</a></span>of the downfall of Bonaparte, but nothing of the temper, the -views, the secret workings of the high agents in these transactions. -Although we neither expected, nor wished any act of -friendship from Bonaparte, and always detested him as a tyrant, -yet he gave employment to much of the force of the nation who -was our common enemy. So far, his downfall was illy timed for -us; it gave to England an opportunity to turn full-handed on us, -when we were unprepared. No matter, we can beat her on our own -soil, leaving the laws of the ocean to be settled by the maritime -powers of Europe, who are equally oppressed and insulted by the -usurpations of England on that element. Our particular and separate -grievance is only the impressment of our citizens. We must -sacrifice the last dollar and drop of blood to rid us of that badge -of slavery; and it must rest with England alone to say whether -it is worth eternal war, for eternal it must be if she holds to the -wrong. She will probably find that the six thousand citizens -she took from us by impressment have already cost her ten -thousand guineas a man, and will cost her, in addition, the half -of that annually, during the continuance of the war, besides the -captures on the ocean, and the loss of our commerce. She -might certainly find cheaper means of manning her fleet, or, if -to be manned at this expense, her fleet will break her down. -The first year of our warfare by land was disastrous. Detroit, -Queenstown, Frenchtown, and Beaver Dam, witness that. But -the second was generally successful, and the third entirely so, -both by sea and land. For I set down the <i>coup de main</i> at -Washington as more disgraceful to England than to us. The -victories of the last year at Chippewa, Niagara, Fort Erie, Plattsburg, -and New Orleans, the capture of their two fleets on Lakes -Erie and Champlain, and repeated triumphs of our frigates over -hers, whenever engaging with equal force, show that we have -officers now becoming prominent, and capable of making them -feel the superiority of our means, in a war on our own soil. Our -means are abundant both as to men and money, wanting only -skilful arrangement; and experience alone brings skill. As to -men, nothing wiser can be devised than what the Secretary at -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_419'>[419]</a></span>War (Monroe) proposed in his Report at the commencement of -Congress. It would have kept our regular army always of necessity -full, and by classing our militia according to ages, would -have put them into a form ready for whatever service, distant -or at home, should require them. Congress have not adopted it, -but their next experiment will lead to it. Our financial system -is, at least, arranged. The fatal possession of the whole circulating -medium by our banks, the excess of those institutions, -and their present discredit, cause all our difficulties. Treasury -notes of small as well as high denomination, bottomed on a tax -which would redeem them in ten years, would place at our disposal -the whole circulating medium of the United States; a -fund of credit sufficient to carry us through any probable length -of war. A small issue of such paper is now commencing. It -will immediately supersede the bank paper; nobody receiving -that now but for the purposes of the day, and never in payments -which are to lie by for any time. In fact, all the banks having -declared they will not give cash in exchange for their own notes, -these circulate merely because there is no other medium of exchange. -As soon as the treasury notes get into circulation, the -others will cease to hold any competition with them. I trust -that another year will confirm this experiment, and restore this -fund to the public, who ought never more to permit its being -filched from them by private speculators and disorganizers of the -circulation. -</p> - -<p> -Do they send you from Washington the Historical Register of -the United States? It is published there annually, and gives a -succinct and judicious history of the events of the war, not too -long to be inserted in the European newspapers, and would keep -the European public truly informed, by correcting the lying -statements of the British papers. It gives, too, all the public -documents of any value. Niles' Weekly Register is also an excellent -repository of facts and documents, and has the advantage -of coming out weekly, whereas the other is yearly. -</p> - -<p> -This will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman -of Boston, of high education and great promise. After going -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_420'>[420]</a></span>through his studies here, he goes to Europe to finish them, and -to see what is to be seen there. He brought me high recommendations -from Mr. Adams and others, and from a stay of some days -with me, I was persuaded he merited them, as he will whatever -attentions you will be so good as to show him. I pray you to -accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. <i>February 26th.</i> On the day of the date of this letter -the news of peace reached Washington, and this place two days -after. I am glad of it, although no provision being made against -the impressment of our seamen, it is in fact but an armistice, to -be terminated by the first act of impressment committed on an -American citizen. It may be thought that useless blood was -spilt at New Orleans, after the treaty of peace had been actually -signed and ratified. I think it had many valuable uses. It -proved the fidelity of the Orleanese to the United States. It -proved that New Orleans can be defended both by land and -water; that the western country will fly to its relief (of which -ourselves had doubted before); that our militia are heroes when -they have heroes to lead them on; and that, when unembarrassed -by field evolutions, which they do not understand, their skill in -the fire-arm, and deadly aim, give them great advantages over -regulars. What nonsense for the manakin Prince Regent to -talk of their conquest of the country east of the Penobscot river! -Then, as in the revolutionary war, their conquests were never -more than of the spot on which their army stood, never extended -beyond the range of their cannon shot. If England is now -wise or just enough to settle peaceably the question of impressment, -the late treaty may become one of peace, and of long -peace. We owe to their past follies and wrongs the incalculable -advantage of being made independent of them for every material -manufacture. These have taken such root, in our private families -especially, that nothing now can ever extirpate them.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_421'>[421]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 14, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Friend</span>,—Your letter of August the 14th has been -received and read again, and again, with extraordinary pleasure. -It is the first glimpse which has been furnished me of the interior -workings of the late unexpected but fortunate revolution of your -country. The newspapers told us only that the great beast was -fallen; but what part in this the patriots acted, and what the -egotists, whether the former slept while the latter were awake to -their own interests only, the hireling scribblers of the English -press said little and knew less. I see now the mortifying alternative -under which the patriot there is placed, of being either -silent, or disgraced by an association in opposition with the remains -of Bonapartism. A full measure of liberty is not now -perhaps to be expected by your nation, nor am I confident they -are prepared to preserve it. More than a generation will be requisite, -under the administration of reasonable laws favoring the -progress of knowledge in the general mass of the people, and -their habituation to an independent security of person and property, -before they will be capable of estimating the value of freedom, -and the necessity of a sacred adherence to the principles on -which it rests for preservation. Instead of that liberty which -takes root and growth in the progress of reason, if recovered by -mere force or accident, it becomes, with an unprepared people, -a tyranny still, of the many, the few, or the one. Possibly you -may remember, at the date of the <span lang="fr_FR"><i>jeu de paume</i></span>, how earnestly -I urged yourself and the patriots of my acquaintance, to enter -then into a compact with the king, securing freedom of religion, -freedom of the press, trial by jury, <i>habeas corpus</i>, and a national -legislature, all of which it was known he would then yield, to -go home, and let these work on the amelioration of the condition -of the people, until they should have rendered them capable -of more, when occasions would not fail to arise for communicating -to them more. This was as much as I then thought them -able to bear, soberly and usefully for themselves. You thought -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_422'>[422]</a></span>otherwise, and that the dose might still be larger. And I found -you were right; for subsequent events proved they were equal -to the constitution of 1791. Unfortunately, some of the most -honest and enlightened of our patriotic friends, (but closet politicians -merely, unpractised in the knowledge of man,) thought -more could still be obtained and borne. They did not weigh the -hazards of a transition from one form of government to another, -the value of what they had already rescued from those hazards, -and might hold in security if they pleased, nor the imprudence -of giving up the certainty of such a degree of liberty, under a -limited monarch, for the uncertainty of a little more under the -form of a republic. You differed from them. You were for -stopping there, and for securing the constitution which the National -Assembly had obtained. Here, too, you were right; and -from this fatal error of the republicans, from their separation from -yourself and the constitutionalists, in their councils, flowed all -the subsequent sufferings and crimes of the French nation. The -hazards of a second change fell upon them by the way. The -foreigner gained time to anarchise by gold the government he -could not overthrow by arms, to crush in their own councils the -genuine republicans, by the fraternal embraces of exaggerated -and hired pretenders, and to turn the machine of Jacobinism -from the change to the destruction of order; and, in the end, the -limited monarchy they had secured was exchanged for the unprincipled -and bloody tyranny of Robespierre, and the equally -unprincipled and maniac tyranny of Bonaparte. You are now -rid of him, and I sincerely wish you may continue so. But this -may depend on the wisdom and moderation of the restored dynasty. -It is for them now to read a lesson in the fatal errors of -the republicans; to be contented with a certain portion of power, -secured by formal compact with the nation, rather than, grasping -at more, hazard all upon uncertainty, and risk meeting the fate -of their predecessor, or a renewal of their own exile. We are -just informed, too, of an example which merits, if true, their -most profound contemplation. The gazettes say that Ferdinand -of Spain is dethroned, and his father re-established on the basis -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_423'>[423]</a></span>of their new constitution. This order of magistrates must, therefore, -see, that although the attempts at reformation have not succeeded -in their whole length, and some secession from the ultimate -point has taken place, yet that men have by no means -fallen back to their former passiveness, but on the contrary, that -a sense of their rights, and a restlessness to obtain them, remain -deeply impressed on every mind, and, if not quieted by reasonable -relaxations of power, will break out like a volcano on the -first occasion, and overwhelm everything again in its way. -I always thought the present king an honest and moderate man; -and having no issue, he is under a motive the less for yielding to -personal considerations. I cannot, therefore, but hope, that the -patriots in and out of your legislature, acting in phalanx, but -temperately and wisely, pressing unremittingly the principles -omitted in the late capitulation of the king, and watching the occasions -which the course of events will create, may get those -principles engrafted into it, and sanctioned by the solemnity of -a national act. -</p> - -<p> -With us the affairs of war have taken the most favorable turn -which was to be expected. Our thirty years of peace had taken -off, or superannuated, all our revolutionary officers of experience -and grade; and our first draught in the lottery of untried characters -had been most unfortunate. The delivery of the fort and -army of Detroit by the traitor Hull; the disgrace at Queenstown, -under Van Rensselaer; the massacre at Frenchtown under -Winchester; and surrender of Boerstler in an open field to one-third -of his own numbers, were the inauspicious beginnings of -the first year of our warfare. The second witnessed but the single -miscarriage occasioned by the disagreement of Wilkinson -and Hampton, mentioned in my letter to you of November the -30th, 1813, while it gave us the capture of York by Dearborne -and Pike; the capture of Fort George by Dearborne also; the -capture of Proctor's army on the Thames by Harrison, Shelby -and Johnson, and that of the whole British fleet on Lake Erie -by Perry. The third year has been a continued series of victories, -to-wit: of Brown and Scott at Chippewa; of the same at -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_424'>[424]</a></span>Niagara; of Gaines over Drummond at Fort Erie; that of Brown -over Drummond at the same place; the capture of another fleet -on Lake Champlain by M'Donough; the entire defeat of their -army under Prevost, on the same day, by M'Comb, and recently -their defeats at New Orleans by Jackson, Coffee and Carroll, with -the loss of four thousand men out of nine thousand and six hundred, -with their two Generals, Packingham and Gibbs killed, and -a third, Keane, wounded, mortally, as is said. -</p> - -<p> -This series of successes has been tarnished only by the conflagrations -at Washington, a <i>coup de main</i> differing from that at -Richmond, which you remember, in the revolutionary war, in -the circumstance only, that we had, in that case, but forty-eight -hours' notice that an enemy had arrived within our capes; -whereas, at Washington, there was abundant previous notice. -The force designated by the President was double of what was -necessary; but failed, as is the general opinion, through the -insubordination of Armstrong, who would never believe the attack -intended until it was actually made, and the sluggishness of -Winder before the occasion, and his indecision during it. Still, -in the end, the transaction has helped rather than hurt us, by -arousing the general indignation of our country, and by marking -to the world of Europe the Vandalism and brutal character of -the English government. It has merely served to immortalize -their infamy. And add further, that through the whole period -of the war, we have beaten them single-handed at sea, and so -thoroughly established our superiority over them with equal force, -that they retire from that kind of contest, and never suffer their -frigates to cruize singly. The Endymion would never have engaged -the frigate President, but knowing herself backed by three -frigates and a razee, who, though somewhat slower sailers, would -get up before she could be taken. The disclosure to the world -of the fatal secret that they can be beaten at sea with an equal -force, the evidence furnished by the military operations of the -last year that experience is rearing us officers who, when our -means shall be fully under way, will plant our standard on the -walls of Quebec and Halifax, their recent and signal disaster at -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_425'>[425]</a></span>New Orleans, and the evaporation of their hopes from the Hartford -convention, will probably raise a clamor in the British nation, -which will force their ministry into peace. I say <i>force</i> -them, because, willingly, they would never be at peace. The -British ministers find in a state of war rather than of peace, by -riding the various contractors, and receiving <span lang="fr_FR"><i>douceurs</i></span> on the vast -expenditures of the war supplies, that they recruit their broken -fortunes, or make new ones, and therefore will not make peace -as long as by any delusions they can keep the temper of the nation -up to the war point. They found some hopes on the state -of our finances. It is true that the excess of our banking institutions, -and their present discredit, have shut us out from the best -source of credit we could ever command with certainty. But -the foundations of credit still remain to us, and need but skill -which experience will soon produce, to marshal them into an -order which may carry us through any length of war. But they -have hoped more in their Hartford convention. Their fears of -republican France being now done away, they are directed to republican -America, and they are playing the same game for disorganization -here, which they played in your country. The -Marats, the Dantons and Robespierres of Massachusetts are in -the same pay, under the same orders, and making the same efforts -to anarchise us, that their prototypes in France did there. -</p> - -<p> -I do not say that all who met at Hartford were under the -same motives of money, nor were those of France. Some of -them are Outs, and wish to be Inns; some the mere dupes of -the agitators, or of their own party passions, while the Maratists -alone are in the real secret; but they have very different materials -to work on. The yeomanry of the United States are not -the <span lang="fr_FR"><i>canaille</i></span> of Paris. We might safely give them leave to go -through the United States recruiting their ranks, and I am satisfied -they could not raise one single regiment (gambling merchants -and silk-stocking clerks excepted) who would support -them in any effort to separate from the Union. The cement of -this Union is in the heart-blood of every American. I do not -believe there is on earth a government established on so immovable -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_426'>[426]</a></span>a basis. Let them, in any State, even in Massachusetts itself, -raise the standard of separation, and its citizens will rise in -mass, and do justice themselves on their own incendiaries. If -they could have induced the government to some effort of suppression, -or even to enter into discussion with them, it would -have given them some importance, have brought them into some -notice. But they have not been able to make themselves even -a subject of conversation, either of public or private societies. -A silent contempt has been the sole notice they excite; consoled, -indeed, some of them, by the <i>palpable</i> favors of Philip. Have -then no fears for us, my friend. The grounds of these exist only -in English newspapers, edited or endowed by the Castlereaghs -or the Cannings, or some other such models of pure and uncorrupted -virtue. Their military heroes, by land and sea, may sink -our oyster boats, rob our hen roosts, burn our negro huts, and run -off. But a campaign or two more will relieve them from further -trouble or expense in defending their American possessions. -</p> - -<p> -You once gave me a copy of the journal of your campaign in -Virginia, in 1781, which I must have lent to some one of the -undertakers to write the history of the revolutionary war, and -forgot to reclaim. I conclude this, because it is no longer among -my papers, which I have very diligently searched for it, but in -vain. An author of real ability is now writing that part of the -history of Virginia. He does it in my neighborhood, and I lay -open to him all my papers. But I possess none, nor has he any, -which can enable him to do justice to your faithful and able -services in that campaign. If you could be so good as to send -me another copy, by the very first vessel bound to any port in -the United States, it might be here in time; for although he expects -to begin to print within a month or two, yet you know the -delays of these undertakings. At any rate it might be got in as -a supplement. The old Count Rochambeau gave me also his -<span lang="fr_FR"><i>memoire</i></span> of the operations at York, which is gone in the same -way, and I have no means of applying to his family for it. Perhaps -you could render them as well as us, the service of procuring -another copy. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_427'>[427]</a></span>I learn, with real sorrow, the deaths of Monsieur and Madame -de Tessé. They made an interesting part in the idle reveries in -which I have sometimes indulged myself, of seeing all my -friends of Paris once more, for a month or two; a thing impossible, -which, however, I never permitted myself to despair of. -The regrets, however, of seventy-three at the loss of friends, may -be the less, as the time is shorter within which we are to meet -again, according to the creed of our education. -</p> - -<p> -This letter will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a young gentleman -of Boston, of great erudition, indefatigable industry, and -preparation for a life of distinction in his own country. He -passed a few days with me here, brought high recommendations -from Mr. Adams and others, and appeared in every respect to -merit them. He is well worthy of those attentions which you -so kindly bestow on our countrymen, and for those he may receive -I shall join him in acknowledging personal obligations. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with assurances of my constant and affectionate -friendship and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. February 26th. My letter had not yet been sealed, -when I received news of our peace. I am glad of it, and especially -that we closed our war with the eclat of the action at -New Orleans. But I consider it as an armistice only, because -no security is provided against the impressment of our seamen. -While this is unsettled we are in hostility of mind with England, -although actual deeds of arms may be suspended by a truce. -If she thinks the exercise of this outrage is worth eternal war, -eternal war it must be, or extermination of the one or the other -party. The first act of impressment she commits on an American, -will be answered by reprisal, or by a declaration of war -here; and the interval must be merely a state of preparation for -it. In this we have much to do, in further fortifying our seaport -towns, providing military stores, classing and disciplining -our militia, arranging our financial system, and above all, pushing -our domestic manufactures, which have taken such root as -never again can be shaken. Once more, God bless you.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_428'>[428]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 28, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear and Respected Friend</span>,—My last to you was of -November 29th and December 13th, 14th, since which I have -received yours of July 14th. I have to congratulate you, which -I do sincerely on having got back from Robespierre and Bonaparte, -to your anti-revolutionary condition. You are now nearly -where you were at the <span lang="fr_FR"><i>jeu de paume</i></span> on the 20th of June, 1789. -The king would then have yielded, by convention, freedom of -religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury, <i>habeas corpus</i>, and -a representative legislature. These I consider as the essentials -constituting free government, and that the organization of the -Executive is interesting, as it may ensure wisdom and integrity -in the first place, but next as it may favor or endanger the preservation -of these fundamentals. Although I do not think the late -capitulation of the king quite equal to all this, yet believing his -dispositions to be moderate and friendly to the happiness of the -people, and seeing that he is without the bias of issue, I am in -hopes your patriots may, by constant and prudent pressure, obtain -from him what is still wanting to give you a temperate degree -of freedom and security. Should this not be done, I should -really apprehend a relapse into discontents, which might again -let in Bonaparte. -</p> - -<p> -Here, at length, we have peace. But I view it as an armistice -only, because no provision is made against the practice of -impressment. As this, then, will revive in the first moment of -a war in Europe, its revival will be a declaration of war here. -Our whole business, in the meantime, ought to be a sedulous -preparation for it, fortifying our seaports, filling our magazines, -classing and disciplining our militia, forming officers, and above -all, establishing a sound system of finance. You will see by -the want of system in this last department, and even the want -of principles, how much we are in arrears in that science. With -sufficient means in the hands of our citizens, and sufficient will -to bestow them on the government, we are floundering in expedients -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_429'>[429]</a></span>equally unproductive and ruinous; and proving how -little are understood here those sound principles of political -economy first developed by the economists, since commented and -dilated by Smith, Say, yourself, and the luminous reviewer of -Montesquieu. I have been endeavoring to get the able paper on -this subject, which you addressed to me in July, 1810, and enlarged -in a copy received the last year, translated and printed -here, in order to draw the attention of our citizens to this subject; -but have not as yet succeeded. Our printers are enterprising -only in novels and light reading. The readers of works -of science, although in considerable number, are so sparse in -their situations, that such works are of slow circulation. But I -shall persevere. -</p> - -<p> -This letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Ticknor, a young -gentleman from Massachusetts, of much erudition and great -merit. He has completed his course of law and reading, and, -before entering on the practice, proposes to pass two or three -years in seeing Europe, and adding to his stores of knowledge -which he can acquire there. Should he enter the career of politics -in his own country, he will go far in obtaining its honors -and powers. He is worthy of any friendly offices you may be -so good as to render him, and to his acknowledgments of them -will be added my own. By him I send you a copy of the Review -of Montesquieu, from my own shelf, the impression being, -I believe, exhausted by the late President of the College of Williamsburg -having adopted it as the elementary book there. I am -persuading the author to permit me to give his name to the public, -and to permit the original to be printed in Paris. Although -your presses, I observe, are put under the leading strings of your -government, yet this is such a work as would have been licensed -at any period, early or late, of the reign of Louis XVI. Surely -the present government will not expect to repress the progress -of the public mind further back than that. I salute you with all -veneration and affection.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_430'>[430]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JEAN BATISTE SAY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 2, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of June 15th came to hand in December, -and it is not till the ratification of our peace, that a safe -conveyance for an answer could be obtained. I thank you for -the copy of the new edition of your work which accompanied -your letter. I had considered it in its first form as superseding -all other works on that subject; and shall set proportional value -on any improvement of it. I should have been happy to have -received your son here, as expected from your letter, on his passage -through this State; and to have given proofs through him -of my respect for you. But I live far from the great stage road -which forms the communication of our States from north to south, -and such a deviation was probably not admitted by his business. -The question proposed in my letter of February 1st, 1804, has -since become quite a <span lang="fr_FR">"question viseuse."</span> I had then persuaded -myself that a nation, distant as we are from the contentions of Europe, -avoiding all offences to other powers, and not over-hasty in -resenting offence from them, doing justice to all, faithfully fulfilling -the duties of neutrality, performing all offices of amity, -and administering to their interests by the benefits of our commerce, -that such a nation, I say, might expect to live in peace, -and consider itself merely as a member of the great family of -mankind; that in such case it might devote itself to whatever -it could best produce, secure of a peaceable exchange of surplus -for what could be more advantageously furnished by others, as -takes place between one county and another of France. But -experience has shown that continued peace depends not merely -on our own justice and prudence, but on that of others also; that -when forced into war, the interception of exchanges which must -be made across a wide ocean, becomes a powerful weapon in the -hands of an enemy domineering over that element, and to the -other distresses of war adds the want of all those necessaries for -which we have permitted ourselves to be dependent on others, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_431'>[431]</a></span>even arms and clothing. This fact, therefore, solves the question -by reducing it to its ultimate form, whether profit or preservation -is the first interest of a State? We are consequently become -manufacturers to a degree incredible to those who do not -see it, and who only consider the short period of time during -which we have been driven to them by the suicidal policy of -England. The prohibiting duties we lay on all articles of foreign -manufacture which prudence requires us to establish at -home, with the patriotic determination of every good citizen to -use no foreign article which can be made within ourselves, without -regard to difference of price, secures us against a relapse into -foreign dependency. And this circumstance may be worthy of -your consideration, should you continue in the disposition to -emigrate to this country. Your manufactory of cotton, on a -moderate scale combined with a farm, might be preferable to -either singly, and the one or the other might become principal, -as experience should recommend. Cotton ready spun is in ready -demand, and if woven, still more so. -</p> - -<p> -I will proceed now to answer the inquiries which respect your -views of removal; and I am glad that, in looking over our map, -your eye has been attracted by the village of Charlottesville, because -I am better acquainted with that than any other portion of -the United States, being within three or four miles of the place -of my birth and residence. It is a portion of country which -certainly possesses great advantages. Its soil is equal in natural -fertility to any high lands I have ever seen; it is red and hilly, -very like much of the country of Champagne and Burgundy, on -the route of Sens, Vermanton, Vitteaux, Dijon, and along the -Cote to Chagny, excellently adapted to wheat, maize, and clover; -like all mountainous countries it is perfectly healthy, liable to no -agues and fevers, or to any particular epidemic, as is evidenced -by the robust constitution of its inhabitants, and their numerous -families. As many instances of nonagenaires exist habitually in -this neighborhood as in the same degree of population anywhere. -Its temperature may be considered as a medium of that of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_432'>[432]</a></span>United States. -The extreme of cold -in ordinary winters being about 7° of Reaumur below zero (French. =16°), -and in the severest, 12° (French. =5°), while the ordinary mornings are -above zero. The maximum of heat in summer is about 28° (French. =96°), -of which we have one or two instances in a summer for a few hours. About -ten or twelve days in July and August, the thermometer rises for two -or three hours to about 23° (French. =84°), while the ordinary mid-day -heat of those months is about 21° (French. =80°), the mercury continuing -at that two or three hours, and falling in the evening to about 17° -(French. =70°). -White frosts commence -about the middle of October, tender vegetables are in danger -from them till nearly the middle of April. The mercury begins, -about the middle of November, to be occasionally at the freezing -point, and ceases to be so about the middle of March. We -have of freezing nights about fifty in the course of the winter, -but not more than ten days in which the mercury does not rise -above the freezing point. Fire is desirable even in close apartments -whenever the outward air is below 10, (=55° Fahrenheit,) -and that is the case with us through the day, one hundred and -thirty two days in the year, and on mornings and evenings sixty-eight -days more. So that we have constant fires five months, and -a little over two months more on mornings and evenings. Observations -made at Yorktown in the lower country, show that -they need seven days less of constant fires, and thirty-eight less -of mornings and evenings. On an average of seven years I -have found our snows amount in the whole to fifteen inches -depth, and to cover the ground fifteen days; these, with the -rains, give us four feet of water in the year. The garden pea, -which we are now sowing, comes to table about the 12th of -May; strawberries and cherries about the same time; asparagus -the 1st of April. The artichoke stands the winter without cover; -lettuce and endive with a slight one of bushes, and often without -any; and the fig, protected by a little straw, begins to ripen -in July; if unprotected, not till the 1st of September. There is -navigation for boats of six tons from Charlottesville to Richmond, -the nearest tide-water, and principal market for our produce. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_433'>[433]</a></span>The country is what we call well inhabited, there being -in our county, Albemarle, of about seven hundred and fifty -square miles, about twenty thousand inhabitants, or twenty-seven -to a square mile, of whom, however, one half are people of color, -either slaves or free. The society is much better than is common -in country situations; perhaps there is not a better <i>country</i> society -in the United States. But do not imagine this a Parisian or an -academical society. It consists of plain, honest, and rational -neighbors, some of them well informed and men of reading, all -superintending their farms, hospitable and friendly, and speaking -nothing but English. The manners of every nation are the -standard of orthodoxy within itself. But these standards being -arbitrary, reasonable people in all allow free toleration for the -manners, as for the religion of others. Our culture is of wheat -for market, and of maize, oats, peas, and clover, for the support -of the farm. We reckon it a good distribution to divide a farm -into three fields, putting one into wheat, half a one into maize, -the other half into oats or peas, and the third into clover, and -to tend the fields successively in this rotation. Some woodland -in addition, is always necessary to furnish fuel, fences, and timber -for constructions. Our best farmers (such as Mr. Randolph, my -son-in-law) get from ten to twenty bushels of wheat to the acre; -our worst (such as myself) from six to eighteen, with little or -more manuring. The bushel of wheat is worth in common -times about one dollar. The common produce of maize is from -ten to twenty bushels, worth half a dollar the bushel, which is of -a cubic foot and a quarter, or, more exactly, of two thousand one -hundred and seventy-eight cubic inches. From these data you -may judge best for yourself of the size of the farm which would -suit your family; bearing in mind, that while you can be furnished -by the farm itself for consumption, with every article it is -adapted to produce, the sale of your wheat at market is to furnish -the fund for all other necessary articles. I will add that -both soil and climate are admirably adapted to the vine, which -is the abundant natural production of our forests, and that you -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_434'>[434]</a></span>cannot bring a more valuable laborer than one acquainted with -both its culture and manipulation into wine. -</p> - -<p> -Your only inquiry now unanswered is, the price of these -lands. To answer this with precision, would require details too -long for a letter; the fact being, that we have no metallic measure -of values at present, while we are overwhelmed with bank paper. -The depreciation of this swells nominal prices, without furnishing -any stable index of real value. I will endeavor briefly to -give you an idea of this state of things by an outline of its history. -</p> - -<table summary="Land Sales Prices in History"> -<tr> -<td>In</td> -<td>1781</td> -<td class="tdc">we had</td> -<td class="tdr">1</td> -<td class="tdc">bank, its capital</td> -<td class="tdr">$1,000,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1791</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">6</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">13,135,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1794</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">17</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">18,642,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1796</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">24</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">20,472,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1803</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">34</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">29,112,000</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1804</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td class="tdr">66</td> -<td colspan="3">their amount of capital not known.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -And at this time we have probably one hundred banks, with -capitals amounting to one hundred millions of dollars, on which -they are authorized by law to issue notes to three times that -amount, so that our circulating medium may now be estimated -at from two to three hundred millions of dollars, on a population -of eight and a half millions. The banks were able, for awhile, -to keep this trash at par with metallic money, or rather to depreciate -the metals to a par with their paper, by keeping deposits -of cash sufficient to exchange for such of their notes as they -were called on to pay in cash. But the circumstances of the -war draining away all our specie, all these banks have stopped -payment, but with a promise to resume specie exchanges whenever -circumstances shall produce a return of the metals. Some -of the most prudent and honest will possibly do this; but the -mass of them never will nor can. Yet, having no other medium, -we take their paper, of necessity, for purposes of the instant, but -never to lay by us. The government is now issuing treasury -notes for circulation, bottomed on solid funds, and bearing interest. -The banking confederacy (and the merchants bound to -them by their debts) will endeavor to crush the credit of these -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_435'>[435]</a></span>notes; but the country is eager for them, as something they can -trust to, and so soon as a convenient quantity of them can get -into circulation, the bank notes die. You may judge that, in -this state of things, the holders of bank notes will give free prices -for lands, and that were I to tell you simply the present prices of -lands in this medium, it would give you no idea on which you -could calculate. But I will state to you the progressive prices -which have been paid for particular parcels of land for some -years back, which may enable you to distinguish between the -real increase of value regularly produced by our advancement in -population, wealth, and skill, and the bloated value arising from -the present disordered and dropsical state of our medium. There -are two tracts of land adjoining me, and another not far off, all -of excellent quality, which happen to have been sold at different -epochs as follows: -</p> - -<table summary="Land Sales Prices"> -<tr> -<td>One</td> -<td class="tdc">was sold in</td> -<td>1793</td> -<td class="tdc">for</td> -<td>$4</td> -<td class="tdc">an acre, in</td> -<td>1812,</td> -<td> at</td> -<td>$10,</td> -<td class="tdc">and is now rated</td> -<td >$16.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The 2d</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1786</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td> 5⅓</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1803</td> -<td> " </td> -<td>10</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>20.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The 3d</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1797</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>7</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>1811</td> -<td> " </td> -<td>16</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>20.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -On the whole, however, I suppose we may estimate that the -steady annual rise of our lands is in a geometrical ratio of 5 per -cent.; that were our medium now in a wholesome state, they -might be estimated at from twelve to fifteen dollars the acre; and -I may add, I believe with correctness, that there is not any part -of the Atlantic States where lands of equal quality and advantages -can be had as cheap. When sold with a dwelling-house on -them, little additional is generally asked for the house. These -buildings are generally of wooden materials, and of indifferent -structure and accommodation. Most of the hired labor here is -of people of color, either slaves or free. An able-bodied man -has sixty dollars a year, and is clothed and fed by the employer; -a woman half that. White laborers may be had, but they are -less subordinate, their wages higher, and their nourishment much -more expensive. A good horse for the plough costs fifty or sixty -dollars. A draught ox twenty to twenty-five dollars. A milch -cow fifteen to eighteen dollars. A sheep two dollars. Beef is -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_436'>[436]</a></span>about five cents, mutton and pork seven cents the pound. A -turkey or goose fifty cents apiece, a chicken eight and one-third -cents; a dozen eggs the same. Fresh butter twenty to twenty-five -cents the pound. And, to render as full as I can the information -which may enable you to calculate for yourself, I enclose -you a Philadelphia price-current, giving the prices in regular -times of most of the articles of produce or manufacture, foreign -and domestic. -</p> - -<p> -That it may be for the benefit of your children and their descendants -to remove to a country where, for enterprise and -talents, so many avenues are open to fortune and fame, I have -little doubt. But I should be afraid to affirm that, at your time -of life, and with habits formed on the state of society in France, -a change for one so entirely different would be for your personal -happiness. Fearful therefore to persuade, I shall add with sincere -truth, that I shall very highly estimate the addition of such -a neighbor to our society, and that there is no service within my -power which I shall not render with pleasure and promptitude. -With this assurance be pleased to accept that of my great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. This letter will be handed you by Mr. Ticknor, a -young gentleman of Massachusetts, of great erudition and worth, -and who will be gratified by the occasion of being presented to -the author of the <span lang="fr_FR">Traité d'Economie Politique.</span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO FRANCIS C. GRAY, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 4, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Despatching to Mr. Ticknor my packet of letters -for Paris, it occurs to me that I committed an error in a matter -of information which you asked of me while here. It is indeed -of little importance, yet as well corrected as otherwise, and the -rather as it gives me an occasion of renewing my respects to -you. You asked me in conversation, what constituted a mulatto -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_437'>[437]</a></span>by our law? And I believe I told you four crossings with -the whites. I looked afterwards into our law, and found it to be -in these words: "Every person, other than a negro, of whose -grandfathers or grandmothers any one shall have been a negro, -shall be deemed a mulatto, and so every such person who shall -have one-fourth part or more of negro blood, shall in like manner -be deemed a mulatto"; L. Virgà 1792, December 17: the -case put in the first member of this paragraph of the law is <span lang="la"><i>exempli -gratiâ</i></span>. The latter contains the true canon, which is that -one-fourth of negro blood, mixed with any portion of white, constitutes -the mulatto. As the issue has one-half of the blood of each -parent, and the blood of each of these may be made up of a variety -of fractional mixtures, the estimate of their compound in -some cases may be intricate, it becomes a mathematical problem -of the same class with those on the mixtures of different liquors -or different metals; as in these, therefore, the algebraical notation -is the most convenient and intelligible. Let us express the pure -blood of the white in the capital letters of the printed alphabet, -the pure blood of the negro in the small letters of the printed -alphabet, and any given mixture of either, by way of abridgement -in MS. letters. -</p> - -<p> -Let the first crossing be of <i>a</i>, pure negro, with A, pure white. -The unit of blood of the issue being composed of the half of -that of each parent, will be <i>a</i>/2 + A/2. Call it, for abbreviation, <i>h</i> (half -blood.) -</p> - -<p> -Let the second crossing be of <i>h</i> and B, the blood of the -issue will be <i>h</i>/2 + B/2, or substituting for <i>h</i>/2 its equivalent, it will be -<i>a</i>/4 + A/4 + B/2 call it <i>q</i> (quarteroon) being ¼ negro blood. -</p> - -<p> -Let the third crossing be of <i>q</i> and C, their offspring will be -<i>q</i>/2 + C/2 = <i>a</i>/8 + A/8 + B/4 + C/2, call this <i>e</i> (eighth), who having less than ¼ -of <i>a</i>, or of pure negro blood, to wit ⅛ only, is no longer a mulatto, -so that a third cross clears the blood. -</p> - -<p> -From these elements let us examine their compounds. For -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_438'>[438]</a></span>example, let <i>h</i> and <i>q</i> cohabit, their issue will be <i>h</i>/2 + <i>q</i>/2 = <i>a</i>/4 + A/4 + -<i>a</i>/8 + A/8 + B/4 = 3<i>a</i>/8 + 3A/8 + B/4 wherein we find ⅜ of <i>a</i>, or negro blood. -</p> - -<p> -Let <i>h</i> and <i>e</i> cohabit, their issue will be <i>h</i>/2 + <i>e</i>/2 = <i>a</i>/4 + A/4 + <i>a</i>/16 + A/16 + -B/8 + <i>c</i>/4 = 5<i>a</i>/16 + 5A/16 + B/8 + <i>c</i>/4, wherein 5/16 <i>a</i> makes still a mulatto. -</p> - -<p> -Let <i>q</i> and <i>e</i> cohabit, the half of the blood of each will be -<i>q</i>/2 + <i>e</i>/2 = <i>a</i>/8 + A/8 + B/4 + <i>a</i>/16 + A/16 + B/8 + C/4 = 3<i>a</i>/16 + 3A/16 + 3B/8 + C/4, wherein 3/16 of -<i>a</i> is no longer a mulatto, and thus may every compound be noted -and summed, the sum of the fractions composing the blood of -the issue being always equal to unit. It is understood in natural -history that a fourth cross of one race of animals with another -gives an issue equivalent for all sensible purposes to the original -blood. Thus a Merino ram being crossed, first with a country -ewe, second with his daughter, third with his granddaughter, -and fourth with the great-granddaughter, the last issue is deemed -pure Merino, having in fact but 1/16 of the country blood. Our -canon considers two crosses with the pure white, and a third -with any degree of mixture, however small, as clearing the issue -of the negro blood. But observe, that this does not re-establish -freedom, which depends on the condition of the mother, the principle -of the civil law, <span lang="la"><i>partus sequitur ventrem</i></span>, being adopted -here. But if <i>e</i> be emancipated, he becomes a free <i>white</i> man, -and a citizen of the United States to all intents and purposes. -So much for this trifle by way of correction. -</p> - -<p> -I sincerely congratulate you on the peace, and more especially -on the close of our war with so much eclat. Our second and -third campaigns here, I trust, more than redeemed the disgraces -of the first, and proved that although a republican government -is slow to move, yet, when once in motion, its momentum becomes -irresistible; and I am persuaded it would have been found -so in the last war, had it continued. Experience had just begun -to elicit those among our officers who had talents for war, and -under the guidance of these one campaign would have planted -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_439'>[439]</a></span>our standard on the walls of Quebec, and another on those of -Halifax. But peace is better for us all; and if it could be followed -by a cordial conciliation between us and England, it would -ensure the happiness and prosperity of both. The bag of wind, -however, on which they are now riding, must be suffered to -blow out before they will be able soberly to settle on their true -bottom. If they adopt a course of friendship with us, the commerce -of one hundred millions of people, which some now born -will live to see here, will maintain them forever as a great unit -of the European family. But if they go on checking, irritating, -injuring and hostilizing us, they will force on us the motto <span lang="la">"<i>Carthago -delenda est</i>."</span> And some Scipio Americanus will leave to -posterity the problem of conjecturing where stood once the ancient -and splendid city of London! Nothing more simple or -certain than the elements of this circulation. I hope the good -sense of both parties will concur in travelling rather the paths of -peace, of affection, and reciprocations of interest. I salute you -with sincere and friendly esteem, and if the homage offered to -the virtues of your father can be acceptable to him, place mine -at his feet. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GIRARDIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 12, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -I return the three Cativers, which I have perused with the -usual satisfaction. You will find a few pencilled notes merely -verbal. -</p> - -<p> -But in one place I have taken a greater liberty than I ever took -before, or ever indeed had occasion to take. It is in the case of -Josiah Philips, which I find strangely represented by Judge -Tucker and Mr. Edmund Randolph, and very negligently vindicated -by Mr. Henry. That case is personally known to me, because -I was of the legislature at the time, was one of those consulted -by Mr. Henry, and had my share in the passage of the -bill. I never before saw the observations of those gentlemen, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_440'>[440]</a></span>which you quote on this case, and will now therefore briefly -make some strictures on them. -</p> - -<p> -Judge Tucker, instead of a definition of the functions of bills -of attainder, has given a diatribe against their abuse. The occasion -and proper office of a bill of attainder is this: When a person -charged with a crime withdraws from justice, or resists it by -force, either in his own or a foreign country, no other means of -bringing him to trial or punishment being practicable, a special -act is passed by the legislature adapted to the particular case. -This prescribes to him a sufficient time to appear and submit to -a trial by his peers; declares that his refusal to appear shall be -taken as a confession of guilt, as in the ordinary case of an offender -at the bar refusing to plead, and pronounces the sentence -which would have been rendered on his confession or conviction -in a court of law. No doubt that these acts of attainder have -been abused in England as instruments of vengeance by a successful -over a defeated party. But what institution is insusceptible -of abuse in wicked hands? -</p> - -<p> -Again, the judge says "the court refused to pass sentence of -execution pursuant to the directions of the act." The court could -not refuse this, because it was never proposed to them; and my -authority for this assertion shall be presently given. -</p> - -<p> -For the perversion of a fact so intimately known to himself, -Mr. Randolph can be excused only by our indulgence for orators -who, pressed by a powerful adversary, lose sight, in the -ardor of conflict of the rigorous accuracies of fact, and permit -their imagination to distort and color them to the views of the -moment. He was Attorney General at the time, and told me -himself, the first time I saw him after the trial of Philips, that -when taken and delivered up to justice, he had thought it best -to make no use of the act of attainder, and to take no measure -under it; that he had indicted him at the common law either for -murder or robbery (I forgot which and whether for both); that he -was tried on this indictment in the ordinary way, found guilty -by the jury, sentenced and executed under the common law; a -course which every one approves, because the first object of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_441'>[441]</a></span>act of attainder was to bring him to fair trial. Whether Mr. -Randolph was right in this information to me, or when in the -debate with Mr. Henry, he represents this atrocious offender as -sentenced and executed under the act of attainder, let the record -of the case decide. -</p> - -<p> -"Without being confronted with his accusers and witnesses, -without the privilege of calling for evidence in his behalf, he was -sentenced to death, and afterwards actually executed." I appeal -to the universe to produce one single instance from the first establishment -of government in this State to the present day, -where, in a trial at bar, a criminal has been refused confrontation -with his accusers and witnesses, or denied the privilege of calling -for evidence in his behalf; had it been done in this case, I would -have asked of the Attorney General why he proposed or permitted -it. But without having seen the record, I will venture on -the character of our courts, to deny that it was done. But if -Mr. Randolph meant only that Philips had not these advantages -on the passage of the bill of attainder, how idle to charge the -legislature with omitting to confront the culprit with his witnesses, -when he was standing out in arms and in defiance of their -authority, and their sentence was to take effect only on his own -refusal to come in and be confronted. We must either therefore -consider this as a mere hyperbolism of imagination in the heat -of debate, or what I should rather, believe a defective statement -by the reporter of Mr. Randolph's argument. I suspect this last -the rather because this point in the charge of Mr. Randolph is -equally omitted in the defence of Mr. Henry. This gentleman -must have known that Philips was tried and executed under the -common law, and yet, according to his report, he rests his defence -on a justification of the attainder only. But all who knew -Mr. Henry, know that when at ease in argument, he was sometimes -careless, not giving himself the trouble of ransacking either -his memory or imagination for all the topics of his subject, or -his audience that of hearing them. No man on earth knew better -when he had said enough for his hearers. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Randolph charges us with having read the bill three times -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_442'>[442]</a></span>in the same day. I do not remember the fact, nor whether this -was enforced on us by the urgency of the ravages of Philips, or -of the time at which the bill was introduced. I have some idea -it was at or near the close of the session; the journals, which I -have not, will ascertain the fact. -</p> - -<p> -After the particular strictures I will proceed to propose, 1st, that -the word "substantially," page 92, l. 8., be changed for "which -has been charged with," [subjoining a note of reference. 