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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1339c0f --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #55538 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55538) diff --git a/old/55538-0.txt b/old/55538-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b95709f..0000000 --- a/old/55538-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16974 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's A Cruising Voyage Around the World, by Woodes Rogers - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: A Cruising Voyage Around the World - -Author: Woodes Rogers - -Release Date: September 13, 2017 [EBook #55538] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A CRUISING VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif, Greg Weeks, Kim and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - - A CRUISING VOYAGE ROUND - THE WORLD - - [Illustration: CAPTAIN WILLIAM DAMPIER - - _From the painting by Thomas Murray, in the National Portrait - Gallery._] - - - - - _THE SEAFARERS’ LIBRARY_ - _General Editor: G.E. MANWARING, F.R.Hist.S._ - - A - CRUISING VOYAGE - ROUND THE WORLD - - Captain _WOODES ROGERS_ - - With Introduction and Notes - by G.E.MANWARING, F.R.Hist.S. - - WITH 8 HALF-TONE PLATES - - [Illustration] - - _CASSELL AND COMPANY L^{TD.}_ - _LONDON, TORONTO, MELBOURNE & SYDNEY_ - - - - - _First Published in 1712 - Reprinted in The Seafarers’ Library, 1928_ - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - FACE - PAGE - -Captain William Dampier _Frontispiece_ 1 - -Crossing the Tropic; sailors being ducked at the yard-arm 7 - -The track of the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ round the world 48 - -The Island of Juan Fernandez, where Alexander Selkirk was found 96 - -Searching the ladies of Guiaquil 128 - -Captain Woodes Rogers, with his son and daughter, 1729 160 - -Woodes Rogers landing on the coast of California 208 - -Capture of the Acapulco Galleon off the coast of California 240 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The sea has always been the cradle of the English race, and over six -hundred years ago an old chronicler wrote of our great sea tradition -that “English ships visited every coast,” and that “English sailors -excelled all others both in the arts of navigation and in fighting.” In -this respect, the west of England has probably played a greater part in -our maritime development than any other portion of the United Kingdom, -and the names of her most famous seamen--Drake, Raleigh, and Hawkins -among others--are now almost household words. There are, however, many -other nautical celebrities among her sons, whose names deserve a more -prominent place in our naval annals, and such an one is Captain Woodes -Rogers. Not only does he rank as a splendid navigator and magnificent -seaman, but he also filled an important rôle as a colonial administrator -and governor, and was one of the pioneers in the development of our -colonial empire. He is, indeed, one of the most picturesque and romantic -figures of the first half of the eighteenth century, and his rescue and -account of Alexander Selkirk’s privations on the uninhabited island of -Juan Fernandez undoubtedly provided Defoe with materials for “Robinson -Crusoe.” It is not too much to assume that had there been no Woodes -Rogers, Defoe’s charming and immortal romance, which has delighted -millions of readers, might never have been written. - -Nevertheless, Rogers is rather an elusive personage, and the writer of -the appreciative article on him in the “Dictionary of National -Biography” was unable to glean any particulars of his birth, parentage, -or marriage. Thanks to recent research it is now possible to supply some -of these details. It is certain that his ancestors had been settled at -the old seaport of Poole, Dorset, since the beginning of the sixteenth -century, and among the mayors of Poole the name is prominent during the -reign of Elizabeth. His great-grandfather, John Rogers of Poole, married -Ann Woods, and from this union the name of Woods (afterwards spelt -Woodes) Rogers was perpetuated for at least three generations, until the -death of Woodes Rogers’s infant son in 1713. Woodes Rogers the second, -the father of the subject of this book, was a sea-captain, born at Poole -in 1650. He eventually removed to Bristol, where his family consisted of -two daughters and two sons, the eldest of whom, Captain Woodes Rogers, -was probably born there in 1679, but the precise date is uncertain.[1] -All that we know is that Rogers, like his father, followed a sea career, -and in the records of Bristol he is described as a “mariner,” from which -we may assume that he was connected with the Merchant Venturers of that -Port. He is probably to be identified with the Captain Rogers whom the -famous navigator Captain William Dampier mentions in his “Voyages” -published in 1699, as “my worthy friend,” and from whom he included -three contributions in his book:[2] (i) A long letter on the African -hippopotamus as he (Rogers) had seen them in the “River Natal”; (ii) A -description of the trade winds from the Cape of Good Hope to the Red -Sea; (iii) An account of “Natal in Africk as I received it from my -ingenious friend Captain Rogers, who is lately gone to that place, and -hath been there several times before.” This gives a lively account of -the manners and customs of the natives, and the natural history of the -country. - -It is evident that at this period the Rogers family occupied a prominent -position both in the industrial and social life of Bristol, and in -January, 1705, the marriage of Woodes Rogers to the daughter of Admiral -Sir William Whetstone, of Bristol, the Commander-in-Chief in the West -Indies, took place at St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish Street, London.[3] -This marriage proved a stepping stone to Rogers’s future career, and in -consequence of the union between these two old families Rogers was made -a freeman of his native place, as the following entry from the city -records, under the date of 16th March, 1704/5, shows:--“Woodes Rogers -junior, Mariner, is admitted to the liberties of this city for that he -married Sarah, daughter of Sir William Whettstone, knight.”[4] - -We now come to the year 1708, in many respects the most eventful of -Woodes Rogers’s career. He had long been impressed by the way in which -both France and Spain monopolised the whole of the trade to the South -Sea, and he determined, if possible, to remedy the evil. In 1698 M. de -Beauchesne Gouin, a captain in the French navy, went there with two -ships for the purpose of establishing trade, and an account of that -voyage, in the shape of the commander’s “Journal” coming into the hands -of Rogers, he eagerly perused and digested it. Elated by the success of -Beauchesne Gouin, the French had carried on a vast trade ever since, and -in one year, Rogers informs us, no less than seventeen warships and -merchantmen had been sent to the South Sea. In the first year it was -estimated that their ships carried home above 100 millions of dollars, -or nearly 25 millions sterling, besides which they convoyed the Spanish -galleons and treasure ships to and from the West Indies. By this means -they had become absolute masters of all the valuable trade in those -parts, and the riches thus amassed had enabled them, according to -Rogers, “to carry on the war against most of the Potentates of Europe.” - -This war, known as the War of the Spanish Succession, in which the -forces of Great Britain, Austria, and Holland were allied against those -of France and Spain, lasted from 1702 till 1713, and Rogers, as befitted -a seaman of sound knowledge and wisdom, realised the truth of the old -saying that he who commands the sea commands the trade. Not only did he -wish to see the English take a share in this vast trade of the South -Sea, but he realised that it would be a fitting opportunity to attack -the enemies’ commerce there, and so by cutting off her resources it -would help to shorten the war, and enrich his own country. To quote his -own words “necessity has frequently put private men on noble takings.” -This was indeed a noble undertaking, and in the belief that it was both -necessary and profitable to undertake such an expedition, he drew up a -scheme which he presented to his friends, the merchants of his native -Bristol. The time was particularly opportune for such a venture, for an -Act[5] had recently been passed by Parliament which marks a crucial and -important point in the history of privateering. In this Act an effort -was made to restore to privateering all the old spirit of adventure -which permeated our sea story in the reign of Elizabeth. Previously the -Crown had reserved to itself one fifth of all prizes taken by -privateers; now the whole interest was transferred to the owner and -crew. This Act marks the close of the period of decline, and the opening -of a period of great activity. The Crown now sanctioned privateering -solely for the benefit which it was hoped to derive from injury -inflicted on the enemy.[6] - -Under these circumstances it was only natural that the scheme which -Rogers propounded should have been looked on in a most favourable light, -and the expedition was duly financed and fitted out. Rogers dedicates -his book to his “surviving owners,” and among them it is of particular -interest to note the following: - -Sir John Hawkins, Mayor of Bristol in 1701; Christopher Shuter, Mayor in -1711; James Hollidge, Mayor in 1709; Captain Freake and Thomas Clements, -Sheriffs of Bristol; John Romsey, Town Clerk of Bristol, and Thomas -Goldney, a leading Quaker of Bristol.[7] It will be seen from this that -during the voyage (1708-11) the whole of the Corporation at one time or -another were interested in the venture. - -The money being forthcoming, two merchant ships, or “private Men of War” -were fitted out. These were the _Duke_ of 320 tons, with a crew of 117 -men and mounting 30 guns, and the _Dutchess_, a slightly smaller ship of -260 tons, with a crew of 108 men, and 26 guns. How these two small ships -(the equivalent of a 6th-rate ship of the Royal Navy of the day, with a -keel length of about 80 ft. and a breadth of about 25 ft.) helped to -make history, the readers of Woodes Rogers’s “Cruising Voyage” will be -able to judge. Each ship had a commission from the Lord High Admiral to -wage war against the French and the Spaniards, and in order that those -who sailed with him should not be forgotten Rogers has left us the names -of all the officers in the two ships, and among them may be noted the -following:--Captain Stephen Courtney, Commander of the _Dutchess_, “a -man of birth, fortune, and of very amiable qualities,” who contributed -to the expense of the voyage; Thomas Dover, second Captain of the -_Duke_, President of the Council, and Captain of the Marines, whose -appointment appears to have been due to his financial interest in the -voyage. By profession “a Doctor of Physick,” he is remembered to -posterity as the inventor of “Dover’s Powder”[8]; Captain Edward -Cooke,[9] who was second to Captain Courtney, had been twice taken -prisoner by the French. - -The most noteworthy was undoubtedly Captain William Dampier,[10] then in -his fifty-sixth year, who sailed under Rogers as “Pilot for the South -Seas.” The choice was a wise one, for probably no man living had a wider -experience in those waters, having been there three times before, and -twice round the world. To the Spaniards his name was second only to that -of Drake, a formidable asset in a voyage of this kind. That he should -have consented to serve under a much younger man is sufficient -testimony of the regard and esteem in which he held Woodes Rogers. - -Among the officers of the _Duke_ were three lieutenants and three mates. -Of the latter, John Ballet, third mate, was designated surgeon if -occasion arose, he having been “Captain Dampier’s Doctor in his last -unfortunate voyage round the world.” This department was further -strengthened by the inclusion of Dover’s kinsman, Samuel Hopkins, an -Apothecary, who was to act as Dover’s lieutenant “if we landed a party.” -In addition two young lawyers, George Underhill and John Parker, were -borne upon the ship’s books, “designed to act as midshipmen.” Among the -officers of the _Dutchess_ under Captain Courtney, was Rogers’s young -brother, John, who sailed as second-lieutenant. - -The instructions given by the owners were embodied in a document, which -Rogers solemnly calls the “Constitution,” which was signed and sealed at -Bristol on the 14th of July, 1708. This document not only stipulated the -exact powers of the various officers, but laid down a definite rule that -“all attempts, attacks, and designs upon the enemy” should at first be -debated by a general council of the officers, and the same applied to -all “discontents, differences, or misbehaviour.” The wisdom of this -procedure was apparent from the first, and Rogers states that without -this method “we could never have performed the voyage.” - -And so, within three weeks of the signing of the Constitution, Rogers -and his merry men sailed from the King Road, near Bristol, on August the -2nd, on what proved to be one of the most successful voyages that ever -left the shores of Great Britain. His crew consisted for the most part -of “Tinkers, Taylors, Hay-makers, Pedlers, Fiddlers, etc.,” not -forgetting John Finch “late wholesale oilman of London,” as ship’s -steward, and the ship’s mascot, a fine specimen of an English bull-dog. -Though the composition of the crew was Gilbertian in the extreme, its -spirit, as we shall see, was in the main, Elizabethan. - -“Most of us, the chief officers,” says Rogers, “embraced this trip of -privateering round the world, to retrieve the losses we had sustained by -the enemy,” and the opportunity soon offered itself. Proceeding down the -Bristol Channel with a fair wind and bound for Cork, they saw a large -ship, but after three hours’ chase lost sight of her. This was probably -fortunate for Rogers, for he records that his ships were “out of trim,” -and that in his own ship there were “not twenty sailors.” After several -minor adventures Cork was reached on the 6th, where the provisioning of -the ships was completed by Mr. Noblett Rogers, brother of one of the -owners. Here Rogers succeeded in shipping some good sailors, and -clearing out the useless ones, “being ordinary fellows, and not fit for -our employment.” The defects in the rigging of the ships were now made -good, and they were also careened and cleaned. During this enforced stay -in Cork Harbour, we get a glimpse of the lighter side of a sailor’s -life. Though they expected to sail immediately, the crew we are informed -“were continually marrying.” Among others, Rogers tells an amusing story -of a Danish seaman who married an Irish woman, “without understanding a -word of each other’s language, so that they were forced to use an -interpreter.” While the rest “drank their Cans of flip till the last -minute” and “parted unconcerned,” the Dane “continued melancholy for -several days” after the ships sailed. Sweethearts and wives were finally -left behind on September 1st, when the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ in company -with about 20 merchant ships, and escorted by the _Hastings_ man-of-war, -under the command of Captain Paul,[11] shaped their course for the -Canary Islands. - -And now having left British waters, with a “mixed gang,” as Rogers -dubbed his crew, “we hope to be well manned, as soon as they have learnt -the use of arms, and got their sea legs, which we doubted not soon to -teach them, and bring them to discipline.” The holds of both the _Duke_ -and _Dutchess_ were full of provisions; the between decks were crowded -with cables, bread, and water-casks, and whereas on leaving Bristol they -had only a crew of 225 all told, they now had a total of 334, so we can -quite agree with Rogers when he says they were “very much crowded and -pestered ships.” Under such circumstances Rogers was no doubt glad to -sail under the protection of a man-of-war. - -Strange as it may seem things were not so bad as Rogers thought, and -after chasing a small vessel he records with evident satisfaction, that -the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ “sailed as well as any in the fleet, not -excepting the man-of-war.” Prior to parting company with Captain Paul -the crews were mustered in order to acquaint them with the design of the -expedition, and to give an opportunity of sending home any “malcontents” -in the _Hastings_. All professed themselves satisfied, excepting one -poor fellow on the _Duke_, who expected to have been “the Tything-man -that year in his parish,” and whose lament was that his wife “would be -obliged to pay forty shillings in his absence.” However, when he saw all -the rest willing, and knew the prospect of plunder, he became “easily -quieted,” and in common with the others drank heartily to the success of -the voyage. - -Six days after leaving Cork the ships parted company with the -_Hastings_, and as a farewell gift Captain Paul gave them “Scrubbers, -Iron Scrapers for our ship’s bottom, a speaking trumpet, and other -things that we wanted.” By this time Rogers was beginning to get his -ships into trim and all provisions, etc., properly stowed, they hitherto -“having been in some confusion, as is usual in Privateers at first -setting out.” Taking into consideration the length of the voyage, the -different climates they would pass, and the excessive cold “going about -Cape Horne,” it was resolved to stop at Madeira to replenish their -slender stock of “liquor.” It was Pepys who wrote that “seamen love -their bellies above anything else,” and Rogers was of the opinion that -“good liquor to sailors is preferable to clothing.” - -In spite of the assurances of his crew a few days earlier, a mutiny now -occurred on board his ship. He and his consort had chased and overhauled -a vessel flying Swedish colours, believed to be carrying contraband -goods. Nothing however was found to prove her a prize, and Rogers let -her go “without the least embezzlement,” for which courtesy the master -gave him “two hams, and some ruff-dryed beef,” and the compliment was -returned with “a dozen bottles of red-streak Cyder.” This much incensed -the crews of the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ who had no idea of the perils of -privateering without the sweets of plunder, and under the leadership of -the boatswain of the _Duke_ several of them mutinied. The situation -looked ugly, but Rogers, who was a born commander, quickly quelled it, -putting ten of the mutineers in irons, while the boatswain, “the most -dangerous fellow,” was shipped in the _Crown_ galley, then in company, -to be carried to Madeira in irons. Five days later the prisoners were -“discharged from their irons,” upon their humble submission and strict -promises for their future good behaviour. - -Contrary to arrangements it was decided to pass by Madeira, there being -“little wind,” and to “cruise a little among the Canary Islands for -liquor.” On the 18th of September they chased and captured a small -Spanish bark with forty-five passengers on board, who were relieved when -they found that their captors were English and not Turks. Among them -were four friars, one of whom, “a good honest fellow,” Rogers and his -officers made “heartily merry, drinking King Charles III’s health”: the -rest he tersely records “were of the wrong sort.” - -The prize was carried into Oratava, where after some delay, and a -threatened bombardment of the town, the Spaniards eventually ransomed -her. The transaction, however, seemed to have ended to Rogers’s -satisfaction, and his ships sailed away “well stocked with liquor, the -better able to endure the cold when we get the length of Cape Horn.” On -the 25th of September the ships passed the “tropick,” when according to -the ritual of the sea, the fresh-water sailors were ducked from the -yard-arm, or forced to pay a fine of half a crown. - -The next place of call was the Cape Verde Islands and on the last day of -September the two ships dropped anchor in the harbour of St. Vincent. -Here they wooded and watered, and their casks, which had been oil casks, -were hauled ashore, burnt and cleaned--the water in them having “stunk -insufferably.” By bartering with the inhabitants they were also able to -obtain fresh provisions in the shape of “Cattel, Goats, Hogs, Fowls, -Melons, Potatoes, Limes, Brandy, Tobacco, Indian Corn, etc.” Here Rogers -had the misfortune to lose one of his crew, Joseph Alexander “a good -linguist,” who had been sent ashore with a respectful letter to the -Governor. This man seems to have found life more attractive on the -island than the uncertainties and hardships of life aboard a privateer. -After waiting a week for him Rogers reluctantly came to the conclusion -that he had deserted, and “it was unanimously agreed, that we had better -leave him behind, than to wait with two ships for one man that had not -followed his orders.” - -Rogers was extremely scrupulous in all his undertakings; everything -relating to the proceedings of his squadron and the affairs of both -officers and men was carefully recorded in his journal. On the eve of -sailing from the Bay of St. Vincent a council was held on board the -_Dutchess_ “to prevent embezzlement in prizes, and to hinder feuds and -disorders amongst our officers and men for the future.” An agreement was -arrived at whereby each man was to have the following shares in the -plunder. A sailor or landsman, £10; any officer below the Carpenter, -£20; a Mate, Gunner, Boatswain, and Carpenter, £40; a Lieutenant or -Master, £80; And the Captains £100 over and above the gratuity promised -by the owners to such as shall signalise themselves.” It was also agreed -that both Rogers and Courtney should have 5 per cent. over and above -their respective shares, and that a reward of twenty pieces-of-eight -would be given “to him that first sees a prize of good value, or -exceeding 50 tons in burden.” This was signed by the officers and men of -both ships on the 8th of October. - -On the same day the ships weighed and steered for the coast of Brazil. -By this time the men had found their sea legs and were more amenable to -discipline, and only one act of insubordination is recorded on the -voyage to Brazil. - -The spiritual needs of the men were not neglected, and it is pleasing to -note that from the 28th of October, when the ships crossed the line, -“prayers were read in both ships, morning or evening, as opportunity -would permit, according to the Church of England.[12] On the 19th of -November they made the coast of Brazil, anchoring off the Island of -Grande. The opportunity was now taken to replenish the water casks, and -careen the ships. The depredations of the French corsairs had made the -Brazilians suspicious of strangers, and Rogers states that his boat was -fired on several times when trying to land “with a present for the -Governor of Angre de Reys.” On learning that they were English, Rogers -and his men were welcomed by the Friars and the Governor, who treated -them “very handsomely.” Rogers’s account of a religious procession in -which he and his men, assisted by the ships’ band, took part, is one of -the most amusing episodes in his book. Another amusing incident was an -attempt by two Irish sailors to desert, but they were so frightened by -the monkeys and baboons in the woods, that they were glad to return to -the ship. In the afternoon of December 3rd, the ships bade adieu to the -hospitalities of the island of Grande, and commenced their long and -arduous voyage to Juan Fernandez, a distance of nearly 6,000 miles. - -A succession of gales now followed and on the 13th of December the -_Dutchess_ was forced to reef her mainsail for the first time since -leaving England. In spite of “strong gales, with squalls from the south -to the west,” when nearing Cape Horn, the new year was fitly ushered in. -According to the custom of the sea there was “a large tub of punch hot -upon the Quarter Deck, where every man in the ship had above a pint to -his share, and drank our owners and our friends healths in Great -Britain.” After which, Rogers records, “we bore down to our Consort, and -gave him three Huzza’s, wishing them the like.” In anticipation of the -excessive cold in “going about Cape Horn” six tailors were hard at work -for several weeks making warm clothing for the men, and every officer -handed over such items as he could spare from his own kit. The actual -passage of the Horn is vividly described by Rogers, and although the -_Dutchess_ was for some hours in considerable danger, good seamanship -brought her and her consort safely through. Having got as far south as -latitude 61°53´, “the furthest for aught we know that anyone as yet has -been to Southward, we now account ourselves in the South Sea,” says -Rogers. - -In fact Dampier as pilot had carried them so far south that many of the -men in both ships were nearly frozen to death, and some were down with -the scurvy. The pressing need was to find a harbour in order that the -sick might be recruited ashore, and for this purpose the Island of Juan -Fernandez was decided upon. Unfortunately all the charts differed, and -for a time grave doubts were entertained of “striking it.” Thanks to the -skill of Dampier, who had been there before, the island was sighted on -the last day of January, but by that time they had slightly overshot it, -for it bore “W.S.W. distant about 7 leagues.”[13] With this famous -landfall lay not only the destinies of the crews of the _Duke_ and -_Dutchess_, but also of the solitary inhabitant of the island who was -anxiously scanning the horizon. - -That same afternoon the pinnace was hoisted out and a boat’s crew under -the command of Dover went in her to go ashore. When the pinnace was -about a league from the island, it being then nightfall, Rogers, from -the deck of the _Duke_, suddenly saw a light blaze up from the shore. -The pinnace immediately made haste to return, and believing that a -French squadron was lying at anchor, Rogers ordered the decks to be -cleared for action. At daybreak on the following day the ships stood in -to engage, but not a single sail was to be seen. A yawl, with two -officers and six men all armed, was sent forward to reconnoitre, and as -it neared the shore a man “clothed in goat-skins” was seen gesticulating -wildly to them. This was Alexander Selkirk, late master of the _Cinque -Ports_, who through some quarrel with his captain had been on the island -four years and four months. This was the first time that an English ship -had called at the island since, and his joy at seeing the English flag -again and hearing the voices of his own countryman can better be -imagined than described. Though his actions reflected his gratitude, his -speech “for want of use” failed him, “he seemed to speak his words by -halves.” His adventures and privations are vividly described by Rogers, -and it is not proposed to dwell on them here. Suffice it to say that -Selkirk’s story was first communicated to the world in the pages of -Woodes Rogers’s “Cruising Voyage,” and that his adventures formed the -basis of the romance of Robinson Crusoe.