1 -Tucker's Blackst. Append., 292. Debates of Virginia Convention.] -</p> - -<p> -2. That the whole of the quotations from Tucker, Randolph -and Henry, be struck out, and instead of the text beginning page -92 l. 12, with the words "bills of attainder, &.," to the words -"so often merited," page 95 l. 4, be inserted the following, to-wit: -</p> - -<p> -"This was passed on the following occasion. A certain Josiah -Philips, laborer of the parish of Lynhaven, in the county of -Princess Anne, a man of daring and ferocious disposition, associating -with other individuals of a similar cast, spread terror and -desolation through the lower country, committing murders, burning -houses, wasting farms, and perpetrating other enormities, at -the bare mention of which humanity shudders. Every effort to -apprehend him proved abortive. Strong in the number of his -ruffian associates, or where force would have failed resorting to -stratagem and ambush, striking the deadly blow or applying the -fatal torch at the midnight hour, and in those places which their -insulated situation left almost unprotected, he retired with impunity -to his secret haunts, reeking with blood, and loaded with -plunder. [So far the text of Mr. Girardin is preserved.] The -inhabitants of the counties which were the theatre of his crimes, -never secure a moment by day or by night, in their fields or their -beds, sent representations of their distresses to the governor, -claiming the public protection. He consulted with some members -of the legislature then sitting, on the best method of proceeding -against the atrocious offender. Too powerful to be arrested -by the sheriff and his <span lang="la"><i>posse comitatus</i></span>, it was not doubted -but an armed force might be sent to hunt and destroy him and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_443'>[443]</a></span>his accomplices in their morasses and fastnesses wherever found. -But the proceeding concluded to be most consonant with the -forms and principles of our government, was that the legislature -should pass an act giving him a reasonable but limited day to -surrender himself to justice, and to submit to a trial by his peers. -According to the laws of the land, to consider a refusal as a confession -of guilt, and divesting him as an outlaw of the character -of citizen, to pass on him the sentence prescribed by the law; and -the public officer being defied, to make every one his deputy, -and especially those whose safety hourly depended on his destruction. -The case was laid before the legislature, the proofs -were ample, his outrages as notorious as those of the public -enemy, and well known to the members of both houses from -those counties. No one pretended then that the perpetrator of -crimes who could successfully resist the officers of justice, should -be protected in the continuance of them by the privileges of his -citizenship, and that baffling ordinary process, nothing extraordinary -could be rightfully adopted to protect the citizens against -him. No one doubted that society had a right to erase from the -roll of its members any one who rendered his own existence inconsistent -with theirs; to withdraw from him the protection of -their laws, and to remove him from among them by exile, or -even by death if necessary. An enemy in lawful war, putting -to death in cold blood the prisoner he has taken, authorizes retaliation, -which would be inflicted with peculiar justice on the -individual guilty of the deed, were it to happen that he should -be taken. And could the murders and robberies of a pirate or -outlaw entitle him to more tenderness? They passed the law, -therefore, and without opposition. He did not come in before -the day prescribed; continued his lawless outrages; was afterwards -taken in arms, but delivered over to the ordinary justice -of the county. The Attorney General for the commonwealth, -the immediate agent of the government, waiving all appeal to the -act of attainder, indicted him at the common law as a murderer -and robber. He was arraigned on that indictment in the usual -forms, before a jury of his vicinage, and no use whatever made -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_444'>[444]</a></span>of the act of attainder in any part of the proceedings. He -pleaded that he was a British subject, authorized to bear arms by -a commission from Lord Dunmore; that he was therefore a mere -prisoner of war, and under the protection of the law of nations. -The court being of opinion that a commission from an enemy -could not protect a citizen in deeds of murder and robbery, overruled -his plea; he was found guilty by his jury, sentenced by -the court, and executed by the ordinary officer of justice, and -all according to the forms and rules of the common law." -</p> - -<p> -I recommend an examination of the records for ascertaining the -facts of this case, for although my memory assures me of the -leading ones, I am not so certain in my recollection of the details. -I am not sure of the character of the particular crimes -committed by Philips, or charged in his indictment, whether his -plea of alien enemy was formally put in and overruled, what were -the specific provisions of the act of attainder, the urgency which -caused it to be read three times in one day, if the fact were, &c., &c. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. WENDOVER.<a name='FA_13' id='FA_13' href='#FN_13' class='fnanchor'>[13]</a> -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 13, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of January the 30th was received after long -delay on the road, and I have to thank you for the volume of discourses -which you have been so kind as to send me. I have -gone over them with great satisfaction, and concur with the able -preacher in his estimate of the character of the belligerents in -our late war, and lawfulness of defensive war. I consider the -war, with him, as "made on good advice," that is, for just causes, -and its dispensation as providential, inasmuch as it has exercised -our patriotism and submission to order, has planted and invigorated -among us arts of urgent necessity, has manifested the strong -and the weak parts of our republican institutions, and the excellence -of a representative democracy compared with the misrule -of kings, has rallied the opinions of mankind to the natural rights -of expatriation, and of a common property in the ocean, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_445'>[445]</a></span>raised us to that grade in the scale of nations which the bravery -and liberality of our citizen soldiers, by land and by sea, the wisdom -of our institutions and their observance of justice, entitled -us to in the eyes of the world. All this Mr. McLeod has well -proved, and from those sources of argument particularly which -belong to his profession. On one question only I differ from -him, and it is that which constitutes the subject of his first discourse, -the right of discussing public affairs <i>in the pulpit</i>. I add -the last words, because I admit the right in <i>general conversation</i> -and in <i>writing</i>; in which last form it has been exercised in the -valuable book you have now favored me with. -</p> - -<p> -The mass of human concerns, moral and physical, is so vast, -the field of knowledge requisite for man to conduct them to the -best advantage is so extensive, that no human being can acquire -the whole himself, and much less in that degree necessary for the -instruction of others. It has of necessity, then, been distributed -into different departments, each of which, singly, may give occupation -enough to the whole time and attention of a single individual. -Thus we have teachers of Languages, teachers of -Mathematics, of Natural Philosophy, of Chemistry, of Medicine, -of Law, of History, of Government, &c. Religion, too, is a separate -department, and happens to be the only one deemed requisite -for all men, however high or low. Collections of men associate -together, under the name of congregations, and employ a religious -teacher of the particular sect of opinions of which they happen -to be, and contribute to make up a stipend as a compensation for -the trouble of delivering them, at such periods as they agree on, -lessons in the religion they profess. If they want instruction in -other sciences or arts, they apply to other instructors; and this is -generally the business of early life. But I suppose there is not -an instance of a single congregation which has employed their -preacher for the mixed purposes of lecturing them <i>from the pulpit</i> -in Chemistry, in Medicine, in Law, in the science and principles -of Government, or in anything but Religion exclusively. Whenever, -therefore, preachers, instead of a lesson in religion, put them -off with a discourse on the Copernican system, on chemical affinities, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_446'>[446]</a></span>on the construction of government, or the characters or -conduct of those administering it, it is a breach of contract, depriving -their audience of the kind of service for which they are -salaried, and giving them, instead of it, what they did not want, -or, if wanted, would rather seek from better sources in that particular -art or science. In choosing our pastor we look to his religious -qualifications, without inquiring into his physical or political -dogmas, with which we mean to have nothing to do. I -am aware that arguments may be found, which may twist a -thread of politics into the cord of religious duties. So may they -for every other branch of human art or science. Thus, for example, -it is a religious duty to obey the laws of our country; the -teacher of religion, therefore, must instruct us in those laws, that -we may know how to obey them. It is a religious duty to assist -our sick neighbors; the preacher must, therefore, teach us medicine, -that we may do it understandingly. It is a religious duty -to preserve our own health; our religious teacher, then, must tell -us what dishes are wholesome, and give us recipes in cookery, -that we may learn how to prepare them. And so, ingenuity, by -generalizing more and more, may amalgamate all the branches -of science into any one of them, and the physician who is paid -to visit the sick, may give a sermon instead of medicine, and the -merchant to whom money is sent for a hat, may send a handkerchief -instead of it. But notwithstanding this possible confusion -of all sciences into one, common sense draws lines between them -sufficiently distinct for the general purposes of life, and no one -is at a loss to understand that a recipe in medicine or cookery, -or a demonstration in geometry, is not a lesson in religion. I do -not deny that a congregation may, if they please, agree with -their preacher that he shall instruct them in Medicine also, or -Law, or Politics. Then, lectures in these, from the pulpit, become -not only a matter of right, but of duty also. But this must -be with the consent of every individual; because the association -being voluntary, the mere majority has no right to apply the contributions -of the minority to purposes unspecified in the agreement -of the congregation. I agree, too, that on all other occasions, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_447'>[447]</a></span>the preacher has the right, equally with every other citizen, -to express his sentiments, in speaking or writing; on the subjects -of Medicine, Law, Politics, &c., his leisure time being his -own, and his congregation not obliged to listen to his conversation -or to read his writings; and no one would have regretted -more than myself, had any scruple as to this right withheld from -us the valuable discourses which have led to the expression of -an opinion as to the true limits of the right. I feel my portion -of indebtment to the reverend author for the distinguished learning, -the logic and the eloquence with which he has proved that -religion, as well as reason, confirms the soundness of those principles -on which our government has been founded and its rights -asserted. -</p> - -<p> -These are my views on this question. They are in opposition -to those of the highly respected and able preacher, and are, therefore, -the more doubtingly offered. Difference of opinion leads -to inquiry, and inquiry to truth; and that, I am sure, is the ultimate -and sincere object of us both. We both value too much -the freedom of opinion sanctioned by our constitution, not to -cherish its exercise even where in opposition to ourselves. -</p> - -<p> -Unaccustomed to reserve or mystery in the expression of my -opinions, I have opened myself frankly on a question suggested -by your letter and present. And although I have not the honor -of your acquaintance, this mark of attention, and still more the -sentiments of esteem so kindly expressed in your letter, are entitled -to a confidence that observations not intended for the public -will not be ushered to their notice, as has happened to me -sometimes. Tranquillity, at my age, is the balm of life. While -I know I am safe in the honor and charity of a McLeod, I do not -wish to be cast forth to the Marats, the Dantons, and the Robespierres -of the priesthood; I mean the Parishes, the Ogdens, -and the Gardiners of Massachusetts. -</p> - -<p> -I pray you to accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_448'>[448]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 16, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Friend and Ancient Colleague</span>,—Your letter of -February the 19th has been received with very sincere pleasure. -It recalls to memory the sociability, the friendship, and the harmony -of action which united personal happiness with public duties, -during the portion of our lives in which we acted together. -Indeed, the affectionate harmony of our cabinet is among the -sweetest of my recollections. I have just received a letter of -friendship from General Dearborne. He writes me that he is -now retiring from every species of public occupation, to pass the -remainder of life as a private citizen; and he promises me a visit -in the course of the summer. As you hold out a hope of the -same gratification, if chance or purpose could time your visits -together, it would make a real jubilee. But come as you will -or as you can, it will always be joy enough to me. Only you -must give me a month's notice; because I go three or four times -a year to a possession ninety miles southwestward, and am absent -a month at a time, and the mortification would be indelible -of losing such a visit by a mistimed absence. You will find me -in habitual good health, great contentedness, enfeebled in body, -impaired in memory, but without decay in my friendships. -</p> - -<p> -Great, indeed, have been the revolutions in the world, since -you and I have had anything to do with it. To me they have -been like the howlings of the winter storm over the battlements, -while warm in my bed. The unprincipled tyrant of the land is -fallen, his power reduced to its original nothingness, his person -only not yet in the mad-house, where it ought always to have -been. His equally unprincipled competitor, the tyrant of the -ocean, in the mad-house indeed, in person, but his power still -stalking over the deep. <span lang="la">"<i>Quem deus vult perdere, prius dementat.</i>"</span> -The madness is acknowledged; the perdition of course -impending. Are we to be the instruments? A friendly, a just, -and a reasonable conduct on their part, might make us the main -pillar of their prosperity and existence. But their deep-rooted -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_449'>[449]</a></span>hatred to us seems to be the means which Providence permits to -lead them to their final catastrophe. <span lang="la">"<i>Nullam enim in terris -gentem esse, nullum infestiorem populum, nomini Romano</i>,"</span> -said the General who erased Capua from the list of powers. -What nourishment and support would not England receive from -an hundred millions of industrious descendants, whom some of -her people now born will live to see here? What their energies -are, she has lately tried. And what has she not to fear from an -hundred millions of such men, if she continues her maniac course -of hatred and hostility to them. I hope in God she will change. -There is not a nation on the globe with whom I have more -earnestly wished a friendly intercourse on equal conditions. On -no other would I hold out the hand of friendship to any. I -know that their creatures represent me as personally an enemy to -England. But fools only can believe this, or those who think -me a fool. I am an enemy to her insults and injuries. I am an -enemy to the flagitious principles of her administration, and to -those which govern her conduct towards other nations. But -would she give to morality some place in her political code, and -especially would she exercise decency, and at least neutral passions -towards us, there is not, I repeat it, a people on earth with -whom I would sacrifice so much to be in friendship. They can -do us, as enemies, more harm than any other nation; and in -peace and in war, they have more means of disturbing us internally. -Their merchants established among us, the bonds by -which our own are chained to their feet, and the banking combinations -interwoven with the whole, have shown the extent of -their control, even during a war with her. They are the workers -of all the embarrassments our finances have experienced during -the war. Declaring themselves bankrupt, they have been -able still to chain the government to a dependence on them, and -had the war continued, they would have reduced us to the inability -to command a single dollar. They dared to proclaim that -they would not pay their own paper obligations, yet our government -could not venture to avail themselves of this opportunity of -sweeping their paper from the circulation, and substituting their -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_450'>[450]</a></span>own notes bottomed on specific taxes for redemption, which every -one would have eagerly taken and trusted, rather than the baseless -trash of bankrupt companies; our government, I say, have -still been overawed from a contest with them, and has even countenanced -and strengthened their influence, by proposing new establishments, -with authority to swindle yet greater sums from -our citizens. This is the British influence to which I am an enemy, -and which we must subject to our government, or it will -subject us to that of Britain. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Come, and gratify, by seeing you once more, a friend who assures -you with sincerity of his constant and affectionate attachment -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 17, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear General, Friend, and Ancient Colleague</span>,—I -have received your favor of February the 27th, with very great -pleasure, and sincerely reciprocate congratulations on late events. -Peace was indeed desirable; yet it would not have been as welcome -without the successes of New Orleans. These last have -established truths too important not to be valued; that the people -of Louisiana are sincerely attached to the Union; that their city -can be defended; that the western States make its defence their -peculiar concern; that the militia are brave; that their deadly -aim countervails the manœuvering skill of their enemy; that we -have officers of natural genius now starting forward from the -mass; and that, putting together all our conflicts, we can beat -the British by sea and by land, with equal numbers. All this -being now proved, I am glad of the pacification of Ghent, and -shall still be more so, if, by a reasonable arrangement against impressment, -they will make it truly a treaty of peace, and not a -mere truce, as we must all consider it, until the principle of the -war is settled. Nor, among the incidents of the war, will we -forget your services. After the disasters produced by the treason -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_451'>[451]</a></span>or the cowardice, or both, of Hull, and the follies of some others, -your capture of York and Fort George, first turned the tide of -success in our favor; and the subsequent campaigns sufficiently -wiped away the disgrace of the first. If it were justifiable to -look to your own happiness only, your resolution to retire from -all public business could not but be approved. But you are too -young to ask a discharge as yet, and the public counsels too -much needing the wisdom of our ablest citizens, to relinquish -their claim on you. And surely none needs your aid more than -your own State. Oh, Massachusetts! how have I lamented -the degradation of your apostasy! Massachusetts, with whom -I went with pride in 1776, whose vote was my vote on every -public question, and whose principles were then the standard of -whatever was free or fearless. But she was then under the counsels -of the two Adamses; while Strong, her present leader, was -promoting petitions for submission to British power and British -usurpation. While under her present counsels, she must be contented -to be nothing; as having a vote, indeed, to be counted, -but not respected. But should the State once more buckle on -her republican harness, we shall receive her again as a sister, and -recollect her wanderings among the crimes only of the parricide -party, which would have basely sold what their fathers so bravely -won from the same enemy. Let us look forward, then, to the -act of repentance, which, by dismissing her venal traitors, shall -be the signal of return to the bosom and to the principles of her -brethren; and if her late humiliation can just give her modesty -enough to suppose that her southern brethren are somewhat on a -par with her in wisdom, in information, in patriotism, in bravery, -and even in honesty, although not in psalm singing, she will -more justly estimate her own relative momentum in the Union. -With her ancient principles, she would really be great, if she did -not think herself the whole. I should be pleased to hear that -you go into her counsels, and assist in bringing her back to those -principles, and to a sober satisfaction with her proportionable -share in the direction of our affairs. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_452'>[452]</a></span>Be so good as to lay my homage at the feet of Mrs. Dearborne -and be assured that I am ever and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 23, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I duly received your favor of the 12th, and with -it the pamphlet on the causes and conduct of the war, which I -now return. I have read it with great pleasure, but with irresistible -desire that it should be published. The reasons in favor -of this are strong, and those against it are so easily gotten over, -that there appears to me no balance between them. 1. We need -it in Europe. They have totally mistaken our character. Accustomed -to rise at a feather themselves, and to be always fighting, -they will see in our conduct, fairly stated, that acquiescence -under wrong, to a certain degree, is wisdom, and not pusillanimity; -and that peace and happiness are preferable to that false -honor which, by eternal wars, keeps their people in eternal -labor, want, and wretchedness. 2. It is necessary for the people -of England, who have been deceived as to the causes and conduct -of the war, and do not entertain a doubt, that it was entirely -wanton and wicked on our part, and under the order of Bonaparte. -By rectifying their ideas, it will tend to that conciliation -which is absolutely necessary to the peace and prosperity of both -nations. 3. It is necessary for our own people, who, although -they have known the details as they went along, yet have been -so plied with false facts and false views by the federalists, that -some impression has been left that all has not been right. It -may be said that it will be thought unfriendly. But truths necessary -for our own character, must not be suppressed out of tenderness -to its calumniators. Although written, generally, with -great moderation, there may be some things in the pamphlet -which may perhaps irritate. The characterizing every act, for -example, by its appropriate epithet, is not necessary to show its -deformity to an intelligent reader. The naked narrative will -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_453'>[453]</a></span>present it truly to his mind, and the more strongly, from its moderation, -as he will perceive that no exaggeration is aimed at. -Rubbing down these roughnesses, and they are neither many nor -prominent, and preserving the original date, might, I think, remove -all the offensiveness, and give more effect to the publication. -Indeed, I think that a soothing postscript, addressed to -the interests, the prospects, and the sober reason of both nations, -would make it acceptable to both. The trifling expense of reprinting -it ought not to be considered a moment. Mr. Gallatin -could have it translated into French, and suffer it to get abroad in -Europe without either avowal or disavowal. But it would be useful -to print some copies of an appendix, containing all the documents -referred to, to be preserved in libraries, and to facilitate to -the present and future writers of history, the acquisition of the -materials which test the truth it contains. -</p> - -<p> -I sincerely congratulate you on the peace, and, more especially -on the eclat with which the war was closed. The affair of -New Orleans was fraught with useful lessons to ourselves, our -enemies, and our friends, and will powerfully influence our future -relations with the nations of Europe. It will show them -we mean to take no part in their wars, and count no odds when -engaged in our own. I presume that, having spared to -the pride of England her formal acknowledgment of the atrocity -of impressment in an article of the treaty, she will concur in a -convention for relinquishing it. Without this, she must understand -that the present is but a truce, determinable on the first act -of impressment of an American citizen, committed by any officer -of hers. Would it not be better that this convention should -be a separate act, unconnected with any treaty of commerce, -and made an indispensable preliminary to all other treaty? If -blended with a treaty of commerce, she will make it the price -of injurious concessions. Indeed, we are infinitely better without -such treaties with any nation. We cannot too distinctly detach -ourselves from the European system, which is essentially -belligerent, nor too sedulously cultivate an American system, essentially -pacific. But if we go into commercial treaties at all, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_454'>[454]</a></span>they should be with all, at the same time, with whom we have -important commercial relations. France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, -Denmark, Sweden, Russia, all should proceed <span lang="la"><i>pari passu</i></span>. -Our ministers marching in phalanx on the same line, and intercommunicating -freely, each will be supported by the weight of -the whole mass, and the facility with which the other nations -will agree to equal terms of intercourse, will discountenance the -selfish higglings of England, or justify our rejection of them. -Perhaps, with all of them, it would be best to have but the single -article <span lang="la"><i>gentis amicissimæ</i></span>, leaving everything else to the usages -and courtesies of civilized nations. But all these things will -occur to yourself, with their counter-consideration. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Smith wrote to me on the transportation of the library, -and, particularly, that it is submitted to your direction. He mentioned, -also, that Dougherty would be engaged to superintend -it. No one will more carefully and faithfully execute all those -duties which would belong to a wagon master. But it requires -a character acquainted with books, to receive the library. I am -now employing as many hours of every day as my strength will -permit, in arranging the books, and putting every one in its -place on the shelves, corresponding with its order on the catalogue, -and shall have them numbered correspondently. This -operation will employ me a considerable time yet. Then I -should wish a competent agent to attend, and, with the catalogue -in his hand, see that every book is on the shelves, and have their -lids nailed on, one by one, as he proceeds. This would take -such a person about two days; after which, Dougherty's business -would be the mere mechanical removal, at convenience. I -enclose you a letter from Mr. Milligan, offering his service, which -would not cost more than eight or ten days' reasonable compensation. -This is necessary for my safety and your satisfaction, -as a just caution for the public. You know that there are persons, -both in and out of the public councils, who will seize every -occasion of imputation on either of us, the more difficult to be -repelled in this case, in which a negative could not be proved. -If you approve of it, therefore, as soon as I am through the review, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_455'>[455]</a></span>I will give notice to Mr. Milligan, or any other person -you will name, to come on immediately. Indeed it would be -well worth while to add to his duty, that of covering the books -with a little paper, (the good bindings, at least,) and filling the -vacancies of the presses with paper parings, to be brought from -Washington. This would add little more to the time, as he -could carry on both operations at once. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GIRARDIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 27, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -I return your 14th chapter with only two or three unimportant -alterations as usual, and with a note suggested, of doubtful -admissibility. I believe it would be acceptable to the reader of -every nation except England, and I do not suppose that, even -without it, your book will be a popular one there, however you -will decide for yourself. -</p> - -<p> -As to what is to be said of myself, I of course am not the -judge. But my sincere wish is that the faithful historian, like -the able surgeon, would consider me in his hands, while living, -as a dead subject, that the same judgment may now be expressed -which will be rendered hereafter, so far as my small agency in -human affairs may attract future notice; and I would of choice -now stand as at the bar of posterity, <span lang="la">"<i>Cum semel occidaris, et de -te ultima Minos Fecerit arbitria</i>."</span> The only exact testimony of -a man is his actions, leaving the reader to pronounce on them -his own judgment. In anticipating this, too little is safer than -too much; and I sincerely assure you that you will please me -most by a rigorous suppression of all friendly partialities. This -candid expression of sentiments once delivered, passive silence -becomes the future duty. -</p> - -<p> -It is with real regret I inform you that the day of delivering -the library is close at hand. A letter by last mail informs me -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_456'>[456]</a></span>that Mr. Millegan is ordered to come on the instant I am ready -to deliver. I shall complete the arrangement of the books on -Saturday. There will then remain only to paste on them their -numbers, which will be begun on Sunday. Of this Mr. Millegan -has notice, and may be expected every hour after Monday -next. He will examine the books by the catalogue, and nail up -the presses, one by one, as he gets through them. But it is indispensable -for me to have all the books in their places when -we begin to number them, and it would be a great convenience -to have all you can do without now, to put them into the places -they should occupy. Ancient history is numbered. Modern -history comes next. The bearer carries a basket to receive -what he can bring of those you are done with. I salute you -with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARROW. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 1, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of March 20th, and -am truly thankful for the favorable sentiments expressed in it -towards myself. If, in the course of my life, it has been in any -degree useful to the cause of humanity, the fact itself bears its -full reward. The particular subject of the pamphlet you enclosed -me was one of early and tender consideration with me, and had -I continued in the councils of my own State, it should never -have been out of sight. The only practicable plan I could ever -devise is stated under the 14th <span lang="la">quære</span> of the Notes on Virginia, -and it is still the one most sound in my judgment. Unhappily -it is a case for which both parties require long and difficult preparation. -The mind of the master is to be apprized by reflection, -and strengthened by the energies of conscience, against the -obstacles of self interest to an acquiescence in the rights of others; -that of the slave is to be prepared by instruction and habit -for self government, and for the honest pursuits of industry and -social duty. Both of these courses of preparation require time, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_457'>[457]</a></span>and the former must precede the latter. Some progress is sensibly -made in it; yet not so much as I had hoped and expected. -But it will yield in time to temperate and steady pursuit, to the -enlargement of the human mind, and its advancement in science. -We are not in a world ungoverned by the laws and the power -of a superior agent. Our efforts are in his hand, and directed -by it; and he will give them their effect in his own time. -Where the disease is most deeply seated, there it will be slowest -in eradication. In the northern States it was merely superficial, -and easily corrected. In the southern it is incorporated with the -whole system, and requires time, patience, and perseverance in -the curative process. That it may finally be effected, and its progress -hastened, will be the last and fondest prayer of him who -now salutes you with respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 15, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Friend</span>,—The newspapers tell us you are arrived -in the United States. I congratulate my country on this as a -manifestation that you consider its civil advantages as more than -equivalent to the physical comforts and social delights of a country -which possesses both in the highest degree of any one on -earth. You despair of your country, and so do I. A military -despotism is now fixed upon it permanently, especially if the son -of the tyrant should have virtues and talents. What a treat -would it be to me, to be with you, and to learn from you all the -intrigues, apostasies and treacheries which have produced this -last death's blow to the hopes of France. For, although not in -the will, there was in the imbecility of the Bourbons a foundation -of hope that the patriots of France might obtain a moderate -representative government. Here you will find rejoicings on -this event, and by a strange <i>qui pro quo</i>, not by the party hostile -to liberty, but by its zealous friends. In this they see nothing -but the scourge reproduced for the back of England, they do not -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_458'>[458]</a></span>permit themselves to see in it the blast of all the hopes of mankind, -and that however it may jeopardize England, it gives to -her self-defence the lying countenance again of being the sole -champion of the rights of man, to which in all other nations -she is most adverse. I wrote to you on the 28th of February, -by a Mr. Ticknor, then proposing to sail for France, but the conclusion -of peace induced him to go first to England. I hope he -will keep my letter out of the post offices of France; for it was -written for the inspection of those now in power. You will -now be a witness of our deplorable ignorance in finance and political -economy generally. I mentioned in my letter of February -that I was endeavoring to get your memoir on that subject printed. -I have not yet succeeded. I am just setting out to a distant -possession of mine, and shall be absent three weeks. God bless -you. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 10, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—It is long since we have exchanged a letter, and yet -what volumes might have been written on the occurrences even -of the last three months. In the first place, peace, God bless it! -has returned to put us all again into a course of lawful and laudable -pursuits; a new trial of the Bourbons has proved to the -world their incompetence to the functions of the station they -have occupied; and the recall of the usurper has clothed him -with the semblance of a legitimate autocrat. If adversity should -have taught him wisdom, of which I have little expectation, he -may yet render some service to mankind, by teaching the ancient -dynasties that they can be changed for misrule, and by wearing -down the maritime power of England to limitable and safe dimensions. -But it is not possible he should love us; and of that our -commerce had sufficient proof during his power. Our military -achievements, indeed, which he is capable of estimating, may, in -some degree, moderate the effect of his aversions; and he may -perhaps fancy that we are to become the natural enemies of England, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_459'>[459]</a></span>as England herself has so steadily endeavored to make us, -and as some of our own over-zealous patriots would be willing to -proclaim; and, in this view, he may admit a cold toleration of -some intercourse and commerce between the two nations. He -has certainly had time to see the folly of turning the industry -of France from the cultures for which nature has so highly endowed -her, to those of sugar, cotton, tobacco, and others, which -the same creative power has given to other climates; and, on the -whole, if he can conquer the passions of his tyrannical soul, if -he has understanding enough to pursue from motives of interest, -what no moral motives lead him to, the tranquil happiness and -prosperity of his country, rather than a ravenous thirst for human -blood, his return may become of more advantage than injury to -us. And if, again, some great man could arise in England, who -could see and correct the follies of his nation in their conduct as -to us, and by exercising justice and comity towards ours, bring -both into a state of temperate and useful friendship, it is possible -we might thus attain the place we ought to occupy between -these two nations, without being degraded to the condition of -mere partisans of either. -</p> - -<p> -A little time will now inform us, whether France, within its -proper limits, is big enough for its ruler, on the one hand, and -whether, on the other, the allied powers are either wicked or -foolish enough to attempt the forcing on the French a ruler and -government which they refuse? Whether they will risk their -own thrones to re-establish that of the Bourbons? If this is attempted, -and the European world again committed to war, will -the jealousy of England at the commerce which neutrality will -give us, induce her again to add us to the number of her enemies, -rather than see us prosper in the pursuit of peace and industry? -And have our commercial citizens merited from their -country its encountering another war to protect their gambling -enterprises? That the persons of our citizens shall be safe in -freely traversing the ocean, that the transportation of our own produce, -in our own vessels, to the markets of our choice, and the -return to us of the articles we want for our own use, shall be unmolested, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_460'>[460]</a></span>I hold to be fundamental, and the gauntlet that must -be for ever hurled at him who questions it. But whether we -shall engage in every war of Europe, to protect the mere agency -of our merchants and ship-owners in carrying on the commerce -of other nations, even were these merchants and ship-owners to -take the side of their country in the contest, instead of that of the -enemy, is a question of deep and serious consideration, with -which, however, you and I shall have nothing to do; so we will -leave it to those whom it will concern. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for making known to me Mr. Ticknor and Mr. -Gray. They are fine young men, indeed, and if Massachusetts -can raise a few more such, it is probable she would be better -counselled as to social rights and social duties. Mr. Ticknor is, -particularly, the best bibliograph I have met with, and very -kindly and opportunely offered me the means of re-procuring -some part of the literary treasures which I have ceded to Congress, -to replace the devastations of British Vandalism at Washington. -I cannot live without books. But fewer will suffice, -where amusement, and not use, is the only future object. I am -about sending him a catalogue, to which less than his critical -knowledge of books would hardly be adequate. -</p> - -<p> -Present my high respects to Mrs. Adams, and accept yourself -the assurance of my affectionate attachment. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. W. H. TORRANCE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 11, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received a few days ago your favor of May 5th, stating -a question on a law of the State of Georgia which suspends -judgments for a limited time, and asking my opinion whether it -may be valid under the inhibition of our constitution to pass -laws impairing the obligations of contracts. It is more than -forty years since I have quitted the practice of the law, and been -engaged in vocations which furnished little occasion of preserving -a familiarity with that science. I am far, therefore, from -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_461'>[461]</a></span>being qualified to decide on the problems it presents, and certainly -not disposed to obtrude in a case where gentlemen have been -consulted of the first qualifications, and of actual and daily -familiarity with the subject, especially too in a question on the -law of another State. We have in this State a law resembling -in some degree that you quote, suspending executions until a -year after the treaty of peace; but no question under it has been -raised before the courts. It is also, I believe, expected that when -this shall expire, in consideration of the absolute impossibility -of procuring coin to satisfy judgments, a law will be passed, -similar to that passed in England, on suspending the cash payments -of their bank, that provided that on refusal by a party to -receive notes of the Bank of England in any case either of past -or future contracts, the judgment should be suspended during the -continuance of that act, bearing, however, legal interest. They -seemed to consider that it was not this law which changed the -conditions of the contract, but the circumstances which had -arisen, and had rendered its literal execution impossible; by the -disappearance of the metallic medium stipulated by the contract, -that the parties not concurring in a reasonable and just accommodation, -it became the duty of the legislature to arbitrate between -them; and that less restrained than the Duke of Venice -by the letter of decree, they were free to adjudge to Shylock a -reasonable equivalent. And I believe that in our States this umpirage -of the legislatures has been generally interposed in cases -where a literal execution of contract has, by a change of circumstances, -become impossible, or, if enforced, would produce a disproportion -between the subject of the contract and its price, -which the parties did not contemplate at the time of the contract. -</p> - -<p> -The second question, whether the judges are invested with -exclusive authority to decide on the constitutionality of a law, -has been heretofore a subject of consideration with me in the -exercise of official duties. Certainly there is not a word in the -constitution which has given that power to them more than to -the executive or legislative branches. Questions of property, of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_462'>[462]</a></span>character and of crime being ascribed to the judges, through a -definite course of legal proceeding, laws involving such questions -belong, of course, to them; and as they decide on them ultimately -and without appeal, they of course decide <i>for themselves</i>. The -constitutional validity of the law or laws again prescribing executive -action, and to be administered by that branch ultimately -and without appeal, the executive must decide for <i>themselves</i> -also, whether, under the constitution, they are valid or not. So -also as to laws governing the proceedings of the legislature, that -body must judge <i>for itself</i> the constitutionality of the law, and -equally without appeal or control from its co-ordinate branches. -And, in general, that branch which is to act ultimately, and without -appeal, on any law, is the rightful expositor of the validity -of the law, uncontrolled by the opinions of the other co-ordinate -authorities. It may be said that contradictory decisions may -arise in such case, and produce inconvenience. This is possible, -and is a necessary failing in all human proceedings. Yet the -prudence of the public functionaries, and authority of public -opinion, will generally produce accommodation. Such an instance -of difference occurred between the judges of England -(in the time of Lord Holt) and the House of Commons, but the -prudence of those bodies prevented inconvenience from it. So -in the cases of Duane and of William Smith of South Carolina, -whose characters of citizenship stood precisely on the same -ground, the judges in a question of <span lang="la">meum</span> and <span lang="la">tuum</span> which came -before them, decided that Duane was not a citizen; and in a -question of membership, the House of Representatives, under the -same words of the same provision, adjudged William Smith to be -a citizen. Yet no inconvenience has ensued from these contradictory -decisions. This is what I believe myself to be sound. -But there is another opinion entertained by some men of such -judgment and information as to lessen my confidence in my own. -That is, that the legislature alone is the exclusive expounder of -the sense of the constitution, in every part of it whatever. And -they allege in its support, that this branch has authority to impeach -and punish a member of either of the others acting contrary -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_463'>[463]</a></span>to its declaration of the sense of the constitution. It may -indeed be answered, that an act may still be valid although the -party is punished for it, right or wrong. However, this opinion -which ascribes exclusive exposition to the legislature, merits respect -for its safety, there being in the body of the nation a control -over them, which, if expressed by rejection on the subsequent -exercise of their elective franchise, enlists public opinion -against their exposition, and encourages a judge or executive on -a future occasion to adhere to their former opinion. Between -these two doctrines, every one has a right to choose, and I know -of no third meriting any respect. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus, Sir, frankly, without the honor of your acquaintance, -confided to you my opinion; trusting assuredly that no -use will be made of it which shall commit me to the contentions -of the newspapers. From that field of disquietude my age asks -exemption, and permission to enjoy the privileged tranquillity of -a private and unmeddling citizen. In this confidence accept the -assurances of my respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LEIPER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 12, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—A journey soon after the receipt of your favor of -April the 17th, and an absence from home of some continuance, -have prevented my earlier acknowledgment of it. In that came -safely my letter of January the 2d, 1814. In our principles of government -we differ not at all; nor in the general object and tenor of -political measures. We concur in considering the government -of England as totally without morality, insolent beyond bearing, -inflated with vanity and ambition, aiming at the exclusive dominion -of the sea, lost in corruption, of deep-rooted hatred -towards us, hostile to liberty wherever it endeavors to show its -head, and the eternal disturber of the peace of the world. In -our estimate of Bonaparte, I suspect we differ. I view him as -a political engine only, and a very wicked one; you, I believe, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_464'>[464]</a></span>as both political and religious, and obeying, as an instrument, an -unseen hand. I still deprecate his becoming sole lord of the -continent of Europe, which he would have been, had he reached -in triumph the gates of St. Petersburg. The establishment in -our day of another Roman empire, spreading vassalage and depravity -over the face of the globe, is not, I hope, within the purposes -of Heaven. Nor does the return of Bonaparte give me -pleasure unmixed; I see in his expulsion of the Bourbons, a valuable -lesson to the world, as showing that its ancient dynasties -may be changed for their misrule. Should the allied powers -presume to dictate a ruler and government to France, and follow -the example he had set of parcelling and usurping to themselves -their neighbor nations, I hope he will give them another lesson -in vindication of the rights of independence and self-government, -which himself had heretofore so much abused; and that in this -contest he will wear down the maritime power of England to -limitable and safe dimensions. So far, good. It cannot be denied, -on the other hand, that his successful perversion of the -force (committed to him for vindicating the rights and liberties -of his country) to usurp its government, and to enchain it under -an hereditary despotism, is of baneful effect in encouraging future -usurpations, and deterring those under oppression from rising to -redress themselves. His restless spirit leaves no hope of peace -to the world; and his hatred of us is only a little less than that -he bears to England, and England to us. Our form of government -is odious to him, as a standing contrast between republican -and despotic rule; and as much from that hatred, as from ignorance -in political economy, he had excluded intercourse between -us and his people, by prohibiting the only articles they wanted -from us, that is, cotton and tobacco. Whether the war we have had -with England, and the achievements of that war, and the hope -that we may become his instruments and partisans against that -enemy, may induce him, in future, to tolerate our commercial -intercourse with his people, is still to be seen. For my part, I -wish that all nations may recover and retain their independence; -that those which are overgrown may not advance beyond safe -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_465'>[465]</a></span>measures of power, that a salutary balance may be ever maintained -among nations, and that our peace, commerce, and friendship, -may be sought and cultivated by all. It is our business to -manufacture for ourselves whatever we can, to keep our markets -open for what we can spare or want; and the less we have to do -with the amities or enmities of Europe, the better. Not in our -day, but at no distant one, we may shake a rod over the heads -of all, which may make the stoutest of them tremble. But I -hope our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us, that -the less we use our power, the greater it will be. -</p> - -<p> -The federal misrepresentation of my sentiments, which occasioned -my former letter to you, was gross enough; but that and -all others are exceeded by the impudence and falsehood of the -printed extract you sent me from Ralph's paper. That a continuance -of the embargo for two months longer would have prevented -our war; that the non-importation law which succeeded -it was a wise and powerful measure, I have constantly maintained. -My friendship for Mr. Madison, my confidence in his wisdom -and virtue, and my approbation of all his measures, and especially -of his taking up at length the gauntlet against England, -is known to all with whom I have ever conversed or corresponded -on these measures. The word <i>federal</i>, or its synonyma <i>lie</i>, -may therefore be written under every word of Mr. Ralph's paragraph. -I have ransacked my memory to recollect any incident -which might have given countenance to any particle of it, but I -find none. For if you will except the bringing into power and -importance those who were enemies to himself as well as to the -principles of republican government, I do not recollect a single -measure of the President which I have not approved. Of those -under him, and of some very near him, there have been many -acts of which we have all disapproved, and he more than we. -We have at times dissented from the measures, and lamented the -dilatoriness of Congress. I recollect an instance the first winter -of the war, when, from sloth of proceedings, an embargo was -permitted to run through the winter, while the enemy could not -cruise, nor consequently restrain the exportation of our whole -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_466'>[466]</a></span>produce, and was taken off in the spring, as soon as they could -resume their stations. But this procrastination is unavoidable. -How can expedition be expected from a body which we have -saddled with an hundred lawyers, whose trade is talking? But -lies, to sow division among us, is so stale an artifice of the federal -prints, and are so well understood, that they need neither contradiction -nor explanation. As to myself, my confidence in the -wisdom and integrity of the administration is so entire, that I -scarcely notice what is passing, and have almost ceased to read -newspapers. Mine remain in our post office a week or ten days, -sometimes, unasked for. I find more amusement in studies to -which I was always more attached, and from which I was -dragged by the events of the times in which I have happened to -live. -</p> - -<p> -I rejoice exceedingly that our war with England was single-handed. -In that of the Revolution, we had France, Spain, and -Holland on our side, and the credit of its success was given to -them. On the late occasion, unprepared and unexpecting war, -we were compelled to declare it, and to receive the attack of -England, just issuing from a general war, fully armed, and freed -from all other enemies, and have not only made her sick of it, -but glad to prevent, by peace, the capture of her adjacent possessions, -which one or two campaigns more would infallibly have -made ours. She has found that we can do her more injury than -any other enemy on earth, and henceforward will better estimate -the value of our peace. But whether her government has power, -in opposition to the aristocracy of her navy, to restrain their -piracies within the limits of national rights, may well be doubted. -I pray, therefore, for peace, as best for all the world, best -for us, and best for me, who have already lived to see three wars, -and now pant for nothing more than to be permitted to depart -in peace. That you also, who have longer to live, may continue -to enjoy this blessing with health and prosperity, through -as long a life as you desire, is the prayer of yours affectionately. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. June the 14th.—Before I had sent my letter to the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_467'>[467]</a></span>post office, I received the new treaty of the allied powers, declaring -that the French nation shall not have Bonaparte, and -shall have Louis XVIII. for their ruler. They are all then as -great rascals as Bonaparte himself. While he was in the wrong, -I wished him exactly as much success as would answer our purposes, -and no more. Now that they are wrong and he in the -right, he shall have all my prayers for success, and that he may -dethrone every man of them. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MAURY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 15, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -I congratulate you, my dear and ancient friend, on the return -of peace, and the restoration of intercourse between our -two countries. What has passed may be a lesson to both of the -injury which either can do the other, and the peace now opened -may show what would be the value of a cordial friendship; and -I hope the first moments of it will be employed to remove the -stumbling block which must otherwise keep us eternal enemies. -I mean the impressment of our citizens. This was the sole object -of the continuance of the late war, which the repeal of the -orders of council would otherwise have ended at its beginning. -If according to our estimates, England impressed into her navy -6,000 of our citizens, let her count the cost of the war, and a -greater number of men lost in it, and she will find this resource -for manning her navy the most expensive she can adopt, each of -these men having cost her £30,000 sterling, and a man of her -own besides. On that point we have thrown away the scabbard, -and the moment an European war brings her back to this practice, -adds us again to her enemies. But I hope an arrangement -is already made on this subject. Have you no statesmen who -can look forward two or three score years? It is but forty years -since the battle of Lexington. One-third of those now living -saw that day, when we were about two millions of people, and -have lived to see this, when we are ten millions. One-third of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_468'>[468]</a></span>those now living, who see us at ten millions, will live another -forty years, and see us forty millions; and looking forward only -through such a portion of time as has passed since you and I -were scanning Virgil together, (which I believe is near three score -years,) we shall be seen to have a population of eighty millions, -and of not more than double the average density of the present. -What may not such a people be worth to England as customers -and friends? and what might she not apprehend from such a nation -as enemies? Now, what is the price we ask for our friendship? -Justice, and the comity usually observed between nation -and nation. Would there not be more of dignity in this, more -character and satisfaction, than in her teasings and harassings, -her briberies and intrigues, to sow party discord among us, which -can never have more effect here than the opposition within herself -has there; which can never obstruct the begetting children, -the efficient source of growth; and by nourishing a deadly -hatred, will only produce and hasten events which both of us, -in moments of sober reflection, should deplore and deprecate. -One half of the attention employed in decent observances towards -our government, would be worth more to her than all -the Yankee duperies played off upon her, at a great expense on -her part of money and meanness, and of nourishment to the -vices and treacheries of the Henrys and Hulls of both nations. -As we never can be at war with any other nation, (for no other -nation can get at us but Spain, and her own people will manage -her,) the idea may be generated that we are natural enemies, -and a calamitous one it will be to both. I hope in God her -government will come to a sense of this, and will see that honesty -and interest are as intimately connected in the public as in -the private code of morality. Her ministers have been weak -enough to believe from the newspapers that Mr. Madison and -myself are personally her enemies. Such an idea is unworthy -a man of sense; as we should have been unworthy our trusts -could we have felt such a motive of public action. No two men -in the United States have more sincerely wished for cordial -friendship with her; not as her vassals or dirty partisans, but as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_469'>[469]</a></span>members of co-equal States, respecting each other, and sensible -of the good as well as the harm each is capable of doing the -other. On this ground there was never a moment we did not -wish to embrace her. But repelled by their aversions, feeling -their hatred at every point of contact, and justly indignant at its -supercilious manifestations, that happened which has happened, -that will follow which must follow, in progressive ratio, while -such dispositions continue to be indulged. I hope they will see -this, and do their part towards healing the minds and cooling the -temper of both nations. The irritation here is great and general, -because the mode of warfare both on the maritime and inland -frontiers has been most exasperating. We perceive the English -passions to be high also, nourished by the newspapers, that first -of all human contrivances for generating war. But it is the office -of the rulers on both sides to rise above these vulgar vehicles of -passion; to assuage angry feelings, and by examples and expressions -of mutual regard in their public intercourse, to lead their -citizens into good temper with each other. No one feels more -indignation than myself when reflecting on the insults and injuries -of that country to this. But the interests of both require -that these should be left to history, and in the meantime be -smothered in the living mind. I have indeed little personal concern -in it. Time is drawing her curtain on me. But I should -make my bow with more satisfaction, if I had more hope of -seeing our countries shake hands together cordially. In this -sentiment I am sure you are with me, and this assurance must -apologize for my indulging myself in expressing it to you, with -that of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MAURY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 16, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Sir</span>,—Just as I was about to close my preceding -letter, yours of April 29th is put into my hands, and with it the -papers your kindness forwards to me. I am glad to see in them -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_470'>[470]</a></span>expressions of regard for our friendship and intercourse from one -side of the houses of parliament. But I would rather have seen -them from the other, if not from both. What comes from the -opposition is understood to be the converse of the sentiments of -the government, and we would not there, as they do here, give up -the government for the opposition. The views of the Prince and -his ministers are unfortunately to be taken from the speech of -Earl Bathurst, in one of the papers you sent me. But what is -incomprehensible to me is that the Marquis of Wellesley, advocating -us, on the ground of opposition, says that "the aggression -which led to the war, was from the United States, not from -England." Is there a person in the world who, knowing the circumstances, -thinks this? The acts which produced the war -were, 1st, the impressment of our citizens by their ships of war, -and, 2d, the orders of council forbidding our vessels to trade with -any country but England, without going to England to obtain a -special license. On the first subject the British minister declared -to our Chargé, Mr. Russel, that this practice of their ships of -war would not be discontinued, and that no admissible arrangement -could be proposed; and as to the second, the Prince Regent, -by his proclamation of April 21st, 1812, declared in effect -solemnly that he would not revoke the orders of council <i>as to us</i>, -on the ground that Bonaparte had revoked his decrees <i>as to us</i>; -that, on the contrary, we should continue under them until Bonaparte -should revoke <i>as to all the world</i>. These categorical and -definite answers put an end to negotiation, and were a declaration -of a continuance of the war in which they had already taken -from us one thousand ships and six thousand seamen. We determined -then to defend ourselves, and to oppose further hostilities -by war on our side also. Now, had we taken one thousand -British ships and six thousand of her seamen without any declaration -of war, would the Marquis of Wellesley have considered a -declaration of war by Great Britain as an aggression on her part? -They say we denied their maritime rights. We never denied a -single one. It was their taking our citizens, native as well as -naturalized, for which we went into war, and because they forbade -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_471'>[471]</a></span>us to trade with any nation without entering and paying -duties in their ports on both the outward and inward cargo. -Thus to carry a cargo of cotton from Savanna to St. Mary's, and -take returns in fruits, for example, our vessel was to go to England, -enter and pay a duty on her cottons there, return to St. -Mary's, then go back to England to enter and pay a duty on her -fruits, and then return to Savanna, after crossing the Atlantic -four times, and paying tributes on both cargoes to England, instead -of the direct passage of a few hours. And the taking ships -for not doing this, the Marquis says, is no aggression. However, -it is now all over, and I hope forever over. Yet I should have -had more confidence in this, had the friendly expressions of the -Marquis come from the ministers of the Prince. On the contrary, -we see them scarcely admitting that the war ought to have -been ended. Earl Bathurst shuffles together chaotic ideas merely -to darken and cover the views of the ministers in protracting the -war; the truth being, that they expected to give us an exemplary -scourging, to separate from us the States east of the Hudson, -take for their Indian allies those west of the Ohio, placing three -hundred thousand American citizens under the government of the -savages, and to leave the residuum a powerless enemy, if not submissive -subjects. I cannot conceive what is the use of your Bedlam -when such men are out of it. And yet that such were their -views we have evidence, under the hand of their Secretary of -State in Henry's case, and of their Commissioners at Ghent. Even -now they insinuate the peace in Europe has not suspended the -practices which produced the war. I trust, however, they are -speaking a different language to our ministers, and join in the -hope you express that the provocations which occasioned the late -rupture will not be repeated. The interruption of our intercourse -with England has rendered us one essential service in planting -radically and firmly coarse manufactures among us. I make in -my family two thousand yards of cloth a year, which I formerly -bought from England, and it only employs a few women, children -and invalids, who could do little on the farm. The State -generally does the same, and allowing ten yards to a person, this -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_472'>[472]</a></span>amounts to ten millions of yards; and if we are about the medium -degree of manufacturers in the whole Union, as I believe -we are, the whole will amount to one hundred millions of yards -a year, which will soon reimburse us the expenses of the war. -Carding machines in every neighborhood, spinning machines in -large families and wheels in the small, are too radically established -ever to be relinquished. The finer fabrics perhaps, and even -probably, will be sought again in Europe, except broad-cloth, -which the vast multiplication of merinos among us will enable -us to make much cheaper than can be done in Europe. -</p> - -<p> -Your practice of the cold bath thrice a week during the winter, -and at the age of seventy, is a bold one, which I should not, -<i>à priori</i>, have pronounced salutary. But all theory must yield -to experience, and every constitution has its own laws. I have -for fifty years bathed my feet in cold water every morning (as -you mention), and having been remarkably exempted from colds -(not having had one in every seven years of my life on an average), -I have supposed it might be ascribed to that practice. When we -see two facts accompanying one another for a long time, we are -apt to suppose them related as cause and effect. -</p> - -<p> -Our tobacco trade is strangely changed. We no longer know -how to fit the plant to the market. Differences of from four to -twelve dollars the hundred are now made on qualities appearing -to us entirely whimsical. The British orders of council had -obliged us to abandon the culture generally; we are now, however, -returning to it, and experience will soon decide what description -of lands may continue it to advantage. Those which -produce the qualities under seven or eight dollars, must, I think, -relinquish it finally. Your friends here are well as far as I have -heard. So I hope you are; and that you may continue so as -long as you shall think the continuance of life itself desirable, is -the prayer of yours sincerely and affectionately.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_473'>[473]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, June 20, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The fit of recollection came upon both of us so -nearly at the same time, that I may, some time or other, begin to -think there is something in Priestley's and Hartley's vibrations. -The day before yesterday I sent to the post-office a letter to -you, and last night I received your kind favor of the 10th. -</p> - -<p> -The question before the human race is, whether the God of -Nature shall govern the world by his own laws, or whether -priests and kings shall rule it by fictitious miracles? Or, in other -words, whether authority is originally in the people? or whether -it has descended for 1800 years in a succession of popes and -bishops, or brought down from heaven by the Holy Ghost in the -form of a dove, in a phial of holy oil? -</p> - -<p> -Who shall take the side of God and Nature? Brachmans? -Mandarins? Druids? or Tecumseh and his brother the prophet? -Or shall we become disciples of the Philosophers? And who -are the Philosophers? Frederic? Voltaire? Rousseau? Buffon? -Diderot? or Condorsett? These philosophers have shown themselves -as incapable of governing mankind, as the Bourbons or -the Guelphs. Condorsett has let the cat out of the bag. He has -made precious confessions. I regret that I have only an English -translation of his "Outlines of an Historical View of the Progress -of the Human mind." But in pages 247, 248, and 249, -you will find it frankly acknowledged, that the philosophers of -the eighteenth century, adopted all the maxims, and practiced -all the arts of the Pharisees, the ancient priests of all countries, -the Jesuits, the Machiavillians, &c., &c., to overthrow the institutions -that such arts had established. This new philosophy -was, by his own account, as insidious, fraudulent, hypocritical, -and cruel, as the old policy of the priests, nobles, and kings. -When and where were ever found, or will be found, sincerity, -honesty, or veracity, in any sect or party in religion, government, -or philosophy? Johnson and Burke were more of Catholics -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_474'>[474]</a></span>than Protestants at heart, and Gibbon became an advocate for -the inquisition. -</p> - -<p> -There is no act of uniformity in the Church, or State, philosophic. -As many sects and systems among them, as among Quakers -and Baptists. Bonaparte will not revive inquisitions, Jesuits, -or slave trade, for which habitudes the Bourbons have been driven -again into exile. -</p> - -<p> -We shall get along with, or without war. I have at last procured -the Marquis D'Argens' Occellus, Timæus, and Julian. Three -such volumes I never read. They are a most perfect exemplification -of Condorsett's precious confessions. It is astonishing they -have not made more noise in the world. Our Athanasians have -printed in a pamphlet in Boston, your letters and Priestley's from -Belsham's Lindsey. It will do you no harm. Our correspondence -shall not again be so long interrupted. Affectionately. -</p> - -<p> -Mrs. Adams thanks Mr. Jefferson for his friendly remembrance -of her, and reciprocates to him a thousand good wishes. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Ticknor and Gray were highly delighted with their -visit; charmed with the whole family. Have you read Carnot? -Is it not afflicting to see a man of such large views, so many -noble sentiments, and such exalted integrity, groping in the dark -for a remedy, a balance, or a mediator between independence -and despotism? How shall his "love of country," "his honor," -and his "national spirit," be produced? -</p> - -<p> -I cannot write a hundredth part of what I wish to say to you. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, June 22, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Can you give me any information concerning -A. G. Camus? Is he a Chateaubriand? or a Marquis D'Argens? -Does he mean to abolish Christianity? or to restore the Inquisition, -the Jesuits, the Pope and the Devil? -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_475'>[475]</a></span>Within a few days I have received a thing as unexpected to -me as an apparition from the dead: <span lang="fr_FR">Rapport à l'Institut National. -Par A. G. Camus, imprimè par ordre de l'Institut, Pluviose An XI</span>. -</p> - -<p> -In page 55 of this report, he says, "Certain pieces which I -found in the chamber of accounts in Brussels, gave me useful -indications concerning the grand collection of the Bollandists; -and conducted me to make researches into the state of that work, -unfortunately interrupted at this day. It would add to the Institute -to propose to government the means of completing it; as it -has done with success for the collection of the historians of -France, of diplomas and ordinances.<a name='FA_14' id='FA_14' href='#FN_14' class='fnanchor'>[14]</a>" -</p> - -<p> -Permit me to dwell a few minutes on this important work. -</p> - -<p> -"Almost all the history of Europe, and a part of that of the -east, from the seventh century to the thirteenth, is in the lives -of personages to whom have been given the title of Saints. -Every one may have remarked, that in reading history, there is -no event of any importance, in civil order, in which some Bishop, -some Abbé, some Monk, or some Saint, did not take a part. It -is, therefore, a great service, rendered by the Jesuits (known under -the name of the Bollandists) to those who would write history, -to have formed the immense collection, extended to fifty-two -volumes in folio, known under the title of the Acts of the -Saints. The service they have rendered to literature, is considerably -augmented, by the insertion, in their acts of the Saints, -a great number of diplomas and dissertations, the greatest part -of which are models of criticism. There is no man, among -the learned, who does not interest himself in this great collection. -My intention is not to recall to your recollection the original -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_476'>[476]</a></span>authors, or their first labors. We may easily know them by -turning over the leaves of the collection, or if we would find the -result already written, it is in the Historical Library of Mensel, T. -1, part 1, p. 306, or in the Manual of Literary History, by Bougine, -T. 2, p. 641. -</p> - -<p> -"I shall date what I have to say to you only from the epoch of -the suppression of the society, of which the Bollandists were -members. -</p> - -<p> -"At that time, three Jesuits were employed in the collection of -the Acts of the Saints; to wit, the Fathers De Bie, De Bue, and -Hubens. The Father Gesquière, who had also labored at the -Acts of the Saints, reduced a particular collection, entitled Select -Fragments from Belgical Writers, and extracts or references to -matters contained in a collection entitled Museum of Bellarmine. -These four monks inhabited the house of the Jesuits at Antwerp. -Independently of the use of the library of the convent, the Bollandists -had their particular library, the most important portion -of which was a state of the Lives of the Saints for every day of -the month, with indications of the books in which were found -those which were already printed, and the original manuscripts, -or the copies of manuscripts, which were not yet printed. -They frequently quote this particular collection in their general -collection. The greatest part of the copies they had assembled, -were the fruit of a journey of the Fathers Papebrock and Henshen, -made to Rome in 1660. They remained there till 1662. -Papebrock and his associate brought from Rome copies of seven -hundred Lives of Saints, in Greek or in Latin. The citizen La -Serna, has in his library a copy, taken by himself, from the -originals, of the relation of the journey of Papebrock to Rome, -and of the correspondence of Henshen with his colleagues. The -relation and the correspondence are in Latin. See Catalogue -de la Serna, T. 3, N. 3903. -</p> - -<p> -"After the suppression of the Jesuits, the commissioners apposed -their seals upon the library of the Bollandists, as well as on that -of the Jesuits of Antwerp. But Mr. Girard, then Secretary of -the Academy at Brussels, who is still living, and who furnished -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_477'>[477]</a></span>me a part of the documents I use, charged with the inventory -and sale of the books, withdrew those of the Bollandists, and -transported them to Brussels. -</p> - -<p> -"The Academy of Brussels proposed to continue the Acts of the -Saints under its own name, and for this purpose to admit the -four Jesuits into the number of its members. The Father Gesquière -alone consented to this arrangement. The other Jesuits -obtained of government, through the intervention of the Bishop -of Newstadt, the assurance, that they might continue their collection. -In effect, the Empress Maria Theresa approved, by a -decree of the 19th of June, 1778, a plan which was presented to -her, for the continuation of the works, both by the Bollandists -and of Gesquière. This plan is in ample detail. It contains -twenty articles, and would be useful to consult, if any persons -should resume the Acts of the Saints. The establishment of the -Jesuits was fixed in the Abby of Candenberg, at Brussels; the -library of the Bollandists was transported to that place; one of -the monks of the Abby was associated with them; and the Father -Hubens being dead, was replaced by the Father Berthod, a Benedictine, -who died in 1789. The Abby of Candenberg having been -suppressed, the government assigned to the Bollandists a place in -the ancient College of the Jesuits, at Brussels. They there placed -their library, and went there to live. There they published the -fifty-first volume of their collection in 1786, the fifth tome of the -month of October, printed at Brussels, at the printing press Imperial -and Royal, (in <span lang="la"><i>typis Cæsario regiis</i></span>.) They had then -two associates, and they flattered themselves that the Emperor -would continue to furnish the expense of their labors. Nevertheless, -in 1788, the establishment of the Bollandists was suppressed, -and they even proposed to sell the stock of the printed volumes; -but, by an instruction (Avis) of the 6th of December, 1788, the -ecclesiastical commission superseded the sale, till the result could -be known of a negociation which the Father De Bie had commenced -with the Abbé of St. Blaise, to establish the authors, and -transport the stock of the work, as well as the materials for its -continuation at St. Blaise. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_478'>[478]</a></span>"In the meantime, the Abby of Tongerloo offered the government -to purchase the library and stock of the Bollandists, and to -cause the work to be continued by the ancient Bollandists, with -the monks of Tongerloo associated with them. These propositions -were accepted. The Fathers De Bie, De Bue, and Gesquière, -removed to Tongerloo; the monks of Candenberg refused -to follow them, though they had been associated with -them. On the entry of the French troops into Belgium, the -monks of Tongerloo quitted their Abby; the Fathers De Bie, -and Gesquière, retired to Germany, where they died; the Father -De Bue retired to the City Hall, heretofore Province of Hainault, -his native country. He lives, but is very aged. One of the -monks of Tongerloo, who had been associated with them, is the -Father Heylen; they were not able to inform me of the place of -his residence. Another monk associated with the Bollandists of -1780, is the Father Fonson, who resides at Brussels. -</p> - -<p> -"In the midst of these troubles, the Bollandists have caused to -be printed the fifty-second volume of the Acts of the Saints, the -sixth volume of the month of October. The fifty-first volume is -not common in commerce, because the sale of it has been interrupted -by the continual changes of the residence of the Bollandists. -The fifty-second volume, or the sixth of the same month of October, -is much more rare. Few persons know its existence. -</p> - -<p> -"The citizen La Serna has given me the two hundred and -ninety-six first pages of the volume, which he believes were -printed at Tongerloo. He is persuaded that the rest of the volume -exists, and he thinks it was at Rome that it was finished -(<span lang="fr_FR"><i>terminé</i></span>). -</p> - -<p> -"The citizen De Herbonville, Prefect of the two Niths at -Antwerp, has made, for about eighteen months, attempts with -the ancient Bollandists, to engage them to resume their labors. -They have not had success. Perhaps the present moment would -be the most critical, (opportune,) especially if the government -should consent to give to the Bollandists assurance of their -safety. -</p> - -<p> -"The essential point would be to make sure of the existence of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_479'>[479]</a></span>the manuscripts which I have indicated; and which, by the relation -of the citizen La Serna, filled a body of a library of about -three toises in length, and two in breadth. If these manuscripts -still exist, it is easy to terminate the Acts of the Saints; because -we shall have all the necessary materials. If these manuscripts -are lost, we must despair to see this collection completed. -</p> - -<p> -"I have enlarged a little on this digression on the Acts of the -Saints, because it is a work of great importance; and because -these documents, which cannot be obtained with any exactitude -but upon the spots, seem to me to be among the principal objects -which your travellers have to collect, and of which they ought to -give you an account." -</p> - -<p> -Now, my friend Jefferson! I await your observations on this -morsel. You may think I waste my time and yours. I do not -think so. If you will look into the <span lang="fr_FR">"Nouveau Dictionaire Historique,"</span> -under the words "Bollandus, Heinshernius, and Papebrock," -you will find more particulars of the rise and progress -of this great work, "The Acts of the Saints." -</p> - -<p> -I shall make only an observation or two. -</p> - -<p> -1. The Pope never suppressed the work, and Maria Theresa -established it. It therefore must be Catholic. -</p> - -<p> -2. Notwithstanding the professions of the Bollandists, to discriminate -the true from the false miracles, and the dubious from -both, I suspect that the false will be found the fewest, the -dubious the next, and the true the most numerous of all. -</p> - -<p> -3. From all that I have read, of the legends, of the lives, and -writings of the saints, and even of the Fathers, and of ecclesiastical -history in general, I have no doubt that the <span lang="la"><i>Acta Sanctorum</i></span> -is the most enormous mass of lies, frauds, hypocrisy, and imposture, -that ever was heaped together on this globe. If it were -impartially consulted, it would do more to open the eyes of -mankind, than all the philosophers of the 18th century, who -were as great hypocrites as any of the philosophers or theologians -of antiquity.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_480'>[480]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CORREA. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 28, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—When I learned that you proposed to give a course -of Botanical lectures in Philadelphia, I feared it would retard the -promised visit to Monticello. On my return from Bedford, however, -on the 4th instant, I received a letter from M. Dupont -flattering me with the prospect that he and yourself would be -with us as soon as my return should be known. I therefore in -the instant wrote him of my return, and my hope of seeing you -both shortly. I am still without that pleasure, but not without -the hope. Europe has been a second time turned topsy-turvy -since we were together; and so many things have happened -there that I have lost my compass. As far as we can judge from -appearances, Bonaparte, from being a mere military usurper, -seems to have become the choice of his nation; and the allies -in their turn, the usurpers and spoliators of the European world. -The right of nations to self-government being my polar star, my -partialities are steered by it, without asking whether it is a Bonaparte -or an Alexander towards whom the helm is directed. -Believing that England has enough on her hands without us, -and therefore has by this time settled the question of impressment -with Mr. Adams, I look on this new conflict of the European -gladiators, as from the higher forms of the amphitheatre, -wondering that man, like the wild beasts of the forest, should -permit himself to be led by his keeper into the arena, the spectacle -and sport of the lookers on. Nor do I see the issue of this -tragedy with the sanguine hopes of our friend M. Dupont. I -fear, from the experience of the last twenty-five years, that morals -do not of necessity advance hand in hand with the sciences. -These, however, are speculations which may be adjourned to our -meeting at Monticello, where I will continue to hope that I may -receive you with our friend Dupont, and in the meantime repeat -the assurances of my affectionate friendship and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_481'>[481]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MADAME LA BARONNE DE STAEL-HOLSTEIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 3, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Madam</span>,—I considered your letter of November 10th, -12th, as an evidence of the interest you were so kind as to take -in the welfare of the United States, and I was even flattered by -your exhortations to avoid taking any part in the war then raging -in Europe, because they were a confirmation of the policy I had -myself pursued, and which I thought and still think should be -the governing canon of our republic. Distance, and difference -of pursuits, of interests, of connections and other circumstances, -prescribe to us a different system, having no object in common -with Europe, but a peaceful interchange of mutual comforts for -mutual wants. But this may not always depend on ourselves; -and injuries may be so accumulated by an European power, as -to pass all bounds of wise forbearance. This was our situation -at the date of your letter. A long course of injuries, systematically -pursued by England, and finally, formal declarations that -she would neither redress nor discontinue their infliction, had -fixed the epoch which rendered an appeal to arms unavoidable. -In the letter of May 28th, 1813, which I had the honor of -writing you, I entered into such details of these injuries, and of -our unremitting endeavors to bring them to a peaceable end, as -the narrow limits of a letter permitted. Resistance on our part -at length brought our enemy to reflect, to calculate, and to meet -us in peaceable conferences at Ghent; but the extravagance of -the pretensions brought forward by her negotiators there, when -first made known in the United States, dissipated at once every -hope of a just peace, and prepared us for a war of utter extremity. -Our government, in that state of things, respecting the opinion -of the world, thought it a duty to present to it a justification of -the course which was likely to be forced upon us; and with this -view the pamphlet was prepared which I now enclose. It was -already printed, when (instead of their ministers whom they -hourly expected from a fruitless negotiation) they received the -treaty of pacification signed at Ghent and ratified at London. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_482'>[482]</a></span>They endeavored to suppress the pamphlet as now unreasonable—but -the proof sheets having been surreptitiously withdrawn, -soon made their appearance in the public papers, and in the form -now sent. This vindication is so exact in its facts, so cogent in -its reasonings, so authenticated by the documents to which it -appeals, that it cannot fail to bring the world to a single opinion -on our case. The concern you manifested on our entrance into -this contest, assures me you will take the trouble of reading it; -which I wish the more earnestly, because it will fully explain -the very imperfect views which my letter had presented; and -because we cannot be indifferent as to the opinion which yourself -personally shall ultimately form of the course we have pursued. -</p> - -<p> -I learned with great pleasure your return to your native country. -It is the only one which offers elements of society analogous -to the powers of your mind, and sensible of the flattering -distinction of possessing them. It is true that the great events -which made an opening for your return, have been reversed. -But not so, I hope, the circumstances which may admit its continuance. -On these events I shall say nothing. At our distance, -we hear too little truth and too much falsehood to form correct -judgments concerning them; and they are moreover foreign to -our umpirage. We wish the happiness and prosperity of every -nation; we did not believe either of these promoted by the -former pursuits of the present ruler of France, and hope that his -return, if the nation wills it to be permanent, may be marked by -those changes which the solid good of his own country, and the -peace and well-being of the world, may call for. But these -things I leave to whom they belong; the object of this letter -being only to convey to you a vindication of my own country, -and to have the honor on a new occasion of tendering you the -homage of my great consideration, and respectful attachment. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_483'>[483]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO ANDREW C. MITCHELL, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 16, 1815. - -</p> - -<p> -I thank you, Sir, for the pamphlet which you have been so -kind as to send me. I have read it with attention and satisfaction. -It is replete with sound views, some of which will doubtless -be adopted. Some may be checked by difficulties. None -more likely to be so than the proposition to amend the Constitution, -so as to authorize Congress to tax exports. The provision -against this in the framing of that instrument, was a <span lang="la"><i>sine quâ -non</i></span> with the States of peculiar productions, as rice, indigo, cotton -and tobacco, to which may now be added sugar. A jealousy -prevailing that to the few States producing these articles, -the justice of the others might not be a sufficient protection in -opposition to their interest, they moored themselves to this -anchor. Since the hostile dispositions lately manifested by the -Eastern States, they would be less willing than before to place -themselves at their mercy; and the rather, as the Eastern States -have no exports which can be taxed equivalently. It is possible, -however, that this difficulty might be got over; but the subject -looking forward beyond my time, I leave it to those to -whom its burthens and benefits will belong, adding only my -prayers for whatever may be best for our country, and assurances -to yourself of my great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WM. WIRT, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 5, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of July 24th came to hand on the -31st, and I will proceed to answer your inquiries in the order they -are presented as far as I am able. -</p> - -<p> -I have no doubt that the fifth of the Rhode Island resolutions -of which you have sent me a copy, is exactly the one -erased from our journals. The Mr. Lees, and especially Richard -Henry, who was industrious, had a close correspondence, I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_484'>[484]</a></span>know, with the two Adams', and probably with others in that -and the other Eastern States; and I think it was said at the time -that copies were sent off by them to the northward the very -evening of the day on which they were passed. I can readily -enough believe these resolutions were written by Mr. Henry -himself. They bear the stamp of his mind, strong without precision. -That they were written by Johnson who seconded them, -was only the rumor of the day, and very possibly unfounded. -But how Edmund Randolph should have said they were written -by William Fleming, and Mr. Henry should have written that -he showed them to William Fleming, is to me incomprehensible. -There was no William Fleming then but the judge now living, -whom nobody will ever suspect of taking the lead in rebellion. -I am certain he was not then a member, and I think was never -a member until the revolution had made some progress. Of this, -however, he will inform us with candor and truth. His eldest -brother, John Fleming, was a member, and a great speaker in debate. -To him they may have been shown. Yet I should not -have expected this, because he was extremely attached to Robinson, -Peyton Randolph, &c., and at their beck, and had no independence -or boldness of mind. However, he was attentive to -his own popularity, might have been overruled by views to that, -and without correction of the christian name, Mr. Henry's note -is sufficient authority to suppose he took the popular side on that -occasion. I remember nothing to the contrary. The opposers -of the resolutions were Robinson, Peyton Randolph, Pendleton, -Wythe, Bland, and all the cyphers of the aristocracy. No longer -possessing the journals, I cannot recollect nominally the others. -They opposed them on the ground that the same principles had -been expressed in the petition, &c., of the preceding year, to -which an answer, not yet received, was daily expected, that they -were therein expressed in more conciliatory terms, and therefore -more likely to have good effect. The resolutions were carried -chiefly by the vote of the middle and upper country. To state -the differences between the classes of society and the lines of demarkation -which separated them, would be difficult. The law, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_485'>[485]</a></span>you know, admitted none except as to the twelve counsellors. -Yet in a country insulated from the European world, insulated -from its sister colonies, with whom there was scarcely any intercourse, -little visited by foreigners, and having little matter to act -upon within itself, certain families had risen to splendor by wealth -and the preservation of it from generation to generation under -the law entails; some had produced a series of men of talents; -families in general had remained stationary on the grounds of -their forefathers, for there was no emigration to the westward in -those days. The wild Irish, who had gotten possession of the -valley between the Blue Ridge and North Mountain, forming a -barrier over which none ventured to leap, and would still less -venture to settle among. In such a state of things, scarcely admitting -any change of station, society would settle itself down -into several strata, separated by no marked lines, but shading off -imperceptibly from top to bottom, nothing disturbing the order -of their repose. There were then aristocrats, half-breeds, pretenders, -a solid independent yeomanry, looking askance at those -above, yet not venturing to jostle them, and last and lowest, a -seculum of beings called overseers, the most abject, degraded and -unprincipled race, always cap in hand to the Dons who employed -them, and furnishing materials for the exercise of their pride, insolence -and spirit of domination. Your characters are inimitably -and justly drawn. I am not certain if more might not be -said of Colonel Richard Bland. He was the most learned and -logical man of those who took prominent lead in public affairs, -profound in constitutional lore, a most ungraceful speaker, (as -were Peyton Randolph and Robinson, in a remarkable degree.) -He wrote the first pamphlet on the nature of the connection with -Great Britain which had any pretension to accuracy of view on -that subject, but it was a singular one. He would set out on -sound principles, pursue them logically till he found them leading -to the precipice which he had to leap, start back alarmed, then -resume his ground, go over it in another direction, be led again -by the correctness of his reasoning to the same place, and again -back about, and try other processes to reconcile right and wrong, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_486'>[486]</a></span>but finally left his reader and himself bewildered between the -steady index of the compass in their hand, and the phantasm to -which it seemed to point. Still there was more sound matter in -his pamphlet than in the celebrated Farmer's letters, which were -really but an <span lang="la"><i>ignus fatuus</i></span>, misleading us from true principles. -</p> - -<p> -Landon Carter's measure you may take from the first volume -of the American Philosophical transactions, where he has one or -more long papers on the weavil, and perhaps other subjects. His -speeches, like his writings, were dull, vapid, verbose, egotistical, -smooth as the lullaby of the nurse, and commanding, like that, -the repose only of the hearer. -</p> - -<p> -You ask if you may quote me, first, for the loan office; second, -Phillips' case; and third, the addresses prepared for Congress by -Henry and Lee. For the two first certainly, because within my -own knowledge, especially citing the record in Phillips' case, -which of itself refutes the diatribes published on that subject; -but not for the addresses, because I was not present, nor know -anything relative to them but by hearsay from others. My first -and principal information on that subject I know I had from Ben -Harrison, on his return from the first session of the old Congress. -Mr. Pendleton, also, I am tolerably certain, mentioned it to me; -but the transaction is too distant, and my memory too indistinct, -to hazard as with precision, even what I think I heard from -them. In this decay of memory Mr. Edmund Randolph must -have suffered at a much earlier period of life than myself. I -cannot otherwise account for his saying to you that Robert Carter -Nicholas came into the Legislature only on the death of Peyton -Randolph, which was in 1776. Seven years before that period, -I went first into the Legislature myself, to-wit: in 1769, and Mr. -Nicholas was then a member, and I think not a new one. I remember -it from an impressive circumstance. It was the first -assembly of Lord Botetourt, being called on his arrival. On receiving -the Governor's speech, it was usual to move resolutions -as heads for an address. Mr. Pendleton asked me to draw the -resolutions, which I did. They were accepted by the house, and -Pendleton, Nicholas, myself and some others, were appointed a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_487'>[487]</a></span>committee to prepare the address. The committee desired me -to do it, but when presented it was thought to pursue too strictly -the diction of the resolutions, and that their subjects were not -sufficiently amplified. Mr. Nicholas chiefly objected to it, and -was desired by the committee to draw one more at large, which -he did with amplification enough, and it was accepted. Being a -young man as well as a young member, it made on me an impression -proportioned to the sensibility of that time of life. On -a similar occasion some years after, I had reason to retain a remembrance -of his presence while Peyton Randolph was living. -On the receipt of Lord North's propositions, in May or June, -1775, Lord Dunmore called the assembly. Peyton Randolph, -then President of Congress and Speaker of the House of Burgesses, -left the former body and came home to hold the assembly, -leaving in Congress the other delegates who were the ancient -leaders of our house. He therefore asked me to prepare the answer -to Lord North's propositions, which I did. Mr. Nicholas, -whose mind had as yet acquired no tone for that contest, combated -the answer from <i>alpha</i> to <i>omega</i>, and succeeded in diluting -it in one or two small instances. It was firmly supported -however, in committee of the whole, by Peyton Randolph, who -had brought with him the spirit of the body over which he had -presided, and it was carried, with very little alteration, by strong -majorities. I was the bearer of it myself to Congress, by whom, -as it was the first answer given to those propositions by any legislature, -it was received with peculiar satisfaction. I am sure -that from 1769, if not earlier, to 1775, you will find Mr. Nicholas' -name constantly in the journals, for he was an active member. -I think he represented James City county. Whether on -the death of Peyton Randolph he succeeded him for Williamsburg, -I do not know. If he did, it may account for Mr. Randolph's -error. -</p> - -<p> -You ask some account of Mr. Henry's mind, information and -manners in 1759-'60, when I first became acquainted with him. -We met at Nathan Dandridge's, in Hanover, about the Christmas -of that winter, and passed perhaps a fortnight together at the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_488'>[488]</a></span>revelries of the neighborhood and season. His manners had -something of the coarseness of the society he had frequented; -his passion was fiddling, dancing and pleasantry. He excelled -in the last, and it attached every one to him. The occasion perhaps, -as much as his idle disposition, prevented his engaging in -any conversation which might give the measure either of his -mind or information. Opportunity was not wanting, because -Mr. John Campbell was there, who had married Mrs. Spotswood, -the sister of Colonel Dandridge. He was a man of science, and -often introduced conversations on scientific subjects. Mr. Henry -had a little before broke up his store, or rather it had broken him -up, and within three months after he came to Williamsburg for -his license, and told me, I think, he had read law not more than -six weeks. I have by this time, probably, tired you with these -old histories, and shall, therefore, only add the assurance of my -great friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 10, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The simultaneous movements in our correspondence -have been remarkable on several occasions. It would seem -as if the state of the air, or state of the times, or some other unknown -cause, produced a sympathetic effect on our mutual recollections. -I had sat down to answer your letters of June the -19th, 20th and 22d, with pen, ink and paper before me, when I -received from our mail that of July the 30th. You ask information -on the subject of Camus. All I recollect of him is, that -he was one of the deputies sent to arrest Dumourier at the head -of his army, who were, however, themselves arrested by Dumourier, -and long detained as prisoners. I presume, therefore, -he was a Jacobin. You will find his character in the most excellent -revolutionary history of Toulongeon. I believe, also, he -may be the same person who has given us a translation of Aristotle's -Natural History, from the Greek into French. Of his report -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_489'>[489]</a></span>to the National Institute on the subject of the Bollandists, -your letter gives me the first information. I had supposed them -defunct with the society of Jesuits, of which they were; and -that their works, although above ground, were, from their bulk -and insignificance, as effectually entombed on their shelves, as -if in the graves of their authors. Fifty-two volumes in folio, of -the <span lang="la">acta sanctorum</span>, in dog-Latin, would be a formidable enterprise -to the most laborious German. I expect, with you, they -are the most enormous mass of lies, frauds, hypocrisy and imposture, -that was ever heaped together on this globe. By what -chemical process M. Camus supposed that an extract of truth -could be obtained from such a farrago of falsehood, I must leave -to the chemists and moralists of the age to divine. -</p> - -<p> -On the subject of the history of the American Revolution, you -ask who shall write it? Who can write it? And who will ever -be able to write it? Nobody; except merely its external facts; -all its councils, designs and discussions having been conducted -by Congress with closed doors, and no members, as far as I know, -having even made notes of them. These, which are the life -and soul of history, must forever be unknown. Botta, as you -observe, has put his own speculations and reasonings into the -mouths of persons whom he names, but who, you and I know, -never made such speeches. In this he has followed the example -of the ancients, who made their great men deliver long -speeches, all of them in the same style, and in that of the author -himself. The work is nevertheless a good one, more judicious, -more chaste, more classical, and more true than the party diatribe -of Marshall. Its greatest fault is in having taken too much from -him. I possessed the work, and often recurred to considerable -portions of it, although I never read it through. But a very judicious -and well-informed neighbor of mine went through it -with great attention, and spoke very highly of it. I have said -that no member of the old Congress, as far as I knew, made -notes of the discussion. I did not know of the speeches you -mention of Dickinson and Witherspoon. But on the questions -of Independence, and on the two articles of Confederation respecting -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_490'>[490]</a></span>taxes and votings, I took minutes of the heads of the -arguments. On the first, I threw all into one mass, without ascribing -to the speakers their respective arguments; pretty much -in the manner of Hume's summary digests of the reasonings in -parliament for and against a measure. On the last, I stated the -heads of the arguments used by each speaker. But the whole -of my notes on the question of Independence does not occupy -more than five pages, such as of this letter; and on the other -questions, two such sheets. They have never been communicated -to any one. Do you know that there exists in manuscript -the ablest work of this kind ever yet executed, of the debates -of the constitutional convention of Philadelphia in 1788? -The whole of everything said and done there was taken down -by Mr. Madison, with a labor and exactness beyond comprehension. -</p> - -<p> -I presume that our correspondence has been observed at the -post offices, and thus has attracted notice. Would you believe, -that a printer has had the effrontery to propose to me the letting -him publish it? These people think they have a right to everything, -however secret or sacred. I had not before heard of the -Boston pamphlet with Priestley's letters and mine. -</p> - -<p> -At length Bonaparte has got on the right side of a question. -From the time of his entering the legislative hall to his retreat -to Elba, no man has execrated him more than myself. I will -not except even the members of the Essex Junto; although for -very different reasons; I, because he was warring against the -liberty of his own country, and independence of others; they, -because he was the enemy of England, the Pope, and the Inquisition. -But at length, and as far as we can judge, he seems to -have become the choice of his nation. At least, he is defending -the cause of his nation, and that of all mankind, the rights of -every people to independence and self-government. He and the -allies have now changed sides. They are parcelling out among -themselves Poland, Belgium, Saxony, Italy, dictating a ruler and -government to France, and looking askance at our republic, the -splendid libel on their governments, and he is fighting for the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_491'>[491]</a></span>principles of national independence, of which his whole life -hitherto has been a continued violation. He has promised a free -government to his own country, and to respect the rights of others; -and although his former conduct inspires little confidence -in his promises, yet we had better take the chance of his word -for doing right, than the certainty of the wrong which his adversaries -are doing and avowing. If they succeed, ours is -only the boon of the Cyclops to Ulysses, of being the last devoured. -</p> - -<p> -Present me affectionately and respectfully to Mrs. Adams, and -Heaven give you both as much more of life as you wish, and -bless it with health and happiness. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. August the 11th.—I had finished my letter yesterday, -and this morning receive the news of Bonaparte's second abdication. -Very well. For him personally, I have no feeling but -reprobation. The representatives of the nation have deposed -him. They have taken the allies at their word, that they had -no object in the war but his removal. The nation is now free -to give itself a good government, either with or without a Bourbon; -and France unsubdued, will still be a bridle on the enterprises -of the combined powers, and a bulwark to others. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, August 24, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—If I am neither deceived by the little information -I have, or by my wishes for its truth, I should say that France is -the most <i>Protestant</i> country of Europe at this time, though I -cannot think it the most <i>reformed</i>. In consequence of these -reveries, I have imagined that Camus and the Institute, meant, -by the revival and continuance of the <span lang="la"><i>Acta Sanctorum</i></span>, to destroy -the Pope, and the Catholic church and Hierarchies, <span lang="fr_FR"><i>de fonde en -comble</i></span>, or in the language of Frederick Pollair, D'Alembert, &c., -<span lang="fr_FR">"<i>ecraser le miserable</i>"</span>—"Crush the wretch." This great work -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_492'>[492]</a></span>must contain the most complete history of the corruptions of -Christianity that has ever appeared, Priestley's not excepted -and his history of ancient opinions not excepted. -</p> - -<p> -As to the History of the Revolution, my ideas may be peculiar, -perhaps singular. What do we mean by the Revolution? -The war? That was no part of the Revolution. It was only -an effect, and consequence of it. The revolution was in the -minds of the people, and this was effected, from 1760 to 1775, -in the course of fifteen years, before a drop of blood was drawn -at Lexington. The records of thirteen Legislatures, the pamphlets, -newspapers, in all the colonies ought to be consulted, -during that period, to ascertain the steps by which the public -opinion was enlightened and informed, concerning the authority -of Parliament over the colonies. The Congress of 1774 resembled -in some respects, though I hope not in many, the council -of Nice in ecclesiastical history. It assembled the Priests -from the east and the west, the north and the south, who compared -notes, engaged in discussions and debates, and formed -results by one vote, and by two votes, which went out to the -world as unanimous. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Madison's Notes of the Convention of 1787 or 1788 are -consistent with his indefatigable character. I shall never see -them, but I hope posterity will. -</p> - -<p> -That our correspondence has been observed is no wonder; -for your hand is more universally known than your face. No -printer has asked me for copies; but it is no surprise that you -have been requested. These gentry will print whatever will -sell; and our correspondence is thought such an oddity by both -parties, that the printers imagine an edition would soon go off, -and yield them a profit. There has, however, been no tampering -with your letters to me. They have all arrived in good -order. -</p> - -<p> -Poor Bonaparte! Poor Devil! What has, and what will become -of him? Going the way of King Theodore, Alexander, -Cæsar, Charles XIIth, Cromwell, Wat Tyler, and Jack Cade, -<i>i.e.