[14] - -Two days after their arrival at the island all was bustle and -excitement. A ship’s forge was set up ashore; sail-makers were busy -repairing the sails; coopers were hard at work on the casks; and tents -were pitched to receive the sick men. In the words of Rogers “we have a -little town of our own here, and every body is employed.” The time was -indeed precious, for while at the Canaries they had heard that five -large French ships were coming to search for them, and Rogers was -anxious to get away as soon as possible. Thanks to the “goodness of the -air” and the “help of the greens,” and to the fact that the “Governour,” -as Rogers dubbed Selkirk, caught two or three goats every day for them, -the crew soon recovered from their distemper, and only two died. The -ships were quickly wooded and watered, and about eighty gallons of -sea-lions’ oil was boiled down to be used as oil for the lamps in order -to save the candles. By the 12th of February the sick men were -re-embarked, and two days later the little squadron weighed with “a fair -pleasant gale,” with Selkirk duly installed as second mate of the -_Duke_. The voyage was continued to the northward off the coasts of -Chile and Peru with the intention of getting across the track of the -great Spanish galleons from Manila to Acapulco. On the 16th of March -they captured a little vessel of about 16 tons belonging to Payta, and -on the following day arrived with their prize at the Island of Lobos. -Here it was resolved to fit out the prize as a privateer, “she being -well built for sailing.” This was carried out with the greatest -expedition, and with a crew of 32 men and four swivel guns, she was -renamed the _Beginning_ and placed under the command of Captain Cooke. - -While the _Duke_ was being cleaned and tallowed, the _Beginning_ in -company with the _Dutchess_ was sent a-cruising, and on the morning of -the 26th they captured another Spanish vessel. Among other things they -found a store of tobacco on board, a very welcome article which was -distributed among the men. After being cleaned and refitted she was -christened the _Increase_ and Selkirk was appointed to command her. The -ships continued cruising on this station till the 5th of April, and -among other prizes they took the Spanish galleon _Ascension_ of 500 -tons, bound from Panama to Lima. - -So far the financial results of the expedition had been disappointing, -but spurred on by the glowing accounts given by their prisoners of -richly laden ships that were expected with the “widow of the Viceroy of -Peru with her family and riches,” and the wealth of the Spanish South -American cities, they resolved to attack the city of Guiaquil, and exact -a ransom. This resolution was arrived at on the morning of April 12th -and a council was held on board the _Duke_ to discuss the project, when -regulations were drawn up regarding the landing parties and other -details. In order that his “mixed gang of most European nations,” should -have “good discipline” and “needful encouragement,” minute regulations -were drawn up by Rogers and his officers concerning what was to be -termed plunder. Although everything portable seems to have been -considered as such, it is amusing to learn that Rogers with his -customary civility to the fair sex, resolved “that money and women’s -ear-rings, with loose diamonds, pearls, and precious stones” should “be -excepted.” The plunder of Guiaquil being thus comfortably and amicably -arranged beforehand, the ships headed for the Island of Puna, at the -entrance to Guiaquil River. - -On the 15th of April, when nearing their intended anchorage, an -unfortunate incident occurred. In an attack on a French-built ship -belonging to Lima, Rogers’s younger brother John was killed in -attempting to board her. Though we must sympathise with Rogers when he -speaks of his “unspeakable sorrow” on this occasion, we cannot but -admire his pluck when he philosophically adds that “the greatest -misfortune or obstacle shall not deter” him from the object that he had -in view. Within twenty-four hours Rogers had captured the ship, -eventually naming her the _Marquis_, and increasing her armament from 12 -to 20 guns. - -On the 19th a landing was effected on the Island of Puna, and at -midnight on the 22nd, the ships’ boats with 110 men arrived in sight of -the town of Guiaquil. On the top of an adjoining hill a blazing beacon -showed that an alarum had been raised. Bells were violently rung, and -muskets and guns were discharged to awake the inhabitants. A hurried -consultation was now held between Rogers and his chief officers, and -both Dampier and Dover were against proceeding with the attack. Cautious -counsels prevailed, and the plan for taking the town by surprise having -failed, negotiations were opened with the governor for its ransom. A sum -of 50,000 pieces-of-eight[15] was demanded, but the town could only -raise 30,000. Rogers thereupon broke off the negotiations and while the -ships bombarded the town he landed a force of 70 men and guns. Rogers -has minutely described the attack, and space forbids dwelling on it -here; suffice it to say that within an hour the enemy were in full -retreat and the English were masters of the city. Other reinforcements -were now landed and strategic points in the city occupied, while parties -were told off to plunder. An agreement was eventually drawn up for the -payment of 30,000 pieces-of-eight as ransom, to be paid within six days. -On the 27th of April Rogers and his men marched down to the boats with -colours flying, and the plunder was safely stowed aboard. At 8 o’clock -the next morning they sailed with “drums beating, trumpets sounding, and -guns booming,” and thus took leave of the Spaniards “very cheerfully.” - -It was now decided to make the “utmost despatch” for the Galapagos -Islands off the coast of Peru. In the passage there a malignant fever -contracted at Guiaquil, broke out among the crews of both ships, and on -the morning of the 17th when in sight of the Galapagos no less than 60 -were down on the _Duke_, and upwards of 80 on the _Dutchess_. - -On arrival at the island it was agreed to separate in order to search -for fresh water, but none was discovered. Finding that punch preserved -his own health, Rogers records that he “prescribed it freely among such -of the ship’s company as were well.” Though it was thought when setting -out from Bristol that they had sufficient medicines aboard, Rogers now -laments that with so many sick in both ships the supplies were -inadequate. - -Owing to the absence of water it was decided to steer for the island of -Gorgona, near the mainland. Here a supply of fresh water was available, -and the sick were brought ashore and placed in tents to recruit their -health. The opportunity was now taken to caulk and careen the ships and -examine the prizes. In discharging the cargo of the galleon, which -Rogers had named the _Marquis_, he found in her, to his amazement, “500 -Bales of Pope’s Bulls, 16 reams in a Bale,” and a quantity of bones in -small boxes “ticketed with the names of Romish Saints, some of which had -been dead 7 or 800 years.” A more inconvenient cargo for a privateer -would be difficult to imagine, and as they took up such a lot of room in -the ship, Rogers records that he threw most of them overboard “to make -room for better goods,” except some of the Papal Bulls which he used “to -burn the pitch off our ships’ bottoms when we careened them.” In -extenuation for what may seem an impious act, Rogers states that it was -impossible to read them as the print “looked worse than any of our old -ballads.” - -After two months’ stay at Gorgona the crew had sufficiently recuperated -to continue the cruise, and on the 7th of August the ships sailed from -the island, bound southward. On board the _Duke_ were 35 negroes, “lusty -fellows,” selected from some of the Spanish prizes. Rogers called them -together, and explained his plan of campaign, telling them that if they -fought and behaved themselves well in the face of an enemy they should -be free men, upon which “32 of them immediately promised to stand to it -as long as the best Englishman, and desired they might be improved in -the use of arms.” To confirm the contract, Rogers gave them a suit of -“Bays,” and “made them drink a dram all round” to the success of the -voyage. In order that nothing should be wanting he staged a sham fight -to exercise them “in the use of our great guns and small arms,” and in -the heat of the engagement “to imitate business,” red-lead mixed with -water, was liberally sprinkled over them; “a very agreeable diversion,” -comments Rogers. - -And so for the real business, the capture of the Manila ship. All the -romance of buccaneering and privateering hangs round these great -treasure galleons, the annual ships from Manila to Acapulco, and the -sister ships from Acapulco to Manila. It was the golden dream of every -sailor who sailed these seas to capture one of them, but although many -had made the attempt, only one prior to this, that famous Elizabethan -seaman Thomas Cavendish, had actually done so, in 1587.[16] Here was a -feat worthy of emulation, and so, in the November of 1709, we find -Rogers and his little squadron cruising off Cape St. Lucas waiting and -watching in the “very place” and in the same month where Cavendish “took -the Manila ship” one hundred and twenty-two years earlier. It was a long -and weary watch which tested both the temper and the mettle of the men -to the extreme. Through the whole of November no sign of the treasure -ship was to be seen; several of the men mutinied and were confined in -irons, and two others broke open the store room and stole from the fast -diminishing stock of victuals. By the 20th of December provisions were -at such a low ebb that Rogers records “we all looked very melancholy and -dispirited,” and after consultation with his officers it was agreed to -make for the Island of Guam “with the utmost dispatch” in order to -revictual. All hope of falling in with the Manila ship had been -practically abandoned, when at 9 o’clock on the following morning a man -at the masthead of the _Duke_ cried out that he saw a sail distant about -7 leagues “bearing West half south of us.” - -At this “great and joyful surprize” the English ensign was immediately -hoisted, and both the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ “bore away after her.” The -weather had now “fallen calm,” and all through that day and the next -Rogers hung on to his prey, with his two pinnaces tending her “all -night,” and showing “false fires” that they might keep in touch. Before -nightfall on the 22nd, both the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ cleared for -action, and everything was made ready to engage the ship at daybreak. As -day dawned the chase was observed upon the _Duke’s_ weather bow, about a -league away, while the _Dutchess_ was ahead of her “to leeward near -about half as far.” The ships were now becalmed, and Rogers was forced -to get “out 8 of our ships oars, and rowed above an hour.” A light -breeze then sprang up and carried them gently towards the enemy. There -was no time to be lost; not a dram of liquor was in the ship to fortify -the spirits of the men, so a large kettle of chocolate was boiled and -served out to the crew, who when they had emptied their pannikins, went -to prayers like true British sailors. Ere long their devotions were -disturbed by the enemy’s gunfire, and about eight o’clock the _Duke_ -began to engage the Spaniard single-handed; the _Dutchess_ “being to -leeward, and having little wind, could not get up in time.” The enemy -presented a most formidable aspect with powder barrels hanging at each -yard-arm, “to deter us from boarding.” - -As the _Duke_ approached she received the fire of the enemy’s -stern-chasers, to which she was only able to reply with her -fore-chasers. Holding on her course she soon ranged alongside the great -galleon, and gave her several broadsides. The precision and rapidity of -the English gunners was apparent from the first, and after a little -while the _Duke_ “shot a little ahead” and placing herself across the -bows of the galleon, plied her guns with such good effect that the -Spaniard hauled her colours “two thirds down” and surrendered.[17] The -fight, which was hotly contested, according to Rogers, lasted “about -three glasses,” and on board the Spaniard 9 men were killed and several -wounded. On the English side only two were wounded, Rogers and an Irish -landsman. Rogers’s wound was a serious one; he was shot in the left -cheek, the bullet carrying away part of his upper jaw. As he lay on the -deck writhing in agony, he pluckily delivered his orders in writing. - -Two days later, although he had “much ado to swallow any sort of -liquids,” and was obviously very ill, it was decided to cruise for a -larger ship which the prisoners stated had sailed from Manila at the -same time. On Christmas eve the _Dutchess_ and the _Marquis_ sailed out -of the harbour of Port Segura to search for the larger ship. The -inability of the former to engage the other Spanish ship in time had -caused “some reflections amongst the sailors,” and it was decided by a -majority of the Council that Rogers with the _Duke_ and the prize should -wait in harbour to refit--much “against our will.” However, Rogers was -not to be put aside. He placed two men on an adjoining hilltop to signal -as soon as the Spanish ship was sighted, and on the 26th he stood out to -sea to join his consorts. By 9 o’clock in the morning the _Dutchess_ was -observed engaging the Spaniard, and the _Marquis_ “standing to them with -all the sail she could crowd.” Unfortunately at this moment the _Duke_ -was some twelve miles to leeward, and as the wind was light she made -little way. By the afternoon the _Dutchess_ was joined in the attack by -the _Marquis_, but the latter soon fell to leeward out of cannon shot, -being apparently temporarily disabled. Fortunately she soon recovered, -and renewed the attack with great vigour “for 4 glasses and upwards.” -The brunt of the fighting having fallen on the _Dutchess_ she now -“stretched ahead to windward” of the enemy, to repair her rigging and -stop a leak. In the meantime the _Marquis_ kept firing several -broadsides until the _Dutchess_ “bore down again,” when the fight was -renewed until nightfall. All this time Rogers in the _Duke_ was crowding -on all sail to come to his consorts’ assistance. At daybreak the wind -shifted, and Rogers was able to bring his guns to bear. The _Dutchess_ -being now “thwart the Spaniards hawse,” and plying her guns very fast, -those that missed their target, exposed the _Duke_ to a serious risk -“if we had lain on her quarters and across her stem, as I had designed.” -Rogers now ranged his ship alongside the Spaniard, and for 4 glasses -continued pouring broadsides into her. The _Duke_ now received two shots -in her mainmast, which disabled her, and a fire ball lighting on her -quarter-deck blew up a chest of gunpowder, and nearly fired the ship. -The _Dutchess_ was in much the same plight, and “having our rigging -shattered very much,” Rogers records, “we sheered off, and brought to.” - -A Council was now held on board the _Duke_, and taking into -consideration the damage that the ships had received, coupled with the -fact that their ammunition was nearly exhausted, it was unanimously -agreed “to forbear any further attempts” on the Spaniard. The loss of -such a valuable prize caused great disappointment, and it was Rogers’s -opinion, that had the _Duke_ been allowed to accompany the _Dutchess_ -and _Marquis_ on their first setting out “we all believe we might then -have carried this great ship.” However, Rogers had reason to be proud of -the way in which his ships had acquitted themselves. The lofty Spaniard -was the Admiral of Manila, named _Bigonia_, a new ship of 900 tons, with -a crew of 450 and mounting 60 brass guns. It was estimated that the -English fired no less than 500 shot (6 pounders) into her hull. From -first to last the English had fought her for seven hours, and the -casualties on the _Duke_ were 11 wounded, while the _Dutchess_ had about -20 killed and wounded, and the _Marquis_ 2 scorched with powder. Among -the wounded was Rogers, who had part of his ankle carried away when the -Spaniards’ fireball blew up on the quarter-deck. To the end of the -action he lay on his back where he fell, encouraging the men, and -refusing to be carried below. - -It was now resolved to return to Port Segura on the Californian coast to -look after the prize already taken, and on the 1st day of January they -were again in harbour. The Acapulco galleon was now named the -_Batchelor_ in honour of Alderman Batchelor of Bristol, one of the -financiers of the expedition.[18] By a majority the Council decided to -appoint Dover to command her, and Rogers, ill as he was, strongly -protested against the appointment. Dover was not a seaman; he was -absolutely incapable of commanding and navigating the prize to England. -Moreover his temper was such that most of the seamen refused to serve -under him. Finally a compromise was arrived at, and Captains Frye and -Stretton were entrusted with the “navigation, sailing, and engaging” of -the ship, and Selkirk was appointed Master. Dover, though nominally in -command, was not to “molest, hinder, or contradict them in their -business.” - -During the evening of the 10th of January, 1710, the four ships _Duke_, -_Dutchess_, _Marquis_ and _Batchelor_, all heavily laden, left the coast -of California for the Island of Guam, one of the Ladrones, that being -the first stage on their journey home to Great Britain. Provisions were -now extremely short, and 5 men were forced to subsist on 1-1/2 lb. of -flour, and 1 small piece of meat between them per day, with 3 pints of -water each “for drink and dressing their victuals.” Stern measures were -therefore necessary, and a seaman who stole several pieces of pork was -punished with the cat-o’-nine tails by his mess-mates. During this -extreme scarcity, Rogers was forced to adopt a measure which is perhaps -rather a humiliating episode in his career. To his Negro sailors, whom -he had promised to treat as Englishmen, and who had behaved themselves -well, he could only allow 6 in a mess to have “the same allowance as 5 -of our own men, which will but just keep those that are in health -alive.” - -The long voyage to Guam, a distance of over 6,000 miles, occupied two -months, during which the best day’s run was 168 miles, and the worst 41. -Nothing of importance occurred until the 14th of February, when “in -commemoration of the ancient custom of chusing Valentines,” Rogers drew -up a list of all “the fair ladies in Bristol” who were in any way -related or known to them. Assembling his officers in the cabin of the -_Duke_ “every one drew, and drank the lady’s health in a cup of Punch, -and to a happy sight of them all.” Three days later Rogers was troubled -with a swelling in his throat “which incommoded” him very much, and he -succeeded in getting out a piece of his jaw-bone that had lodged there -“since I was wounded.” On March the 11th they arrived at Guam, where -Rogers after a little diplomatic dealing with the Spanish governor -succeeded in getting such provisions as he wanted for his depleted -stores. In return the governor and others were entertained on board the -_Duke_, the crew “diverting them with musick, and our sailors dancing -till night.” On the 21st of March they sailed from Guam for the -Moluccas, encountering very stormy weather, and owing to the unseaworthy -nature of the _Duke_, the crew were “wearied almost to death with -continual pumping.” By the 15th of May provisions had again reached a -low ebb, and “with the shortest allowance” it was estimated that they -could only “subsist at sea 3 weeks longer.” A fortnight later the four -ships were safely anchored at the island of Bouton, by which time the -_Dutchess_ was using her last butt of water. Here the King of Bouton -supplied them with various commodities, all of which “were very dear.” -Nevertheless, as some return for the hospitality received Rogers made -the King a present of a “Bishop’s Cap,” which it is of interest to note -“he highly esteemed and gratefully accepted.” Being now “pretty well -supplied” with provisions “for a fortnight or three weeks,” the ships -left the island on the 8th of June _en route_ for Batavia, having taken -on board a pilot who promised to carry them “through the Channel the -great Dutch ships generally went.” - -On the 17th, near the north coast of Java, they met a Dutch ship of 600 -tons--the first eastward-bound merchantman they had seen for nearly two -years. From her they had their first items of home news, the death of -Prince George of Denmark, the Consort of Queen Anne, and the -continuation of the wars in Europe. Three days later they anchored -safely in the roadstead of Batavia “betwixt 30 and 40 sail, great and -small.” - -After such a long and perilous voyage the crew were naturally overjoyed -at being in port. To them Batavia was a perfect paradise. They hugged -each other, and thanked their lucky stars that they had found “such a -glorious place for Punch, where they could have Arrack for 8d. per -gallon, and sugar for 1 penny a pound.” In spite of the humours of his -ship’s company Rogers was still very ill, the doctor having recently cut -a large musket shot out of his mouth, and while at Batavia several -pieces of his heel bone were also removed. As the _Marquis_ was found -unfit to proceed to Europe, she was sold for 575 Dutch dollars, “an -extraordinary bargain,” remarks Rogers. - -On October the 12th, after a stay of nearly four months, they sailed -from Batavia and proceeded direct to the Cape of Good Hope. The _Duke_ -was in such a leaky condition that she was kept afloat with the greatest -difficulty. By the end of October she had 3 feet of water in the hold, -“and our pumps being choaked,” says Rogers, “we were in such danger, -that we made signals, and fired guns for our consorts to come to our -relief, but had just sucked her (i.e. pumped her dry) as the _Dutchess_ -came up.” On the 28th of December the three ships arrived at the Cape, -and 16 sick men were sent ashore. Several days were now spent in -watering and re-fitting, and on the 18th of January, 1711, it was agreed -that some of the plate and gold from the ships should be sold to buy -“several necessaries and provisions.” - -On account of his valuable cargo Rogers deferred his departure until a -number of homeward-bound ships collected, and it was not before April -the 6th that the combined fleet, numbering 16 Dutch and 9 English ships, -sailed for Europe. On the 14th of May the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ crossed -the line for the eighth time. A course was now steered to the westward -of the Azores, and from thence north-eastward round the Shetlands to the -Texel, where the whole fleet anchored on the 23rd of July. Here Rogers -remained some little while, having received orders from the owners that -the East India Company resolved to trouble us, “on pretence we had -encroached upon their liberties in India.” Finally all difficulties were -amicably settled, and at the end of September the _Duke_, _Dutchess_, -and _Marquis_ sailed from Holland, convoyed by four English men-of-war. -On the 1st of October they arrived in the Downs, and on the 14th came to -an anchor at Erith, which finished their “long and fatiguing voyage” of -over three years. - -Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions that ever left the -shores of Great Britain. The cost of fitting it out was less than -£14,000 and the net profits amounted to at least £170,000.[19] Of this -sum, two-thirds went to the owners, and the other third was divided, -according to their rating, among the officers and men. The prizes taken, -including the ships and barks ransomed at Guiaquil, amounted to twenty -sail.[20] - -A rousing welcome must have been accorded Rogers and his plucky crew -when they arrived home in Bristol. By their daring and skill they had -ranged the seas in defiance of the enemy, and by their superb seamanship -and courage they had added a brilliant page to our naval history. Their -voyage was epoch making. In the words of a contemporary writer “there -never was any voyage of this nature so happily adjusted.” Once and for -all it stripped distant and tedious navigations of those terrors which -haunted them through the incapacity of their commanders, and it opened a -door to the great South Sea which was never to be closed again.[21] -Rogers was a born leader, besides being a magnificent seaman. He had a -way of maintaining authority over his men, which Dampier and others -before him sadly lacked, and whenever the occasion arose he had a happy -knack of ingratiating himself with the various authorities ashore. -Whether friend or foe he invariably parted with them cheerfully. - -In many respects the voyage of Woodes Rogers is more noteworthy than -that of Anson thirty years later. Rogers had only two small merchant -ships fitted out by private enterprise, whereas Anson’s squadron was -fitted, manned, and armed, by the Admiralty. It comprised six ships of -the Royal Navy (with 236 guns and 2,000 men), in addition to two -victualling ships of the size of the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_. Rogers was -able to bring both his ships safely home, but fate was not so kind to -Anson, and only one, his flagship the _Centurion_, succeeded in reaching -England. - -The success of the expedition naturally stimulated public interest, and -at the request of his many friends, Rogers agreed to publish his -“journal,”[22] which appeared in the following year under the title of -“A Cruising Voyage round the World.” It is written, as its author -informs us, in “the language of the sea,” and as such it is a -picturesque human document, enlivened with a quaint humour which makes -it delightful reading. During the eighteenth century the book was widely -read; three editions appeared within the space of fourteen years, and it -was also translated into French and German. It was used as a model by -later voyagers, and it is interesting to note that when Anson sailed on -a similar expedition thirty years later a copy of the “Cruising Voyage,” -found a prominent place in his cabin. - -On returning to England Rogers took up his residence at a house in Queen -Square, Bristol, which had been built for him about 1708. His share of -the plunder taken by the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ must have amounted to -about £14,000, and he was thus able to live in ease and retirement -during the next few years. At this period of his life he formed some -important and influential friendships, and among his correspondents we -find such well-known names as Addison, Steele, and Sir Hans Sloane. - -To a man of Rogers’s disposition an inactive life must have been -particularly irksome, and his ever restless nature was continually -looking for some outlet where the spirit of adventure was combined with -service to the state. In the years following his expedition round the -world the Government had under consideration various schemes for the -settlements of Madagascar and the Bahama Islands, both of which had -become strongholds for the pirates and were a dangerous menace to the -trade and navigation in those waters. That Rogers had his own ideas on -the matter is shown in the following letter to Sir Hans Sloane, dated -7th May, 1716, which in its way is a model of brevity[23]:-- - -SIR, - - I being ambitious to promote a settlement on Madagascar, beg you’ll - (be) pleased to send me what accounts you have of that island, - which will be a particular favour done - -Your most obliged humble servant, -WOODES ROGERS. - - - -For some reason or other the proposed settlement never matured, and -nothing further is heard of it. There remained, however, the question of -the Bahamas, and it was not long before Rogers was called from the -seclusion of his Bristol home to take command of an important expedition -against the pirates of New Providence in the Bahamas, in which he was -to become a pioneer in the settlement and administration of our West -Indian Empire. - -The story of this expedition, and Rogers’s subsequent career as Governor -of the Bahama Islands, the most northerly of our West Indian -possessions, has never been told in full before. It may be taken as a -typical example of the pluck and enterprise shown by our early colonial -governors against overwhelming odds and difficulties, and as such it -fills an important chapter in colonial history. Although the islands had -nominally belonged to Great Britain since 1670, they had been left -without any systematic government or settlement for over half a century, -and in consequence the House of Lords in an address to the Queen[24] -during the early part of 1716, set forth the desirability of placing the -Bahamas under the Crown, for the better security and advantage of the -trade of this kingdom. They pointed out that twice within living memory -the French and Spaniards had plundered the colony, and driven out the -few English settlers, and that it was now necessary to establish a -stable form of government there. Owing to their geographical position, -the Bahamas were a favourite haunt of the pirates, whose headquarters -were at New Providence, the principal island. Nothing however was done -in the matter until the following year, when Rogers submitted a careful -and considered proposal for their settlement to the Lords Commissioners -of Trade, in the summer of 1717. He emphasised the importance of those -islands to British trade and navigation, and the necessity of driving -out the pirates and fortifying and settling the islands for the better -protection of that trade. His endeavours were stoutly supported by some -of the “most considerable merchants of London and Bristol,” who declared -that Rogers was in “every way qualified for such an undertaking.”[25] In -the meantime the Lords Proprietors of the Bahamas surrendered the civil -and military government of the islands to the Crown with the reservation -of quit rents and royalties. These they leased under an agreement dated -28th of October, 1717, to Rogers, who is described in the original lease -as “of London, Mariner,” for a term of twenty-one years. For the first -seven years Rogers was to pay fifty pounds a year; for the second seven -years one hundred pounds a year; and for the remaining period two -hundred pounds a year.[26] - -Accordingly, Rogers’s suggestion, backed by the recommendation of -Addison, then Secretary of State, was agreed to, and he was duly -appointed “Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over our Bahama -Islands in America,” the King “reposing especial trust” in his -“Prudence, Courage and Loyalty.” On his appointment he assigned his -lease to W. Chetwynd, Adam Cardonnel, and Thomas Pitt, with the proviso -that the lessee was to have the right to grant lands “for not less than -1_d._ sterling per acre.”[27] - -Among other things Rogers had represented to the Crown the necessity of -taking out a number of soldiers to protect the colony, and on the 14th -of October, 1717, Addison wrote to the Secretary of War stating that the -company should consist “of a hundred men at least,” and that as the -season was too far advanced to procure these forces from any part of -America, he proposed that they should be “draughted out of the Guards, -or any other regiments now on foot, or out of His Majesty’s Hospital at -Chelsea.”[28] This garrison Rogers had proposed to victual at the rate -of 6_d._ per head per diem, and the Treasury were asked to provide the -sum of £912 10_s._--the cost of a year’s victualling--“provided your -Lordships shall find the same to be a cheap and reasonable -proposal.”[29] - -On the 6th of November Rogers duly received his commission as “Captain -of that Independent Company of Foot which we have appointed to do duty -in our Bahama Islands in America.” - -While in London Rogers had an opportunity of renewing his friendship -with Steele, whom he met in the Tennis Coffee House in the Cockpit, -Whitehall, on which occasions we are told the conversation “turned upon -the subject of trade and navigation,” a subject which we may be sure was -eagerly discussed, for Steele at the time was full of his idea for the -“Fish Pool,” a scheme for bringing fish alive to London.[30] - -On Friday the 11th of April, Rogers sailed from England to take up his -appointment.[31] His commission gave him full power to employ whatever -means he thought fit for the suppression of piracy, and he also carried -with him the royal proclamation of pardon, dated 5th of September, 1717, -to any pirates who surrendered before the 5th of September, 1718.[32] At -the same time a determined effort was made by the Government to stamp -out piracy in the whole of the West Indian Islands, and several ships -were despatched to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leeward Islands for that -purpose. - -After a voyage of three and a half months Rogers arrived at his -destination, and on the 25th of July the _Delicia_, with the Governor -and his retinue on board, escorted by H.M. ships _Rose_ and _Milford_, -anchored off Nassau, the principal town of New Providence, and the seat -of government of the Bahamas. Owing to the lateness of the evening the -pilot of the _Delicia_ decided that it was unsafe to venture over the -bar that night, and in consequence it was resolved to wait till the -morning.[33] From information received it was learnt that nearly all the -pirates are anxious to avail themselves of the royal clemency. Two -notable exceptions, however, were Teach, the famous “Blackbeard,” and -Charles Vane. The latter swore that “he would suffer no other governor -than himself” except on his own terms, and these he embodied in the -following letter to Rogers:--“Your excellency may please to understand -that we are willing to accept His Majesty’s most gracious pardon on the -following terms, viz.--That you will suffer us to dispose of all our -goods now in our possesion. Likewise, to act as we think fit with -everything belonging to us.... If your Excellency shall please to comply -with this, we shall, with all readiness, accept of His Majesty’s Act of -Grace. If not, we are obliged to stand on our defence. We wait a speedy -answer.”[34] - -Rogers promptly replied by sending in the _Rose_ and the _Shark_ sloop, -and after a desultory cannonade--Vane set fire to a French prize of 22 -guns--and during the confusion and danger which followed he and about 90 -of his crew succeeded in escaping to sea.[35] - -The morning following Vane’s escape Rogers went on shore and was -enthusiastically received by the principal inhabitants. The pirates who -had availed themselves of the royal pardon, were not to be eclipsed in -their desire to show their loyalty to the new governor, and on the way -from the beach to the Fort, Rogers passed between two lines of reformed -pirates, who fired their muskets in his honour. On arriving at the Fort -the royal commission was opened and read, and Rogers was solemnly sworn -in as Governor of the Bahamas. The next procedure was to form a Council, -and for this purpose Rogers nominated six of the principal persons he -had brought with him from England, and six of the inhabitants “who had -not been pirates, and were of good repute.”[36] Within a week of landing -Rogers assembled this Council, and among other business the following -appointments were made:--Judge of the Admiralty Court, Collector of -Customs, Chief Justice, Provost Marshal, Secretary to the Governor, and -Chief Naval Officer.[37] Having appointed his Council and administrative -officers, Rogers next turned his attention to the inhabitants and the -condition of the islands generally. It was a task which required a man -of strong and fearless disposition, and Rogers did not shrink from the -responsibility. The secret of his success was that he found and made -work for all. The fort of Nassau, in ruins and dismantled, was repaired -and garrisoned. A number of guns were also mounted, and a strong -pallisade constructed round it. All about the town the roads were -overgrown with brushwood and shrubs and rendered almost impassable. A -proportion of the inhabitants were therefore mustered and employed in -clearing the ground and cleansing the streets, while overseers and -constables were employed to see the work carried out in an efficient -manner. Those not employed on cleansing and scouring were formed into -three companies of Militia whose duty it was to keep guard in the town -every night, to prevent surprise attacks. The neighbouring islands were -not forgotten, and various members of the Council were appointed Deputy -Governors of them. A militia company was also formed in each of the -principal ones, and a fort constructed and provided with powder and -shot. As an extra method of precaution the _Delicia_ was retained as the -Governor’s guardship and stationed off the harbour of Nassau. A scheme -of settlement was also devised, and in order to attract settlers to New -Providence and the other islands, a plot of ground 120 foot square was -offered to each settler, provided he would clear the ground and build a -house within a certain time. As there was abundance of timber on the -island which was free to be taken, this stipulation was not difficult to -fulfil.[38] - -Unfortunately the difficulties which Rogers had to contend with bid fair -to wreck his almost Utopian scheme. Before many months had elapsed the -pirates found this new mode of life less remunerative and much more -irksome to their roving dispositions. As Captain Charles Johnson, their -historian, tersely puts it, “it did not much suit the inclinations of -the Pirates to be set to work.” As a result many of them escaped to sea -at the first opportunity and resumed their former trade. One of their -number, John Augur by name, who had accepted the royal pardon, was -appointed by Rogers to command a sloop despatched to get provisions for -the island. Captain John, however, soon forgot his oath of allegiance, -and meeting with two trading vessels _en route_, he promptly boarded and -rifled them. With booty estimated at £500, he steered a course for -Hispaniola, little knowing that he had played his last card. -Encountering a severe storm he and his comrades were wrecked on one of -the uninhabited Bahamas, where Rogers, hearing of their fate, despatched -a ship to bring them back to Nassau. Here they were quickly dealt with -by the Court of Admiralty, and ten out of eleven of them were convicted -and hanged “in the sight of their former companions.” A contemporary -records that these trials were marked by “Rogers’s prudence and -resolution, and that in the condemnation and execution of the pirates he -had a just regard of the public good, and was not to be deterred from -vigorously pursuing it in circumstances which would have intimidated -many brave men.”[39] - -Whenever the occasion offered, Rogers tempered justice with mercy, and -the human side of his character comes out well in the case of the man -who was pardoned. His name, Rogers informs us, was George -Rounsivell,[40] and “I reprieved him under the gallows,” he wrote in a -letter to the Secretary of State, “through a desire to respite him for -his future repentance. He is the son of loyal and good parents at -Weymouth in Dorsetshire. I hope this unhappy young man will deserve his -life, and I beg the honour of your intercession with his Majesty for me -on his behalf.”[41] - -One of the greatest difficulties which Rogers had to encounter was the -smallness of the force at his disposal for the preservation of law and -order. The discovery of a conspiracy among the settlers to desert the -island, and their friendship with the pirates, were matters of urgent -importance which he brought to the notice of the home Government. From -first to last his great ambition was to make the colony worthy in all -respects of the British Empire, and amidst frequent disorders we find -him busy about this time with plans for the development of the whale -fishery, and for supplying Newfoundland and North America with salt.[42] - -The failure of the Admiralty to send out ships for the protection of the -colony against the swarms of pirates who still infested the West Indian -seas caused Rogers to complain bitterly, and in a very interesting -letter to his friend Sir Richard Steele, he regrets that several of his -letters have fallen into the hands of the pirates.[43] In it he also -gives an amusing account of a lady whose fluency of speech caused him -considerable annoyance. - - “To the Hon. Sir Richard Steele; to be left at Bartram’s - Coffee-House in Church Court, opposite Hungerford Market in the - Strand, London. Via Carolina. - -NASSAU, ON NEW PROVIDENCE, -_Jan. 30, 1718/9_. - -SIR,-- - - Having writ to you by several former opportunities, and not hearing - from you, I have the greater cause to inveigh against the malice of - the pirates who took Captain Smyter, lately come from London, from - whom I have since heard that there were several letters directed - to me and Mr. Beauchamp, which the pirates after reading tore. - - Every capture made by the pirates aggravates the apparent - inclinations of the Commanders of our men-of-war; who having openly - avowed that the greater number of pirates makes their suitable - advantage in trade; for the Merchants of necessity are forced to - send their effects in the King’s bottoms, when they from every part - hear of the ravages committed by the pirates. - - There is no Governor in these American parts who has not justly - complained of this grand negligence; and I am in hopes the several - representations will induce the Board of Admiralty to be more - strict in their orders. There has not been one here almost these - five months past; and, as if they wished us offered as a sacrifice - both to the threatening Spaniards and Pirates, I have not had - influence enough to make our danger prevail with any of them to - come to our assistance because of their greater occupations in - trade. I, however, expect to be sufficiently provided, if the - Spaniards, as believed, defer their coming till April. - - At my first arrival I received a formal visit from a woman called - Pritchard, who by her voluble tongue, and mentioning some of our - first quality with some freedom, and, withal, saying that she was - known to you, Mr. Cardonnel,[44] and Sir William Scawen, next to - whom she lived, near the Storey’s Westminster, that I gave her a - patient hearing. She dressed well, and had charms enough to tempt - the pirates; and, when she pleased, could assume an air of - haughtiness which indeed she showed to me, when I misdoubted her - birth, education, or acquaintance with those Noblemen and others, - whom she could without hesitation call over, and indeed some very - particular private passages. She had often a loose way of speaking, - which made me conjecture she endeavoured to win the hearts of her - admirers to the Pretender’s interest, and made me grow weary of - seeing her. - - This my indifference, and a little confinement, provoked her to - depart hence for Jamaica, saying that she would take passage for - England to do herself justice, and did not come abroad without - money to support her. She talked much of Sir Ambrose Crawley and - his son, from whom she intends to provide a good quantity of - iron-work; and, with a suitable cargo of other goods, she says she - will soon make another turn this way; and seldom serious in her - talk. I thought fit to say thus much of a woman who pretends to - such a general knowledge of men, particularly of you and Mr. - Addison. If our carpenters had not otherwise been employed, and I - could have spared them, I should have been glad to have made her - first Lady of the Stool.[45] She went hence, as I thought, with - resentments enough; but I have heard since from Jamaica, that she - has not only forgot her passion, but sent her friendly service to - me; and, as I expect, she now is on her way home, designs to do me - all the good offices that she can with all the numerous gentlemen - of her acquaintance. But I can’t believe it; and I beg if you see - her soliciting in my behalf, be pleased to let her know I don’t - expect her company here, and she can’t oblige me more than to let - me and my character alone. - - Captain Whitney, Commander of his Majesty’s ship the _Rose_, - man-of-war, being one of the three that saw me into this place, and - left me in an utmost danger so long ago--he also pretends to a - knowledge of you, and several of my friends in London: but he has - behaved so ill, that I design to forget him as much as I can; and - if he is acquainted with you, and sees you in London before me, I - desire he might know his character from the several accounts I have - sent hence, which, with what goes from other ports, may serve to - convince all his friends that he is not the man that he may have - appeared to be at home. - - I hope Mrs. Ker and Roach who I sent hence has been often with you, - and that this will keep your hands in perfect health and that you - have thrown away your great cane, and can dance a minuet, and will - honour me with the continuance of your friendship, for I am, good - Sir, - -Your most sincere humble servant, -WOODES ROGERS. - - Be pleased to excuse my writing to you in such a hurry, as obliged - me to write this letter in two different hands. My humble service - to Mr. Addison and to Mr. Sansom.[46] This comes enclosed to Mr. G. - with whom I hope you will be acquainted. - -W. R. - - - -In a subsequent letter he writes regretting that his Majesty’s ships of -war have “so little regard for this infant colony,”[47] and he certainly -had just cause to complain. His statement about the Admiralty, and the -representations of other colonial governors, is borne out by the -following letter from the Governor of South Carolina, written on the -4th of November, 1718[48]:--“’Tis not long since I did myself the honour -to write to you from this place (S. Carolina) which I hope you’ll -receive, but having fresh occasion grounded upon advice received by a -Brig; since that arrived from Providence I thought it my duty, after -having so far engaged myself in that settlement once more to offer you -my opinion concerning it. My last, if I forget not, gave you account of -the mortality that had been amongst the Soldiers and others that came -over with Governor Rogers and the ill state of that place both in regard -to Pirates and Spaniards, unless speedily supported by a greater force -than are yet upon the place; and especially the necessity that there is -of cruising ships and Snows and Sloops of war to be stationed there, -without which I do assure you it will at any time be in the power of -either Pirates or Spaniards at their pleasure to make ’emselves masters -of the Island, or at least to prevent provisions or other necessaries -being carried to it from the Main, and without that it’s not possible -for the King’s garrison or inhabitants to subsist. The Pirates yet -accounted to be out are near 2,000 men and of those Vain,[49] -Thaitch,[50] and others promise themselves to be repossessed of -Providence in a short time. How the loss of that place may affect the -Ministry, I cannot tell, but the consequence of it seems to be not only -a general destruction of the trade to the West Indies, and the Main of -America, but the settling and establishing a nest of Pirates who already -esteem themselves a Community and to have one common interest; and -indeed they may in time become so, and make that Island another Sally -but much more formidable unless speedy care be taken to subdue them.... -I should humbly propose that two ships of 24 or 30 guns and 2 sloops of -10 or 12 guns should be stationed there, one ship and sloop to be always -in harbour as guard.” - -In these days of rapid transit and wireless communications, it is -difficult to realise what this isolation meant to a colonial Governor, -with the perpetual menace of the enemy within his gates, and the risk of -invasion from outside. The existence of the settlement depended entirely -on his initiative and resource, and at times the suspense and despair in -these far-flung outposts of empire must have been terrible in the -extreme. - -The difficulties which Rogers had to contend with are vividly shown in -the following letter from him to the Lords Commissioners of -Trade[51]:-- - -NASSAU ON PROVIDENCE, -_May 29, 1719_. - -MY LORDS,-- - - We have never been free from apprehension of danger from Pirates - and Spaniards, and I can only impute these causes to the want of a - stationed ship of war, till we really can be strong enough to - defend ourselves.... I hope your Lordships will pardon my troubling - you, but a few instances of those people I have to govern, who, - though they expect the enemy that has surprised them these fifteen - years thirty-four times, yet these wre(t)ches can’t be kept to - watch at night, and when they do they come very seldom sober, and - rarely awake all night, though our officers or soldiers very often - surprise their guard and carry off their arms, and I punish, fine, - or confine them almost every day. - - Then for work they mortally hate it, for when they have cleared a - patch that will supply them with potatoes and yams and very little - else, fish being so plentiful.... They thus live, poorly and - indolently, with a seeming content, and pray for wrecks or pirates; - and few of them have an(y) opinion of a regular orderly life under - any sort of government, and would rather spend all they have at a - Punch house than pay me one-tenth to save their families and all - that’s dear to them.... Had I not took another method of eating, - drinking, and working with them myself, officers, soldiers, sailors - and passengers, and watch at the same time, whilst they were drunk - and drowsy, I could never have got the Fort in any posture of - defence, neither would they [have] willingly kept themselves or me - from the pirates, if the expectation of a war with Spain had not - been perpetually kept up. It was as bad as treason is in England to - declare our design of fortifying was to keep out the pirates if - they were willing to come in and say they would be honest and live - under government as we called it even then. I ask your Lordships’ - pardon if I am too prolix, but the anxiety I am in, and it being my - duty to inform your honourable Board as fully as I can, I hope will - plead for me till I can be more concise. - - I am, with the utmost ambition and zeal Your Lordships’ most - obedient and most humble servant, - -WOODES ROGERS. - - - -An interesting sidelight on the Spanish attack which Rogers mentioned in -his letter to Steele, is to be found among the Treasury papers in the -form of a claim for provisions supplied to Woodes Rogers “Captain -General, Governor and Vice-Admiral of the Bahama Islands, during the -invasion from the Spaniards against the Island of Providence,” when the -inhabitants and others of that place were forced to continue under arms -for a considerable time and the Governor was obliged to be at an -extraordinary charge to support near 500 men, exclusive of His Majesty’s -garrison.[52] - -Though he had been sent out to the Bahamas as the representative of the -Crown, his position was more like that of a shipwrecked mariner, so -completely was he cut off from the outside world. On the 20th of -November, 1720, the Council wrote to the Secretary of State the -following letter which reveals an amazing situation. - -“Governor Rogers having received no letter from you dated since July, -1719, and none from the Board of Trade since his arrival, gives him and -us great uneasiness least this poor colony should be no more accounted -as part of His Britannick Majesty’s dominions.”