</i>, to a bad end. And what will become of Wellington? -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_493'>[493]</a></span>Envied, hated, despised, by all the barons, earls, viscounts, marquises, -as an upstart, a parvenue elevated over their heads. For -these people have no idea of any merit, but birth. Wellington -must pass the rest of his days buffeted, ridiculed, scorned and -insulted by factions, as Marlborough and his Duchess did. -Military glory dazzles the eyes of mankind, and for a time -eclipses all wisdom and virtue, all laws, human and divine; -and after this it would be bathos to descend to services merely -civil or political. -</p> - -<p> -Napoleon has imposed kings upon Spain, Holland, Sweden, -Westphalia, Saxony, Naples, &c. The combined emperors and -kings are about to retaliate upon France, by imposing a king -upon her. These are all abominable examples, detestable precedents. -When will the rights of mankind, the liberties and -independence of nations, be respected? When the perfectibility -of the human mind shall arrive at perfection. When the progress -of Manillius' <i>Ratio</i> shall have not only <span lang="la"><i>eripuit cœlo fulmen, -Jouvisque fulgores</i></span>, but made mankind rational creatures. -</p> - -<p> -It remains to be seen whether the allies were honest in their -declaration that they were at war only with Napoleon. -</p> - -<p> -Can the French ever be cordially reconciled to the Bourbons -again? If not, who can they find for a head? the infant, or one -of the generals? Innumerable difficulties will embarrass either -project. I am, as ever -</p> - -<h3> -TO JUDGE ROANE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 12, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received in a letter from Colonel Monroe the -enclosed paper communicated, as he said, with your permission, -and even with a wish to know my sentiments on the important -question it discusses. It is now more than forty years since I -have ceased to be habitually conversant with legal questions; -and my pursuits through that period have seldom required or -permitted a renewal of my former familiarity with them. My -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_494'>[494]</a></span>ideas at present, therefore, on such questions, have no claim to -respect but such as might be yielded to the common auditors of -a law argument. -</p> - -<p> -I well knew that in certain federal cases the laws of the -United States had given to a foreign party, whether plaintiff or -defendant, a right to carry his cause into the federal court; but -I did not know that where he had himself elected the State -judicature, he could, after an unfavorable decision there, remove -his case to the federal court, and thus take the benefit of two -chances where others have but one; nor that the right of entertaining -the question in this case had been exercised, or claimed -by the federal judiciary after it had been postponed on the -party's first election. His failure, too, to place on the record the -particular ground which might give jurisdiction to the federal -court, appears to me an additional objection of great weight. -The question is of the first importance. The removal of it -seems to be out of the analogies which guide the two governments -on their separate tracts, and claims the solemn attention -of both judicatures, and of the nation itself. I should fear to -make up a final opinion on it, until I could see as able a development -of the grounds of the federal claim as that which I have -now read against it. I confess myself unable to foresee what -those grounds would be. The paper enclosed must call them -forth, and silence them too, unless they are beyond my ken. I -am glad, therefore, that the claim is arrested, and made the subject -of special and mature deliberation. I hope our courts will -never countenance the sweeping pretensions which have been -set up under the words "general defence and public welfare." -These words only express the motives which induced the Convention -to give to the ordinary legislature certain specified powers -which they enumerate, and which they thought might be trusted -to the ordinary legislature, and not to give them the unspecified -also; or why any specification? They could not be so awkward -in language as to mean, as we say, "all and some." And should -this construction prevail, all limits to the federal government are -done away. This opinion, formed on the first rise of the question, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_495'>[495]</a></span>I have never seen reason to change, whether in or out of -power; but, on the contrary, find it strengthened and confirmed -by five and twenty years of additional reflection and experience: -and any countenance given to it by any regular organ of the -government, I should consider more ominous than anything -which has yet occurred. -</p> - -<p> -I am sensible how much these slight observations, on a question -which you have so profoundly considered, need apology. -They must find this in my zeal for the administration of our -government according to its true spirit, federal as well as republican, -and in my respect for any wish which you might be supposed -to entertain for opinions of so little value. I salute you -with sincere and high respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CAPT. A. PARTRIDGE OF THE CORPS OF ENGINEERS, WEST POINT, -NEW YORK. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 12, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I thank you for the statement of altitudes, which you -have been so kind as to send me of our northern mountains. It -came opportunely, as I was about making inquiries for the height -of the White Mountains of New Hampshire, which have the -reputation of being the highest in our maritime States, and purpose -shortly to measure geometrically the height of the Peaks -of Otter, which I suppose the highest <i>from their base</i>, of any -on the east side of the Mississippi, except the White Mountains, -and not far short of their height, if they are but of 4,885 feet. -The method of estimating heights by the barometer, is convenient -and useful, as being ready, and furnishing an approximation -to truth. Of what degree of accuracy it is susceptible we know -not as yet; no certain theory being established for ascertaining -the density and weight of that portion of the column of atmosphere -contiguous to the mountain; from the weight of which, -nevertheless, we are to infer the height of the mountain. The -most plausible seems to be that which supposes the mercury of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_496'>[496]</a></span>barometer divided into horizontal lamina of equal <i>thickness</i>; -and a similar column of the atmosphere into lamina of equal -<i>weights</i>. The former divisions give a set of arithmetical, the -latter of geometrical progressionals, which being the character -of Logarithms and their numbers, the tables of these furnish -ready computations, needing, however, the corrections which the -state of the thermometer calls for. It is probable that in taking -heights in the vicinity of each other in this way, there may be -no considerable error, because the passage between them may -be quick and repeated. The height of a mountain from its base, -thus taken, merits, therefore, a very different degree of credit -from that of its height above the level of the sea, where that is -distant. According, for example, to the theory above mentioned, -the height of Monticello from its base is 580 feet, and its base -610 feet 8 inches, above the level of the ocean; the former, from -other facts, I judge to be near the truth; but a knowledge of the -different falls of water from hence to the tide-water at Richmond, -a distance of seventy-five miles, enables us to say that the -whole descent to that place is but 170 or 180 feet. From thence -to the ocean may be a distance of one hundred miles; it is all -tide-water, and through a level country. I know not what to -conjecture as the amount of descent, but certainly not 435 feet, -as that theory would suppose, nor the quarter part of it. I do -not know by what rule General Williams made his computations; -he reckons the foot of the Blue Ridge, twenty miles from here, -but 100 feet above the tide-water at Richmond. We know the -descent, as before observed, to be at least 170 feet from hence, -to which is to be added that from the Blue Ridge to this place, a -very hilly country, with constant and great waterfalls. His estimate, -therefore, must be much below truth. Results so different -prove that for distant comparisons of height, the barometer is -not to be relied on according to any theory yet known. While, -therefore, we give a good degree of credit to the results of operations -between the summit of a mountain and its base, we must -give less to those between its summit and the level of the ocean. -</p> - -<p> -I will do myself the pleasure of sending you my estimate of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_497'>[497]</a></span>the Peaks of Otter, which I count on undertaking in the course -of the next month. In the meantime accept the assurance of -my great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR LOGAN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 15,1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thank you for the extract in yours of August -16th respecting the Emperor Alexander. It arrived here a day -or two after I had left this place, from which I have been absent -seven or eight weeks. I had from other information formed the -most favorable opinion of the virtues of Alexander, and considered -his partiality to this country as a prominent proof of -them. The magnanimity of his conduct on the first capture of -Paris still magnified everything we had believed of him; but -how he will come out of his present trial remains to be seen. -That the sufferings which France had inflicted on other countries -justified severe reprisals, cannot be questioned; but I have -not yet learned what crimes of Poland, Saxony, Belgium, Venice, -Lombardy and Genoa, had merited for them, not merely a temporary -punishment, but that of permanent subjugation and a destitution -of independence and self-government. The fable of -Æsop of the lion dividing the spoils, is, I fear, becoming true history, -and the moral code of Napoleon and the English government -a substitute for that of Grotius, of Puffendorf, and even of -the pure doctrine of the great author of our own religion. We -were safe ourselves from Bonaparte, because he had not the British -fleets at his command. We were safe from the British fleets, -because they had Bonaparte at their back; but the British fleets -and the conquerors of Bonaparte being now combined, and the -Hartford nation drawn off to them, we have uncommon reason -to look to our own affairs. This, however, I leave to others, -offering prayers to heaven, the only contribution of old age, for -the safety of our country. Be so good as to present me affectionately -to Mrs. Logan, and to accept yourself the assurance of -my esteem and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_498'>[498]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 16, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—A long absence from home must apologize for my -so late acknowledgment of your welcome favor of September -6th. Our storm of the 4th of that month gave me great -uneasiness for you; for I was certain you must be on the coast, -and your actual arrival was unknown to me. It was such a -wind as I have not witnessed since the year 1769. It did, however, -little damage with us, only prostrating our corn, and tearing -tobacco, without essential injury to either. It could have -been nothing compared with that of the 23d, off the coast of -New England, of which we had not a breath, but on the contrary, -fine, fair weather. Is this the judgment of God between -us? I congratulate you sincerely on your safe return to your -own country, and without knowing your own wishes, mine are -that you would never leave it again. I know you would be useful -to us at Paris, and so you would anywhere; but nowhere -so useful as here. We are undone, my dear Sir, if this banking -mania be not suppressed. <span lang="la"><i>Aut Carthago, aut Roma delenda est.</i></span> -The war, had it proceeded, would have upset our government; -and a new one, whenever tried, will do it. And so it must be -while our money, the nerve of war, is much or little, real or -imaginary, as our bitterest enemies choose to make it. Put down -the banks, and if this country could not be carried through the -longest war against her most powerful enemy, without ever knowing -the want of a dollar, without dependence on the traitorous -classes of her citizens, without bearing hard on the resources of -the people, or loading the public with an indefinite burthen of -debt, I know nothing of my countrymen. Not by any novel -project, not by any <span lang="fr_FR">charlatanerie</span>, but by ordinary and well-experienced -means; by the total prohibition of all private paper at -all times, by reasonable taxes in war aided by the necessary -emissions of public paper of circulating size, this bottomed on -special taxes, redeemable annually as this special tax comes in, -and finally within a moderate period,—even with the flood of private -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_499'>[499]</a></span>paper by which we were deluged, would the treasury have -ventured its credit in bills of circulating size, as of five or ten -dollars, &c., they would have been greedily received by the people -in preference to bank paper. But unhappily the towns of -America were considered as the nation of America, the dispositions -of the inhabitants of the former as those of the latter, and -the treasury, for want of confidence in the country, delivered itself -bound hand and foot to bold and bankrupt adventurers and -pretenders to be money-holders, whom it could have crushed at -any moment. Even the last half-bold half-timid threat of the -treasury, showed at once that these jugglers were at the feet of -government. For it never was, and is not, any confidence in -their frothy bubbles, but the want of all other medium, which -induced, or now induces, the <i>country</i> people to take their paper; -and at this moment, when nothing else is to be had, no man will -receive it but to pass it away instantly, none for distant purposes. -We are now without any common measure of the value of -property, and private fortunes are up or down at the will of the -worst of our citizens. Yet there is no hope of relief from the -legislatures who have immediate control over this subject. As -little seems to be known of the principles of political economy as -if nothing had ever been written or practised on the subject, or -as was known in old times, when the Jews had their rulers under -the hammer. It is an evil, therefore, which we must make -up our minds to meet and to endure as those of hurricanes, earthquakes -and other casualties: let us turn over therefore another -leaf. -</p> - -<p> -I grieve for France; although it cannot be denied that by the -afflictions with which she wantonly and wickedly overwhelmed -other nations, she has merited severe reprisals. For it is no excuse -to lay the enormities to the wretch who led to them, and who -has been the author of more misery and suffering to the world, -than any being who ever lived before him. After destroying the -liberties of his country, he has exhausted all its resources, physical -and moral, to indulge his own maniac ambition, his own -tyrannical and overbearing spirit. His sufferings cannot be too -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_500'>[500]</a></span>great. But theirs I sincerely deplore, and what is to be their -term? The will of the allies? There is no more moderation, -forbearance, or even honesty in theirs, than in that of Bonaparte. -They have proved that their object, like his, is plunder. They, -like him, are shuffling nations together, or into their own hands, -as if all were right which they feel a power to do. In the exhausted -state in which Bonaparte has left France, I see no period -to her sufferings, until this combination of robbers fall together -by the ears. The French may then rise up and choose their -side. And I trust they will finally establish for themselves a -government of rational and well-tempered liberty. So much -science cannot be lost; so much light shed over them can never -fail to produce to them some good, in the end. Till then we -may ourselves fervently pray, with the liturgy a little parodied, -"Give peace till that time, oh Lord, because there is none other -that will fight for us but only thee, oh God." It is rare that -I indulge in these poetical effusions; but your former and latter -relations with both subjects have associated you with them in -my mind, and led me beyond the limits of attention I ordinarily -give to them. Whether you go or stay with us, you have always -the prayers of yours affectionately. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. The two letters you enclosed me were from Warden -and De Lormerie, and neither from La Fayette, as you supposed. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, November 13, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The fundamental article of my political creed is, -that despotism, or unlimited sovereignty, or absolute power, is the -same in a majority of a popular assembly, an aristocratical council, -an oligarchical junto, and a single emperor; equally arbitrary, -cruel, bloody, and in every respect diabolical. -</p> - -<p> -Accordingly, arbitrary power, wherever it has resided, ha -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_501'>[501]</a></span>never failed to destroy all the records, memorials, and histories -of former times which it did not like, and to corrupt and interpolate -such as it was cunning enough to preserve or tolerate. We -cannot therefore say with much confidence, what knowledge -or what virtues may have prevailed in some former ages in some -quarters of the world. -</p> - -<p> -Nevertheless, according to the few lights that remain to us, -we may say that the eighteenth century, notwithstanding all its -errors and vices, has been, of all that are past, the most honorable -to human nature. Knowledge and virtues were increased -and diffused. Arts, sciences useful to men, ameliorating their -condition, were improved more than in any former equal period. -</p> - -<p> -But what are we to say now? Is the nineteenth century to -be a contrast to the eighteenth? Is it to extinguish all the lights -of its predecessors? Are the Sorbonne, the Inquisition, the Index -Expurgatorius, and the knights-errant of St. Ignatius Loyola -to be revived and restored to all their salutary powers of supporting -and propagating the mild spirit of Christianity? The proceedings -of the allies and their Congress at Vienna, the accounts -from Spain, France, &c., the Chateaubriands and the Genti's, indicate -which way the wind blows. The priests are at their old -work again. The Protestants are denounced, and another St. -Bartholomew's day threatened. -</p> - -<p> -This, however, will probably, twenty-five years hence, be -honored with the character of "<i>The effusions of a splenetic -mind, rather than as the sober reflections of an unbiased understanding</i>." -I have received Memoirs of the Life of Dr. Price, -by William Morgan, F.R.S. In pages 151 and 155 Mr. Morgan -says: "So well assured was Dr. Price of the establishment -of a free constitution in France, and of the subsequent overthrow -of despotism throughout Europe, as the consequence of it, -that he never failed to express his gratitude to heaven for having -extended his life to the present happy period, in which after sharing -the benefits of one revolution, he has been spared to be a witness -to two other revolutions, both glorious." But some of his -correspondents were not quite so sanguine in their expectations -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_502'>[502]</a></span>from the last of the revolutions; and among these, the late -American Ambassador, Mr. John Adams. In a long letter which -he wrote to Dr. Price at this time, so far from congratulating him -on the occasion, he expresses himself in terms of contempt, in -regard to the French revolution; and after asking rather too severely -what good was to be expected from a nation of Atheists, -he concluded with foretelling the destruction of a million of -human beings as the probable consequence of it. These harsh -censures and gloomy predictions were particularly ungrateful to -Dr. Price, nor can it be denied that they must have then appeared -as the <i>effusions of a splenetic mind, rather than as the sober -reflections</i> of an unbiased understanding. -</p> - -<p> -I know not what a candid public will think of this practice -of Mr. Morgan, after the example of Mr. Belsham, who, finding -private letters in the Cabinet of a great and good man, after his -decease, written in the utmost freedom and confidence of intimate -friendship, by persons still living, though after the lapse of -a quarter of a century, produces them before the world. -</p> - -<p> -Dr. Disney had different feelings and a different judgment. -Finding some cursory letters among the papers of Mr. Hollis, he -would not publish them without my consent. In answer to his -request, I submitted them to his discretion, and might have done -the same to Mr. Morgan; indeed, had Mr. Morgan published my -letter entire, I should not have given him nor myself any concern -about it. But as in his summary he has not done the latter justice, -I shall give it with all its faults. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Morgan has been more discreet and complaisant to you -than to me. He has mentioned respectfully your letters from -Paris to Dr. Price, but has given us none of them. As I would -give more for these letters than for all the rest of the book, I am -more angry with him for disappointing me, than for all he says -of me and my letter, which, scambling as it is, contains nothing -but the sure words of prophecy. I am, as usual, yours<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_503'>[503]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. WM. BENTLEY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 28, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—At the date of your letter of October 30th, I had -just left home on a journey from which I am recently returned. -I had many years ago understood that Professor Ebeling was engaged -in a geographical work which would comprehend the -United States, and indeed I expected it was finished and published. -I am glad to learn that his candor and discrimination -have been sufficient to guard him against trusting the libel of -Dr. Morse on this State. I wish it were in my power to give -him the aid you ask, but it is not. The whole forenoon with -me is engrossed by correspondence too extensive and laborious -for my age. Health, habit, and necessary attention to my farms, -require me then to be on horseback until a late dinner, and the -society of my family and friends, with some reading, furnish the -necessary relaxations of the rest of the day. Add to this that the -cession of my library to Congress has left me without materials -for such an undertaking. I wish the part of his work which -gives the geography of this country may be translated and published, -that ourselves and the world may at length have something -like a dispassionate account of these States. Poor human -nature! when we are obliged to appeal for the truth of mere -facts from an eye-witness to one whose faculties for discovering -it are only an honest candor and caution in sifting the grain from -its chaff! -</p> - -<p> -The Professor's history of Hamburg is doubtless interesting -and instructive, and valuable as a corrective of the false information -we derive from newspapers. I should read it with pleasure, -but I fear its transportation and return would expose it to too -much risk. Notwithstanding all the French and British atrocities, -which will forever disgrace the present era of history, their -shameless prostration of all the laws of morality which constitute -the security, the peace and comfort of man—notwithstanding the -waste of human life, and measure of human suffering which -they have inflicted on the world—nations hitherto in slavery have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_504'>[504]</a></span>descried through all this bloody mist a glimmering of their own -rights, have dared to open their eyes, and to see that their own -power and their own will suffice for their emancipation. Their -tyrants must now give them more moderate forms of government, -and they seem now to be sensible of this themselves. Instead -of the parricide treason of Bonaparte in employing the -means confided to him as a republican magistrate to the overthrow -of that republic, and establishment of a military despotism -in himself and his descendants, to the subversion of the neighboring -governments, and erection of thrones for his brothers, his -sisters and sycophants, had he honestly employed that power in -the establishment and support of the freedom of his own country, -there is not a nation in Europe which would not at this day -have had a more rational government, one in which the will of -the people should have had a moderating and salutary influence. -The work will now be longer, will swell more rivers with blood, -produce more sufferings and more crimes. But it will be consummated; -and that it may be will be the theme of my constant -prayers while I shall remain on the earth beneath, or in the -heavens above. To these I add sincere wishes for your health -and happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GEORGE FLEMING. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 29, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—At the date of your favor of October 30th, I had just -left home on a journey to a distant possession of mine, from -which I am but recently returned, and I wish that the matter of -my answer could compensate for its delay. But, Sir, it happens -that of all the machines which have been employed to aid human -labor, I have made myself the least acquainted with (that -which is certainly the most powerful of all) the steam engine. -In its original and simple form indeed, as first constructed by -Newcomen and Savary, it had been a subject of my early studies; -but once possessed of the principle, I ceased to follow up the numerous -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_505'>[505]</a></span>modifications of the machinery for employing it, of -which I do not know whether England or our own country has -produced the greatest number. Hence, I am entirely incompetent -to form a judgment of the comparative merit of yours with -those preceding it; and the cession of my library to Congress -has left me without any examples to turn to. I see, indeed, in -yours, the valuable properties of simplicity, cheapness and accommodation -to the small and more numerous calls of life, and -the calculations of its power appear sound and correct. Yet experience -and frequent disappointment have taught me not to be -over-confident in theories or calculations, until actual trial of the -whole combination has stamped it with approbation. Should -this sanction be added, the importance of your construction will -be enhanced by the consideration that a smaller agent, applicable -to our daily concerns, is infinitely more valuable than the greatest -which can be used only for great objects. For these interest -the few alone, the former the many. I once had an idea that it -might perhaps be possible to economize the steam of a common -pot, kept boiling on the kitchen fire until its accumulation should -be sufficient to give a stroke, and although the strokes might not -be rapid, there would be enough of them in the day to raise from -an adjacent well the water necessary for daily use; to wash the -linen, knead the bread, beat the homony, churn the butter, turn -the spit, and do all other household offices which require only a -regular mechanical motion. The unproductive hands now necessarily -employed in these, might then increase the produce of -our fields. I proposed it to Mr. Rumsey, one of our greatest -mechanics, who believed in its possibility, and promised to turn -his mind to it. But his death soon after disappointed this hope. -Of how much more value would this be to ordinary life than -Watts & Bolton's thirty pair of mill-stones to be turned by one -engine, of which I saw seven pair in actual operation. It is an -interesting part of your question, how much fuel would be requisite -for your machine? -</p> - -<p> -Your letter being evidence of your attention to mechanical -things, and to their application to matters of daily interest, I will -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_506'>[506]</a></span>mention a trifle in this way, which yet is not without value. I -presume, like the rest of us in the country, you are in the habit -of household manufacture, and that you will not, like too many, -abandon it on the return of peace, to enrich our late enemy, and -to nourish foreign agents in our bosom, whose baneful influence -and intrigues cost us so much embarrassment and dissension. -The shirting for our laborers has been an object of some difficulty. -Flax is injurious to our lands, and of so scanty produce that I -have never attempted it. Hemp, on the other hand, is abundantly -productive, and will grow forever on the same spot. But -the breaking and beating it, which has been always done by -hand, is so slow, so laborious, and so much complained of by our -laborers, that I had given it up and purchased and manufactured -cotton for their shirting. The advanced price of this, however, -now makes it a serious item of expense; and in the meantime, a -method of removing the difficulty of preparing hemp occurred to -me, so simple and so cheap, that I return to its culture and manufacture. -To a person having a threshing machine, the addition -of a hemp-break will not cost more than twelve or fifteen dollars. -You know that the first mover in that machine is a horizontal -horse-wheel with cogs on its upper face. On these is -placed a wallower and shaft, which give motion to the threshing -apparatus. On the opposite side of this same wheel I place another -wallower and shaft, through which, and near its outer end, -I pass a cross-arm of sufficient strength, projecting on each side -fifteen inches in this form: <img src="images/518.jpg" width="163" height="44" alt="Cross-arm" /> - -nearly under -the cross-arm is placed a very strong hemp-break, much stronger -and heavier than those for the hand. Its head block particularly -is massive, and four feet high, and near its upper end in front, is -fixed a strong pin (which we may call its horn), by this the -cross-arm lifts and lets fall the break twice in every revolution -of the wallower. A man feeds the break with hemp stalks, and -a little person holds under the head block a large twist of the -hemp which has been broken, resembling a twist of tobacco but -larger, where it is more perfectly beaten than I have ever seen -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_507'>[507]</a></span>done by hand. If the horse-wheel has one hundred and forty-four -cogs, the wallower eleven rounds, and the horse goes three -times round in a minute, it will give about eighty strokes in a -minute. I had fixed a break to be moved by the gate of my -saw-mill, which broke and beat at the rate of two hundred pounds -a day. But the inconveniences of interrupting that, induced me -to try the power of a horse, and I have found it to answer perfectly. -The power being less, so also probably will be the effect, -of which I cannot make a fair trial until I commence on my new -crop. I expect that a single horse will do the breaking and beating -of ten men. Something of this kind has been so long wanted -by the cultivators of hemp, that as soon as I can speak of its -effect with certainty, I shall probably describe it anonymously -in the public papers, in order to forestall the prevention of its use -by some interloping patentee. I shall be happy to learn that an -actual experiment of your steam engine fulfils the expectations -we form of it, and I pray you to accept the assurances of my -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 31, 1815. -</p> - -<p> -Nothing, my very dear and ancient friend, could have equalled -the mortification I felt on my arrival at home, and receipt of the -information that I had lost the happiness of your visit. The -season had so far advanced, and the weather become so severe, -that together with the information given me by Mr. Correa, so -early as September, that your friends even then were dissuading -the journey, I had set it down as certain it would be postponed -to a milder season of the ensuing year. I had yielded, therefore, -with the less reluctance to a detention in Bedford by a -slower progress of my workmen than had been counted on. I -have never more desired anything than a full and free conversation -with you. I have not understood the transactions in -France during the years '14 and '15. From the newspapers we -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_508'>[508]</a></span>cannot even conjecture the secret and real history; and I had -looked for it to your visit. A pamphlet (<span lang="fr_FR"><i>Le Conciliateur</i></span>) received -from M. Jullien, had given me some idea of the obliquities -and imbecilities of the Bourbons, during their first restoration. -Some manœuvres of both parties I had learnt from Lafayette, -and more recently from Gallatin. But the note you referred me -to at page 360 of your letter to Say, has possessed me more intimately -of the views, the conduct and consequences of the last -apparition of Napoleon. Still much is wanting. I wish to know -what were the intrigues which brought him back, and what those -which finally crushed him? What parts were acted by A, B, C, -D., &c, some of whom I know, and some I do not? How did -the body of the nation stand affectioned, comparatively, between -the fool and the tyrant? &c., &c., &c. From the account my -family gives me of your sound health, and of the vivacity and -vigor of your mind, I will still hope we shall meet again, and -that the fine temperature of our early summer, to wit, of May -and June, may suggest to you the salutary effects of exercise, -and change of air and scene. <i>En attendant</i>, we will turn to -other subjects. -</p> - -<p> -That your opinion of the hostile intentions of Great Britain -towards us is sound, I am satisfied, from her movements north -and south of us, as well as from her temper. She feels the -gloriole of her late <i>golden</i> achievements tarnished by our successes -against her by sea and land; and will not be contented -until she has wiped it off by triumphs over us also. I rely, however, -on the volcanic state of Europe to present other objects for -her arms and her apprehensions; and am not without hope we -shall be permitted to proceed peaceably in making children, and -maturing and moulding our strength and resources. It is impossible -that France should rest under her present oppressions and -humiliations. She will rise in that gigantic strength which -cannot be annihilated, and will fatten her fields with the blood -of her enemies. I only wish she may exercise patience and -forbearance until divisions among them may give her a choice -of sides. To the overwhelming power of England I see but -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_509'>[509]</a></span>two chances of limit. The first is her bankruptcy, which will -deprive her of the <i>golden</i> instrument of all her successes. The -other in that ascendency which nature destines for us by immutable -laws. But to hasten this last consummation, we too -must exercise patience and forbearance. For twenty years to -come we should consider peace as the <i>summum bonum</i> of our -country. At the end of that period we shall be twenty millions -in number, and forty in energy, when encountering the starved -and rickety paupers and dwarfs of English workshops. By that -time I hope your grandson will have become one of our High-admirals, -and bear distinguished part in retorting the wrongs of -both his countries on the most implacable and cruel of their -enemies. In this hope, and because I love you, and all who are -dear to you, I wrote to the President in the instant of reading -your letter of the 7th, on the subject of his adoption into our -navy. I did it because I was gratified in doing it, while I knew -it was unnecessary. The sincere respect and high estimation in -which the President holds you, is such that there is no gratification, -within the regular exercise of his functions, which he would -withhold from you. Be assured then that, if within that compass, -this business is safe. -</p> - -<p> -Were you any other than whom you are, I should shrink from -the task you have proposed to me, of undertaking to judge of -the merit of your own translation of the excellent letter on education. -After having done all which good sense and eloquence -could do on the original, you must not ambition the double need -of English eloquence also. Did you ever know an instance of -one who could write in a foreign language with the elegance of -a native? Cicero wrote Commentaries of his own Consulship in -Greek; they perished unknown, while his native compositions -have immortalized him with themselves. No, my dear friend; -you must not risk the success of your letter on foreignisms of -style which may weaken its effect. Some native pen must give -it to our countrymen in a native dress, faithful to its original. -You will find such with the aid of our friend Correa, who knows -everybody, and will readily think of some one who has time -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_510'>[510]</a></span>and talent for this work. I have neither. Till noon I am daily -engaged in a correspondence much too extensive and laborious -for my age. From noon to dinner health, habit, and business, -require me to be on horseback; and render the society of my -family and friends a necessary relaxation for the rest of the day. -These occupations scarcely leave time for the papers of the day; -and to renounce entirely the sciences and belles-lettres is impossible. -Had not Mr. Gilmer just taken his place in the ranks of -the bar, I think we could have engaged him in this work. But -I am persuaded that Mr. Correa's intimacy with the persons of -promise in our country, will leave you without difficulty in laying -this work of instruction open to our citizens at large. -</p> - -<p> -I have not yet had time to read your Equinoctial republics, -nor the letter of Say; because I am still engrossed by the letters -which had accumulated during my absence. The latter I accept -with thankfulness, and will speedily read and return the former. -God bless you, and maintain you in strength of body, -and mind, until your own wishes shall be to resign both. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CAPT. A. PARTRIDGE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 2d, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I am but recently returned from my journey to the -neighborhood of the Peaks of Otter, and find here your favors -of November 23d and December 9th. I have therefore to thank -you for your meteorological table and the corrections of Colonel -Williams' altitudes of the mountains of Virginia, which I had -not before seen; but especially for the very able extract on -Barometrical measures. The precision of the calculations, and -soundness of the principles on which they are founded, furnish, -I am satisfied, a great approximation towards truth, and raise that -method of estimating heights to a considerable degree of rivalship -with the trigonometrical. The last is not without some -sources of inaccuracy, as you have truly stated. The admeasurement -of the base is liable to errors which can be rendered insensible -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_511'>[511]</a></span>only by such degrees of care as have been exhibited by -the mathematicians who have been employed in measuring degrees -on the surface of the earth. The measure of the angles -by the wonderful perfection to which the graduation of instruments -has been brought by a Bird, a Ramsden, a Troughton, removes -nearly all distrust from that operation; and we may add -that the effect of refraction, rarely worth notice in short distances, -admits of correction by well-established laws; these -sources of error once reduced to be insensible, their geometrical -employment is certainty itself. No two men can differ on a -principle of trigonometry. Not so as to the theories of Barometrical -mensuration. On these have been great differences of -opinion, and among characters of just celebrity. -</p> - -<p> -Dr. Halley reckoned one-tenth inch of Mercury equal to 90 -feet altitude of the atmosphere. Derham thought it equal to -something less than 90 feet. Cassini's tables to 24° of the Barometer -allowed 676 toises of altitudes. -</p> - -<table summary="Barometrical Mensuration"> -<tr> -<td>Mariole's,</td> -<td class="tdc">to the same</td> -<td>544</td> -<td class="tdc">toises.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Schruchzer's </td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -<td>559</td> -<td class="tdc">"</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -Nettleton's tables applied to a difference of .5975 of mercury, in -a particular instance gave 512.17 feet of altitude, and Bonguor's -and De Luc's rules, to the same difference gave 579.5 feet. Sir -Isaac Newton had established that at heights in arithmetrical -progression the ratio of rarity in the air would be geometrical, -and this being the character of the natural numbers and their -Logarithms, Bonguor adopted the ratio in his mensuration of the -mountains of South America, and stating in French lignes the -height of the mercury of different stations, took their Logarithms -to five places only, including the index, and considered the resulting -difference as expressing that of the altitudes in French -toises. He then applied corrections required by the effect of the -temperature of the moment on the air and mercury. His process, -on the whole, agrees very exactly with that established in -your excellent extract. In 1776 I observed the height of the -mercury at the base and summit of the mountain I live on, and -by Nettleton's tables, estimated the height at 512.17 feet, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_512'>[512]</a></span>called it about 500 feet in the Notes on Virginia. But calculating it -since on the same observations, according to Bonguor's method -with De Luc's improvements, the result was 579.5 feet; and -lately I measured the same height trigonometrically, with the -aid of a base of 1,175 feet in a vertical plane with the summit, -and at the distance of about 1,500 yards from the axis of the -mountain, and made it 599.35 feet. I consider this as testing -the advance of the barometrical process towards truth by the -adoption of the Logarithmic ratio of heights and densities; and -continued observations and experiments will continue to advance -it still more. But the first character of a common measure of -things being that of invariability, I can never suppose that a substance -so heterogeneous and variable as the atmospheric fluid, -changing daily and hourly its weight and dimensions to the -amount, sometimes, of one-tenth of the whole, can be applied -as a standard of measure to anything, with as much mathematical -exactness, as a trigonometrical process. It is still, however, -a resource of great value for these purposes, because its use is so -easy, in comparison with the other, and especially where the -grounds are unfavorable for a base; and its results are so near -the truth as to answer all the common purposes of information. -Indeed, I should in all cases prefer the use of both, to warn us -against gross error, and to put us, when that is suspected, on a -repetition of our process. When lately measuring trigonometrically -the height of the Peaks of Otter (as my letter of October -12th informed you I was about to do), I very much wished for -a barometer, to try the height of that also. But it was too far -and hazardous to carry my own, and there was not one in that -neighborhood. On the subject of that admeasurement, I must -premise that my object was only to gratify a common curiosity -as to the height of those mountains, which we deem our highest, -and to furnish an <span lang="fr_FR"><i>à peu près</i></span>, sufficient to satisfy us in a comparison -of them with the other mountains of our own, or of other -countries. I therefore neither provided such instruments, nor -aimed at such extraordinary accuracy in the measures of my -base, as abler operators would have employed in the more important -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_513'>[513]</a></span>object of measuring a degree, or of ascertaining the relative -position of different places for astronomical or geographical -purposes. My instrument was a theodolite by Ramsden, whose -horizontal and vertical circles were of 3½ inches radius, its -graduation subdivided by noniuses to one-third, admitting however -by its intervals, a further subdivision by the eye to a single -minute, with two telescopes, the one fixed, the other movable, -and a Gunter's chain of four poles, accurately adjusted in its -length, and carefully attended on its application to the base line. -The Sharp, or southern peak, was first measured by a base of -2806.32 feet in the vertical plane of the axis of the mountain. -A base then nearly parallel with the two mountains of 6,589 -feet was measured, and observations taken at each end, of the -altitudes and horizontal angles of each apex, and such other auxiliary -observations made as to the stations, inclination of the -base, &c., as a good degree of correctness in the result would require. -The ground of our bases was favorable, being an open -plain of close grazed meadow on both sides of the Otter river, -declining so uniformly with the descent of the river as to give -no other trouble than an observation of its angle of inclination, -in order to reduce the base to the plane of the horizon. From -the summit of the Sharp peak I took also the angle of altitude -of the flat or northern one above it, my other observations sufficing -to give their distance from one another. The result was, -</p> -<table summary="Altitude Measurements of Sharp Peak"> -<tr> -<td>The -mean height of the Sharp peak above the surface of Otter -river</td> -<td class="tdr">2946.5 inches.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Mean height of the flat peak above the surface of Otter -river</td> -<td class="tdr">3103.5 inches.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>The distance between the two summits </td> -<td class="tdr">9507.73 inches.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -Their rhumb N. 33° 50´ E. the distance of the stations of observation -from the points in the bases of the mountains vertically -under their summits was, the shortest 19002.2 feet, the longest -24523.3 feet. These mountains are computed to be visible to -fifteen counties of the State, without the advantage of counter-elevations, -and to several more with that advantage. I must add -that I have gone over my calculations but once, and nothing is -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_514'>[514]</a></span>more possible than the mistake of a figure, now and then, in -calculating so many triangles, which may occasion some variation -in the result. I mean, therefore, when I have leisure, to go -again over the whole. The ridge of mountains of which Monticello -is one, is generally low; there is one in it, however, called -Peter's mountain, considerably higher than the general ridge. -This being within a dozen miles of me, north-eastwardly, I -think in the spring of the year to measure it by both processes, -which may serve as another trial of the Logarithmic theory. -Should I do this you shall know the result. In the meantime -accept assurances of my great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL YANCEY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 6, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I am favored with yours of December 24th, and -perceive you have many matters before you of great moment. -I have no fear but that the legislature will do on all of them -what is wise and just. On the particular subject of our river, in -the navigation of which our county has so great an interest, I -think the power of permitting dams to be erected across it, ought -to be taken from the courts, so far as the stream has water -enough for navigation. The value of our property is sensibly -lessened by the dam which the court of Fluvana authorized not -long since to be erected, but a little above its mouth. This -power over the value and convenience of our lands is of much -too high a character to be placed at the will of a county court, -and that of a county, too, which has not a common interest in -the preservation of the navigation for those above them. As to -the existing dams, if any conditions are proposed more than -those to which they were subjected on their original erection, I -think they would be allowed the alternative of opening a sluice -for the passage of navigation, so as to put the river into as good -a condition for navigation as it was before the erection of their -dam, or as it would be if their dam were away. Those interested -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_515'>[515]</a></span>in the navigation might then use the sluices or make locks as -should be thought best. Nature and reason, as well as all our -constitutions, condemn retrospective conditions as mere acts of -power against right. -</p> - -<p> -I recommend to your patronage our Central College. I look -to it as a germ from which a great tree may spread itself. -</p> - -<p> -There is before the assembly a petition of a Captain Miller -which I have at heart, because I have great esteem for the petitioner -as an honest and useful man. He is about to settle in -our county, and to establish a brewery, in which art I think him -as skilful a man as has ever come to America. I wish to see -this beverage become common instead of the whiskey which -kills one-third of our citizens and ruins their families. He is -staying with me until he can fix himself, and I should be thankful -for information from time to time of the progress of his petition. -</p> - -<p> -Like a dropsical man calling out for water, water, our deluded -citizens are clamoring for more banks, more banks. The American -mind is now in that state of fever which the world has so -often seen in the history of other nations. We are under the -bank bubble, as England was under the South Sea bubble, -France under the Mississippi bubble, and as every nation is -liable to be, under whatever bubble, design, or delusion may -puff up in moments when off their guard. We are now taught -to believe that legerdemain tricks upon paper can produce as -solid wealth as hard labor in the earth. It is vain for common -sense to urge that <i>nothing</i> can produce but <i>nothing</i>; that it is -an idle dream to believe in a philosopher's stone which is to turn -everything into gold, and to redeem man from the original sentence -of his Maker, "in the sweat of his brow shall he eat his -bread." Not Quixot enough, however, to attempt to reason Bedlam -to rights, my anxieties are turned to the most practicable -means of withdrawing us from the ruin into which we have run. -Two hundred millions of paper in the hands of the people, (and -less cannot be from the employment of a banking capital known -to exceed one hundred millions,) is a fearful tax to fall at hap-hazard -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_516'>[516]</a></span>on their heads. The debt which purchased our independence -was but of eighty millions, of which twenty years of -taxation had in 1809 paid but the one half. And what have we -purchased with this tax of two hundred millions which we are -to pay by wholesale but usury, swindling, and new forms of -demoralization. Revolutionary history has warned us of the -probable moment when this baseless trash is to receive its fiat. -Whenever so much of the precious metals shall have returned -into the circulation as that every one can get some in exchange -for his produce, paper, as in the revolutionary war, will experience -at once an universal rejection. When public opinion changes, it -is with the rapidity of thought. Confidence is already on the totter, -and every one now handles this paper as if playing at Robin's -alive. That in the present state of the circulation the banks -should resume payments in specie, would require their vaults to -be like the widow's cruise. The thing to be aimed at is, that -the excesses of their emissions should be withdrawn as gradually, -but as speedily, too, as is practicable, without so much alarm as -to bring on the crisis dreaded. Some banks are said to be calling -in their paper. But ought we to let this depend on their discretion? -Is it not the duty of the legislature to endeavor to avert -from their constituents such a catastrophe as the extinguishment -of two hundred millions of paper in their hands? The difficulty -is indeed great; and the greater, because the patient revolts -against all medicine. I am far from presuming to say that any -plan can be relied on with certainty, because the bubble may -burst from one moment to another; but if it fails, we shall be -but where we should have been without any effort to save ourselves. -Different persons, doubtless, will devise different schemes -of relief. One would be to suppress instantly the currency of -all paper not issued under the authority of our own State or of -the General Government; to interdict after a few months the circulation -of all bills of five dollars and under; after a few months -more, all of ten dollars and under; after other terms, those of -twenty, fifty, and so on to one hundred dollars, which last, if -any must be left in circulation, should be the lowest denomination. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_517'>[517]</a></span>These might be a convenience in mercantile transactions -and transmissions, and would be excluded by their size from ordinary -circulation. But the disease may be too pressing to await -such a remedy. With the legislature I cheerfully leave it to -apply this medicine, or no medicine at all. I am sure their intentions -are faithful; and embarked in the same bottom, I am -willing to swim or sink with my fellow citizens. If the latter -is their choice, I will go down with them without a murmur. -But my exhortation would rather be "not to give up the ship." -</p> - -<p> -I am a great friend to the improvements of roads, canals, and -schools. But I wish I could see some provision for the former -as solid as that of the latter,—something better than fog. The -literary fund is a solid provision, unless lost in the impending -bankruptcy. If the legislature would add to that a perpetual tax -of a cent a head on the population of the State, it would set -agoing at once, and forever maintain, a system of primary or -ward schools, and an university where might be taught, in its -highest degree, every branch of science useful in our time and -country; and it would rescue us from the tax of toryism, fanaticism, -and indifferentism to their own State, which we now send -our youth to bring from those of New England. If a nation -expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects -what never was and never will be. The functionaries of -every government have propensities to command at will the -liberty and property of their constituents. There is no safe deposit -for these but with the people themselves; nor can they be -safe with them without information. Where the press is free, -and every man able to read, all is safe. The frankness of this -communication will, I am sure, suggest to you a discreet use of -it. I wish to avoid all collisions of opinion with all mankind. -Show it to Mr. Maury, with expressions of my great esteem. It -pretends to convey no more than the opinions of one of your -thousand constituents, and to claim no more attention than every -other of that thousand. -</p> - -<p> -I will ask you once more to take care of Miller and our College, -and to accept assurances of my esteem and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_518'>[518]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO CHARLES THOMPSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 9, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear and Ancient Friend</span>,—An acquaintance of fifty-two -years, for I think ours dates from 1764, calls for an interchange -of notice now and then, that we remain in existence, the monuments -of another age, and examples of a friendship unaffected by -the jarring elements by which we have been surrounded, of revolutions -of government, of party and of opinion. I am reminded -of this duty by the receipt, through our friend Dr. Patterson, -of your synopsis of the four Evangelists. I had procured it as -soon as I saw it advertised, and had become familiar with its use; -but this copy is the more valued as it comes from your hand. -This work bears the stamp of that accuracy which marks everything -from you, and will be useful to those who, not taking -things on trust, recur for themselves to the fountain of pure morals. -I, too, have made a wee-little book from the same materials, -which I call the Philosophy of Jesus; it is a paradigma of his -doctrines, made by cutting the texts out of the book, and arranging -them on the pages of a blank book, in a certain order of time -or subject. A more beautiful or precious morsel of ethics I have -never seen; it is a document in proof that <i>I</i> am a <i>real Christian</i>, -that is to say, a disciple of the doctrines of Jesus, very different -from the Platonists, who call <i>me</i> infidel and <i>themselves</i> Christians -and preachers of the gospel, while they draw all their characteristic -dogmas from what its author never said nor saw. They -have compounded from the heathen mysteries a system beyond -the comprehension of man, of which the great reformer of the -vicious ethics and deism of the Jews, were he to return on earth, -would not recognize one feature. If I had time I would add to -my little book the Greek, Latin and French texts, in columns -side by side. And I wish I could subjoin a translation of Gosindi's -Syntagma of the doctrines of Epicurus, which, notwithstanding -the calumnies of the Stoics and caricatures of Cicero, -is the most rational system remaining of the philosophy of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_519'>[519]</a></span>ancients, as frugal of vicious indulgence, and fruitful of virtue as -the hyperbolical extravagances of his rival sects. -</p> - -<p> -I retain good health, am rather feeble to walk much, but ride -with ease, passing two or three hours a day on horseback, and -every three or four months taking in a carriage a journey of -ninety miles to a distant possession, where I pass a good deal of -my time. My eyes need the aid of glasses by night, and with -small print in the day also; my hearing is not quite so sensible -as it used to be; no tooth shaking yet, but shivering and shrinking -in body from the cold we now experience, my thermometer -having been as low as 12° this morning. My greatest oppression -is a correspondence afflictingly laborious, the extent of which I -have been long endeavoring to curtail. This keeps me at the -drudgery of the writing-table all the prime hours of the day, -leaving for the gratification of my appetite for reading, only what -I can steal from the hours of sleep. Could I reduce this epistolary -corvée within the limits of my friends and affairs, and give -the time redeemed from it to reading and reflection, to history, -ethics, mathematics, my life would be as happy as the infirmities -of age would admit, and I should look on its consummation with -the composure of one <span lang="la">"<i>qui summum nec me tuit diem nec -optat</i>."