[53] - -The intolerable position thus created, and the utter impossibility of -getting either help or guidance from the home Government, at last forced -Rogers to return. The strain of the last two years had told severely on -his health, and he decided to make the journey to England, and -personally plead the cause of the colony. In a letter written on the eve -of his departure, dated from Nassau, 25th of February, 1720/1, he -writes[54]:--“It is impossible that I can subsist here any longer on the -foot I have been left ever since my arrival.” He had been left, he -stated, with “a few sick men to encounter five hundred of the pirates,” -and that he had no support in men, supplies or warships. He had also -contracted large debts through having to purchase clothing and supplies -at extravagant rates. “This place,” he wrote, “so secured by my -industry; indefatigable pains, and the forfeiture of my health, has -since been sold for forty thousand pounds and myself by a manager at -home, and Co-partners’ factotem here. All the unworthy usage a man can -have,” he added, “has been given me, and all the expenses designed to be -thrown on me.” - -Leaving the government of the island in the hands of “Mr. Fairfax” he -left for England, carrying with him a remarkable “Memorial”[55] drawn up -and signed by the Council, principal inhabitants and traders of the -Bahama Islands, dated 21 March, 1720/1, setting forth the services he -had rendered to the colony. In this document they expressed the belief -that “too many of these neglects of, and misfortunes attending us, are -owing to the want of a power to call an Assembly, and that the colony -being in the hands of Proprietors, and Co-partners, who we are sensible -have it not in their power to support and defend their settlements, in -such a manner as is necessary, more especially in young colonies: and -this place being left on so uncertain a foundation, and so long -abandoned, has discouraged all men of substance coming to us. We hope,” -they added, “his Majesty, and the wisdom of the nation will not suffer -this colony to be any longer so neglected and lost to the Crown, as it -inevitably must, and will be soon abandoned to the pirates, if effectual -care is not taken without any farther loss of time. We thought it a duty -incumbent on us, as well to the Country, as to his Excellency the -Governor, and his Majesty’s garrison here to put these things in a full -and true a light ... that we might as much as in us lies, do our -Governor justice, and prevent any farther ungrateful usage being offered -him at home, to frustrate his good endeavours when please God he arrives -there, for the service of his country, to preserve this settlement; for -next to the Divine protection, it is owing to him, who has acted amongst -us without the least regard for his private advantage or separate -interest, in a scene of continual fatigues and hardships. These motives -led us to offer the truth under our hands, of the almost insurmountable -difficulty, that he and this colony has struggled with for the space of -two years and eight months past.” With these assurances of good will and -support Rogers left for England, calling _en route_ at South Carolina, -where he ordered provisions to be despatched to New Providence -sufficient to last the company till Christmas. During the second week in -August he landed at Bristol, and then proceeded to London.[56] - -On arrival in London Rogers met with as many difficulties as he had -encountered in the Colony, and he does not appear to have succeeded to -any extent in the objects of his mission. That he strongly objected to -return for a further tenure of office under the same conditions is -apparent, and in the same year George Phenney was appointed to succeed -him as Governor. Within two months of his arrival in England, he -addressed a petition to the Lords of the Treasury setting forth his -services and impoverished condition, stating that in preserving the -islands “from destruction by the Spaniards, or from again being -possessed by the pirates, he had disbursed his whole fortune, and -credit, and stood engaged for large sums. He prayed that he might be -granted an allowance of victualling for the last three years.”[57] - -Those who have had occasion to search into the records of the 18th -century know the difficulties which confront the searcher, especially in -writing for the first time the life of a man like Woodes Rogers. There -must inevitably be some missing links in the biographical chain, and -such a missing link occurs in the years immediately following his return -to England. For some reason or other he seems to have been in bad odour -with the Government--possibly on account of his pugnacity and outspoken -nature--and there is no record of his petition being answered. On -slender authority he is said to have gone in 1724, in the _Delicia_ of -40 guns, to Madagascar for the purpose of buying slaves for the Dutch -Colony at Batavia, during which voyage he narrowly escaped capture by -the pirates who had settled there from the Bahamas. This, however, seems -an unlikely procedure for a man of Rogers’s attainments, and the story -is not corroborated by any authoritative source.[58] - -The next mention of Rogers occurs in connection with the operations -against Spain. In March, 1726, Vice-Admiral Hosier was appointed to -command a squadron which was despatched to the West Indies for the -purpose of intercepting the Spanish treasure ships lying at Porto Bello. -On hearing of Hosier’s expedition and its object the ships were -dismantled and the treasure sent back to Panama. Hosier, however, in -spite of a virulent epidemic among the crew of his ships, kept up a -strict blockade of Porto Bello. In the spring and summer of 1727, while -his ships were blockading Havana and Vera Cruz, the epidemic continued, -and Hosier himself fell a victim to the disease, dying at Jamaica on the -25th of August.[59] The Government did all in their power to prevent the -Spanish treasure ships reaching Europe, and Rogers, who was in London at -the time, was consulted by the Government as to the probable means and -route the Spaniards would adopt to get their treasure home. The -situation was rendered more difficult by a despatch from William Cayley, -our Consul at Cadiz, informing the Government of the sailing of a -squadron from Cadiz to assist in bringing the treasure home. From past -experience Rogers probably knew more than any other person then in -England of the difficulties of the voyage and the report which he -delivered, in conjunction with Jonathan Denniss,[60] to Lord Townshend -the Secretary of State, is of considerable interest and is now printed -for the first time.[61] - - MY LORD,-- - - According to what your Lordship was pleased to command us, we have - considered the account given by Mr. Cayley from Cadiz to his Grace - the Duke of Newcastle of three men-of-war and a ship of ten guns - being sent under the command of Admiral Castañetta from that port - in the month of May last, with canon and land forces which, your - Lordship apprehends, may be ordered round Cape Horn, in order to - bring to Spain the Bullion now detained at Panama, and we give it - your Lordship as our opinion, that it is not only improbable, but - almost impracticable, for the following reasons:-- - - First, because of the time of the year in which those ships sailed - from Cadiz, which is at least three months too soon to attempt - getting round Cape Horn, or through the Straits of Magellan, - especially if the nature of the ships be considered, and their - being deeply laden, and having canon and land forces on board. - - Secondly, because their can be no need of canon in Peru or Chile, - those provinces abounding in metal for casting them, and the - Spaniards being able to do it (as they always have done) cheaper - and full as well as in Spain, and as to the Soldiers, the - transporting them that way seems altogether improbable because of - the many better methods there are of doing it. - - Thirdly, my Lord, as the Bullion is now at or near Panama, the - embarking it thence to Lyma, and so to be brought round Cape Horn, - will require so prodigious an expence both of time and money, that - renders the doing of it extremely improbable. - - ’Tis true, my Lord, were the money now at Potosi or Lyma ’twould be - easy enough to bring it round Cape Horn, or rather overland to - Buenos Ayres, where Castañetta might be gone to receive it, but as - it is not, the bringing of it from Panama to Lyma will require too - long a time, because of the difficulty of the Navigation from the - former to the latter place, being against both winds and currents, - so that the Spanish ships are commonly from six to eight or ten - months performing the voyage, and though the French formerly often - came with their money round the Cape to France, yet your Lordship - will consider their tract of trade was never to Leeward, or to the - Northward of the coasts of Peru, by which means the greatest - fatigue of the voyage was avoided. - - But, my Lord, what seems to us the most likely is that Castañetta - after refreshing at the Havana, may go to La Vera Cruz, and there - wait for the Bullion from Panama (from whence it may be sent to La - Vera Cruz under a notion of its being re-shipt for Peru) and so - bring it to Havana there to join in the Flota, and so come for - Spain (or send it home in _running_[62] ships) and our reason for - this suggestion is not only for the above difficulties that must - and will attend bringing the Bullion now at Panama to Spain, round - Cape Horn, or by the way of Buenos Ayres; but because of the - facility and dispatch, with which it may be transported from Panama - to Acapulco, and so by land to La Vera Cruz, which is what has been - often practised by the Spaniards, even when there was no blockade - at Porto Bello nor fear of enemies (as a conveniency for Spain has - offered) for the navigation from Panama to Acapulco is very safe - and easy, and the carriage from thence to La Vera Cruz is neither - so difficult nor expensive as that between Lyma and Buenos Ayres. - - This, my Lord, is what occurs to us worthy your Lordship’s notice. - We are, with the uttermost respect and submission - - My Lord, - - Your Lordship’s most devoted and most obedient humble servants, - -WOODES ROGERS. -JONATH: DENNISS. - -HANG -RT. HONBLE. LORD TOWNSHEND, - - _London, 10 of Nov. 1726_. - -In the meanwhile things were going from bad to worse in the Bahamas. -Phenney, Rogers’s successor, had failed in his efforts to bring about a -stable form of government, and he appears to have been without the -commanding and organising abilities of his predecessor. At the beginning -of 1726, he wrote complaining of the difficulties of government, stating -that he had been unable to get sufficient of his Council together to -form a quorum, and that many of them were “very illiterate.”[63] Phenney -himself was not above reproach. It was reported that he and his wife had -grossly abused their office. The governor’s wife and her husband -monopolised “all the trade,” so that the inhabitants could not have any -provisions “without paying her own exhorbitant prices,” and it was -reported that she sold “rum by the pint and biscuits by the half -ryal.”[64] Added to this she had “frequently browbeated juries and -insulted even the justice on the bench,” while Phenney himself was -stated to have dismantled the fort, and sold the iron for his own -benefit.[65] If half the misdemeanours attributed to Phenney and his -wife are true, it is not to be wondered at that his recall was demanded -by the principal inhabitants, and that a strong desire was shown by the -Council and others to have Rogers re-instated, as the following petition -and its annexed paper dated 28 February, 1727/8, clearly shows[66]:-- - -[Sidenote: INTRODUCTION] - -To the King’s most Excellent Majesty. - - The humble Petition of Captain Woodes Rogers, late Governor of the - Bahama Islands in America, and Captain of the Independent Company - there, - - Sheweth:--The Petitioner had the honour to be employed by your - royal Father to drive the Pirates from the Bahama Islands, and he - succeeded therein. He afterwards established a settlement and - defended it against an attack of the Spaniards. On your Majesty’s - happy accession he humbly represented the state of his great losses - and sufferings in this service, praying, that you would be - graciously pleased to grant him such compensation for the same as - might enable him to exert himself more effectually in your - Majesty’s services having nothing more than the subsistence of half - pay as Captain of Foot, given him, on a report of the Board of - General Officers appointed to inquire into his conduct; who farther - recommended him to his late Majesty’s bounty and favour. - - The Petitioner not having the happiness to know your royal - pleasure, humbly begs leave to represent that the Bahama Islands - are of very great importance to the commerce of these Kingdoms, as - is well known to all concerned in the American trade; and the weak - condition they now are in renders them an easy prey to the - Spaniards, if a rupture should happen; but if effectually secured, - they will soon contribute very much to distress any power which may - attempt to molest the British Dominions or trade in the West - Indies. - - Your Petitioner therefore humbly prays that your most sacred - Majesty would be graciously pleased to restore him to his former - station of Governor, and Captain of an independent Company of these - Islands, in which he hopes to give farther proofs of zeal for your - Majesty’s service. Or if it is your royal pleasure his successor be - continued there, he most humbly relies, that through your great - compassion and bounty he shall receive such a consideration for his - past sufferings and present half pay as will enable him to be - usefully employed for your Majesty’s and his country’s advantage, - and in some measure retrieve his losses, that he may support - himself and family, who for above seven years past have suffered - very much by means of this employment wholly for the public - service. - - And your Majesty’s petitioner, as in duty bound, shall ever pray, - etc. - -At the same time, a petition,[67] bearing twenty-nine influential names, -among whom was Sir Hans Sloane, Samuel Shute, ex-Governor of -Massachusetts, Alexander Spotswood, Deputy-Governor of Virginia, -Benjamin Bennett, ex-Governor of Bermuda and Lord Montague, was sent to -Sir Robert Walpole, in favour of Rogers, stating “we never heard any -complaint against his conduct in his duty there, nor that he behaved -otherwise in that employ, than with the utmost resolution and fidelity -becoming a good subject, though to the ruin of his own fortune.” - -It is evident from this petition that at the time the Government were -considering the question of the Bahamas, and the policy to be pursued -there. The influential support which Rogers had received, and the -general desire shown by the colonists for his return, were factors which -could not be ignored in the situation. By the end of the year it was -decided to recall Phenney and send Rogers out for a second tenure of -office. His commission, drawn up in December, 1728, gave him among other -things, “power and authority to summon and call General Assemblies of -the said Freeholders and Planters in our Islands under your Government, -which Assembly shall consist of twenty-four persons to be chosen by a -majority of the inhabitants,”[68] instead of the previously nominated -Council. As Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief he was to receive a -salary of £400 a year.[69] Just prior to sailing he had a family picture -painted by Hogarth, which represents him, with his son and daughter, -outside the fort at Nassau. On the wall is a shield, with the motto “Dum -spiro, spero.”[70] - -In the early summer of 1729 Rogers, with his son and daughter, sailed -for New Providence, and among other things it is interesting to note -that he took with him “two little flagons, one chalice, one paten, and a -receiver to take the offerings for the use of his Majesty’s Chapel -there,”[71] the building of which had commenced a few years earlier. One -of his first duties on arrival was to proceed with the election of an -Assembly, which met on the 30th of September in that year. In its first -session no less than twelve Acts were passed which it was judged would -be beneficial to the welfare of the colony, and efforts were made to -encourage the planting of cotton and the raising of sugar canes. -Praiseworthy as these endeavours were they were fraught with -considerable difficulties. The settlers which it was hoped to attract -from the other islands in the West Indies and from the American Colonies -were not forthcoming in sufficient numbers, principally owing to the -poverty of the colony. In the October of 1730 Rogers wrote: “I found the -place so very poor and thin of inhabitants that I never mentioned any -salary to them for myself or any one else, and the fees annexed to all -offices and places here being the lowest of any part in America, no one -can support himself thereon without some other employment.” Nevertheless -the spiritual needs of the colony, as we have seen, were not neglected, -and Rogers says that they were “in great want of a Chaplain,” and that -the whole colony had requested him “to get an orthodox divine as soon as -possible.”[72] - -To add to his other embarrassments Rogers had considerable difficulty -with the members of his Assembly, and the opposition, led by the -Speaker, did all in their power to wreck the various schemes that were -brought before them. In a letter to the Lord Commissioners of Trade, -dated February 10th, 1730/1, he mentions an incident which caused him to -dissolve the House[73]:--“During the sessions of the last Assembly I -endeavoured (pursuant to his Majesty’s instructions) to recommend to -them the state and condition of the Fortifications, which much wanted -all the assistance possible for their repair ... to which I did not find -the major part of the Assembly averse at first, but since, they have -been diverted from their good intentions by the insinuations of one Mr. -Colebrooke, their Speaker, who imposed so long on their ignorance, that -I was obliged to dissolve them, lest his behaviour might influence them -to fall into schemes yet more contrary to the good of the Colony and -their own safety. Another Assembly is lately elected, and [I] still find -the effects of the above Mr. Colebrooke’s influence on the most ignorant -of them, who are the majority.” He added that the present ill-state of -his health, “which has been lately much impaired, obliges me to have -recourse to his Majesty’s permission of going to South Carolina for -change of air, from which I hope to return in three weeks or a month.” - -The growth of constitutional government in the colony, and the moulding -of the powers and procedure of the legislature on similar lines to the -home Government, are vividly brought out in the official reply to -Rogers’s despatch. This reply is dated 29th of June, 1731, and it is -evident from the tone of it that they realised the difficulties which he -had to contend with. “It would be proper,” they wrote, “that the -Proceedings of the Assembly also should resemble those of the Parliament -of Great Britain so far as the circumstances of the Colony and your -Instructions will permit. It would be a pretty difficult task to lay -down a plan for the Proceedings of your Assembly in future times, but in -general we may observe to you that the Constitution of England owes its -preservation very much to the maintaining of an equal Balance between -the branches of the legislature, and that the more distinct they are -kept from each other, the likelier they will be to agree, and the longer -they will be likely to last.”[74] - -Up till this date the Crown had only taken over the civil and military -jurisdiction of the colony, and the retention of the lands by the -proprietors and lessees of the islands undoubtedly hampered their -economic progress and well being. Finally, in response to a suggestion -from the Crown, the proprietors in a letter of April 11th, 1730, offered -to sell out their rights “for one thousand guineas each, clear of all -fees,” and Rogers in a letter to the Board of Trade emphasised the -necessity of the Crown taking this step, and so bringing to “an end the -discouraging contests on titles to land.”[75] By an irony of fate Rogers -was not spared to see this suggestion carried into effect.[76] Though -his efforts on behalf of the colony had undermined his health, he did -not spare himself or shrink from his responsibility. How great that -responsibility was, and how he overcame a widespread conspiracy by -Colebrooke to overthrow his government is shown in the following letter -to the Board of Trade written from Nassau on the 10th of June, -1731[77]:--“How great an enemy Mr. Colebrooke hath been to this -Government, and what vile means he used to make the Garrison mutiny, and -stir up a spirit of discontent and opposition in the inhabitants, by the -great influence which he had artfully gained over the most ignorant of -them, while he was Speaker of the Assembly, from all which I humbly hope -that the method taken to prevent his proceeding in his seditious and -wicked designs will meet with his Majesty’s and your Lordships’ -approbation.” The “method taken” was the arrest and indictment of John -Colebrooke for sedition. He was tried before the Chief Justice of the -Bahamas at the end of May, and found guilty. A fine of £750 was imposed, -and he was ordered to be “confined during his Majesty’s pleasure,” and -was not to be discharged until he had given “sufficient security” for -his future good behaviour.[78] - -The influence that such a person could wield over an ignorant community -two hundred years ago is strangely reminiscent of the twentieth century! -In spite of Colebrooke’s detention, the danger was not yet over, and the -canker of sedition seems to have been very deep rooted. Two months -later, in August, 1731, Rogers thus reports on the situation[79]:--“I -can yet procure no assistance from the inhabitants towards the -fortifications, though I have without any help from - -[Sidenote: INTRODUCTION] - -them built a new Barrack for the Garrison in the Fort, and have made -upwards of twenty new carriages for guns of this country timber, and -shall continue to do all I can towards the Fortifications as soon as the -heat of the summer is over, that I can put the garrison to work again, -without endangering their healths. And as soon as possible will try in a -new Assembly what I can do, though I fear little public good is to be -expected from them if Mr. Colebrooke and his accomplices here can have -any influence to prevent the peoples working, they being too poor to -contribute anything worth contributing in money.”[80] At what period -Colebrooke was released we do not know, but that he appealed to the home -Government is certain, and in order that the Lords Commissioners of -Trade should have all the facts at their disposal Rogers despatched his -son to England with the following letter, dated 14 October, 1731.[81] - - As I am at a loss what complaints Mr. Colebrooke may make, I - entreat your Lordships will please to allow me to refer you to my - son who will have the honour to wait on your Lordships with this, - and is instructed to give you such particular information, as you - may desire to be apprised of, either with regard to Mr. Colebrooke, - or anything else relating to this colony. I have also transmitted - herewith transcripts of the Council and Assembly proceedings, and - answers to your Lordships’ queries, together with an account of - every family[82] on this island in as particular a manner as - possible.... I hope soon to visit Columba alias Cat Island,[83] - which being esteemed the most fertile of any in this government, I - shall transmit to your Lordships a particular account thereof. - -This was his last official despatch of any importance, and his death is -recorded at Nassau on the 15th of July, 1732. His will, drawn up on the -eve of departure from England, and dated 26th of May, 1729, was proved -in London on the 24th of November, 1732. In it he bequeaths his property -to his son William Whetstone Rogers,[84] and his daughter Sarah Rogers. -The probate act describes him “as late of the parish of St. Margaret, -Westminster, but dying at the Bahama Islands, a widower.” - -And so, amid the tropical grandeur of his island home, with the surge of -the broad Atlantic for his requiem, passed all that was mortal of Woodes -Rogers. No tombstone stands to mark his last resting-place, but -somewhere in Nassau we may be sure that his spirit looks out past the -great statue of Columbus standing sentinel over Government House, to the -shipping and harbour beyond. One wonders how many of the thousands of -visitors who bask in the perpetual sunshine of a winter’s day in this -“Queen of Coral Isles,” realise how much they owe to Woodes Rogers and -his successors. A great seaman and splendid patriot he deserves well of -his country. May this reprint of his “Cruising Voyage” be a fitting -tribute to his memory! - - * * * * * - -This edition of Woodes Rogers’s “Cruising Voyage round the World,” is -printed from the original and scarce edition of 1712. In the -Introduction, I have attempted to tell the full story of the author’s -life from the original documents in the Public Record Office and the -British Museum. For the facilities offered me at both these -institutions, and also at the London Library, I beg to tender my sincere -thanks. I have also to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. A. G. H. -Macpherson for his kindness in allowing me to reproduce three -illustrations from his unique collection of Naval prints, and to the -authorities at the National Portrait Gallery for their courtesy in -granting me permission to reproduce the beautiful portrait of Captain -William Dampier. Finally I have to thank Dr. Philip Gosse, whose -enthusiasm for Woodes Rogers spurred me to complete this edition of one -of the most interesting voyages in the English language. - -G. E. MANWARING. - - - - -THE DEDICATION - - _To the Worthy Gentlemen my surviving Owners, the Worshipful_ - Christopher Shuter _Esq._, _Sir_ John Hawkins _Kt._, John Romsey - _Esq._; _Capt._ Philip Freake, _Mr._ James Hollidge, Francis - Rogers, Thomas Goldney, Thomas Clements, Thomas Coutes, John - Corsely, John Duckinfield, Richard Hawksworth, William Saunders, - John Grant, Laurence Hollister, _and_ Daniel Hickman, _Merchants - in_ Bristol. - - -Gentlemen, - -_As you did me the Honour to approve my Proposals for the following -Voyage, and generously fitted out two Ships, in which you gave me the -principal Command; I no sooner resolv’d to publish my Journal, than I -determin’d to chuse you for my Patrons: and thereby to take an -opportunity of expressing my Gratitude to you, who had the Courage to -adventure your Estates on an Undertaking, which to Men less discerning -seem’d impracticable._ - -_I heartily congratulate you on the Success and Profit of this Long and -Hazardous Voyage; which might have been greater, but the following -Sheets will show it was not my fault._ - -_I shall only add on this Head, that I used my utmost Endeavours to -promote your Interest, which was always prefer’d to my own._ - -_I make no doubt, it will be to your lasting Honour, that such a Voyage -was undertaken from_ Bristol _at your Expence; since it has given the -Publick a sufficient Evidence of what may be done in those Parts, and -since the Wisdom of the Nation has now agreed to establish a Trade to -the_ South-Seas, _which, with the Blessing of God, may bring vast Riches -to_ GREAT BRITAIN. - -_I wish you intire Health and Happiness, and am_, - -GENTLEMEN, -_Your most Humble Servant_, -WOODES ROGERS. - - - - -A - -Cruising VOYAGE - -Round the - -WORLD, - -Begun _August 1. 1708._ and -Finished _October 14. 1711_. - - -By Captain WOODES ROGERS, - -Commander in Chief. - - -Tho others, who give an Account of their Voyages, do generally attempt -to imitate the Stile and Method which is us’d by Authors that write -ashore, I rather chuse to keep to the Language of the Sea, which is more -genuine, and natural for a Mariner. And because Voyages of this sort -have commonly miscarry’d, ’tis necessary that I should keep to my -Original Journal; that the Methods we took to succeed in our Designs, -may appear from time to time in their native Light: Therefore without -any disguise I shall publish the Copies of all our material Regulations -and Agreements, and keep to the usual Method of Sea-Journals, omitting -nothing that happen’d remarkable to our selves, or that may serve for -Information or Improvement to others in the like Cases. Every day’s -Transactions begin at the foregoing Day about twelve a clock, and end at -the same Hour the following Day carrying that Date. - -Since Custom has likewise prevail’d for Sailors to give an Account of -such Countries upon whose Coasts they touch or pass by, I shall so far -comply with it as to give a Description of those that occur’d in the -Course of my Navigation, especially of such as are or may be of most use -for enlarging our Trade; wherein I have consulted the best Authors upon -the Subject, and the Manuscript Journals of others, as well as inform’d -my self by Inquiry upon the Spot, and from those that have been in the -respective Countries I treat of. - - -_1708. August 2._ Yesterday about four in the Afternoon we weigh’d from -_Kingroad_ near _Bristol_, on board the _Duke_ frigate, whereof Capt. -_Woodes Rogers_ was Commander, in Consortship with the _Dutchess_, Capt. -_Stephen Courtney_ Commander; both private Men of War, bound to _Cork_ -in _Ireland_, and thence to the Southward a cruising; the _Duke_ Burden -about 320 Tuns, having 30 Guns and 117 Men; and the _Dutchess_ Burden -about 260 Tuns by Measure, 26 Guns and 108 Men; both well furnish’d with -all Necessaries on board for a distant Undertaking. - -We had in Company the _Scipio_, _Peterborough_ frigate, _Prince Eugene_, -_Bristol_ Galley, _Berkely_ Galley, _Beecher_ Galley, _Pompey_ Galley, -_Sherstone_ Galley, and _Diamond_ Sloop. At ten at night having little -Wind, we made the Signal for the Fleet to anchor, between _the Holms_ -and _Minehead_. We lay near two hours, and about twelve we fir’d a Gun, -and all came to sail, a fine Gale at S E and E S E. We ran by _Minehead_ -at six in the morning, having stem’d the Flood from the place we -anchor’d at. We came up with a Sloop about ten a clock; but she could -not hold way with the Fleet, being all light and clean Ships, and good -Sailors. - - -[Sidenote: _From Kingroad to Cork._] - -_August 3._ The Wind veer’d to the N E and E N E. Our Ship and the -_Dutchess_ did not sail so well as the major part of the Gallies, our -Masts and Rigging being all unfit for the Sea, our Ships out of trim, -and every thing in disorder, being very indifferently mann’d; -notwithstanding our Number, we had not 20 Sailors in the Ship, and it’s -very little better on board the _Dutchess_; which is a Discouragement, -only we hope to get some good Sailors at _Cork_. We saw a Sail at five -last night, the _Dutchess_ gave chase, and came near her; she seem’d a -large Ship, but we lost sight of her at eight a clock. Being inform’d -at _Bristol_ that the _Jersy_, a _French_ Man of War carrying 46 Guns, -was cruising betwixt _England_ and _Ireland_, it oblig’d us to keep our -Hammocks up, and a clear Ship for a Fight, all night. About two this -morning the rest of the Fleet that lay a-stern of us came up, and we -kept an easy Sail, with a Light out all Night; but when Day came, we saw -nothing, so that this prov’d a false Alarm: which happen’d well for us, -since had it been real, we should have made but an indifferent Fight, -for want of being better mann’d. - - -_Aug. 4._ The _Bristol_ Galley, _Berkley_ Galley, _Prince Eugene_, and -the _Beecher_ Galley, being bound to the Westward, left us at six in the -Evening; little Wind at E S E. and smooth Water. - - -_Aug. 5._ We saw the Land, and finding we had overshot our Port, came to -an anchor at twelve a clock off of the two Rocks call’d the _Sovereigns -Bollacks_[85] near _Kinsale_, being calm. - - -_Aug. 6._ About eight last night we weigh’d with the Flood, a small Gale -at East; it came on to blow, and veer’d to the Northward. We had a -_Kinsale_ Pilot on board, who was like to have endanger’d our Ship, it -being dark and foggy. Before day he would have turn’d us into the next -Bay to the Westward of _Cork_, had not I prevented it; which provok’d me -to chastise him for undertaking to pilot a Ship, since he understood his -Business no better. The rest of our Company, except the _Diamond_ and -_Sherstone_ Galley, got into _Cork_ before us; only our Consort staid in -the Harbour’s Mouth till we came up with her. - - -_Aug. 7._ Yesterday at three in the Afternoon we came to an anchor with -our Consort in the Cove, Wind at N N E. - - -_Aug. 8._ Came in the _Arundel_ a Queen’s Ship, and order’d us to strike -our Pendant; which we immediately did, all private Commission Ships -being oblig’d by their Instructions to pay that Respect to all her -Majesty’s Ships and Fortifications. - - -_Aug. 9._ Yesterday Afternoon came in the _Hastings_ with the Fleet -under her Convoy, which we left in _Kingroad_: as also the _Elizabeth_, -a Merchant-Ship of 500 Tuns, about 26 Guns, and well mann’d, with a -Fleet under her Convoy from _Leverpool_, bound to the Westward, with us -and the _Hastings_, &c. Fair Weather, the Wind Southerly. - -_Aug. 10._ We were well pleas’d with the Men Mr. _Noblett Rogers_[86] -got for us at _Cork_; upon which we clear’d several of those brought -from _Bristol_, and some of ’em run away, being ordinary Fellows, and -not fit for our Employment. - - -_Aug. 11._ It blow’d fresh and dirty Weather; we had four Lighters from -_Cork_ to discharge our Ships, that we might have them well stow’d, and -the Provisions in the bottom when they came aboard us. We lengthen’d our -Mizen-Mast four Foot and a half, by placing it on a Step on the -Gun-Deck; got our Fore-Mast forward, and did what we could in order to -be in a better trim than before, against we had better Men to work the -Ship, who lay all ready to come aboard from _Cork_. - - -_Aug. 12._ Blew fresh, and dirty Weather; we clear’d and run near forty -of our fresh-water Sailors. The _Shoreham_, Capt. _Saunders_,[87] came -hither to convoy a Fleet back to _Bristol_. - - -_Aug. 16._ Continu’d dirty Weather, so that we could not have an -Opportunity to heel our Ship and clean her Bottom; and were forc’d to -keep our Provisions cover’d in the Lighter, and Men to watch ’em. This -Morning, about ten, one Boat loaded with Men came down from _Cork_ to -us. The Fellows appear’d to be brisk, but of several Nations; and I sent -to Mr. _Rogers_ to stop the rest till we were ready, our Ships being -pester’d. - - -_Aug. 28._ Nothing happen’d worth notice since the 16th, but that we had -good Weather to clean and tallow our Ships five Streaks below the -Water-Line, and to take in our Provisions and Men, _&c._ This Morning we -fell down to the _Spit-end_ by the _Hastings_ Man of War, as our Consort -did the night before. When I came without the _Spit-end_, I saluted the -_Hastings_ with seven Guns; they return’d five, and I three for Thanks. -We had now above double the number of Officers usual in Privateers, and -a large Complement of Men to each Ship. We took this Method of doubling -our Officers to prevent Mutinies, which often happen in long Voyages, -and that we might have a large Provision for a Succession of - -[Sidenote: _At Cork in Ireland._] - -Officers in each Ship, in case of Mortality. Our Ship was now so full -that we sent our Sheet-Cable and other new Store Cordage to Mr. _Noblett -Rogers_ at _Cork_, to make room for our Men and Provisions; having three -Cables besides, and being willing rather to spare that, than any thing -else we had aboard. Our Crew were continually marrying whilst we staid -at _Cork_, tho they expected to sail immediately. Among others there was -a _Dane_ coupled by a Romish Priest to an _Irish_ Woman, without -understanding a word of each other’s Language, so that they were forc’d -to use an Interpreter; yet I perceiv’d this Pair seem’d more afflicted -at Separation than any of the rest: The Fellow continu’d melancholy for -several days after we were at Sea. The rest understanding each other, -drank their Cans of Flip[88] till the last minute, concluded with a -Health to our good Voyage, and their happy Meeting, and then parted -unconcern’d. - -I think it necessary to set down here the Names of all the Officers in -both Ships, with the Number of our Men; because it is proper, that the -Persons whom this Journal concerns, should be known. - -_Officers of the_ Duke - -_Woodes Rogers_, Captain, a Mariner; _Thomas Dover_, a Doctor of -Physick, second Captain, President of our Council, and Captain of the -Marines; _Carleton Vanbrugh_, Merchant, now our Owners Agent; _Robert -Fry_, a Mariner, chief Lieutenant; _Charles Pope_, second Lieutenant; -_Thomas Glendall_, third Lieutenant; _John Bridge_, Master; _William -Dampier_, Pilot for the _South-Seas_, who had been already three times -there, and twice round the World; _Alexander Vaughan_, chief Mate; -_Lanc. Appleby_, second Mate; _John Ballet_, rated third Mate, but -design’d Surgeon, if occasion; he had been Captain _Dampier’s_ Doctor, -in his last unfortunate Voyage round the World; _Samuel Hopkins_, being -Dr. _Dover’s_ Kinsman and an Apothecary, was both an Assistant to him, -and to act as his Lieutenant, if we landed a Party any where under his -Command during the Voyage; _George Underhill_ and _John Parker_, two -young Lawyers design’d to act as Midshipmen; _John Vigor_, a -Reformado,[89] to act as Capt. _Dover’s_ Ensign when ashore; _Benj. -Parsons_ and _Howel Knethel_, Midshipmen; _Richard Edwards_, Coxswain of -the Pinnace, to receive Midshipmens Pay; _James Wasse_, Surgeon; -_Charles May_, his Mate; _John Lancy_, Assistant; _Henry Oliphant_, -Gunner, with eight Men call’d the Gunner’s Crew; _Nath. Scorch_, -Carpenter; _John Jones_, his Mate, with three Assistants; _Giles Cash_, -Boatswain; and _John Pillar_, his Mate; _John Shepard_, Cooper, with two -Assistants; _John Johnson_, _Thomas Young_, _Charles Clovet_, and _John -Bowden_, all four Quarter-Masters; _John Finch_, late wholesale Oilman -of _London_, now Ship’s Steward; _Henry Newkirk_, Sail-maker; _Peter -Vandenhende_, Smith and Armourer; _William Hopkins_, Ship’s Corporal, -Capt. _Dover’s_ Serjeant, and Cook to the Officers; _Barth. Burnes_, -Ship’s Cook. - - -_Officers of the_ Dutchess - -_Stephen Courtney_, Captain, a Mariner; _Edward Cook_, second Captain; -_William Stretton_, chief Lieutenant; _John Rogers_, second Lieutenant; -_John Connely_, third Lieutenant; _William Bath_, Owners Agent; _George -Milbourn_, Master; _Robert Knowlman_, chief Mate; _Henry Duck_, second; -_Simon Hatley_, third; _James Goodall_, fourth; and _William Page_, -fifth Mate: With all other inferior Officers much the same as aboard the -_Duke_. Most of us, the chief Officers, embrac’d this Trip of -Privateering round the World, to retrieve the Losses we had sustain’d by -the Enemy. Our Complement of Sailors in both Ships was 333, of which -above one Third were Foreigners from most Nations; several of her -Majesty’s Subjects on board were Tinkers, Taylors, Hay-makers, Pedlers, -Fidlers, _&c._ one Negro, and about ten Boys. With this mix’d Gang we -hop’d to be well mann’d, as soon as they had learnt the Use of Arms, and -got their Sea-Legs, which we doubted not soon to teach ’em, and bring -them to Discipline. - - -_Septemb. 1._ We took sailing Orders, the better to keep Company with -the _Hastings_ and Fleet: and after having agreed with our Consort, -Captain _Courtney_, on Signals between us, which are so common that I -need not insert them here, and appointed places of Rendevouz in case of -Separation, and how long to lie for each other at every place; about ten -this Morning, we came to sail with the _Hastings_ and about 20 Merchant -Ships, bound to the Southward and Westward, Wind at N by W. We should -have sail’d yesterday, but could not weigh and cast our Ships clear of -the rest; some at that time drove, and the _Sherstone_ Gally run quite -ashore on the _Spit_. In the night it grew moderate - -[Illustration: CROSSING THE TROPIC: SAILORS BEING DUCKED AT THE YARD ARM - -_From a scarce print in the Macpherson collection._] - -[Sidenote: _Departure from Cork._] - -Weather, and Captain _Paul_ got her off to sail with us. Our Holds are -full of Provisions; our Cables, a great deal of Bread, and Water-Casks -between Decks; and 183 Men aboard the _Duke_, with 151 aboard the -_Dutchess_: so that we are very much crouded and pester’d Ships, not fit -to engage an Enemy without throwing Provision and Stores overboard. - - -_Septemb. 2._ We and our Consort stood out of the Fleet to chase a Sail -we saw to Windward. Our ships sail’d as well as any in the Fleet, not -excepting the Man of War; so that we began to hope we should find our -heels, since we go so well tho deep loaden and pester’d. We found the -Chase to be a small Vessel coming into the Fleet from _Baltimore_, one -_Hunt_ Master, call’d the _Hope_ Gally, a small _French_-built Snow -belonging to Mr. _James Vaughan_ of _Bristol_, bound for _Jamaica_. Wind -at N by W. Moderate Weather. - - -_Septemb. 3._ The Wind very veerable from the W S W. to the N W. blow’d -strong with Squalls, so that we reef’d often, and our Ship was a little -leaky in her upper Works. - - -_Septemb. 4._ It blew fresh this Morning, but not so much Wind as -Yesterday, and the Water smoother. Captain _Paul_ made a Signal for me, -Capt. _Courtney_, and Capt. _Edwards_ Commander of the _Scipio_; and -after speaking with him, he sent his Boat for us, being larger than -ours. We with Capt. _Dover_ and Mr. _Vanbrugh_ went in her, and din’d -with Capt. _Paul_ aboard his Ship, where we were very handsomly treated. -He propos’d to me and Consort when he left the Fleet, which would be -very soon, to cruise a few days together off Cape _Finister_, after -having ask’d us what we wanted that he could supply us with. He gave us -Scrubbers, Iron Scrapers for our Ships Bottom, a speaking Trumpet, and -other things that we wanted: but he would accept nothing from us, -because our Voyage would be long; but told us, he should be well pleas’d -if our Owners return’d him the same Necessaries for his Ship when he -return’d. Wind from the N N W. to the N W by W. moderate. - - -_Septemb. 5._ We came from on board Capt. _Paul_ to our own Ships, -yesterday at six in the Afternoon; and now thought it fit to discover to -our Crew whither we were bound, that if any Disorders should have risen -upon it, we might have exchang’d our Malecontents whilst in Company with -one of her Majesty’s Ships. But I found no Complaint on board the -_Duke_, except from one Fellow who expected to have been Tything-Man -that year in his Parish, and said his Wife would be oblig’d to pay -Forty Shillings in his Absence: but seeing all the rest willing, he was -easily quieted, and all Hands drank to a good Voyage. I and Capt. -_Courtney_ writ to our Owners, Alderman _Batchelor_ and Company, in the -same Letter, a Method we design’d to continue in the whole Voyage, for -all things that related to it. A brisk Gale and clear Weather. - - -_Sept. 6._ The _Hastings_ and we parted at six last night. The reason -why we did not keep him longer Company, was our Ships being very full, -and our Consort unwilling to lose time so near home; so that we were -oblig’d to break Measures with Capt. _Paul_. I excus’d it to him, and -saluted him, which he answer’d, and wish’d us a prosperous Undertaking. -Wind N. by W. and clear Weather. Our Ship does not sail so well as she -did two days before. The _Crown_ Gally of _Biddiford_ keeps us Company -bound for the _Maderas_. Wind from N N W. to N by E. - - -_Sept. 8._ Every thing now begins to come into Order, we having been -hitherto in some Confusion, as is usual in Privateers at first setting -out. We had a good Observation. Moderate Weather, Wind at W N W. Lat. -40. 10. N. This day the chief Officers din’d on board me, and the next -day on board the _Dutchess_. - - -_Sept. 9._ Now we begin to consider the Length of our Voyage, and the -many different Climates we must pass, and the excessive Cold which we -cannot avoid, going about Cape _Horne_; at the same time we had but a -slender Stock of Liquor, and our Men but meanly clad, yet good Liquor to -Sailors is preferable to Clothing. Upon this we held our first -Committee, to debate whether ’twas necessary for us to stop at _Madera_, -as follows. - - At a Committee held on Board the _Duke_ Frigate, resolv’d by the - General Consent of the following Persons: - -[Sidenote: _From Cork to the Southward._] - -_That both the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess _do touch at_ Madera, _to make -a larger Provision of Liquors, the better to carry on our long -Undertaking, being but meanly stor’d for so large a Number of Men as are -in both Ships; and in case of Separation between this Place and_ Madera, -_then to meet at the Island_ St. Vincent, _one of the_ Cape de Verd -_Islands, to wood and water our Ships. But if we miss of one another at -that Island, or that the first Ship finds it inconvenient for stopping, -then to proceed to_ Praia _on_ St. Jago, _another of the same Islands; -to wait at both these Islands fourteen Days: And then if the missing -Ship does not appear, the other to proceed to the Isle of_ Grande, _in -Latitude_ 23 deg. 30 m. S. _on the Coast of_ Brazil, _there to wait -three Weeks; and then if we don’t meet, let the single Ship proceed on -the Voyage, according to the Orders given from our Owners. This is our -Opinion this 9th day of_ September, 1708. - - Thos. Dover _President_, Charles Pope, - Stephen Courtney, Carleton Vanbrugh, - Woodes Rogers, Tho. Glendall, - Edward Cooke, John Bridge, - William Dampier, John Ballet. - Robert Frye, - - - -_Sept. 10._ At six in the Morning we saw a Sail; after speaking with our -Consort, we both chas’d. I gave the _Dutchess_ about a mile start of us, -in order to spread the more. It blew fresh, with a great Sea; and the -Chase being to Windward, we crouded extravagantly. Wind at N W. - - -_Sept. 11._ At three yesterday Afternoon we came up with the Chase, who -bore down right upon us, shewing _Swedish_ Colours. I fir’d twice at her -before she brought to, then went aboard her with my Yall,[90] Captain -_Courtney’s_ Boat being just before me. We examin’d the Master, and -found he came round _Scotland_ and _Ireland_. We suspected he had -Contraband Goods on board, because some of the Men we found drunk, told -us they had Gunpowder and Cables; so we resolv’d to examine her -strictly, put 12 Men on board her, and kept the _Swedes_ Master and 12 -of his Men on board our Ships. This Morning, after we had examin’d the -Men, and searched the Ship, we found it difficult to be prov’d whether -she was a Prize: And not willing to hinder time to carry her into any -Harbour to examine her farther, we let her go without the least -Embezelment. The Master gave me two Hams, and some rufft dry’d Beef, and -I gave him a dozen Bottles of Red-Streak Cyder. They saluted us at -parting with four Guns: She belong’d to _Stadt_ near _Hamburg_, and was -a Frigate built Ship of 22 Guns, about 270 Tuns. While I was on board -the _Swede_ yesterday, our Men mutiny’d, the Ringleaders being our -Boatswain, and three other inferior Officers. This Morning the chief -Officers having kept with me in the after-part of the Ship, we confin’d -the Authors of this Disorder, in which there was not one Foreigner -concern’d. We put ten of the Mutineers in Irons, a Sailor being first -soundly whip’d for exciting the rest to join him. Others less guilty I -punish’d and discharg’d, but kept the chief Officers all arm’d, fearing -what might happen; the Ship’s Company seeming too much inclin’d to -favour the Mutineers, made me the easier forgive. Some beg’d Pardon, and -others I was forc’d to wink at; however, they began to find their Design -frustrated, which was to make a Prize of the _Swede_, who they alledg’d -had much Contraband Goods aboard, tho we could see none; yet they -obstinately insisted, that we apparently gave away their Interest, by -letting her go without plundering her. I labour’d to convince them of -the necessity of our making Dispatch, and that if we could make her a -Prize, it would unman our Ships too much to send her into any Port, -besides other Disadvantages it might procure to our selves and Owners -should we be mistaken; which pacify’d the major part. Our Consort’s Men -were at first very uneasy, but finding the Malecontents quell’d aboard -our Ship, they all kept quiet. - - -_Sept. 12._ Yesterday the Wind was very little and veerable, and we had -an Observation, 34 deg. 30 min. N. - - -_Sept. 13._ Those in Irons discover’d others who were Ringleaders in the -Mutiny, whom we also punish’d, and confin’d one of them in Irons with -the rest. _Alexander Wynter_ was made Boatswain instead of _Giles Cash_, -one of the Mutineers. Fair pleasant Weather, little Wind at N W by W. - - -[Sidenote: _Arrival among the Canary Isles._] - -_Sept. 14._ I agreed with the Captain of the _Crown_ Galley to carry my -Boatswain (who was the most dangerous Fellow among the Mutineers) in -Irons with him to _Maderas_. I did not at his first Confinement think of -sending him off; but this day a Sailor came aft to the Steeridg Door, -with near half the Ship’s Company of Sailors following him, and demanded -the Boatswain out of Irons. I desir’d him to speak with me by himself on -the Quarter-Deck, which he did, where the Officers assisted me, seiz’d -him, and made one of his chief Comrades whip him. This Method I thought -best for breaking any unlawful Friendship amongst themselves; which, -with different Correction to other Offenders, allay’d the Tumult; so -that now they begin to submit quietly, and those in Irons beg Pardon, -and promise Amendment, This Mutiny would not have been easily lay’d, -were it not for the number of our Officers, which we begin to find very -necessary to bring our Crew to Order and Discipline, which is always -very difficult in Privateers, and without which ’tis impossible to carry -on any distant Undertaking like ours. Fine pleasant Weather, and -moderate Gales. - -It being little Wind, and contrary, we agreed to pass by _Maderas_, and -cruise a little amongst the _Canary_ Islands for Liquor, to prevent Loss -of time: So we took leave of the _Crown_ Galley, who was bound into -_Madera_. - - -_Sept. 15._ Last night we sent _Giles Cash_ aboard her in Irons, with -several Letters by the Commander at large to our Owners. We parted at -twelve a Clock at night. Fair Weather, very little Wind from W N W. to N -by E. had a very good Observation. Latitude 31 deg. 29 min. N. - - -_Sept. 16._ I discharg’d the Prisoners from their Irons, upon their -humble Submission and strict Promises of good Behaviour for time to -come. While they continu’d in Irons they had Centries over them, and -were fed with Bread and Water. Those that were Officers we restor’d to -their Places, and every body was order’d to obey them; _John Pillar_ the -Boatswain’s Mate was advanc’d to be Boatswain, so that we are all quiet -again. About eight this morning we saw Land, and found it to be -_Salvage’s_ Island, bearing S S W. distant eight Leagues, Latitude 29 -deg. 45 min. Wind very little, and veerable, with fair clear Weather. - - -_Sept. 17._ Moderate Gales of Wind; the _Salvages_ at a distance is not -unlike the Island _Lundy_ in _Bristol_ Channel, about two miles long, a -high Island. This Morning we saw the Rock, that appear’d to us a good -League to the S W. of the Island, and took it to be a Sail till we came -near it. Little Wind between the N N E. and the West. - - -_Sept. 18._ At four yesterday in the Afternoon we came in sight of _Pico -Teneriff_, bearing S W by W. distant about eight Leagues; steer’d S S E. -and S E by S. for _Grand Canaries_. This Morning about five a clock we -spy’d a Sail under our Lee Bow, between the Islands of _Grand Canaries_ -and _Forteventura_; we chas’d her, and at 7 came up with her. Our -Consort being a little a Head, fir’d a Gun, and made her bring to; she -prov’d a Prize, being a _Spanish_ Bark about 25 Tuns, belonging to -_Oratava_ on _Teneriff_, and bound to _Forteventura_ with about 45 -Passengers; who rejoic’d when they found us _English_, because they -fear’d we were _Turks_. Amongst the Prisoners were four Fryars, and one -of them the Padre Guardian for the Island _Forteventura_, a good honest -old Fellow. We made him heartily merry, drinking King _Charles_ the -Third’s[91] Health; but the rest were of the wrong sort. We us’d them -all very well, without searching them, _&c._ Fresh Gales and fair -Weather, Wind from the N N E. to the E S E. - - -_Sept. 19._ After we had took the Prize, we stood to the Westward for -_Teneriff_, in order to have her ransom’d; where our Agent Mr. -_Vanbrugh_ press’d to go ashoar with some of the Prisoners. At eleven -last night the Wind being at N E. when we were very near the Shore, we -could hardly weather Cape _Nago_, the Eastermost part of _Teneriff_, -till the Wind veer’d to the Northward. We stood off till Day: In the -Morning it prov’d moderate, so we stood in for _Oratava_, and sent the -_Spanish_ Master of the Bark to it in his Boat, being mann’d with some -of the Prisoners. Mr. _Vanbrugh_ still insisting to go ashore, I -consented, tho against my Judgment, and he went with them to treat for -the Ransom of the Hull of the Bark; her small Cargo, which consisted in -two Butts of Wine, and one Hogshead of Brandy, and other small matters, -we design’d for our own use in both Ships, the Agents of each being to -take an account of it the first Opportunity. Fresh Gale of Wind at N E. - - -_Sept. 20._ About eight this Morning came a Boat off from _Oratava_ with -a Flag of Truce, and brought a Letter signifying that unless we would -immediately restore the Bark and Cargo, Mr. _Vanbrugh_ should be -detain’d. I sent to Capt. _Courtney_, who agreed with me on an Answer. -We stood in with our Ships within a League of the Town, to tow in the -Boat for Dispatch, and about eleven they went ashore