</span> -</p> - -<p> -So much as to myself, and I have given you this string of egotisms -in the hope of drawing a similar one from yourself. I have -heard from others that you retain your health, a good degree of -activity, and all the vivacity and cheerfulness of your mind, but -I wish to learn it more minutely from yourself. How has time -affected your health and spirits? What are your amusements, -literary and social? Tell me everything about yourself, because -all will be interesting to me who retains for you ever the same -constant and affectionate friendship and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_520'>[520]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 9, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 21st has been received, -and I am first to thank you for the pamphlet it covered. The -same description of persons which is the subject of that is so -much multiplied here too, as to be almost a grievance, and by -their numbers in the public councils, have wrested from the public -hand the direction of the pruning knife. But with us as a -body, they are republican, and mostly moderate in their views; -so far, therefore, less objects of jealousy than with you. Your -opinions on the events which have taken place in France, are -entirely just, so far as these events are yet developed. But they -have not reached their ultimate termination. There is still an -awful void between the present and what is to be the last chapter -of that history; and I fear it is to be filled with abominations -as frightful as those which have already disgraced it. That nation -is too high-minded, has too much innate force, intelligence -and elasticity, to remain under its present compression. Samson -will arise in his strength, as of old, and as of old will burst asunder -the withes and the cords, and the webs of the Philistines. But -what are to be the scenes of havoc and horror, and how widely -they may spread between brethren of the same house, our ignorance -of the interior feuds and antipathies of the country places -beyond our ken. It will end, nevertheless, in a representative -government, in a government in which the will of the people -will be an effective ingredient. This important element has -taken root in the European mind, and will have its growth; -their despots, sensible of this, are already offering this modification -of their governments, as if of their own accord. Instead of -the parricide treason of Bonaparte, in perverting the means confided -to him as a republican magistrate, to the subversion of that -republic and erection of a military despotism for himself and his -family, had he used it honestly for the establishment and support -of a free government in his own country, France would now -have been in freedom and rest; and her example operating in a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_521'>[521]</a></span>contrary direction, every nation in Europe would have had a government -over which the will of the people would have had some -control. His atrocious egotism has checked the salutary progress -of principle, and deluged it with rivers of blood which are not -yet run out. To the vast sum of devastation and of human misery, -of which he has been the guilty cause, much is still to be -added. But the object is fixed in the eye of nations, and they -will press on to its accomplishment and to the general amelioration -of the condition of man. What a germ have we planted, -and how faithfully should we cherish the parent tree at home! -</p> - -<p> -You tell me I am quoted by those who wish to continue our -dependence on England for manufactures. There was a time -when I might have been so quoted with more candor, but within -the thirty years which have since elapsed, how are circumstances -changed! We were then in peace. Our independent place -among nations was acknowledged. A commerce which offered -the raw material in exchange for the same material after receiving -the last touch of industry, was worthy of welcome to all -nations. It was expected that those especially to whom manufacturing -industry was important, would cherish the friendship -of such customers by every favor, by every inducement, and particularly -cultivate their peace by every act of justice and friendship. -Under this prospect the question seemed legitimate, -whether, with such an immensity of unimproved land, courting -the hand of husbandry, the industry of agriculture, or that of -manufactures, would add most to the national wealth? And the -doubt was entertained on this consideration chiefly, that to the -labor of the husbandman a vast addition is made by the spontaneous -energies of the earth on which it is employed: for one -grain of wheat committed to the earth, she renders twenty, -thirty, and even fifty fold, whereas to the labor of the manufacturer -nothing is added. Pounds of flax, in his hands, yield, on -the contrary, but pennyweights of lace. This exchange, too, laborious -as it might seem, what a field did it promise for the occupations -of the ocean; what a nursery for that class of citizens -who were to exercise and maintain our equal rights on that element? -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_522'>[522]</a></span>This was the state of things in 1785, when the "Notes -on Virginia" were first printed; when, the ocean being open to -all nations, and their common right in it acknowledged and exercised -under regulations sanctioned by the assent and usage of -all, it was thought that the doubt might claim some consideration. -But who in 1785 could foresee the rapid depravity which -was to render the close of that century the disgrace of the history -of man? Who could have imagined that the two most distinguished -in the rank of nations, for science and civilization, -would have suddenly descended from that honorable eminence, -and setting at defiance all those moral laws established by the -Author of nature between nation and nation, as between man -and man, would cover earth and sea with robberies and piracies, -merely because strong enough to do it with temporal impunity; -and that under this disbandment of nations from social order, we -should have been despoiled of a thousand ships, and have thousands -of our citizens reduced to Algerine slavery. Yet all this -has taken place. One of these nations interdicted to our vessels -all harbors of the globe without having first proceeded to some -one of hers, there paid a tribute proportioned to the cargo, and -obtained her license to proceed to the port of destination. The -other declared them to be lawful prize if they had touched at the -port, or been visited by a ship of the enemy nation. Thus were -we completely excluded from the ocean. Compare this state of -things with that of '85, and say whether an opinion founded in -the circumstances of that day can be fairly applied to those of -the present. We have experienced what we did not then believe, -that there exists both profligacy and power enough to exclude -us from the field of interchange with other nations: that -to be independent for the comforts of life we must fabricate them -ourselves. We must now place the manufacturer by the side of -the agriculturist. The former question is suppressed, or rather -assumes a new form. Shall we make our own comforts, or go -without them, at the will of a foreign nation? He, therefore, who -is now against domestic manufacture, must be for reducing us -either to dependence on that foreign nation, or to be clothed in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_523'>[523]</a></span>skins, and to live like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I am -not one of these; experience has taught me that manufactures -are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort; -and if those who quote me as of a different opinion, will keep -pace with me in purchasing nothing foreign where an equivalent -of domestic fabric can be obtained, without regard to difference -of price, it will not be our fault if we do not soon have a supply -at home equal to our demand, and wrest that weapon of distress -from the hand which has wielded it. If it shall be proposed to -go beyond our own supply, the question of '85 will then recur, -will our <i>surplus</i> labor be then most beneficially employed in the -culture of the earth, or in the fabrications of art? We have time -yet for consideration, before that question will press upon us; -and the maxim to be applied will depend on the circumstances -which shall then exist; for in so complicated a science as political -economy, no one axiom can be laid down as wise and expedient -for all times and circumstances, and for their contraries. -Inattention to this is what has called for this explanation, which -reflection would have rendered unnecessary with the candid, -while nothing will do it with those who use the former opinion -only as a stalking horse, to cover their disloyal propensities to -keep us in eternal vassalage to a foreign and unfriendly people. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with assurances of great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 11, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Of the last five months I have passed four at my -other domicil, for such it is in a considerable degree. No letters -are forwarded to me there, because the cross post to that place -is circuitous and uncertain; during my absence, therefore, they -are accumulating here, and awaiting acknowledgments. This -has been the fate of your favor of November 13th. -</p> - -<p> -I agree with you in all its eulogies on the eighteenth century. -It certainly witnessed the sciences and arts, manners and morals, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_524'>[524]</a></span>advanced to a higher degree than the world had ever before seen. -And might we not go back to the æra of the Borgias, by which -time the barbarous ages had reduced national morality to its lowest -point of depravity, and observe that the arts and sciences, -rising from that point, advanced gradually through all the sixteenth, -seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, softening and correcting -the manners and morals of man? I think, too, we may -add to the great honor of science and the arts, that their natural -effect is, by illuminating public opinion, to erect it into a censor, -before which the most exalted tremble for their future, as well -as present fame. With some exceptions only, through the seventeenth -and eighteenth centuries, morality occupied an honorable -chapter in the political code of nations. You must have observed -while in Europe, as I thought I did, that those who administered -the governments of the greater powers at least, had a -respect to faith, and considered the dignity of their government -as involved in its integrity. A wound indeed was inflicted on this -character of honor in the eighteenth century by the partition of -Poland. But this was the atrocity of a barbarous government -chiefly, in conjunction with a smaller one still scrambling to become -great, while one only of those already great, and having -character to lose, descended to the baseness of an accomplice in -the crime. France, England, Spain, shared in it only inasmuch -as they stood aloof and permitted its perpetration. -</p> - -<p> -How then has it happened that these nations, France especially -and England, so great, so dignified, so distinguished by science -and the arts, plunged all at once into all the depths of human -enormity, threw off suddenly and openly all the restraints of -morality, all sensation to character, and unblushingly avowed -and acted on the principle that power was right? Can this sudden -apostasy from national rectitude be accounted for? The -treaty of Pilnitz seems to have begun it, suggested perhaps by -the baneful precedent of Poland. Was it from the terror of -monarchs, alarmed at the light returning on them from the west, -and kindling a volcano under their thrones? Was it a combination -to extinguish that light, and to bring back, as their best auxiliaries, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_525'>[525]</a></span>those enumerated by you, the Sorbonne, the Inquisition, -the Index Expurgatorius, and the knights of Loyola? Whatever -it was, the close of the century saw the moral world thrown back -again to the age of the Borgias, to the point from which it had -departed three hundred years before. France, after crushing -and punishing the conspiracy of Pilnitz, went herself deeper and -deeper into the crimes she had been chastising. I say France -and not Bonaparte; for, although he was the head and mouth, -the nation furnished the hands which executed his enormities. -England, although in opposition, kept full pace with France, not -indeed by the manly force of her own arms, but by oppressing -the weak and bribing the strong. At length the whole choir -joined and divided the weaker nations among them. Your -prophecies to Dr. Price proved truer than mine; and yet fell -short of the fact, for instead of a million, the destruction of eight -or ten millions of human beings has probably been the effect of -these convulsions. I did not, in '89, believe they would have -lasted so long, nor have cost so much blood. But although your -prophecy has proved true so far, I hope it does not preclude a -better final result. That same light from our west seems to have -spread and illuminated the very engines employed to extinguish -it. It has given them a glimmering of their rights and their -power. The idea of representative government has taken root -and growth among them. Their masters feel it, and are saving -themselves by timely offers of this modification of their powers. -Belgium, Prussia, Poland, Lombardy, &c., are now offered a representative -organization; illusive probably at first, but it will grow -into power in the end. Opinion is power, and that opinion will -come. Even France will yet attain representative government. -You observe it makes the basis of every constitution which has -been demanded or offered,—of that demanded by their Senate; -of that offered by Bonaparte; and of that granted by Louis -XVIII. The idea then is rooted, and will be established, although -rivers of blood may yet flow between them and their object. -The allied armies now couching upon them are first to -be destroyed, and destroyed they will surely be. A nation united -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_526'>[526]</a></span>can never be conquered. We have seen what the ignorant, -bigoted and unarmed Spaniards could do against the disciplined -veterans of their invaders. What then may we not expect from -the power and character of the French nation? The oppressors -may cut off heads after heads, but like those of the Hydra they -multiply at every stroke. The recruits within a nation's own -limits are prompt and without number; while those of their invaders -from a distance are slow, limited, and must come to an -end. I think, too, we perceive that all these allies do not see the -same interest in the annihilation of the power of France. There -are certainly some symptoms of foresight in Alexander that -France might produce a salutary diversion of force were Austria -and Prussia to become her enemies. France, too, is the neutral -ally of the Turk, as having no interfering interests, and might -be useful in neutralizing and perhaps turning that power on Austria. -That a re-acting jealousy, too, exists with Austria and Prussia, -I think their late strict alliance indicates; and I should not -wonder if Spain should discover a sympathy with them. Italy -is so divided as to be nothing. Here then we see new coalitions -in embryo, which, after France shall in turn have suffered a just -punishment for her crimes, will not only raise her from the earth -on which she is prostrate, but give her an opportunity to establish -a government of as much liberty as she can bear—enough to -ensure her happiness and prosperity. When insurrection begins, -be it where it will, all the partitioned countries will rush to arms, -and Europe again become an arena of gladiators. And what is -the definite object they will propose? A restoration certainly of -the <span lang="la"><i>status quo prius</i></span>, of the state of possession of '89. I see no -other principle on which Europe can ever again settle down in -lasting peace. I hope your prophecies will go thus far, as my -wishes do, and that they, like the former, will prove to have been -the sober dictates of a superior understanding, and a sound calculation -of effects from causes well understood. Some future -Morgan will then have an opportunity of doing you justice, and -of counterbalancing the breach of confidence of which you so -justly complain, and in which no one has had more frequent occasion -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_527'>[527]</a></span>of fellow-feeling than myself. Permit me to place here -my affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams, and to add for yourself -the assurances of cordial friendship and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DABNEY CARR. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 19, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—At the date of your letter of December the 1st, I -was in Bedford, and since my return, so many letters, accumulated -during my absence, have been pressing for answers, that -this is the first moment I have been able to attend to the subject -of yours. While Mr. Girardin was in this neighborhood writing -his continuation of Burke's history, I had suggested to him a -proper notice of the establishment of the committee of correspondence -here in 1773, and of Mr. Carr, your father, who introduced -it. He has doubtless done this, and his work is now in -the press. My books, journals of the times, &c., being all gone, -I have nothing now but an impaired memory to resort to for the -more particular statement you wish. But I give it with the more -confidence, as I find that I remember old things better than new. -The transaction took place in the session of Assembly of March -1773. Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Frank Lee, your -father and myself, met by agreement, one evening, about the -close of the session, at the Raleigh Tavern, to consult on the -measures which the circumstances of the times seemed to call -for. We agreed, in result, that concert in the operations of the -several colonies was indispensable; and that to produce this, -some channel of correspondence between them must be opened; -that therefore, we would propose to our House the appointment -of a committee of correspondence, which should be authorized -and instructed to write to the Speakers of the House of Representatives -of the several Colonies, recommending the appointment -of similar committees on their part, who, by a communication -of sentiment on the transactions threatening us all, might -promote a harmony of action salutary to all. This was the substance, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_528'>[528]</a></span>not pretending to remember the words. We proposed -the resolution, and your father was agreed on to make the motion. -He did it the next day, March the 12th, with great ability, -reconciling all to it, not only by the reasonings, but by the temper -and moderation with which it was developed. It was adopted -by a very general vote. Peyton Randolph, some of us who -proposed it, and who else I do not remember, were appointed of -the committee. We immediately despatched letters by expresses -to the Speakers of all the other Assemblies. I remember that -Mr. Carr and myself, returning home together, and conversing -on the subject by the way, concurred in the conclusion that that -measure must inevitably beget the meeting of a Congress of Deputies -from all the colonies, for the purpose of uniting all in the -same principles and measures for the maintenance of our rights. -My memory cannot deceive me, when I affirm that we did it in -consequence of no such proposition from any other colony. No -doubt the resolution itself and the journals of the day will show -that ours was original, and not merely responsive to one from -any other quarter. Yet, I am certain I remember also, that a -similar proposition, and nearly cotemporary, was made by Massachusetts, -and that our northern messenger passed theirs on the -road. This, too, may be settled by recurrence to the records of -Massachusetts. The proposition was generally acceded to by the -other colonies, and the first effect, as expected, was the meeting -of a Congress at New York the ensuing year. The committee -of correspondence appointed by Massachusetts, as quoted by you -from Marshall, under the date of 1770, must have been for a -special purpose, and <span lang="la"><i>functus officio</i></span> before the date of 1773, or -Massachusetts herself would not then have proposed another. -Records should be examined to settle this accurately. I well remember -the pleasure expressed in the countenance and conversation -of the members generally, on this <i>debut</i> of Mr. Carr, and -the hopes they conceived as well from the talents as the patriotism -it manifested. But he died within two months after, and in -him we lost a powerful fellow-laborer. His character was of a -high order. A spotless integrity, sound judgment, handsome -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_529'>[529]</a></span>imagination, enriched by education and reading, quick and clear -in his conceptions, of correct and ready elocution, impressing -every hearer with the sincerity of the heart from which it flowed. -His firmness was inflexible in whatever he thought was right; -but when no moral principle stood in the way, never had man -more of the milk of human kindness, of indulgence, of softness, -of pleasantry of conversation and conduct. The number of his -friends, and the warmth of their affection, were proofs of his -worth, and of their estimate of it. To give to those now living, -an idea of the affliction produced by his death in the minds of -all who knew him, I liken it to that lately felt by themselves on -the death of his eldest son, Peter Carr, so like him in all his endowments -and moral qualities, and whose recollection can never -recur without a deep-drawn sigh from the bosom of any one who -knew him. You mention that I showed you an inscription I had -proposed for the tomb stone of your father. Did I leave it in -your hands to be copied? I ask the question, not that I have -any such recollection, but that I find it no longer in the place of -its deposit, and think I never took it out but on that occasion. -Ever and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DR. PETER WILSON, PROFESSOR OF LANGUAGES, COLUMBIA COLLEGE, -NEW YORK. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 20, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Of the last five months, I have been absent four from -home, which must apologize for so very late an acknowledgment -of your favor of November 22d, and I wish the delay could be -compensated by the matter of the answer. But an unfortunate -accident puts that out of my power. During the course of my -public life, and from a very early period of it, I omitted no opportunity -of procuring vocabularies of the Indian languages, and -for that purpose formed a model expressing such objects in nature -as must be familiar to every people, savage or civilized. This -being made the standard to which all were brought, would exhibit -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_530'>[530]</a></span>readily whatever affinities of language there be between -the several tribes. It was my intention, on retiring from public -business, to have digested these into some order, so as to show -not only what relations of language existed among our own aborigines, -but by a collation with the great Russian vocabulary of -the languages of Europe and Asia, whether there were any between -them and the other nations of the continent. On my removal -from Washington, the package in which this collection -was coming by water, was stolen and destroyed. It consisted -of between thirty and forty vocabularies, of which I can, from -memory, say nothing particular; but that I am certain more than -half of them differed as radically, each from every other, as the -Greek, the Latin, and Islandic. And even of those which seemed -to be derived from the same radix, the departure was such that -the tribes speaking them could not probably understand one another. -Single words, or two or three together, might perhaps be -understood, but not a whole sentence of any extent or construction. -I think, therefore, the pious missionaries who shall go to -the several tribes to instruct them in the Christian religion, will -have to learn a language for every tribe they go to; nay, more, -that they will have to create a new language for every one, that -is to say, to add to theirs new words for the new ideas they will -have to communicate. Law, medicine, chemistry, mathematics, -every science has a language of its own, and divinity not less -than others. Their barren vocabularies cannot be vehicles for -ideas of the fall of man, his redemption, the triune composition -of the Godhead, and other mystical doctrines considered by most -Christians of the present date as essential elements of faith. The -enterprise is therefore arduous, but the more inviting perhaps to -missionary zeal, in proportion as the merit of surmounting it will -be greater. Again repeating my regrets that I am able to give -so little satisfaction on the subject of your inquiry, I pray you to -accept the assurance of my great consideration and esteem.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_531'>[531]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. AMOS J. COOK, PRECEPTOR OF FRYEBURG ACADEMY IN THE -DISTRICT OF MAINE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 21, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 18th was exactly a month on -its way to this place; and I have to thank you for the elegant -and philosophical lines communicated by the Nestor of our Revolution. -Whether the style or sentiment be considered, they were -well worthy the trouble of being copied and communicated by -his pen. Nor am I less thankful for the happy translation of -them. It adds another to the rare instances of a rival to its -original: superior indeed in one respect, as the same outline of -sentiment is brought within a compass of better proportion. -For if the original be liable to any criticism, it is that of giving -too great extension to the same general idea. Yet it has a great -authority to support it, that of a wiser man than all of us. "I -sought in my heart to give myself unto wine; I made me great -works; I builded me houses; I planted me vineyards; I made -me gardens, and orchards, and pools to water them; I got me -servants and maidens, and great possessions of cattle; I gathered -me also silver and gold, and men singers and women singers, -and the delights of the sons of men, and musical instruments of -all sorts; and whatsoever mine eyes desired I kept not from -them; I withheld not my heart from any joy. Then I looked -on all the works that my hands had wrought, and behold! all -was vanity and vexation of spirit! I saw that wisdom excelleth -folly, as far as light excelleth darkness." The Preacher, whom -I abridge, has indulged in a much larger amplification of his subject. -I am not so happy as my friend and ancient colleague, -Mr. Adams, in possessing anything original, <i>inedited</i>, and worthy -of comparison with the epigraph of the Spanish monk. I can -offer but humble prose, from the hand indeed of the father of -eloquence and philosophy; a moral morsel, which our young -friends under your tuition should keep ever in their eye, as the -ultimate term of your instructions, and of their labors. <span lang="la">"Hic, -quisquis est, qui moderatione et constantia quietus animo est, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_532'>[532]</a></span>sibique ipse placatus; ut nec tabescat molestiis, nec frangatur -timore, nec sitienter quid expectens ardeat desiderio, nec alacritate -futili gestiens deliquescat; is est sapiens, quem quaerimus; -is est beatus; cui nihil humanarum rerum aut intolerabile ad -dimittendum animum, aut nimis lactabile ad efferendum, videri -potest."</span> Or if a poetical dress will be more acceptable to the -fancy of the juvenile student: -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p><span lang="la">"Quisnam igitur liber? Sapiens, sibique imperiosus:</span></p> -<p><span lang="la">Quem neque pauperies, neque mors, neque vincula terrent:</span></p> -<p><span lang="la">Responsare cupidinibus, contemnere honores</span></p> -<p><span lang="la">Fortis, et in scipso totus teres, atque rotundus;</span></p> -<p><span lang="la">Externi ne quid valeat per laeve morari:</span></p> -<p><span lang="la">In quem manea ruit semper Fortuna."</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p> -And if the Wise be the happy man, as these sages say, he must -be virtuous too; for, without virtue, happiness cannot be. This -then is the true scope of all academical emulation. -</p> - -<p> -You request something in the handwriting of General Washington. -I enclose you a letter which I received from him while -in Paris, covering a copy of the new Constitution; it is offered -merely as what you ask, a specimen of his handwriting. -</p> - -<p> -On the subject of your Museum, I fear I cannot flatter myself -with being useful to it. Were the obstacle of distance out of -the way, age and retirement have withdrawn me from the opportunities -of procuring objects in that line. With every wish for -the prosperity of your institution, accept the assurances of my -great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. THOMAS RITCHIE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 21, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In answering the letter of a northern correspondent -lately, I indulged in a tirade against a pamphlet recently -published in this quarter. On revising my letter, however, I -thought it unsafe to commit myself so far to a stranger. I struck -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_533'>[533]</a></span>out the passage therefore, yet I think the pamphlet of such a -character as not to be unknown, or unnoticed by the people of -the United States. It is the most bold and impudent stride New -England has ever made in arrogating an ascendency over the -rest of the Union. The first form of the pamphlet was an address -from the Reverend Lyman Beecher, chairman of the Connecticut -Society for the education of <i>pious</i> young men for the -ministry. Its matter was then adopted and published in a sermon -by Reverend Mr. Pearson of Andover in Massachusetts, -where they have a <i>theological</i> college; and where the address -"with circumstantial variations to adopt it to more general use" -is reprinted on a sheet and a half of paper, in so cheap a form as -to be distributed, I imagine, gratis, for it has a final note indicating -six thousand copies of the first edition printed. So far as it -respects Virginia, the extract of my letter gives the outline. I -therefore send it to you to publish or burn, abridge or alter, as -you think best. You understand the public palate better than I -do. Only give it such a title as may lead to no suspicion from -whom you receive it. I am the more induced to offer it to you -because it is possible mine may be the only copy in the State, -and because, too, it may be <span lang="la"><i>à propos</i></span> for the petition for the establishment -of <i>a theological society</i> now before the legislature, -and to which they have shown the unusual respect of hearing -an advocate for it at their bar. From what quarter this theological -society comes forward I know not; perhaps from our own -tramontaine clergy, of New England religion and politics; perhaps -it is the entering wedge from its <i>theological</i> sister in Andover, -for the body of "qualified religious instructors" proposed -by their pious brethren of the East "to evangelize and catechize," -to edify our daughters by weekly lectures, and our wives by -"family visits" from these pious young monks from Harvard and -Yale. However, do with this what you please, and be assured -of my friendship and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_534'>[534]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO NATHANIEL MACON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 22, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 7th, after being a fortnight on -the road, reached this the last night. On the subject of the -statue of General Washington, which the legislature of North -Carolina has ordered to be procured, and set up in their capitol, -I shall willingly give you my best information and opinions. -</p> - -<p> -1. Your first inquiry is whether one worthy the character it -is to represent, and the State which erects it, can be made -in the United States? Certainly it cannot. I do not know -that there is a single marble statuary in the United States, but I -am sure there cannot be one who would offer himself as qualified -to undertake this monument of gratitude and taste. Besides, -no quarry of statuary marble has yet, I believe, been opened in -the United States, that is to say, of a marble pure white, and in -blocks of sufficient size, without vein or flaw. The quarry of -Carara, in Italy, is the only one in the accessible parts of Europe -which furnishes such blocks. It was from thence we -brought to Paris that for the statue of General Washington, -made there on account of this State; and it is from there that -all the southern and maritime parts of Europe are supplied with -that character of marble. -</p> - -<p> -2. Who should make it? There can be but one answer to -this. Old Canova, of Rome. No artist in Europe would place -himself in a line with him; and for thirty years, within my own -knowledge, he has been considered by all Europe as without a -rival. He draws his blocks from Carara, and delivers the statue -complete, and packed for transportation, at Rome; from thence -it descends the Tiber, but whether it must go to Leghorn, or -some other shipping port, I do not know. -</p> - -<p> -3. Price, time, size, and style? It will probably take a couple -of years to be ready. I am not able to be exact as to the price. -We gave Houdon, at Paris, one thousand guineas for the one he -made for this State; but he solemnly and feelingly protested -against the inadequacy of the price, and evidently undertook it -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_535'>[535]</a></span>on motives of reputation alone. He was the first artist in France, -and being willing to come over to take the model of the General, -which we could not have got Canova to have done, that circumstance -decided on his employment. We paid him additionally -for coming over about five hundred guineas; and when the statue -was done, we paid the expenses of one of his under workmen to -come over and set it up, which might, perhaps, be one hundred -guineas more. I suppose, therefore, it cost us, in the whole, -eight thousand dollars. But this was only of the size of life. -Yours should be something larger. The difference it makes in -the impression can scarcely be conceived. As to the style or -costume, I am sure the artist, and every person of taste in Europe, -would be for the Roman, the effect of which is undoubtedly of -a different order. Our boots and regimentals have a very puny -effect. Works of this kind are about one-third cheaper at Rome -than Paris; but Canova's eminence will be a sensible ingredient -in price. I think that for such a statue, with a plain pedestal, -you would have a good bargain from Canova at seven or eight -thousand dollars, and should not be surprised were he to require -ten thousand dollars, to which you would have to add the charges -of bringing over and setting up. The one-half of the price -would probably have to be advanced, and the other half paid on -delivery. -</p> - -<p> -4. From what model? Ciracchi made the bust of General -Washington in plaster. It was the finest which came from his -hand, and my own opinion of Ciracchi was, that he was second -to no sculptor living except Canova; and, if he had lived, would -have rivalled him. His style had been formed on the fine models -of antiquity in Italy, and he had caught their ineffable majesty -of expression. On his return to Rome, he made the bust of the -General in marble, from that in plaster; it was sent over here, -was universally considered as the best effigy of him ever executed, -was bought by the Spanish Minister for the king of Spain, -and sent to Madrid. After the death of Ciracchi, Mr. Appleton, -our Consul at Leghorn, a man of worth and taste, purchased of -his widow the original plaster, with a view to profit by copies -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_536'>[536]</a></span>of marble and plaster from it. He still has it at Leghorn; and -it is the only original from which the statue can be formed. But -the exterior of the figure will also be wanting, that is to say, the -outward lineaments of the body and members, to enable the -artist to give to them also their true forms and proportions. -There are, I believe, in Philadelphia, whole length paintings of -General Washington, from which, I presume, old Mr. Peale or -his son would sketch on canvas the mere outlines at no great -charge. This sketch, with Ciracchi's bust, will suffice. -</p> - -<p> -5. Through whose agency? None so ready or so competent -as Mr. Appleton himself; he has had relations with Canova, is a -judge of price, convenient to engage the work, to attend to its -progress, to receive and forward it to North Carolina. Besides -the accommodation of the original bust to be asked from him, -he will probably have to go to Rome himself, to make the contract, -and will incur a great deal of trouble besides, from that -time to the delivery in North Carolina; and it should therefore -be made a matter of interest with him to act in it, as his time -and trouble is his support. I imagine his agency from beginning -to end would not be worth less than from one to two hundred -guineas. I particularize all these things, that you may not be -surprised with after-claps of expense, not counted on beforehand. -Mr. Appleton has two nephews at Baltimore, both in the mercantile -line, and in correspondence with him. Should the Governor -adopt this channel of execution, he will have no other trouble -than that of sending to them his communications for Mr. Appleton, -and making the remittances agreed on as shall be convenient -to himself. A letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. -Appleton, informing him that any service he can render the -State of North Carolina in this business, would be gratifying to -his government, would not be without effect. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_537'>[537]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 24, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 16th experienced great delay -on the road, and to avoid that of another mail, I must answer -very briefly. -</p> - -<p> -My letter to Peter Carr contains all I ever wrote on the subject -of the College, a plan for the institution being the only thing -the trustees asked or expected from me. Were it to go into -execution, I should certainly interest myself further and strongly -in procuring proper professors. -</p> - -<p> -The establishment of a Proctor is taken from the practice of -Europe, where an equivalent officer is made a part, and is a very -essential one, of every such institution; and as the nature of his -functions requires that he should always be a man of discretion, -understanding, and integrity above the common level, it was -thought that he would never be less worthy of being trusted -with the powers of a justice, within the limits of institution -here, than the neighboring justices generally are; and the vesting -him with the conservation of the peace within that limit, was -intended, while it should equally secure its object, to shield the -young and unguarded student from the disgrace of the common -prison, except where the case was an aggravated one. A confinement -to his own room was meant as an act of tenderness to -him, his parents and friends; in fine, it was to give them a complete -police of their own, tempered by the paternal attentions of -their tutors. And, certainly, in no country is such a provision -more called for than in this, as has been proved from times of -old, from the regular annual riots and battles between the students -of William and Mary with the town boys, before the revolution, -<span lang="la"><i>quorum pars fui</i></span>, and the many and more serious affrays of later -times. Observe, too, that our bill proposes no exclusion of the -ordinary magistrate, if the one attached to the institution is -thought to execute his power either partially or remissly. -</p> - -<p> -The transfer of the power to give commencement to the -Ward or Elementary Schools from the court and aldermen to the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_538'>[538]</a></span>visitors, was proposed because the experience of twenty years -has proved that no court will ever begin it. The reason is obvious. -The members of the courts are the wealthy members of -the counties; and as the expenses of the schools are to be defrayed -by a contribution proportioned to the aggregate of other -taxes which every one pays, they consider it as a plan to educate -the poor at the expense of the rich. It proceeded, too, from a -hope that the example and good effects being exhibited in one -county, they would spread from county to county and become -general. The modification of the law, by authorizing the alderman -to require the expense of tutorage from such parents as are -able, would render trifling, if not wholly prevent, any call on the -county for pecuniary aid. You know that nothing better than a -log-house is required for these schools, and there is not a neighborhood -which would not meet and build this themselves for the -sake of having a school near them. -</p> - -<p> -I know of no peculiar advantage which Charlottesville offers -for Mr. Braidwood's school of deaf and dumb. On the contrary, -I should think the vicinity of the seat of government most -favorable to it. I should not like to have it made a member of -our College. The objects of the two institutions are fundamentally -distinct. The one is science, the other mere charity. -It would be gratuitously taking a boat in tow which may impede, -but cannot aid the motion of the principal institution. -</p> - -<p> -Ever and affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO REV. MR. WORCESTER. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 29, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter bearing date October 18th, 1815, came only -to hand the day before yesterday, which is mentioned to explain -the date of mine. I have to thank you for the pamphlets accompanying -it, to wit, the Solemn Review, the Friend of Peace -or Special Interview, and the Friend of Peace, No. 2; the first -of these I had received through another channel some months -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_539'>[539]</a></span>ago. I have not read the two last steadily through, because -where one assents to propositions as soon as announced it is loss -of time to read the arguments in support of them. These numbers -discuss the first branch of the causes of war, that is to say, -wars undertaken for the <i>point of honor</i>, which you aptly analogize -with the act of duelling between individuals, and reason -with justice from the one to the other. Undoubtedly this class -of wars is, in the general, what you state them to be, "needless, -unjust and inhuman, as well as anti-Christian." The second -branch of this subject, to wit, wars undertaken on account of -<i>wrong done</i>, and which may be likened to the act of robbery in -private life, I presume will be treated of in your future numbers. -I observe this class mentioned in the Solemn Review, p. 10, and -the question asked, "Is it common for a nation to obtain a <i>redress</i> -of wrongs by war?" The answer to this question you -will of course draw from history. In the meantime, reason will -answer it on grounds of probability, that where the wrong has -been done by a weaker nation, the stronger one has generally -been able to enforce redress; but where by a stronger nation, -redress by war has been neither obtained nor expected by the -weaker. On the contrary, the loss has been increased by the expenses -of the war in blood and treasure. Yet it may have obtained -another object equally securing itself from future wrong. -It may have retaliated on the aggressor losses of blood and treasure -far beyond the value to him of the wrong he had committed, -and thus have made the advantage of that too dear a -purchase to leave him in a disposition to renew the wrong -in future. In this way the loss by the war may have secured -the weaker nation from loss by future wrong. The -case you state of two boxers both of whom get a "terrible -bruising," is opposite to this. He of the two who committed the -aggression on the other, although victor in the scuffle, yet probably -finds his aggression not worth the bruising it has cost him. -To explain this by numbers, it is alleged that Great Britain took -from us before the late war near one thousand vessels, and that -during the war we took from her fourteen hundred. That before -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_540'>[540]</a></span>the war she seized and made slaves of six thousand of our -citizens, and that in the war we killed more than six thousand -of her subjects, and caused her to expend such a sum as amounted -to four or five thousand guineas a head for every slave she -made. She might have purchased the vessels she took for less -than the value of those she lost, and have used the six thousand -of her men killed for the purposes to which she applied ours, -have saved the four or five thousand guineas a head, and obtained -a character of justice which is valuable to a nation as to -an individual. These considerations, therefore, leave her without -inducement to plunder property and take men in future on -such dear terms. I neither affirm nor deny the truth of these -allegations, nor is their truth material to the question. They -are possible, and therefore present a case which will claim your -consideration in a discussion of the general question whether any -degree of injury can render a recourse to war expedient? Still -less do I propose to draw to myself any part in this discussion. -Age and its effects both on body and mind, has weaned my attentions -from public subjects, and left me unequal to the labors -of correspondence beyond the limits of my personal concerns. -I retire, therefore, from the question, with a sincere wish that -your writings may have effect in lessening this greatest of human -evils, and that you may retain life and health to enjoy the -contemplation of this happy spectacle; and pray you to be assured -of my great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOSEPH C. CABELL, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 2d, 1816 -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favors of the 23d and 24th ult., were a -week coming to us. I instantly enclosed to you the deeds of -Capt. Miller, but I understand that the Post Master, having locked -his mail before they got to the office, would not unlock it to -give them a passage. -</p> - -<p> -Having been prevented from retaining my collection of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_541'>[541]</a></span>acts and journals of our legislature by the lumping manner in -which the Committee of Congress chose to take my library, it -may be useful to our public bodies to know what acts and journals -I had, and where they can now have access to them. I -therefore enclose you a copy of my catalogue, which I pray you -to deposit in the council office for public use. It is in the eighteenth -and twenty-fourth chapters they will find what is interesting -to them. The form of the catalogue has been much injured -in the publication; for although they have preserved my division -into chapters, they have reduced the books in each chapter to -alphabetical order, instead of the chronological or analytical arrangements -I had given them. You will see sketches of what -were my arrangements at the heads of some of the chapters. -</p> - -<p> -The bill on the obstructions in our navigable waters appears -to me proper; as do also the amendments proposed. I think -the State should reserve a right to the use of the waters for navigation, -and that where an individual landholder impedes that use, -he shall remove that impediment, and leave the subject in as -good a state as nature formed it. This I hold to be the true -principle; and to this Colonel Green's amendments go. All I -ask in my own case is, that the legislature will not take from me -<i>my own works</i>. I am ready to cut my dam in any place, and at -any moment requisite, so as to remove that impediment, if it be -thought one, and to leave those interested to make the most of -the natural circumstances of the place. But I hope they will -never take from me my canal, made through the body of my -own lands, at an expense of twenty thousand dollars, and which -is no impediment to the navigation of the river. I have permitted -the riparian proprietors above (and they not more than -a dozen or twenty) to use it gratis, and shall not withdraw the -permission unless they so use it as to obstruct too much the -operations of my mills, of which there is some likelihood. -</p> - -<p> -Doctor Smith, you say, asks what is the best elementary book -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_542'>[542]</a></span>on the principles of government? None in the world equal to -the Review of Montesquieu, printed at Philadelphia a few years -ago. It has the advantage, too, of being equally sound and corrective -of the principles of political economy; and all within the -compass of a thin 8vo. Chipman's and Priestley's Principles of -Government, and the Federalists, are excellent in many respects, -but for fundamental principles not comparable to the Review. -I have no objections to the printing my letter to Mr. Carr, if it -will promote the interests of science; although it was not written -with a view to its publication. -</p> - -<p> -My letter of the 24th ult. conveyed to you the grounds of the -two articles objected to in the College bill. Your last presents -one of them in a new point of view, that of the commencement -of the ward schools as likely to render the law unpopular to the -country. It must be a very inconsiderate and rough process of -execution that would do this. My idea of the mode of carrying -it into execution would be this: Declare the county <i>ipso facto</i> -divided into wards for the present, by the boundaries of the militia -captaincies; somebody attend the ordinary muster of each company, -having first desired the captain to call together a full one. -There explain the object of the law to the people of the company, -put to their vote whether they will have a school established, -and the most central and convenient place for it; get -them to meet and build a log school-house; have a roll taken of -the children who would attend it, and of those of them able to -pay. These would probably be sufficient to support a common -teacher, instructing gratis the few unable to pay. If there should -be a deficiency, it would require too trifling a contribution from -the county to be complained of; and especially as the whole -county would participate, where necessary, in the same resource. -Should the company, by its vote, decide that it would have no -school, let them remain without one. The advantages of this -proceeding would be that it would become the duty of the alderman -elected by the county, to take an active part in pressing the -introduction of schools, and to look out for tutors. If, however, -it is intended that the State government shall take this business -into its own hands, and provide schools for every county, then -by all means strike out this provision of our bill. I would never -wish that it should be placed on a worse footing than the rest of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_543'>[543]</a></span>the State. But if it is believed that these elementary schools -will be better managed by the governor and council, the commissioners -of the literary fund, or any other general authority of -the government, than by the parents within each ward, it is a -belief against all experience. Try the principle one step further, -and amend the bill so as to commit to the governor and council -the management of all our farms, our mills, and merchants' -stores. No, my friend, the way to have good and safe government, -is not to trust it all to one, but to divide it among the many, -distributing to every one exactly the functions he is competent -to. Let the national government be entrusted with the defence -of the nation, and its foreign and federal relations; the State -governments with the civil rights, laws, police, and administration -of what concerns the State generally; the counties with -the local concerns of the counties, and each ward direct the interests -within itself. It is by dividing and subdividing these republics -from the great national one down through all its subordinations, -until it ends in the administration of every man's farm -by himself; by placing under every one what his own eye may -superintend, that all will be done for the best. What has destroyed -liberty and the rights of man in every government which -has ever existed under the sun? The generalizing and concentrating -all cares and powers into one body, no matter whether of -the autocrats of Russia or France, or of the aristocrats of a Venetian -senate. And I do believe that if the Almighty has not decreed -that man shall never be free, (and it is a blasphemy to believe -it,) that the secret will be found to be in the making himself -the depository of the powers respecting himself, so far as he -is competent to them, and delegating only what is beyond his -competence by a synthetical process, to higher and higher orders -of functionaries, so as to trust fewer and fewer powers in proportion -as the trustees become more and more oligarchical. The -elementary republics of the wards, the county republics, the -State republics, and the republic of the Union, would form a gradation -of authorities, standing each on the basis of law, holding -every one its delegated share of powers, and constituting truly a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_544'>[544]</a></span>system of fundamental balances and checks for the government. -Where every man is a sharer in the direction of his ward-republic, -or of some of the higher ones, and feels that he is a participator -in the government of affairs, not merely at an election one -day in the year, but every day; when there shall not be a man -in the State who will not be a member of some one of its councils, -great or small, he will let the heart be torn out of his body -sooner than his power be wrested from him by a Cæsar or a Bonaparte. -How powerfully did we feel the energy of this organization -in the case of embargo? I felt the foundations of the -government shaken under my feet by the New England townships. -There was not an individual in their States whose body -was not thrown with all its momentum into action; and although -the whole of the other States were known to be in favor of the -measure, yet the organization of this little selfish minority enabled -it to overrule the Union. What would the unwieldy counties -of the middle, the south, and the west do? Call a county -meeting, and the drunken loungers at and about the court houses -would have collected, the distances being too great for the good -people and the industrious generally to attend. The character -of those who really met would have been the measure of the -weight they would have had in the scale of public opinion. As -Cato, then, concluded every speech with the words, <span lang="la">"<i>Carthago -delenda est</i>,"</span> so do I every opinion, with the injunction, "divide -the counties into wards." Begin them only for a single purpose; -they will soon show for what others they are the best instruments. -God bless you, and all our rulers, and give them the -wisdom, as I am sure they have the will, to fortify us against the -degeneracy of one government, and the concentration of all its -powers in the hands of the one, the few, the well-born or the -many.