again. Wind at N E -by E. very fresh. - -The Letter sent us was as follows: - -Capt. _Rogers_ and Capt. _Courtney_; - - _Gentlemen_, - -Port _Oratava, 20 Sept. 1708_. - - ‘Your Lieutenant coming ashore, and having given an account to our - Governor of your having taken a Boat belonging to this place bound - to _Forteventura_; we must inform you that her Majesty is - graciously pleas’d to allow a Trade between her Subjects and the - People of these Islands, whereof we suppose you are not ignorant; - and that it is approv’d of not only by his Catholick Majesty, but - also by the most gracious Christian King, who has sent - -[Sidenote: _Amongst the Canary Isles._] - - express Orders unto his Consul here, that none of his Men of War or - others shall molest any Ship trading to these Islands: and there - has been actually an Example of a Ship belonging to the Subjects of - her _Britannick_ Majesty, which was taken by a _French_ Privateer, - and upon due Application to the _French_ Consul, the Ship was - restor’d. Wherefore we are all of Opinion, that there can be no - room for your making a Prize of this _Spanish_ Bark; for it will be - extremely prejudicial to her Majesty’s Subjects that reside here, - and likewise to those in _England_ trading hither, by prohibiting - of all future Trade, by making more than sufficient Reprisal upon - our Effects here, and perhaps on our Persons, by reason of the - evident Breach on our part of the stipulated Trade which has been - concerted with us. Wherefore we must once more desire you to - restore the _Spanish_ Bark, as you will answer the contrary before - her Majesty, who has so far approv’d of the private Trade, that she - was pleas’d to allow of two Men of War (viz. the _Dartmouth_ Capt. - _Cock_, and the _Greyhound_ Capt. _Hariot_) the last year, who had - express Orders to molest in no manner of way any Vessel belonging - to the _Spaniards_; which accordingly they observ’d. Wherefore as - you have a due Regard to what is so much the Interest of her - Majesties Subjects, we expect at the return of this Boat, that you - will make Restitution of the said Bark, otherwise Mr. _Vanbrugh_ - will not be permitted to go off, and there will be extravagant - Reprisals made upon our Estates and Persons, which we expect you - will take into your Consideration: and we cannot omit to let you - know, that there is now a _Spanish_ Bark actually in _England_, - which is daily expected with other _English_ Ships to load Wine, - which they will not be admitted to do, in case you don’t restore - this Bark. We don’t doubt but the People here out of Complaisance - will make you some acknowledgment of a Refreshment. - - Gentlemen, - Your very humble Servants, - _J. Pouldon_, Vice-Consul, _J. Crosse_, - _Bernard Walsh_, _G. Fitz-Gerald_. - - ‘Pray excuse Haste, that we have not time to transcribe. - - ‘The rest of the Merchants are in the City where our Governor - generally resides, being about six Leagues hence. - -Our Answer was thus: - -_On board the_ Duke Frigat, -Sept. 20. - - -_Gentlemen_, - - ‘We have yours, and observe its Contents; but having no - Instructions given us with our Commission relating to _Spanish_ - Vessels trading amongst these Islands, we can’t justify the parting - with this Bark on your single Opinions. It was Mr. _Vanbrugh’s_ - misfortune to go ashore; and if he is detain’d, we can’t help it. - To have convinc’d us satisfactorily of what you say, you ought to - have sent us a Copy of her Majesty’s Orders or Proclamation; but we - doubt there’s no such thing in this case. If Mr. _Vanbrugh_ is - unjustly detain’d, we’ll carry the Prisoners we have on board to - the Port we are bound to, let the Consequence be what it will. We - are requir’d to be accountable no farther than we are oblig’d by - our Instructions, which we have given sufficient Security already - to follow, and don’t fear a _Premunire_ when we comply with them. - We know Fishing-Boats are excus’d on both sides, and all trading - Vessels from _Rio la Hache_ to the River of _Chagre_ in the - _Spanish West-Indies_. We admire the Master and Passengers should - be so ignorant of a thing so necessary to be known by ’em, for we - never had the least word or intimation from them of what you write. - The Example you give us of a Trade here allow’d by the _French_ - King and Duke of _Anjou_, we don’t admire at, because it is for the - Benefit of the _Spaniards_; and we know the _English_ Ships are - protected no farther than in Anchor-Ground: and since we took this - Vessel at Sea, we shan’t part with her unless on our own Terms. If - you are positive in what you wrote us, and conscious what detriment - it will be to the _English_ Trade, you have no way to prevent it, - but immediately to ransom this Bark; and if it be her Majesty of - _Great Britain’s_ Pleasure, and we are better inform’d in - _England_, then we can justify our Conduct to the Gentlemen that - imploy’d us, and you will be again reimbursed. We shall wait but a - short time for an Answer, having Water and Provisions for our - selves and Prisoners to the _English_ Settlements, where we are - bound. We are apprehensive you are oblig’d to give us this Advice - to gratify the _Spaniards_; and with Respect are, - -Gentlemen, -Your Humble Servants, -_Woodes Rogers_, -_Stephen Courtney_. - - - -[Sidenote: _Amongst the Canary Isles._] - - ‘If you send us Mr. _Vanbrugh_, and the Man with him, we’ll send - you the Prisoners; but we’ll not part from the Bark, unless - ransom’d: tho the Value is not much, we will not be impos’d on. We - desire you to use all manner of Dispatch without loss of time, - which we can’t allow, nor answer it to our Employers. - - -_Sept. 21._ At six last night the _Spanish_ Boat came again to us with -dilatory Answers to our last, insisting on behalf of the _Spaniards_, -that the Goods should be return’d ’em, tho they consented to ransom the -Bark. To which we immediately return’d an Answer; for we were angry at -their Tediousness and our ill Treatment, our time being precious, -because we were inform’d that they expected every hour a small Privateer -that usually cruis’d off of _Madera_, as also a _Spanish_ Ship from the -_West-Indies_ design’d for _Santa Cruz_: So that it look’d like a -Design, to keep us here in suspence till these Ships might get safely -in, on the other side of the Island. Our Answer was to this effect: That -had it not been out of respect to our Officer on shore, we would not -have staid one minute, but would now stay till Morning for their Answer, -and take a Cruise among the Islands some time longer than we intended, -in order to make a Reprisal; and tho we could not land our Men, would -visit the Town with our Guns by eight next morning: adding, that we -hop’d to meet with the Governor’s Frigat, and should repay his Civility -in his own way, but wonder’d that they being _Englishmen_ should trifle -with us. The Letter had its effect; for this Morning at eight a clock we -stood in close to the Town, and spy’d a Boat coming off, which prov’d to -be one Mr. _Crosse_ an _English_ Merchant, and Mr. _Vanbrugh_ our Agent -with him, with Wine, Grapes, Hogs, and other Necessaries, for the Ransom -of the Bark. Upon his coming up, we immediately went to work, discharg’d -the Bark, and parted the small Cargo between our two Ships. We treated -Mr. _Crosse_ as well as we could, and at his desire gave the Prisoners -back as much as we could find of what belong’d to their Persons; -particularly to the Fryars their Books, Crucifixes, and Reliques. We -presented the old _Padre_ Guardian with a Cheese, and such as were -strip’d, with other Clothes. So that we parted, very well satisfy’d on -all sides. Mr. _Crosse_ told us the _Spaniards_ ashore were very -inquisitive whither we were bound; and understanding by the Prisoners -that our Ships were sheath’d, and so full of Provisions, they suspected -we design’d for the _South-Sea_: and he inform’d us that four or five -_French_ Ships from 24 to 50 Guns sail’d thence about a month before on -the same Voyage. But we did not think fit to own there, that we were -bound to any other place than the _English West-Indies_. These Islands -being so well known, I need not add any Description of them. We saw the -Pike of _Teneriff_ plain but once while there, it being generally -clouded; you may often see the Top above the Clouds, when the rest is -all cover’d with them. Now we are indifferently well stock’d with -Liquor, and shall be the better able to endure the Cold when we get the -Length of Cape _Horn_, which we are inform’d has always very cold bad -Weather near it. - - -_Sept. 22._ Last night just as we had finish’d with Mr. _Crosse_, and -deliver’d the _Spaniards_ their Bark, we spy’d a Sail to the Westward of -the Island between three and four in the Evening. We immediately made -what Sail we could, and steer’d W by N. along the Shore. At eight a -clock we were in sight of _Gomera_ bearing S S W. distant three Leagues, -_Palma_ W by N. distant five Leagues. We lost sight of the Sail before -Night, spoke with our Consort, and agreed to keep between _Palma_ and -_Gomera_ in our Voyage; it being uncertain to meet with the Chase the -next day, since last night she was near five Leagues from us, so that we -believ’d she might get into a place of safety, if an Enemy, before we -could see her. Besides, there came on a stiff Gale, which put us quite -out of hopes of seeing her again to advantage. Fair Weather, fresh Gales -at N E by N. - - -_Sept. 23._ About five yesterday in the afternoon, when at least 36 -Leagues distant, we saw the _Pico Teneriff_ very plain. Fine pleasant -Weather, fresh Gales with smooth Water, Wind at N E by E. - - -_Sept. 24._ We sent our Boat for Capt. _Courtney_, Capt. _Cook_, Mr. -_Stratton_, and Mr. _Bath_ their Agent, who staid and din’d with us; and -whilst they were aboard, we held a Council, the Result of which was as -follows. - - - At a Committee by Desire of Capt. _Woodes Rogers_, Capt. _Thomas - Dover_, and Capt. _Stephen Courtney_, held on board the _Duke_. - -[Sidenote: _Differences with Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh._] - -_We have examin’d all Letters and Proceedings that happen’d at and after -the taking the_ Spanish _Bark, and the Reason of both Ships Stay off of_ -Teneriff, _and amongst the_ Canary _Islands; and we do approve of all -that was transacted and wrote: the major part of us having at the time -when ’twas done advis’d the Commanders to it. Witness our Hands_, - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Stratton, - Steph. Courtney, Robert Frye, - Woodes Rogers, Charles Pope, - Will. Dampier, Thomas Glendal, - Edward Cook, John Bridge, - Carl. Vanbrugh, John Ballet. - William Bath, - -Whilst the Committee were together, Mr. _Vanbrugh_ complain’d I had not -treated him as I ought: upon which I offer’d to refer it to all present, -that we might not have needless Misunderstandings at the beginning of -our Voyage; and they came to the following Resolution. - -_Whereas there has been some Difference between Capt._ Woodes Rogers -_and Mr._ Carleton Vanbrugh _the Ship’s Agent; it being refer’d to the -Council, we adjudg’d the said Mr._ Vanbrugh _to be much in the wrong. In -witness whereof, we have set our Hands, the_ 24_th of_ Sept. 1708. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Bath, - Stephen Courtney, Charles Pope, - William Dampier, Thomas Glendal, - Edward Cook, John Bridge, - Robert Frye, John Ballet. - William Stratton, - - -_Sept. 25._ This day, according to custom, we duck’d[92] those that had -never pass’d the Tropick before. The manner of doing it was by a Rope -thro a Block from the Main-Yard, to hoist ’em above half way up to the -Yard, and let ’em fall at once into the Water; having a Stick cross thro -their Legs, and well fastned to the Rope, that they might not be -surpriz’d and let go their hold. This prov’d of great use to our -fresh-water Sailors, to recover the Colour of their Skins which were -grown very black and nasty. Those that we duck’d after this manner three -times, were about 60, and others that would not undergo it, chose to pay -Half a Crown Fine; the Money to be levy’d and spent at a publick -Meeting of all the Ships Companys, when we return to _England_. The -_Dutch_ Men and some _English_ Men desir’d to be duck’d, some six, -others eight, ten, and twelve times, to have the better Title for being -treated when they come home. Wind N W by W. and veering to the Northward -and Eastward. - - -_Sept. 26._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we sold the loose Plunder of the -Bark amongst the Sailors by Auction. Fair Weather, moderate Gales at N N -E. had a very good Observ. Lat. 21. 33. N. - - -_Sept. 29._ Betwixt nine and ten at night, a Sailor going up to furl the -Main-Top-Gallant Sail, fell suddenly without any noise from the Main-Top -over board, occasion’d as I suppos’d by a Fit. At nine this morning we -saw Land, and suppos’d it to be _Sal_ one of the Cape _De Verd_ Islands, -bearing S E by S. distant about 12 Ls.[93] At twelve a clock at noon it -bore E S E. dist. 4 Ls. fair Weather, smooth Water, fresh Gales at N E. -Lat. 17. 5. N. Long. W. from _London_, 23. 16. - - -_Sept. 30._ After being satisfy’d the Island was _Sal_, we stood from it -W and W by N. for _St. Vincent_. At four a clock _Sal_ bore E by S. 1/4 -S. dist. 10 Ls. At six _St. Nicholas_ bore S W by W. dist. 8 Ls. We went -with an easy Sail till four this Morning, and lay by to make the -Islands, because we had none aboard either Ship that was acquainted with -’em. When day broke, we saw the Islands all in a range, much as is laid -down in the Draughts. At ten a clock we anchored in the Bay of _St. -Vincent_ in five fathom Water. ’Tis a fine Bay: The Northmost Point bore -North near a mile dist. and the Westermost Point bore West dist. about -two miles: _Monk’s_ Rock, which is like a Sugar-Loaf, high and round, -and bold on every side, lies almost in the Entrance of this fine sandy -Bay on the West-side of the Island: But nearest the North Point of the -Bay, Sailors must be careful as they come in, not to run too near under -the high Land of the North Point, for fear of being becalm’d, and sudden -Flaws coming every way upon ’em. There being a small Shoal about three -Ships length almost without the Point, but giving it a small birth it’s -bold enough. We ran within two Cables length of the first round Point, -next to the long sandy Bay, and came to an anchor in clean sandy Ground. -_Monk’s_ Rock bore N W by N. dist. 3/4 Mile; the Body of the Island _St. -Antonio_ bore N W 1/2 N. dist. nine Miles. - -[Sidenote: _Arival at St. Vincent._] - -This is a fine Bay and good Landing, but the best at the Northermost -Point. The Wood lies in the middle of the sandy Bay, and the Water -between the North Point and the place where we anchor’d. There is good -Anchoring all over the Bay, and the _Monks_-Rock will direct any -Stranger into it, there being no other like it about this Island on the -side opposite to _St. Antonio_. It blows here a constant Trade-Wind -betwixt the E by N. and the N N E. except in the Months of _October_, -_November_, _December_, and _January_, it sometimes blows Southerly with -Tornadoes and Rain. - - -_October 1._ We clear’d our Ship yesterday, but it blow’d too hard to -row our Boat-Loads of empty Butts ashoar; and we could do but little to -Wooding and Watering, till this morning we were forc’d to get a Rope -from the Ship to the watering-place, which is a good half-mile from our -anchoring-place, and so haul’d our empty Casks ashore by Boat-loads, in -order to have ’em burnt and clean’d in the Inside, being Oil-Casks; and -for want of cleaning, our Water stunk insufferably. I borrow’d a Cooper -from the _Dutchess_, and having five of my own, made quick dispatch. - - -_Octob. 3._ We sent our Boat over to _St. Antonio_, with _Joseph -Alexander_, a good Linguist, and a respectful Letter to the Governour, -who accounts himself a Great Man here, tho very poor, to get in Truck -for our Prize-Goods what we wanted; they having plenty of Cattel, Goats, -Hogs, Fowls, Melons, Potatoes, Limes, ordinary Brandy, Tobacco, Indian -Corn, _&c._ Our People were very meanly stock’d with Clothes, and the -_Dutchess’s_ Crew much worse; yet we are both forc’d to watch our Men -very narrowly, and punish several of ’em, to prevent their selling what -Clothes they have for Trifles to the Negroes, that came over with little -things from _St. Antonio’s_. The People at all these Islands rather -chuse Clothing or Necessaries of any sort than Mony, in return for what -they sell. The Letter sent by the Linguist to the Governour of _St. -Antonio’s_, Senior _Joseph Rodriges_, was as follows: - -_Honourable Sir_, - -‘The Bearer hereof is one of our Officers, whom we have sent to wait -upon your Honour with our due Respects, and to acquaint you with our -Arrival in the Bay of _St. Vincent_; and further, that being Subjects -and Servants of her Majesty the Queen of _Great Britain_, a High Ally -and Confederate of his Sacred Majesty the King of _Portugal_, and -having several Necessaries which we suppos’d the Inhabitants of your -Island may want, and supposing they can accommodate us _per contra_, we -are desirous of an immediate Traffick with them. We arriv’d three days -ago, but being Strangers were unacquainted in these parts, and not -sooner inform’d of your Honour’s Residence in the neighbouring Islands; -else we had been earlier with our Respects: and if not too great a -Favour, we should be proud to see your Honour on board. Our Stay cannot -exceed two days more, so that Dispatch is necessary. We have Mony or -Goods of several kinds, to pay or exchange for what they bring. The -Bearer can inform your Honour of the publick Occurrences of _Europe_, -and the great Successes of the Confederate Arms against the _French_ and -_Spaniards_; which, no doubt must soon be follow’d with a lasting Peace, -which God grant. We subscribe our selves with much Respect, - -Your Honour’s most Obedient -Humble Servants, -_Woodes Rogers_, -_Stephen Courtney_. - - -_Octob. 4._ Our Boat return’d this Morning; but the Landing-place being -far from the inhabitable part of _St. Antonio_, they brought nothing but -a few Limes and Fowls, and left our Linguist behind to get what we -wanted. We struck two of our Gun-room Guns into the Hold, being useless -in their place, and the Ship having too much top-weight, and not very -stiff. We had plenty of Fish here, but not very good. Wind at N N E. - - -_Octob. 5._ Our Boat went to _St. Antonio_ to see for our Linguist, -according to appointment. We heel’d and clean’d our Ships, and got a -great deal of Wood and Water aboard. Wind at N E. fine Weather. - - -_Octob. 6._ Our Boat return’d with nothing but Limes and Tobacco, and no -News of our Linguist. But soon after there came another Boat belonging -to that part of the Island where the Governour lives, with his -Deputy-Governour, a Negro, who brought Limes, Tobacco, Oranges, Fowls, -Potatoes, Hogs, Bonanoes, Musk and Water-Melons, and Brandy, which we -bought of him, and paid in such Prize-Goods as we had left of the Bark’s -Cargo cheap enough. They are poor People, and will truck at any Price -for what they want, in such Payments as they can make. - -[Sidenote: _In the Bay of St. Vincent._] - - -_Octob. 7._ We sent our Boat at Three this Morning to see if our -Linguist was return’d. The Deputy-Governour told us he promis’d him to -wait at the Water-side all that night where we put him ashore, and that -there were Cattel for us if we would fetch ’em. We were ready to sail: A -good Wind at N E. and a fresh Gale. - - -_Octob. 8._ Our Boat return’d yesterday in the Afternoon with two good -black Cattel, one for each Ship, but no News of our Linguist; upon which -we consulted with the Officers of both Ships, and all unanimously -agreed, that we had better leave him behind, than to wait with two Ships -for one Man that had not follow’d his Orders. We held a Committee on -board the _Dutchess_ to prevent Embezlements in Prizes, and to hinder -Feuds and Disorders amongst our Officers and Men for the future, because -the small Prize had shew’d us, that without a Method to be strictly -observ’d in Plunder, it might occasion the worst of Consequences to both -Ships, and such Quarrels as would not easily be laid. So with the -Consent and Approbation of the Officers appointed for a Committee, we -unanimously agreed on it, to prevent those Mutinies and Disorders -amongst the Men of both Ships, who were not yet reconcil’d since the -taking the small _Canary_-Prize. They all insisted there was never any -Privateer’s Crew hinder’d from Plunder, so that we were forc’d to agree -on the following Instrument of a Dividend, when we should meet with any -Prize. And that the things we deem’d to be Plunder, according to custom -in Privateering, should tend as little as possible to the disadvantage -of the Owners, we did for that end take care by the second Article in -the said Instrument and Agreement with the Men, to reserve the Power of -adjudging what should be deem’d Plunder, unto the superior Officers and -Agents exclusive of the Crew, _&c._ For we found it would be next to a -miracle to keep the Men in both Ships under Command, and willing to -fight resolutely on occasion, if we held ’em to the Letter of Agreement -with the Owners, which was not duly consider’d of at home. We had a -particular Regard however to the Sentiments of the Owners, deliver’d on -this head in Discourses at several times with divers of the Committee, -as my self, Capt. _Dover_, Capt. _Courtney_, Mr. _Robert Frye_, and Mr. -_Carleton Vanbrugh_; and particularly in _Kingroad_ to the Men, at the -time of signing of their Instrument. By all which we judg’d that the -Owners could not but approve of the Measures that we took on this -occasion, and that the good effects of ’em would abundantly answer our -Intentions. Altho the Officers and Men did voluntarily allow Capt. -_Courtney_ and me 5 _per Cent._ each, out of the Value of all Plunder, -it was much less than our Due; and we would have been glad to have let -all alone, provided we could with the Advice of our chief Officers in -both Ships have contriv’d any other Method to be safe in the Prosecution -of our Designs with our Men, and have kept them to their Duty on all -occasions, at so great a distance from home: without their being easy, -we must unavoidably have run into such continual Scenes of Mischief and -Disorder, as have not only tended to the great Hindrance, but generally -to the total Disappointment of all Voyages of this nature, that have -been attempted so far abroad in the Memory of Man. The Agreement we made -was as follows. - - - At a Committee held on board the _Dutchess_ the 8_th of October_, - 1708. it is agreed by the Officers and Men of both Ships to the - sundry Particulars following. - -Impr. _That all Plunder on board each Prize we take by either Ship, -shall be equally divided between the Company of both Ships, according to -each Man’s respective whole Share, as ship’d by the Owners or their -Orders._ - -2. _That what is Plunder shall be adjudg’d by the superior Officers and -Agents in each Ship._ - -3. _That if any Person on board either Ship do conceal any Plunder -exceeding one Piece of Eight in value_, 24 _hours after the Capture of -any Prize, he shall be severely punish’d, and lose his Shares of the -Plunder. The same Penalty to be inflicted for being drunk in time of -Action, or disobeying his superior Officer’s Commands, or concealing -himself, or deserting his Post in Sea or Land-Service; except when any -Prize is taken by Storm in Boarding, then whatsoever is taken shall be -his own, as followeth: A Sailor or Landman_ 10 l. _Any Officer below the -Carpenter_ 20 l. _A Mate, Gunner, Boatswain, and Carpenter_ 40 l. _A -Lieutenant or Master_ 70 l. _And the Captains_ 100 l. _over and above -the Gratuity promis’d by the Owners to such as shall signalize -themselves._ - -4. _That publick Books of Plunder are to be kept in each Ship attested -by the Officers, and the Plunder to be apprais’d by Officers chosen, and -divided as soon as possible after the Capture. Also every Person to be -sworn and search’d so soon as they shall come aboard, by such Persons as -shall be appointed for that purpose: The Person or Persons refusing, -shall forfeit their shares of the Plunder as above._ - -[Sidenote: _In the Bay of St. Vincent._] - -5. _In consideration that Capt._ Rogers _and Capt._ Courtney, _to make -both Ships Companies easy, have given the whole Cabin-Plunder (which in -all probability is the major part) to be divided as aforesaid; we do -voluntarily agree, that they shall have_ 5 _per Cent. each of ’em, over -and above their respective Shares, as a Consideration for what is their -Due of the Plunder aforesaid._ - -6. _That a Reward of twenty Pieces of Eight shall be given to him that -first sees a Prize of good Value, or exceeding_ 50 _Tuns in Burden._ - -7. _That such of us who have not sign’d already to the Articles of -Agreement indented with the Owners, do hereby oblige our selves to the -same Terms and Conditions as the rest of the Ships Company have done; -half Shares and half Wages_, &c. - - _To which Articles of Agreement we have set our Hands, as our full - Intent and Meaning, without any Compulsion._ - -Sign’d by the Officers and Men of both Ships. - - -_Octob. 8._ At seven in the Evening (after having put the -Deputy-Governour ashore, where he must lie in a Hole of the Rocks, there -being no House on that part of the Island) we came to sail: our Consort -got before us, and lay with a Light for us. There were several Negroes -on the Island, that came from _St. Nicholas_ and _St. Antonio_ to make -Oil of Turtle, there being very good green Turtle at this time of the -Year, which I sometimes gave our Men to eat. They have likewise wild -Goats, but in no great plenty; wild Asses, _Guinea_-Hens and Kerlews, -and abundance of Sea-Fowls. Capt. _Dampier_, and others aboard each -Ship, that had formerly stopt at _St. Jago_, another of these Cape _de -Verd_ Islands, told us, that tho this Island is not often frequented by -Ships, yet it is preferable to _St. Jago_ for stopping outward, because -’tis a much better Road for Ships, and more convenient for Water and -Wood, and has better Landing. The Island is mountainous and barren, the -plainest part lies against this sandy Bay where we rode. The Wood that -grows in it is short, and for no use but Firing. They have very large -Spiders here, which weave their Webs so strong betwixt the Trees, that -’tis difficult to get thro ’em. Where we water’d, there’s a little -Stream that flows down the Hill from a Spring, and is very good, but in -other parts ’tis brackish. This Island was formerly inhabited, and had a -Governor, but is now only frequented in the Season for catching -Tortoises by the Inhabitants of the other Islands, who are for the most -part Negroes and Mulattoes, and very poor. The Stock of wild Goats in -this Island is almost destroy’d by the People of _St. Nicholas_ and _St. -Antonio_. The Heats are excessive to us who came newly from _Europe_, so -that several of our Men began to be sick, and were blooded. Some of our -Officers that went ashore a hunting, could meet no Game but a wild Ass, -which after a long Chase they got within shot and wounded; yet he -afterwards held out so as to tire them, and they return’d weary and -empty-handed. - -These Islands are so well known, that I need not say much of ’em. They -are ten in number, of which _St. Jago_, _St. Nicholas Bonavist_, _St. -Antonio_, _Brava Mayo_, and _Fuego_ are inhabited: The latter is so -nam’d from a _Volcano_. _St. Jago_ is much the largest and best, and the -Seat of the chief Governour. It produces a small matter of Indico, Sugar -and Tobacco; which, with their Goat-Skins and others, they send to -_Lisbon_. The Capital is of the same Name, and the See of a Bishop. -There is also a Town call’d _Ribera Grande_, which is said to consist of -500 Houses, and has a good Harbour towards the West. The Air of this -Island is not very wholesom, and the Soil uneven. Their Valleys produce -some Corn and Wine. Their Goats are fat and good Meat, and the she ones -are said to bring three or four Kids at a time once in four months. _St. -Nicholas_ is the best peopled next to _St. Jago_. The Island _Mayo_ has -a great deal of Salt naturally made by the Sun from the Sea-Water, which -is left from time to time in Pits on shore: It’s known they load many -Ships with that Commodity in a Year, and are able to furnish some -thousands, had they Vent for it. The fine _Marroquin_ Leather is made of -their Goats-Skins. The other inhabited Islands afford more or less of -Provisions. They have their Name from Cape _Verd_ on the _African_ -Coast, from whence they lie about 160 Leagues to the Westward. The -_Portuguese_ settled here in 1572. We had very hot Weather here. On the -8_th_ a brisk Gale at E N E. At nine last night _St. Antonio’s_ bore N W -by N. dist. 3 Ls. from whence we took our Departure for the Isle of -_Grande_ in _Brazile_. - - -_Octob. 9._ Fair Weather, brisk Gale of Wind at N E. We saw abundance of -flying Fish. At 12 a clock being near the Lat. 14 N. we hal’d up S E. by -S. to get well to the Eastward, expecting as usual to meet with -Southerly Winds, when near the Equinoctial. Had an Observ. Lat. 12. 53. - - -_Octob. 10._ Fair Weather, moderate Gales of Wind at N E by E. These 24 -hours we met with several great Riplings as if a Current, which had it -been calm we would have try’d. - -[Sidenote: _From St. Antonio to the Southward._] - - -_Octob. 11._ Wind and Weather as before till seven last night, when we -had much Lightning follow’d by a hard Shower of Rain, and a Calm ensu’d. -Such Weather is customary as we draw near the Line. - - -_Octob. 14._ Cloudy Weather, with moderate Gales from the S S W. to the -S W. by W. all last night; but this morning cloudy Weather, with hard -Showers of Rain. This day we put up the Smith’s Forge, and he began to -work on such things as we wanted. - - -_Octob. 21._ Yesterday I din’d on board Captain _Courtney_. Nothing -remarkable happen’d since the 14_th_, but veerable Winds and frequent -Showers of Rain, with Calms. We agreed with our Consort, if possible, to -stop at the Isle _Trinidado_, and not to water and refresh at _Brazile_, -for fear of our Mens deserting, and losing our time. - - -_Octob. 22._ Close cloudy Weather all night, with Squalls of Rain. At -ten this morning it clear’d up: Capt. _Courtney_ came aboard of us, and -sent back his Boat for Capt. _Cook_, with Orders to bring Mr. _Page_, -second Mate, with him, to be in the room of Mr. _Ballett_, that we -exchang’d out of our Ship. _Page_ disobeying Command, occasion’d Capt. -_Cook_, being the superior Officer aboard, to strike him; whereupon -_Page_ struck him again, and several Blows past: but at last _Page_ was -forc’d into the Boat, and brought on board of us. And Capt. _Cook_ and -others telling us what Mutiny had pass’d, we order’d _Page_ on the -Fore-Castle into the Bilboes.[94] He begg’d to go into the Head to ease -himself; under that pretence the Corporal and the rest left him for a -while: upon which he leapt over board, thinking to swim back to the -_Dutchess_, it being near calm, and the Captains out of the Ship. -However, the Boat being along side, we soon overtook him, and brought -him on board again. For which and his abusive Language he was lash’d to -the Main-Geers[95] and drub’d; and for inciting the Men to Mutiny, was -afterward confin’d in Irons aboard the _Duke_. - - -_Octob. 28._ At five last night we were on the Equinoctial, and spy’d a -Sail about 4 Leagues dist. to Windward, bearing S. by E. and thinking -she had not seen us, we lay by in her way from six a clock till half an -hour past ten, hoping to meet her if bound to the _West-Indies_; but it -growing dark, and she having, as we suppose, seen us before night, and -alter’d her Course, we saw no more of her. This day we began to read -Prayers in both Ships Mornings or Evenings, as Opportunity would permit, -according to the Church of _England_, designing to continue it the Term -of the Voyage. Cloudy Weather, moderate Gales at S E by S. - - -_Octob. 29._ This Morning I let Mr. _Page_ out of Irons on his humble -Submission, and acknowledging his Fault, with Promises of Amendment. -Fair pleasant Weather, with a fresh Gale. - - -_Novemb. 1._ This Morning between one and four a clock the Sea seem’d to -be in a Breach as far as we could see, being a Moon-light Night. The -Watch being surpriz’d, call’d me up; for they suppos’d it to be -something extraordinary, and hove the Lead: but finding no Ground, were -all easy, and afterwards believ’d that it was the Spawn of Fish floating -on the Water. Fair Weather, with moderate Gales. - - -_Novemb. 2._ This Morning two Persons being accus’d of concealing a -Peruke of the Plunder in the _Canary_ Bark, two Shirts, and a Pair of -Stockings; and being found guilty, I order’d them into the Bilboes: -After which they begg’d pardon, promis’d Amendment, and were discharg’d. -Pleasant Weather and moderate Gales of Wind from E S E to S E by S. Had -an Observ. Lat. 7. 50. S. - - -_Nov. 4._ Yesterday about four in the Afternoon we spoke with our -Consort, and agreed to bear away for the Island of _Grande_ in -_Brazile_, it being uncertain to fetch the Island of _Trinidado_; and -besides, by the time we could get the length of it, being generally -close Weather, and the Sun in the Zenith, we might miss so small an -Island; which would prove a great loss of time to us. Close Weather, -with a fresh Gale of Wind at S E by E. - - -_Nov. 13._ Nothing remarkable since the fourth. We have had the Winds -very veerable. Now we draw near the Land, the Wind veers to the -Northward, and often strong Gales with hazy Weather. About eleven last -night we made a Signal to our Consort, and both lay by, thinking our -selves to be near the Land. This morning came on moderate Weather, and -we made sail again. Wind at N by E. - - -_Nov. 14._ This Morning at five we made the Land of _Brazile_ very -plain, bearing N W. We had several Soundings on the Sand call’d in the -Maps _Bonfunda_, from 28 to 50 Fathom Water; brown fair Sand, with grey -Stones amongst it. We had several Showers of Rain with very little Wind -from N N E. to N by W. Lat. 22. 9. S. - -[Sidenote: _Make the Land of Brazile._] - - -_Nov. 15._ At ten a clock last night we had a heavy Turnado with -Lightning, which fell as if it had been liquid. While this Storm held, -which was not above an hour, we had all our Sails furl’d; yet the Ship -lay along very much. Wind at S W. but afterwards calm, and little Wind. -The Sun being near the Zenith here at this time, occasions such Weather. -As soon as Day appear’d, we saw the Land bearing West about 7 Ls. dist. -a small Breeze at N N W. We stood in with it, but could not be certain -what Land it was: we had sundry Soundings from 40 to 50 Fathom Water, -coarse Sand. - - -_Nov. 16._ Yesterday Evening having a brave Breeze at E. we stood in -with the Land, and suppos’d it to be the Island of Cape _Frio_. It makes -the Southermost Land of several other Islands; is high and uneven. This -Island appears in two Hills to the Southward: The least looks like a -Saddle, and appears at a distance like two Islands, but as you draw near -it, you see that it joins. - - -_Nov. 17._ This Morning, the Weather being calm, our Pinnace went ashore -with Capt. _Dampier_ into a sandy Bay about two Leagues off; they -brought aboard a large Tortoise which our People eat. The Tortoises on -this Coast have a strong Taste. Foggy Weather, and very little Wind from -the East to the S W. sometimes calm. - - -_Nov. 19._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we came to an anchor in 22 Fathom -Water. The East End of the large Island, which we took to be _Grande_, -bore W S W dist. about 4 Ls. and there’s a high woody Point at the West -end of the low sandy Bay, which at last we run by, about one League and -a half from us. We sent our Pinnace ashore well-mann’d to this Point, -with Capt. _William Dampier_, in order to be certain whether it was the -Entrance of _Grande_ between the two Lands. The Boat return’d about ten -a clock at night, with a Confirmation that it was the Island of -_Grande_, as we had suppos’d: So we immediately weigh’d with a small -Breeze; but it soon falling calm, we came to anchor again: then weigh’d -with another small Breeze, and row’d and tow’d; by the help of which, at -twelve a clock we came to an anchor in the middle of the Entrance of the -Island of _Grande_ in 11 Fathom water. The Entrance goes in W by S. a -remarkable white Rock on the Larboard side of the Bay bore S E. about a -mile and a half. ’Tis a long Entrance near 5 Leagues from the place we -anchor’d at. - - -_Nov. 20._ Yesterday at one a clock in the Afternoon we sent our Boats -in, with a Lieutenant in one Boat, and Capt. _Dampier_ in the other, to -sound all the way to our watering-place, and see if no Enemy lay there. -I borrow’d the _Dutchess_ Yall, and kept her a-head sounding; but having -a Breeze against us, we got little ground. This morning at four we -weigh’d again with the Wind at N E. and got both into the Bay on the -West side of the Isle of _Grande_, but could not reach the Cove where we -design’d to water: heavy Showers of Rain took us. At eleven we row’d and -tow’d into the Cove, where our Consort had been an hour before us: A -_Portuguese_ Boat came from a small Cove on our Starboard side as we -came in, and told us they had been rob’d by the _French_ not long -before. - -_Nov. 21._ Yesterday Afternoon it rain’d so hard that our Men could not -work. At four a clock Capt. _Courtney_ put eight of his Men in Irons for -disobeying Command; and knowing ’em to be Ringleaders, was willing to -secure them whilst here, where they could run away. About six a clock it -began to clear up, and our Pinnace with Capt. _Cook_ and Lieutenant -_Pope_ went to _Angre de Reys_, as it’s call’d in Sea-Draughts, but the -_Portuguese_ call it _Nostra Seniora de La Conception_, a small Village -about three Leagues distant, to wait on the Governour, and acquaint him -with our Arrival, with a Present of Butter and Cheese, to procure his -Friendship if any of our Men should run away. The Boat return’d at -twelve at night, and told us that when they came near the Town it was -almost dark; that the People suspecting they were _French_, fir’d on ’em -several times, but did no hurt, and when they came ashore begg’d their -pardon. The Fryars invited them to the Convent, and told ’em they were -often plunder’d by the _French_, or they should not have been so ready -to fire at ’em. The Governour was gone to _Riojanero_, a City about 12 -Ls. distant, but expected back every day. This morning our Men went in -our Boat to hall our Fishing-Net, and caught some very good Fish much -better than those at _St. Vince_. - -_Nov. 22._ Yesterday Afternoon we got our empty Casks ashore, and sent -our Carpenter with a _Portuguese_ to look out Wood for Trusle-Trees,[96] -our Main and Fore Trusle-Trees being both broke: but the Weather prov’d -so wet and sultry, that we could do little or nothing. Here are -abundance of - -[Sidenote: _At the Isle of Grande in Brazile._] - -Graves of dead Men; and the _Portuguese_ tell us, that two great -_French_ Ships homeward bound from the _South Seas_, that water’d in -this same place about nine months before, had bury’d near half their Men -here; but God be thank’d ours are very healthy. At this place the -_French South-Sea_ Ships generally water both out and homewards. This -Morning we had several Canoes from the Town, with Limes, Fowls, _Indian_ -Corn, _&c._ to exchange for such things as we could spare. We treated -’em all very civilly, and offer’d a Gratuity to such as would secure our -Men if any of ’em run away: they all promis’d to give us good -Information, and assist us in searching after ’em. - -_Nov. 23._ This was a fair pleasant Day, but violent hot. We heel’d the -_Dutchess_ both sides by us, we had a great deal of Wood cut, caught -excellent Fish with our Lines, and had several Canoes from the Town, -which inform’d us of a Brigantine at an anchor in the Entrance where we -came in. I sent our Pinnace mann’d and arm’d to know what she was, and -found her a _Portuguese_ laden with Negroes for the Gold Mines. Our Boat -return’d and brought a Present, being a Roove[97] of fine Sugar and a -Pot of Sweet-meats from the Master, who spoke a little _English_, and -had formerly sail’d with ’em. The Way that leads to these Gold Mines is -not far from this Place by Water, but the _Portuguese_ say they lie -several days Journy up in the Country; and some will tell you ’tis ten -or fifteen days, others a month’s Travel from the Town of _Sanetas_, -which is the Sea-Port; for they are cautious how they discover the -Truth: but there is certainly abundance of Gold found in this Country. -They told us, the _French_ often surprize their Boats, and that at one -time when the _French_ staid to water, which could not exceed a month, -they took of Gold above 1200 _l._ weight (in Boats from the Mines bound -to _Rio-Janero_, because the Way is not good by Land.) - -_Nov. 24._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we clean’d one side by the -_Dutchess_, and this Morning the other side, gave the Ships great Lists; -and having Men enough, whilst our Ship was cleaning, we let the Pinnace -with Capt. _Dover_, Mr. _Vanbrugh_, and others, go to take their -pleasure, but to return by twelve a clock, when we should want our Boat. -When they return’d, they brought with them a monstrous Creature which -they had kill’d, having Prickles or Quills like a Hedghog, with Fur -between them, and the Head and Tail resembled those of a Monkey. It -stunk intolerably, which the _Portuguese_ told us was only the Skin; -that the Meat of it is very delicious, and they often kill’d them for -the Table. But our Men being not yet at very short Allowance, none of -’em had Stomach good enough to try the Experiment: so that we were -forc’d to throw it overboard, to make a sweet Ship. Soon after came -several Canoes with _Portuguese_ in ’em, whom we treated very civilly. - -_Nov. 25._ This Day was fair, but very hot. We had three or four Canoes -aboard, one of which had three Fathers belonging to the _Franciscan_ -Convent at _Angre de Reys_. We had got a great deal of Water and Wood -aboard, with new Trusle-Trees fix’d to the head of the Fore-Mast. - -[Sidenote: _At the Isle of Grande._] - -_Nov. 26._ Yesterday Afternoon we rigg’d the Fore-Mast again, and got -almost all our Water on board. Last night one _Michael Jones_ and _James -Brown_, two _Irish_ Landmen, run into the Woods, thinking to get away -from us; tho two such Sparks run away the 25_th_ from the _Dutchess_, -and in the night were so frighted with Tygers, as they thought, but -really by Monkeys and Baboons, that they ran into the water, hollowing -to the Ship till they were fetch’d aboard again. About four this Morning -the Watch on the Quarter-Deck spy’d a Canoe, and call’d her to come on -board; but they not answering, and trying to get away, made us suspect -they had either got our Men that run away last Evening, or were coming -by Agreement to fetch ’em off the Island, which was uninhabited. We -immediately sent the Pinnace and Yall after ’em; the Pinnace coming up -near the Canoe, fir’d to stay ’em, but to no purpose; at last they -wounded one of the _Indians_ that row’d in the Canoe. He that own’d and -steer’d her was a Fryar, and had a Quantity of Gold which he got at the -Mines, I suppose by his Trade of confessing the Ignorant. The Fryar had -just ran the Canoe ashore on a little Island full of Wood as our Boats -landed, and afterwards told us he hid some Gold there. A _Portuguese_ -that would not run away with the Father, because he had no Gold to hide, -knew our People to be _English_, and call’d the Father back. The Man -that was wounded could not move, and was brought by our Men, with the -Father and several Slaves that row’d the large Canoe, on board our Ship, -where our Surgeon dress’d the wounded _Indian_, who died in two hours -time. I made the Father as welcome as I could, but he was very uneasy at -the Loss of his Gold and the Death of his Slave, and said he would seek -for Justice in _Portugal_ or _England_. - -_Nov. 27._ Yesterday in the Afternoon the _Dutchess_ weigh’d, and tow’d -out of the Cove about a mile, and came to anchor to wait for us: Their -Boats returning to the Cove to fetch what was left, they spy’d two Men -waiting under the side of a Wood by the Shore, for a _Portuguese_ Canoe -to get ’em off; but our Boats landed on each side of the Point, where -they were not seen, found ’em to be the Men that left us the Evening -before, and brought ’em to us. I order’d ’em both to be severely whip’d, -and put in Irons. - -This Morning Capt. _Courtney_ and I, with most of our Officers, except -those which we left to do what little remain’d unfinish’d on board the -Ships, went in our Boat to _Angre de Reys_, it being the Day kept for -the Conception of the Virgin _Mary_, and a high Day of Procession -amongst these People. The Governour Signior _Raphael de Silva Lagos_, a -_Portuguese_, receiv’d us very handsomly. He ask’d us if we would see -the Convent and Procession: we told him our Religion differ’d very much -from his. He answer’d we were welcome to see it, without partaking in -the Ceremony. We waited on him in a Body, being ten of us, with two -Trumpets and a Hautboy, which he desir’d might play us to Church, where -our Musick did the Office of an Organ, but separate from the Singing, -which was by the Fathers well perform’d. Our Musick play’d, _Hey Boys up -go we!_[98] and all manner of noisy paltry Tunes: and after Service our -Musicians, who were by that time more than half drunk, march’d at the -head of the Company, next to them an old Father and two Fryars carrying -Lamps of Incense with the Host, next came the Virgin _Mary_ on a Bier -carry’d on four Mens shoulders, and dress’d with Flowers and -Wax-Candles, _&c._ After her came the Padre Guardian of the Convent, and -then about forty Priests, Fryars, _&c._ Next was the Governour of the -Town, my self, and Capt. _Courtney_, with each of us a long Wax-Candle -lighted: Next follow’d the rest of our Officers, the chief Inhabitants, -and junior Priests, with every one a lighted Wax-Candle. The Ceremony -held about two hours, after which we were splendidly entertain’d by the -Fathers of the Convent, and then by the Governour at the Guard-House, -his Habitation being three Leagues off. It’s to be noted, they kneel’d -at every Crossway, and turning, walk’d round the Convent, and came in at -another Door, kneeling and paying their Devotion to the Image of the -Virgin and her Wax-Candles. They unanimously told us, they expected -nothing from us but our Company, and they had no more but our Musick. - -The Town consists of about sixty low Houses built of Mud, cover’d with -Palmetto Leaves, and meanly furnish’d. They told us they had been -plunder’d by the _French_, or perhaps they hid their Plate and other -best Movables, because they were in doubt whether we were Friends or -Enemies. They have two Churches and a _Franciscan_ Monastery tolerably -decent, but not rich in Ornaments: They have also a Guard-house, where -there are about 20 Men commanded by the Governour, a Lieutenant, and -Ensign. The Monastery had some black Cattel belonging to it, but the -Fathers would sell us none. - -The Fish we saw in the Road were Sharks, so well known that I need not -describe them. 2. Pilot-Fishes, so call’d because they commonly attend -the Sharks, find out their Prey for ’em, and are never devour’d by ’em. -3. The Sucking-Fish, so call’d because of a Sucker about two inches long -on the top of their Heads, by the Slime of which they stick so fast to -Sharks and other large Fish, that they are not easily pull’d off. 4. -Parrot-Fish, so nam’d because their Mouths resemble the Beak of a -Parrot. 5. A Rock-Fish, which is very good, and much like our Cod. 6. -Silver-Fish in great plenty: ’tis a deep-body’d bright Fish, from 12 to -18 inches long, and very good Meat: But there are so many sorts of good -Fish here, that we can’t describe ’em all. - - -[Sidenote: _At the Isle of Grande_] - -_Nov. 28._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we left _Angre de Reys_; when we -got aboard, we found the Main-Mast rigg’d, with every thing ready. This -Morning we got our Ship out by our Consort, and the Wind being out of -the way, and but little, we went with our Boat to the Town, to get -Liquors for the Voyage, and bring the Gentlemen of the Town aboard our -Ships, where we treated ’em the best we could. They were very merry, and -in their Cups propos’d the Pope’s Health to us; but we were quits with -’em, by toasting that of the Archbishop of _Canterbury:_ to keep up the -Humour, we also propos’d _William Pen’s_ to them; and they lik’d the -Liquor so well, that they refus’d neither. We made the Governour and the -Fathers of the Convent a handsom Present of Butter and Cheese from both -Ships, in consideration of the small Presents and yesterday’s Favours -from ’em, and as a farther Obligation on ’em to be careful of our -Letters, which we took this opportunity to deliver into their own hands. -I shall say no more of our Letters, but that they contain’d every thing -material since my coming out, with two Postscripts wrote by Capt. -_Dover_ and Capt. _Courtney_, to put it out of doubt amongst all those -concern’d, that we join’d heartily in prosecuting our long Undertaking, -and that our Officers behav’d themselves to satisfaction; which may -clear up some Difficulties started amongst the Gentlemen at home before -we sail’d, that were a great Hindrance and Discouragement to us in the -beginning, because Mismanagement and Misunderstanding amongst the -Officers never fail of ill Effects to the Voyage, and of spoiling the -Men; which is an irrecoverable Loss. - - -_Nov. 29._ Yesterday in the Afternoon our Yall went to Town to get -Necessaries for our next long Voyage, because we were to run near 2000 -Leagues before we could expect any Recruit of Liquors, unless by -extraordinary good fortune. In the Evening it came on blowing with thick -Showers of Rain, which prevented the Governour and the rest from going -ashore that night. This Morning the Governour and Company were carry’d -ashore: at parting we saluted ’em with a Huzza from each Ship, because -we were not overstock’d with Pouder. After which all the Officers of the -Committee met on board the _Dutchess_, where we enquir’d into the true -Cause of the aforesaid _Indian’s_ Death, and protested against Mr. -_Vanbrugh_ (who was the Occasion) for commanding our Ships Pinnace as he -did in chase of the Canoe unknown to me, and without my Order. At the -same time I desir’d to have the Committee’s Hands, if they approv’d what -I had transacted since my leaving the _Canary Islands_, which they very -readily sign’d, as also the Protest against Mr. _Vanbrugh’s_ unadvis’d -Management; for I was sensible that good Order and Discipline in -Privateers was the only Method to support my self and the other -Officers, and keep up our Authority, which is so essential towards -acting with Success and Vigour on all occasions. This made it highly -necessary in the Infancy of our Undertaking to prevent Innovations in -Command, which inevitably confound the most promising Designs. Therefore -I thought it a fit time now to resent ignorant and wilful Actions -publickly, and to shew the Vanity and Mischief of ’em, rather than to -delay or excuse such Proceedings; which would have made the Distemper -too prevalent, and brought all to remediless Confusion, had we indulg’d -conceited Persons with a liberty of hazarding the fairest Opportunities -of Success. The above-mention’d Resolves of the Committee follow. - - At a Committee held on board the _Dutchess_ riding at the Island - _Grande_ on the Coast of _Brazile_, by Request of Capt. _Tho. - Dover_ President, Capt. _Woodes Rogers_, and Capt. _Stephen - Courtney_, _29 Novemb. 