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_545'>[545]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, February 2, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I know not what to think of your letter of the -11th of January, but that it is one of the most consolatory I ever -received. -</p> - -<p> -To trace the commencement of the Reformation, I suspect we -must go farther back than Borgia, or even Huss or Wickliff, -and I want the <span lang="la"><i>Acta Sanctorum</i></span> to assist me in this research. -That stupendous monument of human hypocrisy and fanaticism, -the church of St. Peter at Rome, which was a century and a -half in building, excited the ambition of Leo the Xth, who believed -no more of the Christian religion than Diderot, to finish -it; and finding St. Peter's pence insufficient, he deluged all -Europe with indulgences for sale, and excited Luther to controvert -his authority to grant them. Luther, and his associates and -followers, went less than half way in detecting the corruptions -of Christianity, but they acquired reverence and authority among -their followers almost as absolute as that of the Popes had been. -</p> - -<p> -To enter into details would be endless; but I agree with you, -that the natural effect of science and arts is to erect public -opinion into a censor, which must in some degree be respected -by all. -</p> - -<p> -There is no difference of opinion or feeling between us, concerning -the partition of Poland, the intended partitions of Pilnitz, -or the more daring partitions of Vienna. -</p> - -<p> -Your question "How the apostasy from national rectitude can -be accounted for?"—is too deep and wide for my capacity to answer. -I leave Fisher Ames to dogmatize up the affairs of Europe -and mankind. I have done too much in this way. A burned -child dreads the fire. I can only say at present, that it should -seem that human reason, and human conscience, though I believe -there are such things, are not a match for human passions, -human imaginations, and human enthusiasm. You, however, -I believe, have hit one. Mark, "the fires the governments of -Europe felt kindling under their seats;" and I will hazard a shot -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_546'>[546]</a></span>at another, the priests of all nations imagined they felt approaching -such flames, as they had so often kindled about the bodies -of honest men. Priests and politicians, never before, so suddenly -and so unanimously concurred in re-establishing darkness -and ignorance, superstition and despotism. The morality of -Tacitus is the morality of patriotism, and Britain and France -have adopted his creed; <i>i. e.</i>, that all things were made for -Rome. <span lang="la">"<i>Jura negat sibi lata, nihil non arrogat armis</i>,"</span> said -Achilles. "Laws were not made for me," said the Regent of -France, and his cardinal minister Du Bois. The universe was -made for me, says man. Jesus despised and condemned such -patriotism; but what nation, or what christian, has adopted his -system? He was, as you say, "the most benevolent Being that -ever appeared on earth." France and England, Bourbons and -Bonaparte, and all the sovereigns at Vienna, have acted on the -same principle. "All things were made for my use. So man -for mine, replies a pampered goose." The philosophers of the -eighteenth century have acted on the same principle. When it -is to combat evil, 'tis lawful to employ the devil. <span lang="la"><i>Bonus populus -vult decipi, decipiatur.</i></span> They have employed the same falsehood, -the same deceit, which philosophers and priests of all ages -have employed for their own selfish purposes. We now know -how their efforts have succeeded. The old deceivers have -triumphed over the new. Truth must be more respected than -it has ever been, before any great improvement can be expected -in the condition of mankind. As Rochfaucauld his maxims -drew "from history and from practice," I believe them true. -From the whole nature of man, moral, intellectual, and physical, -he did not draw them. -</p> - -<p> -We must come to the principles of Jesus. But when will all -men and all nations do as they would be done by? Forgive all -injuries, and love their enemies as themselves? I leave those -profound philosophers, whose sagacity perceives the perfectibility -of human nature; and those illuminated theologians, who expect -the Apocalyptic reign;—to enjoy their transporting hopes, provided -always that they will not engage us in crusades and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_547'>[547]</a></span>French Revolutions, nor burn us for doubting. My spirit of -prophecy reaches no farther than, <i>New England</i> <span class='smcap'>GUESSES</span>. -</p> - -<p> -You ask, how it has happened that all Europe has acted on -the principle, "that Power was Right." I know not what answer -to give you, but this, that Power always sincerely, conscientiously, -<span lang="fr_FR"><i>de tres bon foi</i></span>, believes itself right. Power always -thinks it has a great soul, and vast views, beyond the comprehension -of the weak; and that it is doing God service, when it -is violating all his laws. Our passions, ambition, avarice, love, -resentment, &c., possess so much metaphysical subtlety, and so -much overpowering eloquence, that they insinuate themselves -into the understanding and the conscience, and convert both to -their party; and I may be deceived as much as any of them, -when I say, that Power must never be trusted without a check. -</p> - -<p> -Morgan has misrepresented my guess. There is not a word -in my letter about "a million of human beings." Civil wars, -of an hundred years, throughout Europe, were guessed at; and -this is broad enough for your ideas; for eighteen or twenty millions -would be a moderate computation for a century of civil wars -throughout Europe. I still pray that a century of civil wars, -may not desolate Europe and America too, south and north. -</p> - -<p> -Your speculations into futurity in Europe are so probable, that -I can suggest no doubt to their disadvantage. All will depend -on the progress of knowledge. But how shall knowledge advance? -Independent of temporal and spiritual power, the course -of science and literature is obstructed and discouraged by so -many causes that it is to be feared their motions will be slow. -I have just finished reading four volumes of D'Israeli's—two on -the "Calamities," and two on the "Quarrels of Authors." These -would be sufficient to show that, slow rises genius by poverty -and envy oppressed. Even Newton, and Locke, and Grotius -could not escape. France could furnish four other volumes of -the woes and wars of authors. -</p> - -<p> -My compliments to Mrs. Randolph, her daughter Ellen, and -all her other children; and believe me, as ever. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_548'>[548]</a></span>To which Mrs. Adams adds her affectionate regard, and a wish -that distance did not separate souls congenial. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS W. MAURY. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 3, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 24th ultimo was a week on its -way to me, and this is our first subsequent mail day. Mr. Cabell -had written to me also on the want of the deeds in Captain -Miller's case; and as the bill was in that house, I enclosed them -immediately to him. I forgot, however, to desire that they -might be returned when done with, and must, therefore, ask this -friendly attention of you. -</p> - -<p> -You ask me for observations on the memorandum you transcribe, -relating to a map of the States, a mineralogical survey and -statistical tables. The field is very broad, and new to me. I -have never turned my mind to this combination of objects, nor -am I at all prepared to give an opinion on it. On what principles -the association of objects may go that far and not farther, whether -we could find a character who would undertake the mineralogical -survey, and who is qualified for it, whether there would be -room for its designations on a well-filled geographical map, and -also for the statistical details, I cannot say. The best mineralogical -charts I have seen, have had nothing geographical but the -water courses, ranges of hills, and most remarkable places, and -have been colored, so as to present to the eye the mineralogical -ranges. For the articles of a statistical table, I think the last -census of Congress presented what was proper, as far as it went, -but did not go far enough. It required detailed accounts of our -manufactures, and an enumeration of our people, according to -ages, sexes, and colors. But to this should be added an enumeration -according to their occupations. We should know what -proportion of our people are employed in agriculture, what proportion -are carpenters, smiths, shoemakers, tailors, bricklayers, -merchants, seamen, &c. No question is more curious than that -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_549'>[549]</a></span>of the distribution of society into occupations, and none more -wanting. I have never heard of such tables being effected but -in the instance of Spain, where it was first done under the administration, -I believe, of Count D'Aranda, and a second time -under the Count de Florida Blanca, and these have been considered -as the most curious and valuable tables in the world. The -combination of callings with us would occasion some difficulty, -many of our tradesmen being, for instance, agriculturalists also; -but they might be classed under their principal occupation. On -the geographical branch I have reflected occasionally. I suppose -a person would be employed in every county to put together the -private surveys, either taken from the surveyors' books or borrowed -from the proprietors, to connect them by supplementary -surveys, and to survey the public roads, noting towns, habitations, -and remarkable places, by which means a special delineation -of watercourses, roads, &c., will be obtained. But it will be -further indispensable to obtain the latitudes and longitudes of -principal points in every county, in order to correct the errors of -the topographical surveys, to bring them together, and to assign -to each county its exact space on the map. These observations -of latitude and longitude might be taken for the whole State, -by a single person well qualified, in the course of a couple of -years. I could offer some ideas on that subject to abridge and -facilitate the operations, and as to the instruments to be used; -but such details are probably not within the scope of your inquiries,—they -would be in time if communicated to those who -will have the direction of the work. I am sorry I am so little -prepared to offer anything more satisfactory to your inquiries than -these extempore hints. But I have no doubt that what is best -will occur to those gentlemen of the legislature who have had -the subject under their contemplation, and who, impressed with -its importance, are exerting themselves to procure its execution. -Accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_550'>[550]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO JAMES MONROE. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 4, 1816 -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter concerning that of General Scott is -received, and his is now returned. I am very thankful for these -communications. From forty years' experience of the wretched -guess-work of the newspapers of what is not done in open daylight, -and of their falsehood even as to that, I rarely think them -worth reading, and almost never worth notice. A ray, therefore, -now and then, from the fountain of light, is like sight restored -to the blind. It tells me where I am; and that to a mariner who -has long been without sight of land or sun, is a rallying of reckoning -which places him at ease. The ground you have taken -with Spain is sound in every part. It is the true ground, especially, -as to the South Americans. When subjects are able to -maintain themselves in the field, they are then an independent -power as to all neutral nations, are entitled to their commerce, -and to protection within their limits. Every kindness which can -be shown the South Americans, every friendly office and aid -within the limits of the law of nations, I would extend to them, -without fearing Spain or her Swiss auxiliaries. For this is but -an assertion of our own independence. But to join in their war, -as General Scott proposes, and to which even some members of -Congress seem to squint, is what we ought not to do as yet. On -the question of our interest in their independence, were that alone -a sufficient motive of action, much may be said on both sides. -When they are free, they will drive every article of our produce -from every market, by underselling it, and change the condition -of our existence, forcing us into other habits and pursuits. We -shall, indeed, have in exchange some commerce with them, but -in what I know not, for we shall have nothing to offer which -they cannot raise cheaper; and their separation from Spain seals -our everlasting peace with her. On the other hand, so long as -they are dependent, Spain, from her jealousy, is our natural -enemy, and always in either open or secret hostility with us. -These countries, too, in war, will be a powerful weight in her -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_551'>[551]</a></span>scale, and, in peace, totally shut to us. Interest then, on the -whole, would wish their independence, and justice makes the -wish a duty. They have a right to be free, and we a right to -aid them, as a strong man has a right to assist a weak one assailed -by a robber or murderer. That a war is brewing between -us and Spain cannot be doubted. When that disposition is matured -on both sides, and open rupture can no longer be deferred, -then will be the time for our joining the South Americans, and -entering into treaties of alliance with them. There will then be -but one opinion, at home or abroad, that we shall be justifiable -in choosing to have them with us, rather than against us. In -the meantime, they will have organized regular governments, -and perhaps have formed themselves into one or more confederacies; -more than one I hope, as in single mass they would be a -very formidable neighbor. The geography of their country -seems to indicate three: 1. What is north of the Isthmus. 2. -What is south of it on the Atlantic; and 3. The southern part -on the Pacific. In this form, we might be the balancing power. -<span lang="la"><i>À propos</i></span> of the dispute with Spain, as to the boundary of Louisiana. -On our acquisition of that country, there was found in possession -of the family of the late Governor Messier, a most valuable -and original MS. history of the settlement of Louisiana by the -French, written by Bernard de la Harpe, a principal agent -through the whole of it. It commences with the first permanent -settlement of 1699, (that by de la Salle in 1684, having been -broken up,) and continues to 1723, and shows clearly the continual -claim of France to the Province of Texas, as far as the -Rio Bravo, and to all the waters running into the Mississippi, and -how, by the roguery of St. Denis, an agent of Crozat the merchant, -to whom the colony was granted for ten years, the settlements -of the Spaniards at Nacadoches, Adais, Assinays, and Natchitoches, -were fraudulently invited and connived at. Crozat's -object was commerce, and especially contraband, with the Spaniards, -and these posts were settled as convenient smuggling -stages on the way to Mexico. The history bears such marks of -authenticity as place it beyond question. Governor Claiborne -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_552'>[552]</a></span>obtained the MS. for us, and thinking it too hazardous to risk its -loss by the way, unless a copy were retained, he had a copy -taken. The original having arrived safe at Washington, he sent -me the copy, which I now have. Is the original still in your -office? or was it among the papers burnt by the British? If lost, -I will send you my copy; if preserved, it is my wish to deposit -the copy for safe keeping with the Philosophical Society at -Philadelphia, where it will be safer than on my shelves. I do -not mean that any part of this letter shall give to yourself the -trouble of an answer; only desire Mr. Graham to see if the original -still exists in your office, and to drop me a line saying yea or -nay; and I shall know what to do. Indeed the MS. ought to -be printed, and I see a note to my copy which shows it has been -in contemplation, and that it was computed to be of twenty -sheets at sixteen dollars a sheet, for three hundred and twenty -copies, which would sell at one dollar apiece, and reimburse the -expense. -</p> - -<p> -On the question of giving to La Motte the consulship of Havre, -I know the obstacle of the Senate. Their determination to appoint -natives only is generally proper, but not always. These -places are for the most part of little consequence to the public; -and if they can be made resources of profit to our ex-military -worthies, they are so far advantageous. You and I, however, -know that one of these new novices, knowing nothing of the -laws or authorities of his port, nor speaking a word of its language, -is of no more account than the fifth wheel of a coach. Had the -Senate a power of removing as well as of rejecting, I should -have fears, from their foreign antipathies, for my old friend Cathalan, -Consul at Marseilles. His father was appointed by Dr. -Franklin, early in the revolutionary war, but being old, the business -was done by the son. On the establishment of our present -government, the commission was given by General Washington -to the son, at the request of the father. He has been the consul -now twenty-six years, and has done its duties nearly forty years. -He is a man of understanding, integrity and zeal, of high mercantile -standing, an early citizen of the United States, and speaks -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_553'>[553]</a></span>and writes our language as fluently as French. His conduct in -office has been without a fault. I have known him personally -and intimately for thirty years, have a great and affectionate esteem -for him, and should feel as much hurt were he to be removed -as if removed myself from an office. But I trust he is -out of the reach of the Senate, and secure under the wings of -the executive government. Let me recommend him to your -particular care and patronage, as well deserving it, and end the -trouble of reading a long letter with assurances of my constant -and affectionate friendship. -</p> - -<h3> -TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN, ESQ. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 9, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of January 25th is just now received. I -am in general extremely unwilling to be carried into the newspapers, -no matter what the subject; the whole pack of the Essex -kennel would open upon me. With respect, however, to so much -of my letter of January 9th as relates to manufactures, I have less -repugnance, because there is perhaps a degree of duty to avow -a change of opinion called for by a change of circumstances, and -especially on a point now become peculiarly interesting. -</p> - -<p> -What relates to Bonaparte stands on different ground. You -think it will silence the misrepresentations of my enemies as to -my opinions of him. No, Sir; it will not silence them. They -had no ground either in my words or actions for these misrepresentations -before, and cannot have less afterwards; nor will they -calumniate less. There is, however, a consideration respecting -our own friends, which may merit attention. I have grieved to -see even good republicans so infatuated as to this man, as to consider -his downfall as calamitous to the cause of liberty. In their -indignation against England which is just, they seem to consider -all <i>her</i> enemies as <i>our</i> friends, when it is well known there was -not a being on earth who bore us so deadly a hatred. In fact, -he saw nothing in this world but himself, and looked on the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_554'>[554]</a></span>people under him as his cattle, beasts for burthen and slaughter. -Promises cost him nothing when they could serve his purpose. -On his return from Elba, what did he not promise? But those -who had credited them a little, soon saw their total insignificance, -and, satisfied they could not fall under worse hands, refused -every effort after the defeat of Waterloo. Their present sufferings -will have a term; his iron despotism would have had none. -France has now a family of fools at its head, from whom, whenever -it can shake off its foreign riders, it will extort a free constitution, -or dismount them and establish some other on the solid -basis of national right. To whine after this exorcised demon is -a disgrace to republicans, and must have arisen either from want -of reflection, or the indulgence of passion against principle. If -anything I have said could lead them to take correcter views, to -rally to the polar principles of genuine republicanism, I could -consent that that part of my letter also should go into a newspaper. -This I leave to yourself and such candid friends as you -may consult. There is one word in the letter, however, which -decency towards the allied sovereigns requires should be softened. -Instead of <i>despots</i>, call them <i>rulers</i>. The first paragraph, too, -of seven or eight lines, must be wholly omitted. Trusting all the -rest to your discretion, I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, March 2, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I cannot be serious! I am about to write you -the most frivolous letter you ever read. -</p> - -<p> -Would you go back to your cradle and live over again your -seventy years? I believe you would return me a New England -answer, by asking me another question. Would you live your -eighty years over again? -</p> - -<p> -I am prepared to give you an explicit answer, the question involves -so many considerations of metaphysics and physics, of -theology and ethics, of philosophy and history, of experience and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_555'>[555]</a></span>romance, of tragedy, comedy and farce, that I would not give -my opinion without writing a volume to justify it. -</p> - -<p> -I have lately lived over again, in part, from 1753, when I was -junior sophister at college, till 1769, when I was digging in the -mines as a barrister at law, for silver and gold, in the town of -Boston; and got as much of the shining dross for my labor as -my utmost avarice at that time craved. -</p> - -<p> -At the hazard of all the little vision that is left me, I have -read the history of that period of sixteen years, in the volumes -of the Baron de Grimm. In a late letter to you, I expressed a -wish to see a history of quarrels and calamities of authors in -France, like that of D'Israeli in England. I did not expect it so -soon; but now I have it in a manner more masterly than I ever -hoped to see it. It is not only a narration of the incessant great -wars between the ecclesiastics and the philosophers, but of the -little skirmishes and squabbles of Poets, Musicians, Sculptors, -Painters, Architects, Tragedians, Comedians, Opera-Singers and -Dancers, Chansons, Vaudevilles, Epigrams, Madrigals, Epitaphs, -Anagrams, Sonnets, &c. No man is more sensible than I am of -the service to science and letters, Humanity, Fraternity and Liberty, -that would have been rendered by the Encyclopedists and -Economists, by Voltaire, D'Alembert, Buffon, Diderot, Rousseau -La Lande, Frederick and Catherine, if they had possessed common -sense. But they were all totally destitute of it. They all -seemed to think that all christendom was convinced as they were, -that all religion was <span lang="fr_FR">"visions Judaicques,"</span> and that their effulgent -lights had illuminated all the world. They seemed to believe, -that whole nations and continents had been changed in their -principles, opinions, habits and feelings, by the sovereign grace -of their Almighty philosophy, almost as suddenly as Catholics -and Calvinists believe in instantaneous conversion. They had -not considered the force of early education on the millions of -minds who had never heard of their philosophy. And what was -their philosophy? Atheism; pure, unadulterated Atheism. Diderot, -D'Alembert, Frederick, De La Lande and Grimm, were -indubitable Atheists. The universe was matter only, and eternal; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_556'>[556]</a></span>spirit was a word without a meaning; liberty was a word -without a meaning. There was no liberty in the Universe; liberty -was a word void of sense. Every thought, word, passion, -sentiment, feeling, all motion and action was necessary. All beings -and attributes were of eternal necessity; conscience, morality, -were all nothing but fate. -</p> - -<p> -This was their creed, and this was to perfect human nature, -and convert the earth into a paradise of pleasure. -</p> - -<p> -Who, and what is this fate? He must be a sensible fellow. -He must be a master of science. He must be a master of spherical -Trigonometry and great circle sailing. He must calculate -eclipses in his head by intuition. He must be master of the science -of infinitesimal—<span lang="fr_FR">"<i>Le science des infinimens petits</i>."</span> He must -involve and extract all the roots by intuition, and be familiar with -all possible or imaginable sections of the cone. He must be a master -of arts, mechanical and imitative. He must have more eloquence -than Demosthenes, more wit than Swift or Voltaire, more -humor than Butler or Trumbull, and what is more comfortable -than all the rest, he must be good natured; for this is upon the -whole a good world. There is ten times as much pleasure as -pain in it. -</p> - -<p> -Why then should we abhor the word God, and fall in love -with the word Fate? We know there exists energy and intellect -enough to produce such a world as this, which is a sublime and -beautiful one, and a very benevolent one, notwithstanding all our -snarling; and a happy one, if it is not made otherwise by our -own fault. Ask a mite, in the centre of your mammoth cheese, -what he thinks of the "<span class="greek" title="to pan">το παν</span>." -</p> - -<p> -I should prefer the philosophy of Timæus, of Locris, before -that of Grimm and Diderot, Frederick and D'Alembert. I should -even prefer the Shasta of Hindostan, or the Chaldean, Egyptian, -Indian, Greek, Christian, Mahometan, Tubonic, or Celtic Theology. -Timæus and Picellus taught that three principles were -eternal, God, Matter and Form. God was good, and had ideas. -Matter was necessity. Fate dead—without ideas—without form, -without feeling—perverse, untractable; capable, however, of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_557'>[557]</a></span>being cut into forms, spheres, circles, triangles, squares, cubes, -cones, &c. The ideas of the good God labored upon matter to -bring it into form; but matter was fate, necessity, dulness, obstinacy—and -would not always conform to the ideas of the good -God who desired to make the best of all possible worlds; but -Matter, Fate, Necessity, resisted, and would not let him complete -his idea. Hence all the evil and disorder, pain, misery and imperfection -of the Universe. -</p> - -<p> -We all curse Robespierre and Bonaparte, but were they not -both such restless, vain, extravagant animals as Diderot and Voltaire? -Voltaire was the greatest literary character, and Bonaparte -the greatest military character of the eighteenth century. -There is all the difference between them. Both equally heroes -and equally cowards. -</p> - -<p> -When you ask my opinion of a University—it would have -been easy to advise Mathematics, experimental Philosophy, Natural -History, Chemistry and Astronomy, Geography and the Fine -Arts; to the exclusion of Metaphysics and Theology. But knowing -the eager impatience of the human mind to search into eternity -and infinity, the first cause and last end of all things—I -thought best to leave it its liberty to inquire till it is convinced, as -I have been these fifty years, that there is but one Being in the -Universe who comprehends it; and our last resource is resignation. -</p> - -<p> -This Grimm must have been in Paris when you were there. -Did you know him, or hear of him? -</p> - -<p> -I have this moment received two volumes more, but these are -from 1777 to 1782,—leaving the chain broken from 1769 to -1777. I hope hereafter to get the two intervening volumes. I -am your old friend. -</p> - -<p class="letter_head"> -March 13, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -A writer in the National Intelligencer of February 24th, who -signs himself B., is endeavoring to shelter under the cloak of -General Washington, the present enterprise of the Senate to wrest -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_558'>[558]</a></span>from the House of Representatives the power, given them by -the constitution, of participating with the Senate in the establishment -and continuance of laws on specified subjects. Their aim -is, by associating an Indian chief, or foreign government, in form -of a treaty, to possess themselves of the power of repealing laws -become obnoxious to them, without the assent of the third -branch, although that assent was necessary to make it a law. -We are then to depend for the secure possession of our laws, not -on our immediate representatives chosen by ourselves, and amenable -to ourselves every other year, but on Senators chosen by the -legislatures, amenable to them only, and that but at intervals of -six years, which is nearly the common estimate for a term for -life. But no act of that sainted worthy, no thought of General -Washington, ever countenanced a change of our constitution so -vital as would be the rendering insignificant the popular, and -giving to the aristocratical branch of our government, the power -of depriving us of our laws. -</p> - -<p> -The case for which General Washington is quoted is that of -his treaty with the Creeks, wherein was a stipulation that their -supplies of goods should continue to be imported duty free. The -writer of this article was then a member of the legislature, as he -was of that which afterwards discussed the British treaty, and -recollects the facts of the day, and the ideas which were afloat. -The goods for the supplies of the Creeks were always imported -into the Spanish ports of St. Augustine, Pensacola, Mobile, New -Orleans, &c., (the United States not owning then one foot of -coast on the gulf of Mexico, or south of St. Mary's,) and from -these ports they were carried directly into the Creek country, -without ever entering the jurisdiction of the United States. In -that country their laws pretended to no more force than in Florida -or Canada. No officer of their customs could go to levy duties -in the Spanish or Creek countries, out of which these goods -never came. General Washington's stipulation in that treaty -therefore, was nothing more than that our laws should not levy -duties where we have no right to levy them, that is, in foreign -ports, or foreign countries. These transactions took place while -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_559'>[559]</a></span>the Creek deputation was in New York, in the month of July -1790, and in March preceding we had passed a law delineating -specially the line between their country and ours. The only -subject of curiosity is how so nugatory a stipulation should have -been placed in a treaty? It was from the fears of Mr. Gillevray, -who was the head of the deputation, who possessed from the -Creeks themselves the exclusive right to supply them with -goods, and to whom this monopoly was the principle source of -income. -</p> - -<p> -The same writer quotes from a note in Marshal's history, an -opinion of Mr. Jefferson, given to General Washington on the -same occasion of the Creek treaty. Two or three little lines -only of that opinion are given us, which do indeed express the -doctrine in broad and general terms. Yet we know how often -a few words withdrawn from their place may seem to bear a -general meaning, when their context would show that their meaning -must have been limited to the subject with respect to which -they were used. If we could see the whole opinion, it might -probably appear that its foundation was the peculiar circumstances -of the Creek nation. We may say too, on this opinion, -as on that of a judge whose positions beyond the limits of the -case before him are considered as obiter sayings, never to be relied -on as authority. -</p> - -<p> -In July '90, moreover, the government was but just getting -under way. The duty law was not passed until the succeeding -month of August. This question of the effect of a treaty was -then of the first impression; and none of us, I suppose, will pretend -that on our first reading of the constitution we saw at once -all its intentions, all the bearings of every word of it, as fully and -as correctly as we have since understood them, after they have -become subjects of public investigation and discussion; and I -well remember the fact that, although Mr. Jefferson had retired -from office before Mr. Jay's mission, and the question on the -British treaty, yet during its discussion we were well assured of -his entire concurrence in opinion with Mr. Madison and others -who maintained the rights of the House of Representatives, so -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_560'>[560]</a></span>that, if on a <span lang="la"><i>primâ facie</i></span> view of the question, his opinion had -been too general, on stricter investigation, and more mature consideration, -his ultimate opinion was with those who thought that -the subjects which were confided to the House of Representatives -in conjunction with the President and Senate, were exceptions -to the general treaty power given to the President and Senate -alone; (according to the general rule that an instrument is to -be so construed as to reconcile and give meaning and effect to -all its parts;) that whenever a treaty stipulation interferes with a -law of the three branches, the consent of the third branch is -necessary to give it effect; and that there is to this but the single -exception of the question of war and peace. There the constitution -expressly requires the concurrence of the three branches -to commit us to the state of war, but permits two of them, the -President and Senate, to change it to that of peace, for reasons -as obvious as they are wise. I think then I may affirm, in contradiction -to B., that the present attempt of the Senate is not -sanctioned by the opinion either of General Washington or of -Mr. Jefferson. -</p> - -<p> -I meant to confine myself to the case of the Creek treaty, and -not to go into the general reasoning, for after the logical and -demonstrative arguments of Mr. Wilde of Georgia, and others -on the floor of Congress, if any man remains unconvinced I -pretend not the powers of convincing him. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR NICHOLAS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 2, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 22d has been received. It -finds me more laboriously and imperiously engaged than almost -on any occasion of my life. It is not, therefore, in my power to -take into immediate consideration all the subjects it proposes; -they cover a broad surface, and will require some development. -They respect, -</p> - -<p> -I. Defence. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_561'>[561]</a></span>II. Education. -</p> - -<p> -III. The map of the State. -</p> - -<p> -This last will comprise, -</p> - -<p> -1. An astronomical survey, to wit, Longitudes and Latitudes. -</p> - -<p> -2. A geometrical survey of the external boundaries, the mountains -and rivers. -</p> - -<p> -3. A typographical survey of the counties. -</p> - -<p> -4. A mineralogical survey. -</p> - -<p> -Each of these heads require distinct consideration. I will -take them up one at a time, and communicate my ideas as leisure -will permit. -</p> - -<p> -I. On the subject of Defence, I will state to you what has -been heretofore contemplated and proposed. Some time before -I retired from office, when the clouds between England and the -United States thickened so as to threaten war at hand, and while -we were fortifying various assailable points on our sea-board, the -defence of the Chesapeake became, as it ought to have been, a -subject of serious consideration, and the problem occurred, -whether it could be defended at its mouth? its effectual defence -in detail being obviously impossible. My idea was that -we should find or prepare a station near its mouth for a very -great force of vessels of annoyance of such a character as to -assail, when the weather and position of an enemy suited, -and keep or withdraw themselves into their station when adverse. -These means of annoyance were to consist of gun-boats, -row-boats, floating batteries, bomb-ketches, fire-ships, rafts, turtles, -torpedoes, rockets, and whatever else could be desired to destroy -a ship becalmed, to which could now be added Fulton -scows. I thought it possible that a station might be made on -the middle grounds, (which are always shallow, and have been -known to be uncovered by water,) by a circumvallation of stones -dropped loosely on one another, so as to take their own level, -and raised sufficiently high to protect the vessels within them -from the waves and boat attacks. It is by such a wall that the -harbor of Cherbury has been made. The middle grounds have -a firmer bottom, and lie two or three miles from the ship channel -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_562'>[562]</a></span>on either side, and so near the Cape as to be at hand for any -enemy moored or becalmed within them. A survey of them -was desired, and some officer of the navy received orders on the -subject, who being opposed to our possessing anything below a -frigate or line of battle ship, either visited or did not visit them, -and verbally expressed his opinion of impracticability. I state -these things from memory, and may err in small circumstances, -but not in the general impression. -</p> - -<p> -A second station offering itself was the mouth of Lynhaven -river, which having but four or five feet water, the vessels would -be to be adapted to that, or its entrance deepened; but there it -would be requisite to have, first, a fort protecting the vessels -within it, and strong enough to hold out until a competent force -of militia could be collected for its relief. And, second, a canal -uniting the tide waters of Lynhaven river and the eastern branch, -three or four miles apart only of low level country. This would -afford to the vessels a retreat for their own safety, and a communication -with Norfolk and Albemarle Sound, so as to give succor -to these places if attacked, or receive it from them for a special -enterprise. It was believed that such a canal would then have -cost about thirty thousand dollars. -</p> - -<p> -This being a case of personal as well as public interest, I -thought a private application not improper, and indeed preferable -to a more general one, with an executive needing no stimulus to -do what is right; and therefore, in May and June, 1813, I took -the liberty of writing to them on this subject, the defence of -Chesapeake; and to what is before stated I added some observations -on the importance and pressure of the case. A view of the -map of the United States shows that the Chesapeake receives -either the whole or important waters of five of the most producing -of the Atlantic States, to wit: North Carolina, (for the Dismal -canal makes Albemarle Sound a water of the Chesapeake, -and Norfolk its port of exportation,) Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania -and New York. We know that the waters of the Chesapeake, -from the Genesee to the Sawra towns and Albemarle -Sound, comprehend two-fifths of the population of the Atlantic -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_563'>[563]</a></span>States, and furnish probably more than half their exported produce; -that the loss of James river alone, in that year, was estimated -at two hundred thousand barrels of flour, fed away to -horses or sold at half-price, which was a levy of a million of dollars -on a single one of these numerous waters, and that levy to -be repeated every year during the war; that this important country -can all be shut up by two or three ships of the enemy, lying -at the mouth of the bay; that an injury so vast to us and so -cheap to the enemy, must forever be resorted to by them, and -maintained constantly through every war; that this was a hard -trial of the spirit of the Middle States, a trial which, backed by -impossible taxes, might produce a demand for peace on any terms; -that when it was considered that the Union had already expended -four millions of dollars for the defence of the single city of -Norfolk, and the waters of a single river, the Hudson, (which -we entirely approved, and now we might probably add four more -since expended on the same spot,) we thought it very moderate -for so great a portion of the country, the population, the wealth, -and contributing industry and strength of the Atlantic States, to -ask a few hundred thousand dollars, to save the harassment of -their militia, conflagrations of their towns and houses, devastations -of their farms, and annihilation of all the annual fruits of -their labor. The idea of defending the bay at its mouth was -approved, but the necessary works were deemed inexecutable -during a war, and an answer more cogent was furnished by the -fact that our treasury and credit were both exhausted. Since the -war, I have learned (I cannot say how) that the Executive has -taken up the subject and sent on an engineer to examine and report -the localities, and that this engineer thought favorably of -the middle grounds. But my recollection is too indistinct but to -suggest inquiry to you. After having once taken the liberty of -soliciting the Executive on this subject, I do not think it would -be respectful for me to do it a second time, nor can it be necessary -with persons who need only suggestions of what is right, -and not importunities to do it. If the subject is brought before -them, they can readily recall or recur to my letters, if worth it. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_564'>[564]</a></span>But would it not be advisable in the first place, to have surveys -made of the middle grounds and the grounds between the tidewaters -of Lynhaven and the Eastern branch, that your representations -may be made on known facts? These would be parts -only of the surveys you are authorized to make, and might, for so -good a reason, be anticipated and executed before the general -work can be done. -</p> - -<p> -Perhaps, however, the view is directed to a defence by frigates -or ships of the line, stationed at York or elsewhere. Against -this, in my opinion, both reason and experience declaim. Had -we half a dozen seventy-fours stationed at York, the enemy -would place a dozen at the capes. This great force called there -would enable them to make large detachments against Norfolk -when it suited them, to harass and devastate the bay coasts incessantly, -and would oblige us to keep large armies of militia at -York to defend the ships, and at Norfolk to defend that. The -experience of New London proves how certain and destructive -this blockade would be; for New London owed its blockade and -the depredations on its coasts to the presence of a frigate sent -there for its defence; and did the frigate at Norfolk bring us defence -or assault? -</p> - -<p> -II. <i>Education.</i>—The President and Directors of the literary -fund are desired to digest and report a system of public education, -comprehending the establishment of an university, additional -colleges or academies, and schools. The resolution does not define -the portions of science to be taught in each of these institutions, -but the first and last admit no doubt. The university must -be intended for all useful sciences, and the schools mean elementary -ones, for the instruction of the people, answering to our present -English schools; the middle-term colleges or academies may -be more conjectural. But we must understand from it some -middle-grade of education. Now, when we advert that the ancient -classical languages are considered as the foundation preparatory -for all the sciences; that we have always had schools scattered -over the country for teaching these languages, which often -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_565'>[565]</a></span>were the ultimate term of education; that these languages are -entered on at the age of nine or ten years, at which age parents -would be unwilling to send their children from every part of the -State to a central and distant university, and when we observe -that the resolution supposes there are to be a plurality of them, -we may well conclude that the Greek and Latin are the objects -of these colleges. It is probable, also, that the legislature might -have under their eye the bill for the more general diffusion of -knowledge, printed in the revised code of 1779, which proposed -these three grades of institution, to-wit: an university, district -colleges, or grammar schools, and county or ward schools. I -think, therefore, we may say that the object of these colleges is -the classical languages, and that they are intended as the portico -of entry to the university. As to their numbers, I know no better -rule to be assumed than to place one within a day's ride of -every man's door, in consideration of the infancy of the pledges -he has at it. This would require one for every eight miles -square. -</p> - -<p> -Supposing this the object of the Colleges, the Report will have -to present the plan of an University, analyzing the sciences, selecting -those which are useful, grouping them into professorships, -commensurate each with the time and faculties of one -man, and prescribing the regimen and all other necessary details. -On this subject I can offer nothing new. A letter of mine to -Peter Carr, which was published during the last Session of Assembly, -is a digest of all the information I possess on the subject, -from which the Board will judge whether they can extract anything -useful; the professorship of the classical languages being -of course to be expunged, as more effectually supplied by the establishment -of the colleges. -</p> - -<p> -As the buildings to be erected will also enter into their Report, -1 would strongly recommend to their consideration, instead of -one immense building, to have a small one for every professorship, -arranged at proper distances around a square, to admit extension, -connected by a piazza, so that they may go dry from -one school to another. This village form is preferable to a single -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_566'>[566]</a></span>great building for many reasons, particularly on account of fire, -health, economy, peace and quiet. Such a plan had been approved -in the case of the Albemarle college, which was the subject -of the letter above mentioned; and should the idea be approved -by the Board, more may be said hereafter on the opportunity -these small buildings will afford, of exhibiting models in -architecture of the purest forms of antiquity, furnishing to the -student examples of the precepts he will be taught in that art. -</p> - -<p> -The Elementary or Ward schools is the last branch of this -subject; on this, too, my ideas have been long deposited in the -Bill for the diffusion of knowledge, before mentioned, and time -and reflection have continued to strengthen them as to the general -principle, that of a division of every county into wards, with -a school in each ward. The details of the bill will of course be varied -as the difference of present circumstances from those of that -day will require. -</p> - -<p> -My partiality for that division is not founded in views of education -solely, but infinitely more as the means of a better administration -of our government, and the eternal preservation of -its republican principles. The example of this most admirable -of all human contrivances in government, is to be seen in our -Eastern States; and its powerful effect in the order and economy -of their internal affairs, and the momentum it gives them as a -nation, is the single circumstance which distinguishes them so -remarkably from every other national association. In a letter to -Mr. Adams a few years ago, I had occasion to explain to him the -structure of our scheme of education as proposed in the bill for -the diffusion of knowledge, and the views of this particular section -of it; and in another lately to Mr. Cabell, on the occasion -of the bill for the Albemarle College, I also took a view of the -political effects of the proposed division into wards, which being -more easily copied than thrown into new form here, I take the -liberty of enclosing extracts from them. Should the Board of -Directors approve of the plan, and make ward divisions the -substratum of their elementary schools, their report may furnish -a happy occasion of introducing them, leaving all their other -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_567'>[567]</a></span>uses to be adopted from time to time hereafter as occasions shall -occur. -</p> - -<p> -With these subjects I shall close the present letter, but that it -may be necessary to anticipate on the next one so far as respects -proper persons for carrying into execution the astronomical and -geometrical surveys. I know no one in the State equal to the -first who could be engaged in it; but my acquaintance in the -State is very limited. There is a person near Washington -possessing every quality which could be desired, among our first -mathematicians and astronomers, of good bodily activity, used to -rough living, of great experience in field operations, and of the -most perfect integrity. I speak of Isaac Briggs, who was Surveyor-General -south of Ohio, and who was employed to trace the -route from Washington to New Orleans, below the mountains, -which he did with great accuracy by observations of longitude -and latitude only, on a journey thither. I do not know that he -would undertake the present work, but I have learnt that he is -at this time disengaged; I know he is poor, and was always -moderate in his views. This is the most important of all the -surveys, and if done by him, I will answer for this part of your -work standing the test of time and criticism. If you should desire -it, I could write and press him to undertake it; but it would -be necessary to say something about compensation. -</p> - -<p> -John Wood, of the Petersburg Academy, has written to me that -he would be willing to undertake the geometrical survey of the -external boundaries, and internal divisions. We have certainly -no abler mathematician; and he informs me he has had good -experience in the works of the field. He is a great walker, and -is, therefore, probably equal to the bodily fatigue, which is a -material qualification. But he is so much better known where -you are, that I need only mention his readiness to undertake, -and your own personal knowledge or inquiries will best determine -what should be done. It is the part of the work above the -tide waters which he would undertake; that below, where -soundings are to be taken, requiring nautical apparatus and -practice. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_568'>[568]</a></span>Whether he is a mineralogist or not, I do not know. It would -be a convenient and economical association with that of the geometrical -survey. -</p> - -<p> -I am obliged to postpone for some days the consideration of -the remaining subjects of your letter. Accept the assurance of -my great esteem and high consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOSEPH MILLIGAN. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 6, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 6th did not come to hand until the -15th. I then expected I should finish revising the translation of -Tracy's book within a week, and could send the whole together. -I got through it, but, on further consideration, thought I ought -to read it over again, lest any errors should have been left in it. -It was fortunate I did so, for I found several little errors. The -whole is now done and forwarded by this mail, with a title, and -something I have written which may serve for a Prospectus, and -indeed for a Preface also, with a little alteration. You will see -from the face of the work what a horrible job I have had in the -revisal. It is so defaced that it is absolutely necessary you -should have a fair copy taken, and by a person of good understanding, -for that will be necessary to decipher the erasures, interlineations, -&c., of the translation. The translator's orthography, -too, will need great correction, as you will find a multitude -of words shamefully misspelt; and he seems to have had -no idea of the use of stops: he uses the comma very commonly -for a full stop; and as often the full stop, followed by a capital -letter, for a comma. Your copyist will, therefore, have to stop -it properly quite through the work. Still, there will be places -where it cannot be stopped correctly without reference to the -original; for I observed many instances where a member of a -sentence might be given either to the preceding or following -one, grammatically, which would yet make the sense very different, -and could, therefore, be rectified only by the original. I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_569'>[569]</a></span>have, therefore, thought it would be better for you to send me -the proof sheets as they come out of the press. We have two -mails a week, which leave this Wednesdays and Saturdays, and -you should always receive it by return of the first mail. Only -observe that I set out for Bedford in five or six days, and shall -not be back till the first week in May. -</p> - -<p> -The original construction of the style of the translation was -so bungling, that although I have made it render the author's -sense faithfully, yet it was impossible to change the structure -of the sentences to anything good. I have endeavored to apologize -for it in the Prospectus; as also to prepare the reader for -the dry, and to most of them, uninteresting character of the preliminary -tracts, advising him to pass at once to the beginning of -the main work, where, also, you will see I have recommended the -beginning the principal series of pages. In this I have departed -from the order of pages adopted by the author. -</p> - -<p> -My name must in nowise appear connected with the work. I -have no objection to your naming me <i>in conversation</i>, but not -in print, as the person to whom the original was communicated. -Although the author puts his name to the work, yet, if called to -account for it by his government, he means to disavow it, which -its publication at such a distance will enable him to do. But he -would not think himself at liberty to do this if avowedly sanctioned -by me here. The best open mark of approbation I can -give is to subscribe for a dozen copies; or if you would prefer it, -you may place on your subscription paper a letter in these words: -"Sir, I subscribe with pleasure for a dozen copies of the invaluable -book you are about to publish on Political Economy. I should -be happy to see it in the hands of every American citizen." -</p> - -<p> -The Ainsworth, Ovid, Cornelius Nepos and Virgil, as also of -the two books below mentioned,<a name='FA_15' id='FA_15' href='#FN_15' class='fnanchor'>[15]</a> and formerly written for. I -fear I shall not get the Ovid and Nepos I sent to be bound, in -time for the pocket in my Bedford trip. Accept my best wishes -and respects. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_570'>[570]</a></span><span class='smcap'>Title.</span>—"A Treatise on Political Economy by the Count -Dustutt Tracy, member of the Senate and Institute of France, -and of the American Philosophical Society, to which is prefixed -a supplement to a preceding work on the Understanding or Elements -of Ideology, by the same author, with an analytical table -and an introduction on the faculty of the will, translated from -the unpublished French original." -</p> - -<p> -<i>Prospectus.</i>—Political economy in modern times assumed the -form of a regular science first in the hands of the political sect in -France, called the Economists. They made it a branch only of -a comprehensive system on the natural order of societies. Quesnai -first, Gournay, Le Frosne, Turgot and Dupont de Nemours, -the enlightened, philanthropic, and venerable citizen, now of the -United States, led the way in these developments, and gave to -our inquiries the direction they have since observed. Many sound -and valuable principles established by them, have received the -sanction of general approbation. Some, as in the infancy of a -science might be expected, have been brought into question, -and have furnished occasion for much discussion. Their opinions -on production, and on the proper subjects of taxation, have -been particularly controverted; and whatever may be the merit -of their principles of taxation, it is not wonderful they have not -prevailed; not on the questioned score of correctness, but because -not acceptable to the people, whose will must be the -supreme law. Taxation is in fact the most difficult function of -government—and that against which their citizens are most apt -to be refractory. The general aim is therefore to adopt the -mode most consonant with the circumstances and sentiments of -the country. -</p> - -<p> -Adam Smith, first in England, published a rational and systematic -work on Political Economy, adopting generally the -ground of the Economists, but differing on the subjects before -specified. The system being novel, much argument and detail -seemed then necessary to establish principles which now are assented -to as soon as proposed. Hence his book, admitted to be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_571'>[571]</a></span>able, and of the first degree of merit, has yet been considered as -prolix and tedious. -</p> - -<p> -In France, John Baptist Say has the merit of producing a very -superior work on the subject of political economy. His arrangement -is luminous, ideas clear, style perspicuous, and the whole -subject brought within half the volume of Smith's work. Add -to this considerable advances in correctness and extension of -principles. -</p> - -<p> -The work of Senator Tracy, now announced, comes forward -with all the lights of his predecessors in the science, and with -the advantages of further experience, more discussion, and -greater maturity of subjects. It is certainly distinguished by important -traits; a cogency of logic which has never been exceeded -in any work, a rigorous enchainment of ideas, and constant recurrence -to it to keep it in the reader's view, a fearless pursuit -of truth whithersoever it leads, and a diction so correct that not -a word can be changed but for the worse; and, as happens in -other cases, that the more a subject is understood, the more -briefly it may be explained, he has reduced, not indeed all the -details, but all the elements and the system of principles within -the compass of an 8vo, of about 400 pages. Indeed we might -say within two-thirds of that space, the one-third being taken up -with some preliminary pieces now to be noticed. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Tracy is the author of a treatise on the Elements of Ideology, -justly considered as a production of the first order in the -science of our thinking faculty, or of the understanding. Considering -the present work but as a second section to those Elements -under the titles of Analytical Table, Supplement, and Introduction, -he gives in these preliminary pieces a supplement to -the Elements, shows how the present work stands on that as its -basis, presents a summary view of it, and, before entering on the -formation, distribution, and employment of property and personality, -a question not new indeed, yet one which has not hitherto -been satisfactorily settled. These investigations are very metaphysical, -profound, and demonstrative, and will give satisfaction -to minds in the habit of abstract speculation. Readers, however, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_572'>[572]</a></span>not disposed to enter into them, after reading the summary view, -entitled, "on our actions," will probably pass on at once to the -commencement of the main subject of the work, which is treated -of under the following heads: -</p> - -<ul class="simple"> -<li>Of Society.</li> -<li>Of Production, or the formation of our riches.</li> -<li>Of Value, or the measure of utility.</li> -<li>Of change of form, or fabrication.</li> -<li>Of change of place, or commerce.</li> -<li>Of money.</li> -<li>Of the distribution of our riches.</li> -<li>Of population.</li> -<li>Of the employment of our riches, or consumption.</li> -<li>Of public revenue, expenses and debts.</li> -</ul> - -<p> -Although the work now offered is but a translation, it may be -considered in some degree as the original, that having never been -published in the country in which it was written. The author -would there have been submitted to the unpleasant alternative -either of mutilating his sentiments, where they were either free -or doubtful, or of risking himself under the unsettled regimen of -the press. A manuscript copy communicated to a friend here -has enabled him to give it to a country which is afraid to read -nothing, and which may be trusted with anything, so long as its -reason remains unfettered by law. -</p> - -<p> -In the translation, fidelity has been chiefly consulted. A more -correct style would sometimes have given a shade of sentiment -which was not the author's, and which, in a work standing in -the place of the original, would have been unjust towards him. -Some gallicisms have, therefore, been admitted, where a single -word gives an idea which would require a whole phrase of dictionary-English. -Indeed, the horrors of Neologism, which startle -the purist, have given no alarm to the translator. Where brevity, -perspicuity, and even euphony can be promoted by the introduction -of a new word, it is an improvement to the language. It is -thus the English language has been brought to what it is; one -half of it having been innovations, made at different times, from -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_573'>[573]</a></span>the Greek, Latin, French, and other languages. And is it the -worse for these? Had the preposterous idea of fixing the language -been adopted by our Saxon ancestors, of Pierce Plowman, -of Chaucer, of Spenser, the progress of ideas must have stopped -with that of the language. On the contrary, nothing is more -evident than that as we advance in the knowledge of new things, -and of new combinations of old ones, we must have new words -to express them. Were Van Helmont, Stane, Scheele, to rise -from the dead at this time, they would scarcely understand one -word of their own science. Would it have been better, then, to -have abandoned the science of Chemistry, rather than admit innovations -in its terms? What a wonderful accession of copiousness -and force has the French language attained, by the innovations -of the last thirty years! And what do we not owe to -Shakspeare for the enrichment of the language, by his free and -magical creation of words? In giving a loose to neologism, indeed, -uncouth words will sometimes be offered; but the public -will judge them, and receive or reject, as sense or sound shall suggest, -and authors will be approved or condemned according to -the use they make of this license, as they now are from their use -of the present vocabulary. The claim of the present translation, -however, is limited to its duties of fidelity and justice to the -sense of its original; adopting the author's own word only where -no term of our own language would convey his meaning. -</p> - -<h3> -(<i>A Note communicated to the Editor.</i>) -</h3> - -<p> -Our author's classification of taxes being taken from those practised -in France, will scarcely be intelligible to an American -reader, to whom the nature as well as names of some of them -must be unknown. The taxes with which we are familiar, class -themselves readily according to the basis on which they rest. 1. -Capital. 2. Income. 3. Consumption. These may be considered -as commensurate; Consumption being generally equal to Income, -and Income the annual profit of Capital. A government -may select either of these bases for the establishment of its system -of taxation, and so frame it as to reach the faculties of every -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_574'>[574]</a></span>member of the society, and to draw from him his equal proportion -of the public contributions; and, if this be correctly obtained, -it is the perfection of the function of taxation. But when -once a government has assumed its basis, to select and tax special -articles from either of the other classes, is double taxation. For -example, if the system be established on the basis of Income, -and his just proportion on that scale has been already drawn from -every one, to step into the field of Consumption, and tax special -articles in that, as broadcloth or homespun, wine or whiskey, a -coach or a wagon, is doubly taxing the same article. For that portion -of Income with which these articles are purchased, having already -paid its tax as Income, to pay another tax on the thing it -purchased, is paying twice for the same thing, it is an aggrievance -on the citizens who use these articles in exoneration of those who -do not, contrary to the most sacred of the duties of a government, -to do equal and impartial justice to all its citizens. -</p> - -<p> -How far it may be the interest and the duty of all to submit -to this sacrifice on other grounds, for instance, to pay for a time -an impost on the importation of certain articles, in order to encourage -their manufacture at home, or an excise on others injurious -to the morals or health of the citizens, will depend on a -series of considerations of another order, and beyond the proper -limits of this note. The reader, in deciding which basis of taxation -is most eligible for the local circumstances of his country, -will, of course, avail himself of the weighty observations of our -author. -</p> - -<p> -To this a single observation shall yet be added. Whether -property alone, and the whole of what each citizen possesses, -shall be subject to contribution, or only its surplus after satisfying -his first wants, or whether the faculties of body and mind shall -contribute also from their annual earnings, is a question to be -decided. But, when decided, and the principle settled, it is to -be equally and fairly applied to all. To take from one, because -it is thought that his own industry and that of his fathers has -acquired too much, in order to spare to others, who, or whose fathers -have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_575'>[575]</a></span>arbitrarily the first principle of association, "the <i>guarantee</i> to -every one of a free exercise of his industry, and the fruits acquired -by it." If the overgrown wealth of an individual be -deemed dangerous to the State, the best corrective is the law of -equal inheritance to all in equal degree; and the better, as this -enforces a law of nature, while extra-taxation violates it. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN ADAMS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 8, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge your two favors of February -the 16th and March the 2d, and to join sincerely in the -sentiment of Mrs. Adams, and regret that distance separates us -so widely. An hour of conversation would be worth a volume -of letters. But we must take things as they come. -</p> - -<p> -You ask, if I would agree to live my seventy or rather seventy-three -years over again? To which I say, yea. I think with -you, that it is a good world on the whole; that it has been framed -on a principle of benevolence, and more pleasure than pain dealt -out to us. There are, indeed, (who might say nay) gloomy and -hypochondriac minds, inhabitants of diseased bodies, disgusted -with the present, and despairing of the future; always counting -that the worst will happen, because it may happen. To these -I say, how much pain have cost us the evils which have never -happened! My temperament is sanguine. I steer my bark with -Hope in the head, leaving Fear astern. My hopes, indeed, sometimes -fail; but not oftener than the forebodings of the gloomy. -There are, I acknowledge, even in the happiest life, some terrible -convulsions, heavy set-offs against the opposite page of the -account. I have often wondered for what good end the sensations -of grief could be intended. All our other passions, within -proper bounds, have an useful object. And the perfection of the -moral character is, not in a stoical apathy, so hypocritically vaunted, -and so untruly too, because impossible, but in a just equilibrium -of all the passions. I wish the pathologists then would -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_576'>[576]</a></span>tell us what is the use of grief in the economy, and of what -good it is the cause, proximate or remote. -</p> - -<p> -Did I know Baron Grimm while at Paris? Yes, most intimately. -He was the pleasantest and most conversable member -of the diplomatic corps while I was there; a man of good fancy, -acuteness, irony, cunning and egoism. No heart, not much of -any science, yet enough of every one to speak its language; his -forte was Belles-lettres, painting and sculpture. In these he was -the oracle of society, and as such, was the Empress Catharine's -private correspondent and factor, in all things not diplomatic. It -was through him I got her permission for poor Ledyard to go to -Kamschatka, and cross over thence to the western coast of -America, in order to penetrate across our continent in the opposite -direction to that afterwards adopted for Lewis and Clarke; -which permission she withdrew after he had got within two -hundred miles of Kamschatka, had him seized, brought back, -and set down in Poland. Although I never heard Grimm express -the opinion directly, yet I always supposed him to be of -the school of Diderot, D'Alembert, D'Holbach; the first of -whom committed his system of atheism to writing in <span lang="fr_FR">"<i>Le -bon sens</i>,"</span> and the last in his <span lang="fr_FR">"<i>Systeme de la Nature</i>."</span> It was -a numerous school in the Catholic countries, while the infidelity -of the Protestant took generally the form of theism. The former -always insisted that it was a mere question of definition between -them, the hypostasis of which, on both sides, was "<i>Nature</i>," -or "<i>the Universe</i>;" that both agreed in the order of the -existing system, but the one supposed it from eternity, the other -as having begun in time. And when the atheist descanted on -the unceasing motion and circulation of matter through the animal, -vegetable and mineral kingdoms, never resting, never annihilated, -always changing form, and under all forms gifted with -the power of reproduction; the theist pointing "to the heavens -above, and to the earth beneath, and to the waters under the -earth," asked, if these did not proclaim a first cause, possessing -intelligence and power; power in the production, and intelligence -in the design and constant preservation of the system; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_577'>[577]</a></span>urged the palpable existence of final causes; that the eye was -made to see, and the ear to hear, and not that we see because -we have eyes, and hear because we have ears; an answer obvious -to the senses, as that of walking across the room, was to -the philosopher demonstrating the non-existence of motion. It -was in D'Holbach's conventicles that Rousseau imagined all the -machinations against him were contrived; and he left, in his -Confessions, the most biting anecdotes of Grimm. These appeared -after I left France; but I have heard that poor Grimm -was so much afflicted by them, that he kept his bed several -weeks. I have never seen the Memoirs of Grimm. Their volume -has kept them out of our market. -</p> - -<p> -I have lately been amusing myself with Levi's book, in answer -to Dr. Priestley. It is a curious and tough work. His -style is inelegant and incorrect, harsh and petulant to his adversary, -and his reasoning flimsy enough. Some of his doctrines -were new to me, particularly that of his two resurrections; the -first, a particular one of all the dead, in body as well as soul, -who are to live over again, the Jews in a state of perfect obedience -to God, the other nations in a state of corporeal punishment -for the sufferings they have inflicted on the Jews. And he -explains this resurrection of the bodies to be only of the original -stamen of Leibnitz, or the human <span lang="la"><i>calus</i></span> in <span lang="la"><i>semine masculino</i></span>, -considering that as a mathematical point, insusceptible of separation -or division. The second resurrection, a general one of souls -and bodies, eternally to enjoy divine glory in the presence of the -Supreme Being. He alleges that the Jews alone preserve the -doctrine of the unity of God. Yet their God would be deemed -a very indifferent man with us; and it was to correct their anamorphosis -of the Deity, that Jesus preached, as well as to establish -the doctrine of a future state. However, Levi insists, that -that was taught in the Old Testament, and even by Moses himself -and the prophets. He agrees that an annointed prince was -prophesied and promised; but denies that the character and history -of Jesus had any analogy with that of the person promised. -He must be fearfully embarrassing to the Hierophants of fabricated -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_578'>[578]</a></span>Christianity; because it is their own armor in which he -clothes himself for the attack. For example, he takes passages -of scripture from their context, (which would give them a very -different meaning,) strings them together, and makes them point -towards what object he pleases; he interprets them figuratively, -typically, analogically, hyperbolically; he calls in the aid of -emendation, transposition, ellipse, metonymy, and every other -figure of rhetoric; the name of one man is taken for another, -one place for another, days and weeks for months and years; and -finally, he avails himself all his advantage over his adversaries by -his superior knowledge of the Hebrew, speaking in the very language -of the divine communication, while they can only fumble -on with conflicting and disputed translations. Such is this war -of giants. And how can such pigmies as you and I decide between -them? For myself, I confess that my head is not formed -<span lang="la"><i>tantas componere lites</i></span>. And as you began yours of March the -2d, with a declaration that you were about to write me the most -frivolous letter I had ever read, so I will close mine by saying, I -have written you a full match for it, and by adding my affectionate -respects to Mrs. Adams, and the assurance of my constant -attachment and consideration for yourself. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR NICHOLAS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, April 19, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In my letter of the 2d instant, I stated, according -to your request, what occurred to me on the subjects of Defence -and Education; and I will now proceed to do the same on the -remaining subject of yours of March 22d, the construction of a -general map of the State. For this the legislature directs there -shall be, -</p> - -<p> -I. A topographical survey of each county. -</p> - -<p> -II. A general survey of the outlines of the State, and its leading -features of rivers and mountains. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_579'>[579]</a></span>III. An astronomical survey for the correction and collection -of the others, and -</p> - -<p> -IV. A mineralogical survey. -</p> - -<p> -I. Although the topographical survey of each county is referred -to its court in the first instance, yet such a control is given -to the Executive as places it effectively under his direction; that -this control must be freely and generally exercised, I have no -doubt. Nobody expects that the justices of the peace in every -county are so familiar with the astronomical and geometrical -principles to be employed in the execution of this work, -as to be competent to decide what candidate possesses them in -the highest degree, or in any degree; and indeed I think it would -be reasonable, considering how much the other affairs of the -State must engross of the time of the Governor and Council, for -them to make it a pre-requisite for every candidate to undergo -an examination by the mathematical professor of William and -Mary College, or some other professional character, and to ask -for a special and confidential report of the grade of qualification -of each candidate examined. If one, completely qualified, can -be found for every half dozen counties, it will be as much, perhaps, -as can be expected. -</p> - -<p> -Their office will be to survey the Rivers, Roads, and Mountains. -</p> - -<p> -1. A proper division of the surveys of the Rivers between -them and the general surveyor, might be to ascribe to the latter -so much as is navigable, and to the former the parts not navigable, -but yet sufficient for working machinery, which the law -requires. On these they should note confluences, other natural -and remarkable objects, towns, mills or other machines, ferries, -bridges, crossings of roads, passages through mountains, mines, -quarries, &c. -</p> - -<p> -2. In surveying the Roads, the same objects should be noted, -and every permanent stream crossing them, and these streams -should be laid down according to the best information they can -obtain, to their confluence with the main stream. -</p> - -<p> -3. The Mountains, others than those ascribed to the general -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_580'>[580]</a></span>surveyor, should be laid down by their names and bases, which -last will be generally designated by the circumscription of water -courses and roads on both sides, without a special survey around -them. Their gaps are also required to be noted. -</p> - -<p> -4. On the Boundaries, the same objects should be noted. -Where a boundary falls within the operations of the general surveyor, -its survey by them should be dispensed with, and where -it is common to two counties, it might be ascribed wholly to one, -or divided between the surveyors respectively. All these surveys -should be delineated on the same scale, which the law directs, I -believe, (for I have omitted to bring the copy of it with me to -this place,) if it has not fixed the scale. I think about half an -inch to the mile would be a convenient one, because it would -generally bring the map of a county within the compass of a -sheet of paper. And here I would suggest what would be a -great desideratum for the public, to wit, that a single sheet map -of each county separately, on a scale of half an inch to -the mile, be engraved and struck off. There are few housekeepers -who would not wish to possess a map of their own -county, many would purchase those of their circumjacent counties, -and many would take one of every county, and form them -into an atlas, so that I question if as many copies of each particular -map would not be sold as of the general one. But these -should not be made until they receive the astronomical corrections, -without which they can never be brought together and -joined into larger maps, at the will of the purchaser. -</p> - -<p> -Their instrument should be a Circumferentor, with cross spirit -levels on its face, a graduated rim, and a double index, the one -fixed, the other movable, with a nonius on it. The needle -should never be depended on for an angle. -</p> - -<p> -II. The General Survey divides itself into two distinct operations; -the one on the tide waters, the other above them. -</p> - -<p> -On the tide waters the State will have little to do. Some time -before the war, Congress authorized the Executive to have an -accurate survey made of the whole sea-coast of the United States, -comprehending, as well as I remember, the principal bays and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_581'>[581]</a></span>harbors. A Mr. Hassler, a mathematician of the first order from -Geneva, was engaged in the execution, and was sent to England -to procure proper instruments. He has lately returned with such -a set as never before crossed the Atlantic, and is scarcely possessed -by any nation on the continent of Europe. We shall be furnished, -then, by the General Government, with a better survey -than we can make, of our sea-coast, Chesapeake Bay, probably -the Potomac, to the Navy Yard at Washington, and possibly of -James' River to Norfolk, and York River to Yorktown. I am -not, however, able to say that these, or what other, are the precise -limits of their intentions. The Secretary of the Treasury -would probably inform us. Above these limits, whatever they -are, the surveys and soundings will belong to the present undertaking -of the State; and if Mr. Hassler has time, before he -commences his general work, to execute this for us, with the use -of the instruments of the United States, it is impossible we can -put it into any train of execution equally good; and any compensation -he may require, will be less than it would cost to purchase -instruments of our own, and have the work imperfectly -done by a less able hand. If we are to do it ourselves, I acknowledge -myself too little familiar with the methods of surveying -a coast and taking soundings, to offer anything on the subject -approved by practice. I will pass on, therefore, to the general -survey of the Rivers above the tide waters, the Mountains, and -the external Boundaries. -</p> - -<p> -I. <i>Rivers.</i>—I have already proposed that the general survey -shall comprehend these from the tide waters as far as they are -navigable only, and here we shall find one-half of the work already -done, and as ably as we may expect to do it. In the great -controversy between the Lords Baltimore and Fairfax, between -whose territories the Potomac, from its mouth to its source, was -the chartered boundary, the question was which branch, from -Harper's ferry upwards, was to be considered as the Potomac? -Two able mathematicians, therefore, were brought over from -England at the expense of the parties, and under the sanction of -the sentence pronounced between them, to survey the two -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_582'>[582]</a></span>branches, and ascertain which was to be considered as the main -stream. Lord Fairfax took advantage of their being here to get -a correct survey by them of his whole territory, which was -bounded by the Potomac, the Rappahanoc, as was believed, in -the most accurate manner. Their survey was doubtless filed -and recorded in Lord Fairfax's office, and I presume it still exists -among his land papers. He furnished a copy of that survey to -Colonel Fry and my father, who entered it, on a reduced scale, -into their map, as far as latitudes and admeasurements accurately -horizontal could produce exactness. I expect this survey is to -be relied on. But it is lawful to doubt whether its longitudes -may not need verification; because at that day the corrections -had not been made in the lunar tables, which have since introduced -the method of ascertaining the longitude by the lunar distances; -and that by Jupiter's satellites was impracticable in ambulatory -survey. The most we can count on is, that they may -have employed some sufficient means to ascertain the longitude -of the first source of the Potomac, the meridian of which was to -be Lord Baltimore's boundary. The longitudes, therefore, should -be verified and corrected, if necessary, and this will belong to -the Astronomical survey. -</p> - -<p> -The other rivers only, then, from their tide waters up as far as -navigable, remain for this operator, and on them the same objects -should be noted as proposed in the county surveys; and, in addition, -their breadth at remarkable parts, such as the confluence -of other streams, falls, and ferries, the soundings of their main -channels, bars, rapids, and principal sluices through their falls, -their current at various places, and, if it can be done without -more cost than advantage, their fall between certain stations. -</p> - -<p> -II. <i>Mountains.</i>—I suppose the law contemplates, in the general -survey, only the principal continued ridges, and such insulated -mountains as being correctly ascertained in their position, and -visible from many and distant places, may, by their bearings, be -useful correctives for all the surveys, and especially for those of the -counties. Of the continued ridges, the Alleghany, North Mountain, -and Blue Ridge, are principal; ridges of partial lengths -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_583'>[583]</a></span>may be left to designation in the county surveys. Of insulated -mountains, there are the Peaks of Otter, in Bedford, which I believe -may be seen from about twenty counties; Willis' Mountains, -in Buckingham, which from their detached situation, and -so far below all other mountains, may be seen over a great space -of country; Peters' Mountain, in Albemarle, which, from its eminence -above all others of the south-west ridge, may be seen to -a great distance, probably to Willis' Mountain, and with that and -the Peaks of Otter, furnishes a very extensive triangle; and doubtless -there are many unknown to me, which, being truly located, -offer valuable indications and correctives for the county surveys. -For example, the sharp peak of Otter being precisely fixed in -position by its longitude and latitude, a simple observation of latitude -taken at any place from which that peak is visible, and an -observation of the angle it makes with the meridian of the place, -furnish a right-angled spherical triangle, of which the portion of -meridian intercepted between the latitudes of the place and peak, -will be on one side. With this and the given angles, the other -side, constituting the difference of longitude, may be calculated, -and thus by a correct position of these commanding points, that -of every place from which any one of them is visible, may, by -observations of latitude and bearing, be ascertained in longitude -also. If two such objects be visible from the same place, it will -afford, by another triangle, a double correction. -</p> - -<p> -The gaps in the continued ridges, ascribed to the general surveyor, -are required by the law to be noted; and so also are their -heights. This must certainly be understood with some limitation, -as the height of every knob in these ridges could never be -desired. Probably the law contemplated only the eminent mountains -in each ridge, such as would be conspicuous objects of observation -to the country at great distances, and would offer the -same advantages as the insulated mountains. Such eminences -in the Blue Ridge will be more extensively useful than those of -the more western ridges. The height of gaps also, over which -roads pass, were probably in view. -</p> - -<p> -But how are these heights to be taken, and from what base? -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_584'>[584]</a></span>I suppose from the plain on which they stand. But it is difficult -to ascertain the precise horizontal line of that plain, or to say -where the ascent above the general face of the country begins. -Where there is a river or other considerable stream, or extensive -meadow plains near the foot of a mountain, which is much the -case in the valleys dividing the western ridges, I suppose that -may be fairly considered in the level of its base, in the intendment -of the law. Where there is no such term of commencement, -the surveyor must judge, as well as he can from his view, -what point is in the general level of the adjacent country. How -are these heights to be taken, and with what instrument? Where -a good base can be found, the geometrical admeasurement is the -most satisfactory. For this, a theodolite must be provided of the -most perfect construction, by Ramsden, Troughton if possible; -and for horizontal angles it will be the better of two telescopes. -But such bases are rarely to be found. When none such, the -height may still be measured geometrically, by ascending or descending -the mountain with the theodolite, measuring its face -from station to station, noting its inclination between these stations, -and the hypothenusal difference of that inclination, as indicated -on the vertical arc of the theodolite. The sum of the perpendiculars -corresponding with the hypothenusal measures, is the height -of the mountain. But a barometrical admeasurement is preferable -to this; since the late improvements in the theory, they are -to be depended on nearly as much as the geometrical, and are -much more convenient and expeditious. The barometer should -have a sliding nonius, and a thermometer annexed, with a screw -at the bottom to force up the column of mercury solidly. Without -this precaution they cannot be transported at all; and even -with it they are in danger from every severe jolt. They go more -safely on a baggage-horse than in a carriage. The heights should -be measured on both sides, to show the rise of the country at -every ridge. -</p> - -<p> -Observations of longitude and latitude should be taken by the -surveyor at all confluences of considerable streams, and on all -mountains of which he measures the heights, whether insulated -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_585'>[585]</a></span>or in ridges; for this purpose, he should be furnished with a -good Hadley's circle of Borda's construction, with three limbs of -nonius indexes; if not to be had, a sextant of brass, and of the -best construction, may do, and a chronometer; to these is to be -added a Gunter's chain, with some appendix for plumbing the -chain. -</p> - -<p> -III. The External Boundaries of the State, to-wit: Northern, -Eastern, Southern and Western. The Northern boundary consists -of, 1st, the Potomac; 2d, a meridian from its source to Mason -& Dixon's line; 3d, a continuation of that line to the meridian -of the north-western corner of Pennsylvania, and 4th, of that -meridian to its intersection with the Ohio. 1st. The Potomac is -supposed, as before mentioned, to be surveyed to our hand. 2d, -The meridian, from its source to Mason & Dixon's line, was, I -believe, surveyed by them when they run the dividing line between -Lord Baltimore and Penn. I presume it can be had from -either Annapolis or Philadelphia, and I think there is a copy of -it, which I got from Dr. Smith, in an atlas of the library of Congress. -Nothing better can be done by us. 3d. The continuation -of Mason & Dixon's line and the meridian from its termination -to the Ohio, was done by Mr. Rittenhouse and others, and -copies of their work are doubtless in our offices as well as in -those of Pennsylvania. What has been done by Rittenhouse -can be better done by no one. -</p> - -<p> -The Eastern boundary being the sea-coast, we have before -presumed will be surveyed by the general government. -</p> - -<p> -The Southern boundary. This has been extended and marked -in different parts in the chartered latitude of 36° 31´ by three -different sets of Commissioners. The eastern part by Dr. Byrd -and other commissioners from Virginia and North Carolina: the -middle by Fry and Jefferson from Virginia, and Churton and -others from North Carolina; and the western by Dr. Walker -and Daniel Smith, now of Tennessee. Whether Byrd's survey -now exists, I do not know. His journal is still in possession -of some one of the Westover family, and it would be well to seek -for it, in order to judge of that portion of the line. Fry and Jefferson's -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_586'>[586]</a></span>journal was burnt in the Shadwell house about fifty -years ago, with all the materials of their map. Walker and -Smith's survey is probably in our offices; there is a copy of it in -the atlas before mentioned; but that survey was made on the -spur of a particular occasion, and with a view to a particular object -only. During the revolutionary war, we were informed -that a treaty of peace was on the carpet in Europe, on the principle -of <span lang="la"><i>uti possidetis</i></span>; and we despatched those gentlemen immediately -to ascertain the intersection of our Southern boundary -with the Mississippi, and ordered Colonel Clarke to erect a hasty -fort on the first bluff above the line, which was done as an act -of possession. The intermediate line, between that and the termination -of Fry and Jefferson's line, was provisionary only, and not -made with any particular care. That, then, requires to be re-surveyed -as far as the Cumberland mountain. But the eastern and -middle surveys will only need, I suppose, to have their longitudes -rectified by the astronomical surveyor. -</p> - -<p> -The Western boundary, consisting of the Ohio, Big Sandy -and Cumberland mountain, having been established while I was -out of the country, I have never had occasion to inquire whether -they were actually surveyed, and with what degree of accuracy. -But this fact being well known to yourself particularly, and to -others who have been constantly present in the State, you will -be more competent to decide what is to be done in that quarter. -I presume, indeed, that this boundary will constitute the principal -and most difficult part of the operations of the General Surveyor. -</p> - -<p> -The injunctions of the act to note the magnetic variations -merit diligent attention. The law of those variations is not yet -sufficiently known to satisfy us that sensible changes do not -sometimes take place at small intervals of time and place. To -render these observations of the variations easy, and to encourage -their frequency, a copy of a table of amplitudes should be furnished -to every surveyor, by which, wherever he has a good -Eastern horizon, he may, in a few seconds, at sunrise, ascertain -the variation. This table is to be found in the book called the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_587'>[587]</a></span>"Mariner's Compass Rectified;" but more exactly in the <span lang="fr_FR">"Connaissance -des Tems"</span> for 1778 and 1788, all of which are in the -library of Congress. It may perhaps be found in other books -more easily procured, and will need to be extracted only from -36½° to 40° degrees of latitude. -</p> - -<p> -III. <i>The Astronomical Survey.</i> This is the most important -of all the operations; it is from this alone we are to expect real -truth. Measures and rhumbs taken on the special surface of the -earth, cannot be represented on a plain surface of paper without -astronomical corrections; and, paradoxical as it may seem, it is -nevertheless true, that we cannot know the relative position of -two places on the earth, but by interrogating the sun, moon, and -stars. The observer must, therefore, correctly fix, in longitude -and latitude, all remarkable points from distance to distance. -Those to be selected of preference are the confluences, rapids, -falls and ferries of water courses, summits of mountains, towns, -court-houses, and angles of counties, and where these points are -more than a third or half a degree distant, they should be supplied -by observations of other points, such as mills, bridges, -passes through mountains, &c., for in our latitudes, half a degree -makes a difference of three-eighths of a mile in the length of the -degree of longitude. These points first laid down, the intermediate -delineations to be transferred from the particular surveys -to the general map, are adapted to them by contractions or -dilatations. The observer will need a best Hadley's circle of -Broda's construction, by Troughton, if possible, (for they are -since Ramsden's time,) and a best chronometer. -</p> - -<p> -Very possibly an equatorial may be needed. This instrument -set to the observed latitude, gives the meridian of the place. In -the lunar observations <i>at sea</i> this element cannot be had, and in -Europe <i>by land</i>, these observations are not resorted to for longitudes, -because at their numerous fixed observations they are prepared -for the better method of Jupiter's satellites. But here, -where our geography is still to be fixed by a portable apparatus -only, we are obliged to resort, as at sea, to the lunar observations, -with the advantage, however, of a fixed meridian. And although -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_588'>[588]</a></span>the use of a meridian in these observations is a novelty, yet, -placed under new circumstances, we must countervail their advantages -by whatever new resources they offer. It is obvious -that the observed distance of the moon from the meridian of the -place, and her calculated distance from that of Greenwich at the -same instant, give the difference of meridians, without dependence -on any measure of time; by addition of the observations, -if the moon be between the two meridians, by subtraction if -east or west of both; the association, therefore, of this instrument -with the circular one, by introducing another element, another -process and another instrument, furnishes a test of the observations -with the Hadley, adds to their certainty, and, by its corroborations, -dispenses with that multiplication of observations -which is necessary with the Hadley when used alone. This -idea, however, is suggested by theory only; and it must be left -to the judgment of the observer who will be employed, whether -it would be practicable and useful. To him, when known, I -shall be glad to give further explanations. The cost of the -equatorial is about the same with that of the circle, when of -equal workmanship. -</p> - -<p> -Both the surveyor and astronomer should journalize their proceedings -daily, and send copies of their journals monthly to the -Executive, as well to prevent loss by accident, as to make known -their progress. -</p> - -<p> -IV. <i>Mineralogical Survey.</i>—I have never known in the United -States but one eminent mineralogist, who could have been -engaged on hire. This was a Mr. Goudon from France, who -came over to Philadelphia six or seven years ago. Being zealously -devoted to the science, he proposed to explore the new -field which this country offered; but being scanty in means, as I -understood, he meant to give lectures in the winter which might -enable him to pass the summer in mineralogical rambles. It is -long since I have heard his name mentioned, and therefore do -not know whether he is still at Philadelphia, or even among the -living. The literary gentlemen of that place can give the information, -or perhaps point out some other equal to the undertaking. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_589'>[589]</a></span>I believe I have now, Sir, gone over all the subjects of your -letter,—which I have done with less reserve to multiply the -chances of offering here and there something which might be -useful. Its greatest merit, however, will be that of evidencing -my respect for your commands, and of adding to the proofs of my -great consideration and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, April 24, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -I received, my dear friend, your letter covering the constitution -for your Equinoctial republics, just as I was setting out for -this place. I brought it with me, and have read it with great satisfaction. -I suppose it well formed for those for whom it was intended, -and the excellence of every government is its adaptation -to the state of those to be governed by it. For us it would not -do. Distinguishing between the structure of the government and -the moral principles on which you prescribe its administration, -with the latter we concur cordially, with the former we should -not. We of the United States, you know, are constitutionally -and conscientiously democrats. We consider society as one of -the natural wants with which man has been created; that he has -been endowed with faculties and qualities to effect its satisfaction -by concurrence of others having the same want; that when, by -the exercise of these faculties, he has procured a state of society, -it is one of his acquisitions which he has a right to regulate -and control, jointly indeed with all those who have concurred in -the procurement, whom he cannot exclude from its use or direction -more than they him. We think experience has proved it -safer, for the mass of individuals composing the society, to reserve -to themselves personally the exercise of all rightful powers -to which they are competent, and to delegate those to which -they are not competent to deputies named, and removable for unfaithful -conduct, by themselves immediately. Hence, with us, -the people (by which is meant the mass of individuals composing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_590'>[590]</a></span>the society) being competent to judge of the facts occurring in -ordinary life, they have retained the functions of judges of facts, -under the name of jurors; but being unqualified for the management -of affairs requiring intelligence above the common level, -yet competent judges of human character, they chose, for their -management, representatives, some by themselves immediately, -others by electors chosen by themselves. Thus our President is -chosen by ourselves, directly in <i>practice</i>, for we vote for A as -elector only on the condition he will vote for B, our representatives -by ourselves immediately, our Senate and judges of law -through electors chosen by ourselves. And we believe that this -proximate choice and power of removal is the best security which -experience has sanctioned for ensuring an honest conduct in the -functionaries of society. Your three or four alembications have -indeed a seducing appearance. We should conceive, <span lang="la"><i>primá -facie</i></span>, that the last extract would be the pure alcohol of the substance, -three or four times rectified. But in proportion as they -are more and more sublimated, they are also farther and farther -removed from the control of the society; and the human character, -we believe, requires in general constant and immediate control, -to prevent its being biased from right by the seductions of -self-love. Your process produces therefore a structure of government -from which the fundamental principle of ours is excluded. -You first set down as zeros all individuals not having lands, -which are the greater number in every society of long standing. -Those holding lands are permitted to manage in person the small -affairs of their commune or corporation, and to elect a deputy for -the canton; in which election, too, every one's vote is to be an -unit, a plurality, or a fraction, in proportion to his landed possessions. -The assemblies of cantons, then, elect for the districts; -those of districts for circles; and those of circles for the national -assemblies. Some of these highest councils, too, are in a considerable -degree self-elected, the regency partially, the judiciary entirely, -and some are for life. Whenever, therefore, an <i>esprit de -corps</i>, or of party, gets possession of them, which experience -shows to be inevitable, there are no means of breaking it up, for -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_591'>[591]</a></span>they will never elect but those of their own spirit. Juries are -allowed in criminal cases only. I acknowledge myself strong in -affection to our own form, yet both of us act and think from the -same motive, we both consider the people as our children, and -love them with parental affection. But you love them as infants -whom you are afraid to trust without nurses; and I as adults -whom I freely leave to self-government. And you are right in -the case referred to you; my criticism being built on a state of -society not under your contemplation. It is, in fact, like a critic -on Homer by the laws of the Drama. -</p> - -<p> -But when we come to the moral principles on which the -government is to be administered, we come to what is proper for -all conditions of society. I meet you there in all the benevolence -and rectitude of your native character; and I love myself -always most where I concur most with you. Liberty, truth, probity, -honor, are declared to be the four cardinal principles of -your society. I believe with you that morality, compassion, -generosity, are innate elements of the human constitution; that -there exists a right independent of force; that a right to property -is founded in our natural wants, in the means with which we -are endowed to satisfy these wants, and the right to what we acquire -by those means without violating the similar rights of other -sensible beings; that no one has a right to obstruct another, -exercising his faculties innocently for the relief of sensibilities -made a part of his nature; that justice is the fundamental law -of society; that the majority, oppressing an individual, is guilty -of a crime, abuses its strength, and by acting on the law of the -strongest breaks up the foundations of society; that action by -the citizens in person, in affairs within their reach and competence, -and in all others by representatives, chosen immediately, -and removable by themselves, constitutes the essence of a republic; -that all governments are more or less republican in proportion -as this principle enters more or less into their composition; -and that a government by representation is capable of extension -over a greater surface of country than one of any other -form. These, my friend, are the essentials in which you and I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_592'>[592]</a></span>agree; however, in our zeal for their maintenance, we may be -perplexed and divaricate, as to the structure of society most likely -to secure them. -</p> - -<p> -In the constitution of Spain, as proposed by the late Cortes, -there was a principle entirely new to me, and not noticed in -yours, that no person, born after that day, should ever acquire -the rights of citizenship until he could read and write. It is -impossible sufficiently to estimate the wisdom of this provision. -Of all those which have been thought of for securing fidelity in -the administration of the government, constant ralliance to the -principles of the constitution, and progressive amendments with -the progressive advances of the human mind, or changes in human -affairs, it is the most effectual. Enlighten the people -generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will -vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day. Although I do not, -with some enthusiasts, believe that the human condition will -ever advance to such a state of perfection as that there shall no -longer be pain or vice in the world, yet I believe it susceptible of -much improvement, and most of all, in matters of government -and religion; and that the diffusion of knowledge among the -people is to be the instrument by which it is to be effected. The -constitution of the Cortes had defects enough; but when I saw -in it this amendatory provision, I was satisfied all would come -right in time, under its salutary operation. No people have more -need of a similar provision than those for whom you have felt so -much interest. No mortal wishes them more success than I do. -But if what I have heard of the ignorance and bigotry of the -mass be true, I doubt their capacity to understand and to support -a free government; and fear that their emancipation from the -foreign tyranny of Spain, will result in a military despotism at -home. Palacios may be great; others may be great; but it is -the multitude which possesses force; and wisdom must yield to -that. For such a condition of society, the constitution you have -devised is probably the best imaginable. It is certainly calculated -to elicit the best talents; although perhaps not well guarded -against the egoism of its functionaries. But that egoism will -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_593'>[593]</a></span>be light in comparison with the pressure of a military despot, -and his army of Janissaries. Like Solon to the Athenians, you -have given to your Columbians, not the best possible government, -but the best they can bear. By-the-bye, I wish you had -called them the Columbian republics, to distinguish them from -our American republics. Theirs would be the most honorable -name, and they best entitled to it; for Columbus discovered their -continent, but never saw ours. -</p> - -<p> -To them liberty and happiness; to you the meed of wisdom -and goodness in teaching them how to attain them, with the -affectionate respect and friendship of, -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. FR. ADR. VANDERKEMP. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, April 25, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 24th was handed to me just as I -was setting out on a journey of time and distance, which will -explain the date of this both as to time and place. The Syllabus, -which is the subject of your letter, was addressed to a friend -to whom I had promised a more detailed view. But finding I -should never have time for that, I sent him what I thought -should be the outlines of such a work; the same subject entering -sometimes into the correspondence between Mr. Adams and myself, -I sent him a copy of it. The friend to whom it had been -first addressed, dying soon after, I asked from his family the return -of the original, as a confidential communication, which they -kindly sent me. So that no copy of it, but that in the possession -of Mr. Adams, now exists out of my own hands. I have -used this caution lest it should get out in connection with my -name; and I was unwilling to draw on myself a swarm of insects, -whose buzz is more disquieting than their bite. As an abstract -thing, and without any intimation from what quarter derived, -I can have no objection to its being committed to the consideration -of the world. I believe it may even do good by producing -discussion, and finally a true view of the merits of this -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_594'>[594]</a></span>great reformer. Pursuing the same ideas after writing the Syllabus, -I made, for my own satisfaction, an extract from the Evangelists -of his morals, selecting those only whose style and spirit -proved them genuine, and his own; and they are as distinguishable -from the matter in which they are imbedded as diamonds in -dunghills. A more precious morsel in ethics was never seen. It -was too hastily done, however, being the work of one or two -evenings only, while I lived at Washington, overwhelmed with -other business, and it is my intention to go over it again at more -leisure. This shall be the work of the ensuing winter. I gave -it the title of "the Philosophy of Jesus extracted from the text -of the Evangelists." To this Syllabus and extract, if a history -of his life can be added, written with the same view of the subject, -the world will see, after the fogs shall be dispelled, in which -for fourteen centuries he has been enveloped by jugglers to make -money of him, when the genuine character shall be exhibited, -which they have dressed up in the rags of an imposter, the world, -I say, will at length see the immortal merit of this first of human -sages. I rejoice that you think of undertaking this work. -It is one I have long wished to see written of the scale of a -Laertius or a Nepos. Nor can it be a work of labor, or of volume, -for his journeyings from Judea to Samaria, and Samaria to -Galilee, do not cover much country; and the incidents of his -life require little research. They are all at hand, and need only -to be put into human dress; noticing such only as are within the -physical laws of nature, and offending none by a denial or even -a mention of what is not. If the Syllabus and Extract (which -is short) either in substance, or at large, are worth a place under -the same cover with your biography, they are at your service. I -ask one only condition, that no possibility shall be admitted of -my name being even intimated with the publication. If done -in England, as you seem to contemplate, there will be the less -likelihood of my being thought of. I shall be much gratified to -learn that you pursue your intention of writing the life of Jesus, -and pray you to accept the assurances of my great respect and esteem. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_595'>[595]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. CORREA DE SERRA. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, April 26, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 29th was received, just as I -was setting out for this place. I brought it with me to be answered -hence. Since you are so kind as to interest yourself for -Captain Lewis' papers, I will give you a full statement of them. -</p> - -<p> -1. Ten or twelve such pocket volumes, morocco bound, as -that you describe, in which, in his own hand-writing, he had -journalized all occurrences, day by day, as he travelled. They -were small 8vos, and opened at the end for more convenient writing. -Every one had been put into a separate tin case, cemented to -prevent injury from wet, but on his return the cases, I presume, -had been taken from them, as he delivered me the books uncased. -There were in them the figures of some animals, drawn -with the pen while on his journey. The gentleman who published -his travels must have had these MS. volumes, and perhaps -now has them, or can give some account of them. -</p> - -<p> -2. Descriptions of animals and plants. I do not recollect -whether there was such a book or collection of papers, distinct -from his journal, although I am inclined to think there was one: -because his travels as published, do not contain all the new animals -of which he had either descriptions or specimens. Mr. -Peale, I think, must know something of this, as he drew figures -of some of the animals for engraving, and some were actually -engraved. Perhaps Conrad, his bookseller, who was to have -published the work, can give an account of these. -</p> - -<p> -3. Vocabularies. I had myself made a collection of about -forty vocabularies of the Indians on this side of the Mississippi, -and Captain Lewis was instructed to take those of every tribe -beyond, which he possibly could. The intention was to publish -the whole, and leave the world to search for affinities between -these and the languages of Europe and Asia. He was furnished -with a number of printed vocabularies of the same words and -form I had used, with blank spaces for the Indian words. He -was very attentive to this instruction, never missing an opportunity -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_596'>[596]</a></span>of taking a vocabulary. After his return, he asked me if -I should have any objection to the printing his separately, as -mine were not yet arranged as I intended. I assured him I had -not the least; and I am certain he contemplated their publication. -But whether he had put the papers out of his own hand or not, -I do not know. I imagine he had not; and it is probable that -Doctor Barton, who was particularly curious on this subject, and -published on it occasionally, would willingly receive and take -care of these papers after Captain Lewis' death, and that they -are now among his papers. -</p> - -<p> -4. His observations of longitude and latitude. He was instructed -to send these to the War-Office, that measures might be -taken to have the calculations made. Whether he delivered -them to the War-Office, or to Dr. Patterson, I do not know, but -I think he communicated with Dr. Patterson concerning them. -These are all important, because although, having with him the -nautical almanacs, he could and did calculate some of his latitudes, -yet the longitudes were taken merely from estimates by -the log-line, time, and course. So that it is only as latitudes -that his map may be considered as tolerably correct; not as to -its longitudes. -</p> - -<p> -5. His Map. This was drawn on sheets of paper, not put together, -but so marked that they could be joined together with -the utmost accuracy; not as one great square map, but ramifying -with the courses of the rivers. The scale was very large, and -the sheets numerous, but in perfect preservation. This was to -await publication, until corrected by the calculations of longitude -and latitude. I examined these sheets myself minutely, as spread -on a floor, and the originals must be in existence, as the map -published with his travels must have been taken from them. -</p> - -<p> -These constitute the whole. They are the property of the -government, the fruits of the expedition undertaken at such expense -of money, and risk of valuable lives. They contain exactly -the whole of the information which it was our object to -obtain, for the benefit of our own country and of the world. But -we were willing to give to Lewis and Clarke whatever pecuniary -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_597'>[597]</a></span>benefits might be derived from the publication, and therefore left -the papers in their hands, taking for granted that their interests -would produce a speedy publication, which would be better if -done under their direction. But the death of Captain Lewis, -the distance and occupations of General Clarke, and the bankruptcy -of their bookseller, have retarded the publication, and -rendered it necessary that the government should attend to the -reclamation and security of the papers; their recovery is now become -an imperious duty. Their safest deposit, as fast as they -can be collected, will be the Philosophical Society, who no -doubt will be so kind as to receive and preserve them, subject to -the orders of government; and their publication once effected in -any way, the originals will probably be left in the same deposit. -As soon as I can learn their present situation, I will lay the matter -before the government to take such order as they think -proper. As to any claims of individuals to these papers, it is to -be observed that, as being the property of the public, we are -certain neither Lewis nor Clarke would undertake to convey -away the right to them, had they been capable of intending it. -Yet no interest of that kind is meant to be disturbed, if the individual -can give satisfactory assurance that he will promptly -and properly publish them; otherwise they must be restored to -the government, and the claimant left to settle with those on -whom he has any claim. My interference, will, I trust, be excused, -not only from the portion which every citizen has in whatever -is public, but from the peculiar part I have had in the design -and execution of this expedition. -</p> - -<p> -To you, my friend, apology is due for involving you in the -trouble of this inquiry. It must be found in the interest you -take in whatever belongs to science, and in your own kind offers -to me of aid in this research. Be assured always of my affectionate -friendship and respect.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_598'>[598]</a></span> -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, May 3, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of April 8th has long since been received. -</p> -<p> -<i>J.</i> "Would you agree to live your eighty years over again?" -</p> - -<p> -<i>A.</i> ——. -</p> - -<p> -<i>J.</i> "Would you agree to live your eighty years over again -forever?" -</p> - -<p> -<i>A.</i> I once heard our acquaintance, Chew, of Philadelphia, -say, "he should like to go back to twenty-five, to all eternity;" -but I own my soul would start and shrink back on itself at the -prospect of an endless succession of <span lang="fr_FR"><i>Boules de Savon</i></span>, almost as -much as at the certainty of annihilation. For what is human -life? I can speak only for one. I have had more comfort than -distress, more pleasure than pain ten to one, nay, if you please, -an hundred to one. A pretty large dose, however, of distress -and pain. But after all, what is human life? A vapor, a fog, a -dew, a cloud, a blossom, a flower, a rose, a blade of grass, a glass -bubble, a tale told by an idiot, a <span lang="fr_FR"><i>Boule de Savon</i></span>, vanity of vanities, -an eternal succession of which would terrify me almost as -much as annihilation. -</p> - -<p> -<i>J.</i> "Would you prefer to live over again, rather than accept -the offer of a better life in a future state?" -</p> - -<p> -<i>A.</i> Certainly not. -</p> - -<p> -<i>J.</i> "Would you live again rather than change for the worse in -a future state, for the sake of trying something new?" -</p> - -<p> -<i>A.</i> Certainly yes. -</p> - -<p> -<i>J.</i> "Would you live over again once or forever, rather than -run the risk of annihilation, or of a better or a worse state at or -after death?" -</p> - -<p> -<i>A.</i> Most certainly I would not. -</p> - -<p> -<i>J.</i> "How valiant you are!" -</p> - -<p> -<i>A.</i> Aye, at this moment, and -at all other moments of my life that I can recollect; but who can -tell what will become of his bravery when his flesh and his -heart shall fail him? Bolingbroke said "his philosophy was not -sufficient to support him in his last hours." D'Alembert said: -"Happy are they who have courage, but I have none." Voltaire, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_599'>[599]</a></span>the greatest genius of them all, behaved like the greatest -coward of them all at his death, as he had like the wisest fool of -them all in his lifetime. Hume awkwardly affected to sport -away all sober thoughts. Who can answer for his last feelings -and reflections, especially as the priests are in possession of the -custom of making them the greatest engines of their craft. <span lang="la"><i>Procul -est prophani!</i></span> -</p> - -<p> -<i>J.</i> "How shall we, how can we estimate the real value of -human life?" -</p> - -<p> -<i>A.</i> I know not; I cannot weigh sensations and reflections, -pleasures and pains, hopes and fears, in money-scales. But I can -tell you how I have heard it estimated by philosophers. One of -my old friends and clients, a mandamus counsellor against his -will, a man of letters and virtues, without one vice that I ever -knew or suspected, except garrulity, William Vassall, asserted to -me, and strenuously maintained, that "<i>pleasure is no compensation -for pain</i>." "An hundred years of the keenest delights of -human life could not atone for one hour of bilious cholic that he -had felt." The sublimity of this philosophy my dull genius -could not reach. I was willing to state a fair account between -pleasure and pain, and give credit for the balance, which I found -very great in my favor. -</p> - -<p> -Another philosopher, who, as we say, believed nothing, ridiculed -the notion of a future state. One of the company asked, -"Why are you an enemy to a future state? Are you weary of -life? Do you detest existence?" "Weary of life? Detest existence?" -said the philosopher. "No! I love life so well, and am -so attached to existence, that to be sure of immortality, I would -consent to be pitched about with forks by the devils, among -flames of fire and brimstone, to all eternity." -</p> - -<p> -I find no resources in my courage for this exalted philosophy. -I had rather be blotted out. -</p> - -<p> -<span lang="fr_FR"><i>Il faut trancher cet mot!</i></span> What is there in life to attach us -to it but the hope of a future and a better? It is a cracker, a -rocket, a fire-work at best. -</p> - -<p> -I admire your navigation, and should like to sail with you, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_600'>[600]</a></span>either in your bark, or in my own along side of yours. Hope -with her gay ensigns displayed at the prow, fear with her hobgoblins -behind the stern. Hope springs eternal, and hope is all -that endures. Take away hope and what remains? What -pleasure, I mean? Take away fear and what pain remains? -Ninety-nine one hundredths of the pleasures and pains of life are -nothing but hopes and fears. -</p> - -<p> -All nations known in history or in travels, have hoped, believed -and expected a future and a better state. The Maker of the -Universe, the cause of all things, whether we call it <i>fate</i>, or <i>chance</i>, -or God, has inspired this hope. If it is a <i>fraud</i>, we shall never -know it. We shall never resent the imposition, be grateful for -the illusion, nor grieve for the disappointment. We shall be -no more. Credit Grimm, Diderot, Buffon, La Lande, Condorcet, -D'Holbach, Frederick, Catharine; <span lang="la"><i>non ego</i></span>. Arrogant as it may -be, I shall take the liberty to pronounce them all <i>Idiologians</i>. -Yet I would not persecute a hair of their heads. The world is -wide enough for them and me. -</p> - -<p> -Suppose the cause of the universe should reveal to all mankind -at once a <i>certainty</i> that they must all die within a century, -and that death is an eternal extinction of all living powers, of all -sensation and reflection. What would be the effect? Would -there be one man, woman or child existing on this globe, twenty -years hence? Would not every human being be a Madame -Deffand, Voltaire's <span lang="fr_FR">"Aveugle clairvoyante,"</span> all her lifetime regretting -her existence, bewailing that she had ever been born, -grieving that she had ever been dragged, without her consent, -into being. Who would bear the gout, the stone, the cholic, for -the sake of a <span lang="fr_FR"><i>Boule de Savon</i></span>, when a pistol, a cord, a pond, or -a phial of laudanum was at hand? What would men say to -their Maker? Would they thank him? No; they would reproach -him; they would curse him to his face. <span lang="fr_FR">Voila!</span> -</p> - -<p> -A sillier letter than my last. For a wonder, I have filled a sheet, -and a greater wonder, I have read fifteen volumes of Grimm. -<span lang="la"><i>Digito comesse labellum</i></span>. I hope to write you more upon this -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_601'>[601]</a></span>and other topics of your letter. I have read also a History of the -Jesuits, in four volumes. Can you tell me the author, or anything -of this work? -</p> - -<h3> -JOHN ADAMS TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Quincy</span>, May 6, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Neither eyes, fingers or paper held out to despatch -all the trifles I wished to write in my last letter. -</p> - -<p> -In your favor of April 8th you "wonder for what good end -the sensations of grief could be intended?" "You wish the -Pathologists would tell us, what the use of grief in our economy, -and of what good it is the cause proximate or remote." When -I approach such questions as this, I consider myself, like one of -those little eels in Vinaigre, or one of those animalcules in black -or red paper, or in the horse-radish root, that bite our tongues so -cruelly, reasoning upon the <span class="greek" title="to pan">το παν</span>. Of what use is this sting -upon the tongue? Why might we not have the benefit of these -stimulants, without the sting? Why might we not have the -fragrance and beauty of the rose without the thorn? -</p> - -<p> -In the first place, however, we know not the connection between -pleasure and pain. They seem to be mechanical and inseparable. -How can we conceive a strong passion, a sanguine -hope suddenly disappointed, without producing pain, or grief? -Swift at seventy, recollected the fish he had angled out of water -when a boy, which broke loose from his hook; and said I feel -the disappointment at this moment. A merchant places all his -fortune and all his credit in a single India or China ship. She -arrives at the vineyard with a cargo worth a million, in order. -Sailing round a Cape for Boston, a sudden storm wrecks her—ship, -cargo and crew, all lost. Is it possible that the merchant -ruined, bankrupt, sent to prison by his creditors—his wife and -children starving—should not grieve? Suppose a young couple, -with every advantage of persons, fortunes and connections, on -the point of indissoluble union. A flash of lightning, or any one -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_602'>[602]</a></span>of those millions of accidents which are allotted to humanity, -proves fatal to one of the lovers. Is it possible that the other, -and all the friends of both, should not grieve? It seems that -grief, as a mere passion, must be in proportion to sensibility. -</p> - -<p> -Did you ever see a portrait, or a statue of a great man, without -perceiving strong traits of pain and anxiety? These furrows -were all ploughed in the countenance, by grief. Our juridical -oracle, Sir Edward Coke, thought that none were fit for legislators -and magistrates, but "<i>sad men</i>" And who were these sad -men? They were aged men, who had been tossed and buffeted -in the vicissitudes of life—forced upon profound reflection by -grief and disappointments—and taught to command their passions -and prejudices. -</p> - -<p> -But all this you will say is nothing to the purpose. It is only -repeating and exemplifying a <i>fact</i>, which my question supposed -to be well known, viz., the existence of grief; and is no answer -to my question, "what are the uses of grief." This is very true, -and you are very right; but may not the uses of grief be inferred, -or at least suggested by such exemplifications of known facts? -Grief compels the India merchant to think; to reflect upon the -plans of his voyage. Have I not been rash, to trust my fortune, -my family, my liberty, to the caprices of winds and waves in a -single ship? I will never again give a loose to my imagination -and avarice. It had been wiser and more honest to have traded -on a smaller scale upon my own capital. -</p> - -<p> -The desolated lover, and disappointed connections, are compelled -by their grief to reflect on the vanity of human wishes and -expectations; to learn the essential lesson of resignation; to review -their own conduct towards the deceased; to correct any errors or -faults in their future conduct towards their remaining friends, and -towards all men; to recollect the virtues of the lost friend, and -resolve to imitate them; his follies and vices if he had any, and -resolve to avoid them. -</p> - -<p> -Grief drives men into habits of serious reflection, sharpens the -understanding, and softens the heart; it compels them to arouse -their reason, to assert its empire over their passions, propensities -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_603'>[603]</a></span>and prejudices; to elevate them to a superiority over all human -events; to give them the <span lang="la"><i>felicis annimi immota tranquilitatum</i></span>; -in short, to make them stoics and Christians. After all, as grief -is a pain, it stands in the predicament of all other evil, and the -great question occurs, what is the origin, and what the final -cause of evil. This perhaps is known only to omniscience. We -poor mortals have nothing to do with it—but to fabricate all the -good we can out of all inevitable evils—and to avoid all that are -avoidable, and many such there are, among which are our own -unnecessary apprehensions and imaginary fears. Though stoical -apathy is impossible, yet patience, and resignation, and tranquillity -may be acquired by consideration, in a great degree, very much -for the happiness of life. -</p> - -<p> -I have read Grimm, in fifteen volumes, of more than five hundred -pages each. I will not say like uncle Toby, "You shall -not die till you have read him." But you ought to read him, if -possible. It is the most entertaining work I ever read. He appears -exactly as you represent him. What is most remarkable -of all is his impartiality. He spares no characters but Necker -and Diderot. Voltaire, Buffon, D'Alembert, Helvetius, Rousseau, -Marmontel, Condorcet, La Harpe, Beaumarchais, and all others, -are lashed without ceremony. Their portraits as faithfully drawn -as possible. It is a complete review of French literature and fine -arts from 1753 to 1790. No politics. Criticisms very just. Anecdotes -without number, and very merry. One ineffably ridiculous, -I wish I could send you, but it is immeasurably long. -D'Argens, a little out of health and shivering with the cold in -Berlin, asked leave of the King to take a ride to Gascony, his native -province. He was absent so long that Frederick concluded -the air of the south of France was like to detain his friend; and -as he wanted his society and services, he contrived a trick to -bring him back. He fabricated a mandement in the name of the -Archbishop of Aix, commanding all the faithful to seize the -Marquis D'Argens, author of Ocellus, Timæus and Julian, works -atheistical, deistical, heretical and impious in the highest degree. -This mandement, composed in a style of ecclesiastical eloquence -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_604'>[604]</a></span>that never was exceeded by Pope, Jesuit, Inquisitor, or Sorbonite, -he sent in print by a courier to D'Argens, who, frightened out -of his wit, fled by cross roads out of France and back to Berlin, -to the greater joy of the philosophical court; for the laugh of -Europe, which they had raised at the expense of the learned -Marquis. -</p> - -<p> -I do not like the late resurrection of the Jesuits. They have -a general now in Russia, in correspondence with the Jesuits in -the United States, who are more numerous than everybody -knows. Shall we not have swarms of them here? In as many -shapes and disguises as ever a king of the Gypsies—Bamfield -Morecarew himself, assumed? In the shape of printers, editors, -writers, schoolmasters, &c. I have lately read Pascal's letters -over again, and four volumes of the history of the Jesuits. If -ever any congregation of men could merit eternal perdition on -earth and in hell, according to these historians, though like Pascal -true Catholics, it is this company Loyola. Our system, however, -of religious liberty must afford them an asylum. But if -they do not put the purity of our elections to a severe trial, it -will be a wonder. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN TAYLOR. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 28, 1816. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—On my return from a long journey and considerable -absence from home, I found here the copy of your "Enquiry -into the principles of our government," which you had been so -kind as to send me; and for which I pray you to accept my -thanks. The difficulties of getting new works in our situation, -inland and without a single bookstore, are such as had prevented -my obtaining a copy before; and letters which had accumulated -during my absence, and were calling for answers, have not yet -permitted me to give to the whole a thorough reading; yet certain -that you and I could not think differently on the fundamentals -of rightful government, I was impatient, and availed myself -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_605'>[605]</a></span>of the intervals of repose from the writing table, to obtain a cursory -idea of the body of the work. -</p> - -<p> -I see in it much matter for profound reflection; much which -should confirm our adhesion, in practice, to the good principles -of our constitution, and fix our attention on what is yet to be -made good. The sixth section on the good moral principles of -our government, I found so interesting and replete with sound -principles, as to postpone my letter-writing to its thorough perusal -and consideration. Besides much other good matter, it settles -unanswerably the right of instructing representatives, and -their duty to obey. The system of banking we have both -equally and ever reprobated. I contemplate it as a blot left in -all our constitutions, which, if not covered, will end in their destruction, -which is already hit by the gamblers in corruption, and -is sweeping away in its progress the fortunes and morals of our -citizens. Funding I consider as limited, rightfully, to a redemption -of the debt within the lives of a majority of the generation -contracting it; every generation coming equally, by the laws of -the Creator of the world, to the free possession of the earth he -made for their subsistence, unincumbered by their predecessors, -who, like them, were but tenants for life. You have successfully -and completely pulverized Mr. Adams' system of orders, and -his opening the mantle of republicanism to every government -of laws, whether consistent or not with natural right. Indeed, -it must be acknowledged, that the term <i>republic</i> is of very vague -application in every language. Witness the self-styled republics -of Holland, Switzerland, Genoa, Venice, Poland. Were I to assign -to this term a precise and definite idea, I would say, purely -and simply, it means a government by its citizens in mass, acting -directly and personally, according to rules established by the -majority; and that every other government is more or less republican, -in proportion as it has in its composition more or less -of this ingredient of the direct action of the citizens. Such a -government is evidently restrained to very narrow limits of space -and population. I doubt if it would be practicable beyond the -extent of a New England township. The first shade from this -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_606'>[606]</a></span>pure element, which, like that of pure vital air, cannot sustain -life of itself, would be where the powers of the government, -being divided, should be exercised each by representatives chosen -either <span lang="la"><i>pro hac vice</i></span>, or for such short terms as should render -secure the duty of expressing the will of their constituents. This -I should consider as the nearest approach to a pure republic, -which is practicable on a large scale of country or population. -And we have examples of it in some of our State constitutions, -which, if not poisoned by priest-craft, would prove its excellence -over all mixtures with other elements; and, with only equal -doses of poison, would still be the best. Other shades of -republicanism may be found in other forms of government, -where the executive, judiciary and legislative functions, and the -different branches of the latter, are chosen by the people more or -less directly, for longer terms of years, or for life, or made hereditary; -or where there are mixtures of authorities, some dependent -on, and others independent of the people. The further the -departure from direct and constant control by the citizens, the -less has the government of the ingredient of republicanism; evidently -none where the authorities are hereditary, as in France, -Venice, &c., or self-chosen, as in Holland; and little, where for -life, in proportion as the life continues in being after the act of -election. -</p> - -<p> -The purest republican feature in the government of our own -State, is the House of Representatives. The Senate is equally -so the first year, less the second, and so on. The Executive -still less, because not chosen by the people directly. The Judiciary -seriously anti-republican, because for life; and the national -arm wielded, as you observe, by military leaders, irresponsible -but to themselves. Add to this the vicious constitution -of our county courts (to whom the justice, the executive administration, -the taxation, police, the military appointments of -the county, and nearly all our daily concerns are confided), self-appointed, -self-continued, holding their authorities for life, and -with an impossibility of breaking in on the perpetual succession -of any faction once possessed of the bench. They are in truth, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_607'>[607]</a></span>the executive, the judiciary, and the military of their respective -counties, and the sum of the counties makes the State. And -add, also, that one half of our brethren who fight and pay taxes, -are excluded, like Helots, from the rights of representation, as if -society were instituted for the soil, and not for the men inhabiting -it; or one half of these could dispose of the rights and the -will of the other half, without their consent.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p class="p3"> "What constitutes a State?</p> -<p>Not high-raised battlements, or labor'd mound,</p> -<p class="p3"> Thick wall, or moated gate;</p> -<p>Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown'd;</p> -<p class="p3"> No: men, high minded men;</p> -<p class="p3"> Men, who their duties know;</p> -<p>But know their rights; and knowing, dare maintain.</p> -<p class="p3"> These constitute a State."</p> -</div></div> - -<p> -In the General Government, the House of Representatives is -mainly republican; the Senate scarcely so at all, as not elected -by the people directly, and so long secured even against those -who do elect them; the Executive more republican than the -Senate, from its shorter term, its election by the people, in practice, -(for they vote for A only on an assurance that he will vote -for B,) and because, <i>in practice also</i>, a principle of rotation -seems to be in a course of establishment; the judiciary independent -of the nation, their coercion by impeachment being -found nugatory. -</p> - -<p> -If, then, the control of the people over the organs of their -government be the measure of its republicanism, and I confess I -know no other measure, it must be agreed that our governments -have much less of republicanism than ought to have been expected; -in other words, that the people have less regular control -over their agents, than their rights and their interests require. -And this I ascribe, not to any want of republican dispositions in -those who formed these constitutions, but to a submission of true -principle to European authorities, to speculators on government, -whose fears of the people have been inspired by the populace of -their own great cities, and were unjustly entertained against the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_608'>[608]</a></span>independent, the happy, and therefore orderly citizens of the -United States. Much I apprehend that the golden moment is -past for reforming these heresies. The functionaries of public -power rarely strengthen in their dispositions to abridge it, and an -unorganized call for timely amendment is not likely to prevail -against an organized opposition to it. We are always told that -things are going on well: why change them? <span lang="it_IT">"<i>Chi sta bene, -non si muove</i>,"</span> said the Italian, "let him who stands well, stand -still." This is true; and I verily believe they would go on well -with us under an absolute monarch, while our present character -remains, of order, industry and love of peace, and restrained, as -he would be, by the proper spirit of the people. But it is while -it remains such, we should provide against the consequences of -its deterioration. And let us rest in the hope that it will yet be -done, and spare ourselves the pain of evils which may never -happen. -</p> - -<p> -On this view of the import of the term <i>republic</i>, instead of -saying, as has been said, "that it may mean anything or nothing," -we may say with truth and meaning, that governments are more -or less republican, as they have more or less of the element of -popular election and control in their composition; and believing, -as I do, that the mass of the citizens is the safest depository of -their own rights, and especially, that the evils flowing from the -duperies of the people, are less injurious than those from the -egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition of government -which has in it the most of this ingredient. And I -sincerely believe, with you, that banking establishments are more -dangerous than standing armies; and that the principle of spending -money to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding, -is but swindling futurity on a large scale. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with constant friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h2> -INDEX TO VOL. VI. -</h2> - -<ul class="idx"> -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Adams, John</span>—His friendly relations with Jefferson restored, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His political principles, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>.</li> -<li>Terrorism excited against him, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> -<li>His religious opinions, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>.</li> -<li>Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries compared, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>.</li> -<li>The French Encyclopedists, <a href="#Page_555">555</a>.</li> -<li>Different systems of philosophy, <a href="#Page_556">556</a>.</li> -<li>His views on aristocracy, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Albemarle, County of</span>—Its climate, soil, and natural advantages, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Almanacs</span>—Improvements in, suggested, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Aristocracy</span>—Views on, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Astronomy</span>—Astronomical observations, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Bank, National</span>—Views of the one proposed in 1813, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Banks</span>—Evil of the system of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Jefferson's hostility to, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> -<li>Suspension of, in 1814, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> -<li>Number of, at different periods, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Bollandists, The</span>—Their collection, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Bonaparte</span>—Views of his character and career, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His fall, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</li> -<li>His restoration, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>.</li> -<li>His final abdication, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_553">553</a>.</li> -<li>His feelings towards U. States, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Canada</span>—Attack on, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Capitol</span>—Burnt by English, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Carr, Mr.</span>—His character, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Charities</span>—Principle on which should be dispensed, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Chemistry</span>—The science of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Chesapeake Bay</span>—Defence of mouth of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_561">561</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Columbus</span>—Portrait of, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Committees of Correspondence</span>—Origin of, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Congress</span>—Power of States to prescribe new qualifications for members of, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Contracts</span>—Law impairing obligation of, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Currency</span>—Relative merits of paper and metallic currency, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Debt, Public</span>—Evils of, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Eclipse</span>, Solar—<a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Economy, Political</span>—New work on, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Edinburgh Review</span>—Merits of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Education</span>—Views on, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>System of common schools, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.</li> -<li>General system of, <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Eloquence</span>—Specimens of, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Embargo, The</span>—<a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>England</span>—Her maritime encroachments, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Death of King of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> -<li>Condition of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> -<li>Jefferson's sentiments towards, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</li> -<li>Character of government of, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>.</li> -<li>Social condition of, compared with that of U. States, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> -<li>Tendency to revolution in, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</li> -<li>Relations of with U. States, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Europe</span>—Condition of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Relations with U. States, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li> -<li>Moral condition of 18th and 19th centuries contrasted, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Exports</span>—Why exempted from taxation, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Federalists</span>—Their opposition to the war, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Finance</span>—Views on, by Mr. Jefferson, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>France</span>—French revolution, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Restoration of Bourbons, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.</li> -<li>Her revolutions, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>.</li> -<li>Prospects of, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_610'>[610]</a></span><span class='smcap'>Generations</span>—Right of one to bind another, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Glebes</span>—Monies arising from sale of, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Government</span>—Principles of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Views on, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_589">589</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</li> -<li>Should be local, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>.</li> -<li>Definition of republican government, <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Grammar</span>—Views on, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Granger, Gideon</span>—Relative to certain charges against, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Grief</span>—Its uses, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Grimm, Baron</span>—His character, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Gun-Boats</span>—<a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Hartford Convention</span>—<a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Hemp-Breaker</span>—New invention, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Henry</span>—His mission to eastern States, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Henry, Patrick</span>—Early reminiscences of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Resolutions of, 1765, by, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> -<li>Case of Josiah Philips, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li> -<li>His manners and habits, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>History, Natural</span>—Systems of classification, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Hull's Defeat</span>—<a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Impressment</span>—<a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Indians</span>—The Wabash prophet, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Traditions of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> -<li>Their religion, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> -<li>Civilization of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> -<li>Origin of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> -<li>Our policy towards, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> -<li>Languages of, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Jefferson, Thomas</span>—His bodily decay, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His devotion to agriculture, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> -<li>Efforts to extort money from, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> -<li>His declining faculties, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li> -<li>His relations with Mr. Adams, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> -<li>Complains of publication of his letters, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> -<li>His views of merchants, priests, and lawyers, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> -<li>Made member of Agronomic Society of Bavaria, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li> -<li>Tenders his library to Congress, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li> -<li>Resigns Presidency of Philosophical Society, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li> -<li>His feelings towards England, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</li> -<li>Estimate of his public services, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</li> -<li>Calumnies against, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</li> -<li>His estimate of life, <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Judiciary</span>—Limits between powers of State and federal, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Cannot bind legislature or executive by its decisions, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Kings</span>—Character of European Kings, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>La Fayette</span>—His journal of his campaign in Virginia, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Language</span>—Introduction of new words in, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Is progressive, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Law, Common</span>—Christianity no part of common law, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Interpolation on, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> -<li>How far binding, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> -<li>Works on, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Lewis and Clarke</span>—Publication of their journal delayed, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Journal of their western expedition, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Lincoln, Levi</span>—Declines seat on bench of Supreme Court, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Manufactures</span>—Domestic, in U. States, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Growth of, during war, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> -<li>Mr. Jefferson's views on manufacturing system, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_553">553</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Medicine</span>—Science of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Ministers</span>—Should not preach on politics, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Monroe, James</span>—Made Secretary of War, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Morality</span>—Its basis, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Moral Sense</span>—The existence of, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Mountains</span>—Method of measuring the height of, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Mulatto</span>—Who mulattos under our laws, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Napier, Lord</span>—His theorem, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Navy</span>—Success of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Orders in Council</span>—Repeal of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Orleans, New</span>—Case of the Batture, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Battle of, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Orthography</span>—Improvements in, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Pacific Ocean</span>—American settlements on shore of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Parties in United States</span>—<a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Original division of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Patents</span>—When should be granted, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>How long should last, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Perpetual Motion</span>—<a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Philips, Josiah</span>—His case, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Philosophy</span>—The true, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Of the ancients, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_611'>[611]</a></span><span class='smcap'>Plato</span>—His writings, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Poisons</span>—<a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Portraits</span>—Of Columbus and Americus Vespucius, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Of Jefferson, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Press</span>—Corruption of, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Censorship of, intolerable, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>President</span>—Should be elected for four years, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Privateering</span>—Success of, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Religion</span>—Views of J. Adams on, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Views of Jefferson on, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>.</li> -<li>The Christian system, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</li> -<li>Platonic Christianity, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> -<li>The Jewish creed, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>.</li> -<li>The character of Jesus, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Revolution</span>—History of American, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Revolutionary men and documents, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>.</li> -<li>Of South American States, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> -<li>Reminiscences of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.</li> -<li>Committees of correspondence, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Rittenhouse, Dr.</span>—His character, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Rivanna River</span>—Navigation of, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Rivers</span>—Right to navigate, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Saints</span>—Lives of, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Say, M.</span>—Contemplates emigrating to U. States, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Science, Political</span>—<a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Slavery</span>—How to be abolished, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>South American Provinces</span>—Independence of, recognized, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Spain</span>—Her new constitution, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Our relations with, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.</li> -<li>Revolt of her South American colonies, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Steam-Engines</span>—<a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Surveying</span>—New method of platting, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Taxation</span>—Principles of, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Terrorism</span>—The era of, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Texas</span>—Included in the Louisiana purchase, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Theological Societies</span>—Should not be incorporated, <a href="#Page_533">533</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Tracy, Destutt</span>—His works, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Prospectus of his works, <a href="#Page_568">568</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Treaties</span>—With European nations, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Power of Senate over, <a href="#Page_557">557</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>University of Virginia</span>—Establishment of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>What chairs should be established, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> -<li>Organization of, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>United States</span>—Social condition of, compared with that of England, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Relations of, with Europe, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> -<li>Survey and census of, <a href="#Page_548">548</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Virginia</span>—Relative powers of Governor and Council, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Aristocracy of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> -<li>New edition of notes on Virginia contemplated, but not executed, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li> -<li>Invasion of, by Arnold and Cornwallis, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> -<li>Patrick Henry's resolutions, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> -<li>Height of her mountains, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>.</li> -<li>Survey of, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>War</span>—With England inevitable, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Efforts to avoid, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> -<li>Declared against England, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> -<li>Causes for which declared, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.</li> -<li>Benefits resulting from, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</li> -<li>Popularity of, and means of maintaining, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</li> -<li>Progress and History of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> -<li>Opposition to, in N. England, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> -<li>Defection of Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> -<li>Hull's surrender, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> -<li>Financial arrangements to meet expenses of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li> -<li>Prospects of termination of, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> -<li>Purposes for which waged, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</li> -<li>Internal effects produced by, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>.</li> -<li>Peace declared, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</li> -<li>Successful termination of, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</li> -<li>Upon what principles war is justifiable, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Washington, Gen.</span>—His political principles, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Adams' view of his administration, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li> -<li>A sketch of his character by Jefferson, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> -<li>Statue of, for North Carolina, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Washington City</span>—Attack on, by English, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Weights and Measures</span>—Standard of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Wilkinson, Gen.</span>—His relations with Mr. Jefferson, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>. -</li></ul> - -<div class='footnotes'> -<h2 class="fntitle">FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_1'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_1'>[1]</a></span> We are all occupied in industrious pursuits. They abound with persons living -on the industry of their fathers, or on the earnings of their fellow citizens, -given away by their rulers in sinecures and pensions. Some of these, desirous -of laudable distinction, devote their time and means to the pursuits of science, -and become profitable members of society by an industry of a higher order.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_2'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_2'>[2]</a></span> This gentleman's name is here occasionally used, and although he came over -in the year 1625, yet these passages in reference to Morton fell out about this -year, and therefore referred to this place. -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_3'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_3'>[3]</a></span> Called Sulla. -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_4'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_4'>[4]</a></span> Johnson derives "place" from the French "place," an open square in a town. -But its northern parentage is visible in its syno-nime <i>platz</i>, Teutonic, and <i>plattse</i>, -Belgic, both of which signify locus, and the Anglo-Saxon <span lang="ang"><i>plæce</i></span>, <span lang="ang"><i>platea</i></span>, <span lang="ang"><i>vicus</i></span>. -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_5'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_5'>[5]</a></span> [A lapse of memory, not having the letter to recur to.] -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_6'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_6'>[6]</a></span> The real cash or money necessary to carry on the circulation and barter of -a State, is nearly one-third part of all the annual rents of the proprietors of the -said State; that is, one-ninth of the whole produce of the land. Sir William -Petty supposes one-tenth part of the value of the whole produce sufficient. -Postlethwait, voce, Cash. -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_7'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_7'>[7]</a></span> Within five months after this, they were compelled by the necessities of the -war, to abandon the idea of emitting only an adequate circulation, and to make -those necessities the sole measure of their emissions. -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_8'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_8'>[8]</a></span> [Bracton has at length been translated in England.] -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_9'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_9'>[9]</a></span> [This has been done by Reeves, in his History of the Law.] -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_10'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_10'>[10]</a></span> [This accordingly took place four years after.] -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_11'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_11'>[11]</a></span> [The original has since been published in France, with the name of its -author, M. de Tutt Tracy.] -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_12'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_12'>[12]</a></span> Address lost. Probably to the President. -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_13'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_13'>[13]</a></span> [This is endorsed "not sent."] -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_14'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_14'>[14]</a></span> "The Committee of the Institute, for proposing and superintending the literary -labors, in the month of Frimaire, An XI., wrote to the Minister of the Interior, -requesting him to give orders to the Prefect of the Dyle, and to the Prefect -of the Two Nithes, to summon the citizens De Bue, Fonson, Heyten, and all -others who had taken any part in the sequel of the work of the Bollandists, to -confer with these persons, as well concerning the continuation of this work, as -concerning the cession of the materials destined for the continuation of it; to -promise to the continuators of the Bollandists the support of the French Government, -and to render an account of their conferences." -</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='FN_15'> -<p> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_15'>[15]</a></span> Moore's Greek Grammar, translated by Ewen. Mair's Tyro's Dictionary. -</p> -</div> - -</div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. -VI. (of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS--THOMAS JEFFERSON--VOL 6 *** - -***** This file should be named 55075-h.htm or 55075-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/0/7/55075/ - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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