1708_. - -_WE have examin’d, and do approve of all the Proceedings and -Transactions since our being at the_ Canary Islands, _both as to the -punishing of Offenders, and acting in all cases for the best of our -intended Voyage, and that we found it actually necessary to sell part of -the Goods taken in the Prize amongst the_ Canary Islands _here, to -purchase some Liquor and other Necessaries for our Men as they go about -Cape_ Horn, _they being very meanly clothed, and ill provided to endure -the Cold; and we have and do hereby desire the Agent of each Ship to -take particular Cognizance of what such Goods are sold and dispos’d of -for; and agree that all possible Dispatch hath been made both here and -at_ St. Vincent. _In acknowledgment of which we have set our Hands the -Day and Year above-written._ - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Stratton, - Woodes Rogers, William Bath, - Stephen Courtney, Charles Pope, - William Dampier, John Rogers, - Edward Cook, John Connely, - Robert Frye, Geo. Milbourne, - Carleton Vanbrugh, John Ballet. - - -[Sidenote: _At the Isle of Grande._] - - Memorandum, _That on the 26th Day of_ November, 1708. _a little - before break of Day, a Canoe coming near the Ship_ Duke, _as she - rode at Anchor at the Island of_ Grande _on the Coasts of_ Brazile; - _they hal’d her, she not answering, they fir’d at her; upon which - she row’d away, and the Captain order’d the Boat to get ready and - pursue her: And Mr._ Carleton Vanbrugh, _Agent of the said Ship, - putting off the Boat, without the Order of his Captain, or before - any Commanding Officer was in pursuit of her, fir’d, or order’d to - be fir’d, at her several Muskets at a distance: But coming nearer, - he order’d the Men to fire into the Boat; and the Corporal firing, - as we have reason to believe, kill’d an_ Indian, _and took the - Canoe, and sent her away with two of the_ Duke’s _Men, the Corporal - and a Padre, and afterwards brought the rest of the People in the - Ship’s Pinnace; since which time we are inform’d by the Padre, - Master of the dead_ Indian, _that he lost a quantity of Gold to the - Value of_ 200 l. _which he says he carry’d ashore, and hid in hopes - to preserve (he taking them for_ Frenchmen _by their firing and - chasing) which could not afterwards be found, altho, he says, he - does verily believe it was not taken by any of the Ships People, - but alledges it was lost by means of their chasing and surprizing - him. Whatever Damages may arise from the above-mention’d Action on - the account of killing the_ Indian, _or Loss of the Gold that the - Padre says he has lost, We the Commanders and Officers of Ship_ - Duke _and_ Dutchess _Consorts, do in behalf of our selves, and the - rest of the Ships Company, protest against the unadvis’d Actions of - the aforesaid Mr._ Carleton Vanbrugh, _for proceeding without any - Order from the Captain of the same Ship, and acting contrary to - what he was ship’d for. In witness whereof we have set our Hands - the 29th day of_ November, 1708. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Stratton, - Woodes Rogers, William Bath, - Steph. Courtney, John Rogers, - Will. Dampier, Thomas Glendal, - Edward Cook, John Connely, - Robert Frye, Geo. Milbourne, - Charles Pope, John Ballet. - - - - -_Nov. 30._ The Wind continuing out of the way, last night we held a -Committee on board the _Dutchess_, and agreed to remove Mr. _Carleton -Vanbrugh_ from the Ship _Duke_; which Agreement is as follows: - - Memorandum, _This 30th of_ Novemb. 1708. _We the underwritten - Officers belonging to the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, _appointed as - a Committee by the Owners of both Ships, do find it necessary for - the Good of our intended Voyage, to remove Mr._ Carleton Vanbrugh - _from being Agent of the_ Duke _Frigate, to be Agent of the_ - Dutchess, _and to receive Mr._ William Bath _Agent of the_ Dutchess - _in his Place. This is our Opinion and Desire, in acknowledgment of - which we have hereunto set our Hands in the Port of the Island of_ - Grande _on the Coast of_ Brazile, _the Day above-written_. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ Robert Frye, - Woodes Rogers, Charles Pope, - Stephen Courtney, Tho. Glendall, - William Dampier, John Bridge. - Edward Cooke, - - - - -_Nov. 30._ About ten this morning we both weigh’d, in order to go out on -the other side of _Grande_, which I think is the fairest Outlet, tho -they are both very large, bold and good. We went out E S E. the Wind at -N E. and in two hours came to an Anchor again, it proving calm, and a -Current against us. - - -_Dec. 1._ Yesterday at two in the Afternoon we weigh’d again, with a -Breeze at N E. but at five a Gale came up at S S W. and blew very strong -with Rain, insomuch that we were forc’d to bear away, and come to an -Anchor close under the Island of _Grande_, in fourteen Fathom Water. It -rain’d hard all night, but towards morning little Wind. About ten this -morning we weigh’d Anchor, and steer’d away S W. At twelve it was calm, -and we anchor’d again. Just before we anchor’d, we spy’d a small Vessel -close under the Shore, near the West-end of _Grande_. We sent our Boat -to examine her, and found it to be the same Brigantine our Boats were -aboard of six days before, and from whence I had the Present. I gave the -Master an Half-hour Glass, and other small things of little Value, for -which he was very thankful. - - -_Dec. 2._ I wrote a long Letter to my Owners, which Captain _Dover_ and -Captain _Courtney_ also underwrote, and gave it the Master of this -Brigantine, who promis’d to forward it by the first Conveyance for -_Portugal_; so that now I had sent by four Conveyances. At ten this -morning we sail’d, Wind at W N W. row’d and tow’d till twelve, and came -to an Anchor to the Southward of _Grande_, our Men continuing healthy. - - -[Sidenote: _Description of Grande._] - -_Dec. 3._ Yesterday in the afternoon we sail’d with a brisk Gale of Wind -at E by N. At six a clock in the Evening, the S W Point of _Grande_ bore -W N W. distant five Leagues. The small Three-_Hummock_ Island without -_Grande_, which is seen as you go in both ways to it, bore N E 1/2 N. -dist. 5 Ls. the Westermost Point of the Main bore W by S. dist. 9 Ls. -from whence we departed for the Island of _Juan Fernandez_. The rest of -these 24 hours a good Gale from E by N. to the E S E. This I observ’d -when we came from Cape _Frio_ to _Grande_, more than I have yet noted: -About 13 Leagues to the Eastward of the Isle of _Grande_ is a high round -Rock, a good League without the Land, as it appear’d to us; within it is -high mountainous Land, which we are inform’d is the Entrance to -_Rio-Janeiro_: and as we came to the Westward, we open’d a sandy Bay -with low sandy Land in the middle, and high Land on each side clear to -the Points; it’s about 3 Leagues over, and deep. Next to this Bay, as -we came to the Westward, open’d another low sandy Bay, not quite so -deep, but above twice as wide. The Westermost Point is indifferent high, -and full of Trees, which makes the Eastermost Point as we enter’d -_Grande_; from whence it runs in West and Northerly about 4 Ls. There is -no such Bay to the Eastward as _Rio-Janeiro_ between that and Cape -_Frio_. This is a certain Mark not to miss _Grande_, which might easily -be done by a Stranger, the Latitude being near the same for 40 Leagues -within Cape _Frio_; but _Grande_ lies out near two Points farther -Southerly, as you come to it from the Eastward, than any other Land -between that and Cape _Frio_. We kept but an indifferent Account of the -Ship’s Way from Cape _Frio_, being nothing but fluttering Weather; but -the _Portuguese_ Master told me it is not less than 34 Ls. We kept -continual Soundings, and had always Ground from one League to ten off -the Shore, from 20 to 50 Fathom Water: Very even and gradual Soundings, -with soft blue clayish Sand, till we got the Length of _Grande_; then we -had harder Ground, mix’d with small Stones and red Sand. The Shore runs -hither nearest West. - -The Island _Grande_ is remarkable high Land, with a small Notch, and a -Tip standing up on one side in the middle of the highest Land, easy to -be seen if clear; and there’s a small Island to the Southward without -it, which rises in three little Hummocks; the nearest Hummock to the -Island _Grande_ is the least. As we came in and out, we saw it, and it -appears alike on both sides: there is also a remarkable round white Rock -that lies on the Larboard side nearest to _Grande_, between it and the -Main at the Entrance going in. On the Starboard side there are several -Islands, and the Main is much like Islands, till you get well in. The -best way, when you open the Coves that are inhabited on the Starboard -side going in, is to get a Pilot to carry you to the watering Cove -within _Grande_; otherwise send in a Boat to the fresh-water Cove, which -lies round the inner Westermost Point of the Island, and near a League -in: the Passage is between small Islands, but room enough and bold; it’s -the second Cove under the first high Mount and round, behind the first -Point you see when you are in between the two Islands. This is the Cove -where we water’d. There are two other Coves very good, with some -Shoal-Banks between them, but no Shoal-Ground before we come to this -Cove. We sounded all the Passage in, and seldom found less than ten -Fathom Water, but had not time to know or sound the rest of the Coves. -The Town bears N E. about 3 Ls. dist. from this Cove. The Island of -_Grande_ is near about 9 Ls. long high Land, and so is the Main within -it. All you see near the Water-side is thick covered with Wood. The -Island abounds with Monkeys and other wild Beasts, has plenty of good -Timber, Fire-wood, and excellent Water, with Oranges and Lemons, and -Guavas growing wild in the Woods. The Necessaries we got from the Town -were Rum, Sugar, and Tobacco, which they sell very dear, tho not good to -smoke, ’tis so very strong. We had also Fowls and Hogs, but the latter -are scarce; Beef and Mutton are cheap, but no great quantity to be had; -_Indian_ Corn, Bonanoes, Plantanes, Guavas, Lemons, Oranges, and -Pine-Apples they abound with; but have no Bread except Cassado (the same -sort as is eaten in our _West-Indies_) which they call _Farana depau_, -_i.e._ Bread of Wood. They have no kind of Salleting. We had fine -pleasant Weather most of the time we were here, but hot like an Oven, -the Sun being right over us. The Winds we did not much observe, because -they were little and veerable; but commonly between the North and the -East. - -We clear’d an ordinary _Portuguese_ here, call’d _Emanuel de Santo_, and -shipt another, whose Name was _Emanuel Gonsalves_. - -I had _Newhoff’s_[99] Account of _Brazile_ on board, and by all the -Enquiry and Observation I could make, found his Description of the -Country, its Product and Animals, to be just; particularly of that -Monster call’d _Liboya_, or the Roebuck-Serpent, which I enquir’d after, -thinking it incredible till the _Portuguese_ Governour told me there are -some of them 30 foot long, as big as a Barrel, and devour a Roebuck at -once, from whence they had their name. I was also told that one of these -Serpents was kill’d near this place a little before our Arrival. Tygers -are very plenty here on the Continent, but not so ravenous as those in -_India_. - -The Product of _Brazile_ is well known to be Red Wood, Sugars, Gold, -Tobacco, Whale-Oil, Snuff, and several sorts of Drugs. The _Portuguese_ -build their best Ships here: The Country is now become very populous, -and the People delight much in Arms, especially about the Gold Mines, -where those of all sorts resort, but mostly Negroes and Molattoes. ’Tis - -[Sidenote: _Account of Brazile._] - -but four years since they would be under no Government, but now they -have submitted: some Men of Repute here told me the Mines increase very -fast, and that Gold is got much easier at these Mines than in any other -Country. - -This is all I can affirm from my own Observation concerning this -Country, which was discover’d first by the famous _Americus Vespucius_, -_Anno_ 1500. when he call’d it _Santa Cruz_; but the _Portuguese_ -afterwards nam’d it _Brazile_, from the red Wood of that name which -grows here. It’s situate in the Torrid Zone, and extends from the -Equinoctial to the Lat. of 28 South. The Extent from East to West is -uncertain, therefore I can determine nothing concerning it. The -_Portuguese_ divide it into fourteen Districts or Captainships, six of -which, being the Northern part, were subdu’d by the _Dutch_ about the -Year 1637. and a Peace concluded, allowing it to be call’d _Dutch -Brazile_, which extended from North to South about 180 Leagues: And -since it is not usual for the _Dutch_ to lose their Settlements abroad, -it mayn’t be amiss to give a brief Account how they were outed of this -profitable Country. In 1643 the Face of the _Dutch_ Affairs there began -to alter for the worse, the Magazines of their _West-India_ Company were -exhausted by several Expeditions against _Angola_, &c. and receiving no -Supplies from _Holland_ as usual, the great Council at the _Receife_, -their Capital in _Brazile_, was forc’d to make use of what was due to -the Company, for paying the Garisons and Civil Officers, and by -consequence to force their conquer’d Debtors the _Portuguese_ to prompt -Payment. This oblig’d the Debtors to borrow Mony at 3 or 4 _per Cnt. -per_ Month, which impoverished them so in a little time, that they were -neither able to pay Principal nor Interest. The _Portuguese_ immers’d -themselves in Debt to the Company, because of their hopes that the -Fleets coming from _Portugal_ would quickly subdue the _Dutch_, and pay -off all scores. Besides, there happen’d a great Mortality among the -_Portuguese_ Negroes, which they purchas’d from the _Dutch_ at 300 -Pieces of Eight _per_ head. This compleated their Ruin; which, together -with their Hatred to the _Dutch_ on account of Religion, made them -resolve on a general Revolt. - -The _Dutch_ at the same time were engag’d in a War with _Spain_ at home, -and Count _Maurice_,[100] who was Governour of _Dutch Brazile_, was -recall’d just in the height of the Plot. The _Dutch_ had several -Discoveries of it, and an account of _Portuguese_ Commissions, importing -that this Revolt was undertaken for the Honour of God, the Propagation -of the Roman Faith, the Service of the King, and common Liberty. They -complain’d of this to the _Portuguese_ Government in _Brazile_, who told -them they would cultivate a good Correspondence with them, according to -the Orders of the King their Master; and wrote so to the _Dutch_ -Council, yet still carry’d on the Conspiracy, till at last the Rebellion -broke out. The _Dutch_ renew’d their Complaints, but the _Portuguese_ -Government deny’d their having any hand in it, till in 1645 they openly -invaded the _Dutch_, on pretence at first of appeasing the Revolts of -the _Portuguese_ in the _Dutch_ Provinces, according to the Tenour of -the Peace; but afterwards when they had got footing, they alledg’d the -_Dutch_ had murder’d many of the _Portuguese_ in cool Blood; and then -carry’d on the War till 1660, when the _Dutch_ were forc’d to abandon -_Brazile_ in the following Conditions: That the Crown of _Portugal_ -should pay the States Eight hundred thousand Pounds in Mony or Goods, -and that the Places taken on each side in the _East-Indies_ should -remain to the present Possessors; and that a free Trade should be -allow’d the _Dutch_ in _Portugal_, and at their Settlements in _Africa_ -and _Brazile_, without paying any more Custom than the _Portuguese_. But -other Agreements have been since made between the two States, and the -_Portuguese_ remain in full possession of this fine Country, without -allowing the _Dutch_ to trade to it. This they fancy makes them -sufficient amends for the Loss of their large Conquests in _India_, -taken from them by the _Dutch East-India_ Company; the _Portuguese_ -being now the least Traders thither, after enjoying the whole -_East-India_ Trade for above one hundred Years. - -[Sidenote: _Account of Brazile._] - -_Newhoff_, who gave the best Account of _Brazile_ at that time, assigns -the following Causes for so easy a Reconquest of it by the _Portuguese_: -1. The _Dutch_ took no care to have sufficient Colonies of their own -Natives, nor to keep strong Garisons in the Country. 2. They left the -_Portuguese_ in possession of all their Sugar-Mills and Plantations, -which hinder’d the _Dutch_ from getting any considerable Footing in the -open Country. 3. The Plantations and Sugar-Mills that fell into their -hands by Forfeiture or otherwise, they sold at such excessive Rates, and -laid such Taxes on the Product, that the _Dutch_ did not care to -purchase them. 4. The States of _Holland_, instead of reinforcing the -Garisons of _Brazile_, according to Prince _Maurice’s_ Advice, reduc’d -them lower, notwithstanding all the Remonstrances of the Company to the -contrary; for they were so intent upon their Conquests in the -_East-Indies_, that they seem’d willing to be rid of _Brazile_, which is -now a vast and populous Country, and employs a great number of large -Ships yearly from _Portugal_, who carry home an immense Treasure of -Gold, besides all other Commodities of that Country. - -Whilst Prince _Maurice_ was in _Brazile_, the _Dutch_ fitted Ships -thence for _Chili_, which arriv’d there: but wanted a sufficient Force -to withstand the _Spaniard_, while they could be recruited, or gain an -Interest amongst the Natives, which they might have easily done, could -they have settled, because at that time the _Spaniards_ had not -conquer’d the _Indians_ of _Chili_; so the _Dutch_ being too weak, were -forc’d to return without effecting any thing. I shall conclude this Head -with a brief Account of the Natives of _Brazile_ from _Newhoff_, whose -Authority, as I have said already, I found upon Inquiry to be very good. -They are divided into several Nations, and speak different Languages. -They are generally of a middling Size, well-limb’d, and their Women not -ill-featur’d. They are not born black, but become so by the Heat of the -Sun. They have black Eyes, black curl’d Hair, and have their Noses made -flat when young. They come soon to Maturity, yet generally live to a -great Age, without much Sickness; and many _Europeans_ live here to -above a hundred Years old, which is ascrib’d to the Goodness of the -Climate. The _Portuguese_ cut off such multitudes of ’em, that they -perfectly hate that Nation, but were civil enough to the _Dutch_ because -they treated them kindly. Such as live next the _Europeans_, wear Shirts -of Linen or Callico, and the chief of ’em affect our Apparel; but those -within Land go for the most part naked, covering their Privities -slightly with Leaves or Grass fasten’d about them with a string, and the -Men exceed the Women in Modesty. Their Hutts are built of Stakes, and -cover’d with Palm-tree Leaves. Their Dishes and Cups are made of -_Calabasses_, being the Shells of a sort of Pompions. Their chief -Furniture is Hammocks of Cotton made like Network, and these they fasten -to sticks, and use them for Beds; and when they travel, tie them to -Trees. The Wives follow their Husbands to War and elsewhere, and carry -their Luggage in a Basket, with a Child hung about them in a piece of -Callico, a Parrot or an Ape in one hand, and leading a Dog by a string -in the other; while the idle Lubber carries nothing but his Arms, which -are Bows and Arrows, Darts or Wooden Clubs. They know nothing of -Arithmetick, but count their Years by laying by a Chesnut in the Season. -Those who inhabit the inland Parts know scarce any thing of Religion; -yet they have a sort of Priests, or rather Conjurers, who pretend to -foretel what’s to come. They have a Notion of a Supreme Being more -excellent than the rest; some reckon this to be Thunder, and others -_Ursa Minor_, or some Constellation. They fancy that after Death their -Souls are transplanted into Devils, or enjoy all sorts of Pleasures in -lovely Fields beyond the Mountains, if they have kill’d and eat many of -their Enemies; but those that never did any thing of moment, they say -are to be tormented by Devils. These People are much afraid of -Apparitions and Spirits, and make Offerings to pacify ’em. Some of ’em -are mightily addicted to Sorcery, to revenge themselves upon their -Enemies; and they have others who pretend to cure those that are so -bewitch’d. The _Castilians_ converted some of ’em, but the _Dutch_ -Ministers were more successful, till they were hinder’d by the Revolt of -the _Portuguese_. The _Brazilian_ Women are very fruitful, have easy -Labour, retire to the Woods where they bring forth alone, and return -after washing themselves and their Child; the Husbands lying a bed the -first 24 hours, and being treated as if they had endur’d the Pains.[101] - -The _Tapoyars_, who inhabit the inland Country on the West, are the most -barbarous of the Natives, taller and stronger than the rest, and indeed -than most _Europeans_. They wear little Sticks thro their Cheeks and -Under-Lips, are Maneaters, and use poison’d Darts and Arrows. They -change their Habitations according to the Season, and live chiefly by -Hunting and Fishing. Their Kings and Great Men are distinguish’d by the -manner of shaving their Crowns, and their long Nails. Their Priests are -Sorcerers, make them believe that the Devils appear to ’em in form of -Insects, and perform their diabolical Worship in the night, when the -Women make a dismal howling, which is their chief Devotion. They allow -Polygamy, yet punish Adultery by Death; and when young Women are -marriageable, but courted by no body, their Mothers carry ’em to their -Princes, who deflower ’em; and this they reckon a great Honour. Some of -these People were much civiliz’d by the _Dutch_, and very serviceable - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River Amazons._] - -to them, but still kept under Subjection to their own Kings. For the -extraordinary Animals, Plants, _&c._ of _Brazile_, I refer to _Newhoff_; -being sensible that the Descriptions of such things are not my Province, -but I thought it convenient to give this Hint for the Diversion of such -Readers as may relish it better than a Mariner’s bare Journal. - - * * * * * - -The River of the _Amazons_ being the Northern Boundary of _Brazile_, I -shall describe it here. - -According to most Geographers it rises in the Mountains of _Peru_, and -is compos’d at first of two Rivers, one of which begins about Lat. 9. S. -and the other about 15. The _Sansons_ call the latter _Xauxa_ or -_Maranhon_, which communicates its Name to the other. ’Twas call’d -_Amazons_, not because of any Nation of Virago’s, who as some fancy are -govern’d by a Queen, and have no Commerce with our Sex; but at certain -times, when they make an Appointment with the Males of neighbouring -Nations, and if they prove with Child, keep the Daughters and send away -the Sons, as the _Greeks_ fabled of their _Amazons_. But the true Reason -of the Name is, that the _Spaniards_, who first discover’d it, were told -of such a terrible barbarous Nation of Women by some of the Natives, on -purpose to frighten them, and that they did actually on several places -of this River find their Women as fierce and warlike as the Men; it -being their Custom to follow their Husbands, _&c._ to War, on purpose to -animate them, and to share in their Fate, as we find was antiently -practis’d by the Women of _Gaul_, _Germany_, and _Britain_. - -But to return to the Course of the River. The _Sansons_[102] give us a -Map of it from the Discoveries of _Texeira_, who sail’d up and down the -same in 1637, 1638, and 1639. The River, he says, begins at the foot of -a Chain of Mountains nam’d _Cordelera_, about 8 or 10 Ls. East of -_Quito_ in _Peru_. It runs first from West to East, turns afterwards -South; and then after many Windings and Turnings holds its main Course -East, till it falls into the _Atlantick_ Sea. Its Fountains and Mouth -are very near under the Equator, and the main of its Stream is in the -4th and 5th deg. of S. Lat. The Rivers which fall into it on the North -side, rise about one or two deg. N. Lat. and those on the South side, -some of them begin in 10, some in 15, and others in the 21 ft of S. Lat. -Its Channel from _Junta de los Reyos_ about 60 deg. from its Head, till -it is join’d by the River _Maranhon_, is from one to two Leagues in -breadth. From thence, say the _Sansons_, ’tis from 3 to 4, but grows -larger as it advances towards the _Atlantick_, into which it falls by a -Mouth from 50 to 60 Leagues broad, betwixt Cape _Nort_ on the Coast of -_Guaiana_, and Cape _Zaparara_ on the Coast of _Brazile_. Its Depth from -_Junta de los Reyos_ to _Maranhon_ is from 5 to 10 fathom, from thence -to _Rio Negro_ from 12 to 20, and from thence to the Sea from 30 to 50, -and sometimes a great deal more. ’Tis always of a good depth near the -Shore, and has no Sand-Banks till it come towards the Sea. Its running -in a continu’d Descent from West to East, makes the sailing down it very -easy; and the East Winds, which last most part of the day, are very -commodious for those who sail up this River. From the Fountain to its -Mouth ’tis 8 or 900 Leagues in a direct Line, but the Windings and -Turnings make it about 1200. Some compute it at 1800, and others 1276; -but then they derive its Source from the Lake _Lauricocha_ near -_Guanuco_ in _Peru_ about Lat. 10. Authors differ whether this River or -_La Plata_ be the greatest, which I shall not take upon me to determine. -The Rivers which run into it on the right and left, have their Courses -from 100 to 600 Leagues in length, and their Banks are well inhabited by -multitudes of People of different Nations, not so barbarous as those of -_Brazile_, nor so polite as the Natives of _Peru_. They live chiefly -upon Fish, Fruit, Corn and Roots; are all Idolaters, but pay no great -Respect to their Idols, nor perform any publick Worship to them, except -when they go upon Expeditions. - -_Texeira_[103] and his Fellow-Discoverers say, that most of those -Countries enjoy a temperate Air, tho in the middle of the Torrid Zone. -This is probably owing to the multitude of Rivers with which they are -water’d, the East Winds which continue most of the day, the equal Length -of the Days and Nights, the great numbers of Forests, and the annual -Inundations of the Rivers, which fructify this Country, as that of the -_Nile_ does _Egypt_. Their Trees, Fields, and Flowers are verdant all -the Year, and the Goodness of the Air prevents their being infested so -much with Serpents and other dangerous Insects as _Brazile_ and _Peru_. -In the Forests they have Store of excellent Honey, accounted very -medicinal. They have Balm good against all Wounds. Their Fruit, Corn, -and Roots, are not only in greater plenty, but much - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River Amazons._] - -better than any where else in _America_. They have vast number of Fish -of all sorts in the Rivers and Lakes; and among others, Sea-Cows, which -feed on the Banks, and Tortoises of a large Size and delicate Taste. -Their Woods abound with Venison, and afford Materials for building the -largest Ships. They have many Trees of five or six fathom round in the -Trunk, and inexhaustible Stores of Ebony and _Brazile_ Wood, Cocoa, -Tobacco, Sugar-Canes, Cotton, a Scarlet Dye call’d _Rocon_, besides Gold -and Silver in their Mines and the Sand of their Rivers. - -The Nations who inhabit about this and the other Rivers that run into -it, are reckon’d by _Sanson_ and others 150, and their Villages so thick -in many places, that most of ’em are within Call of one another. Among -those People, the _Homagues_ who live towards the Head of this great -River, are mostly noted for their Manufactures of Cotton; the -_Corosipares_ for their Earthen Ware; the _Surines_ who live betwixt -Lat. 5 and 10. and Long. 314 and 316, for their Joyners Work; the -_Topinambes_ who live in a great Island of this River, about Lat. 4. and -Longit. 320. for their Strength. Their Arms in general are Darts and -Javelins, Bows and Arrows, with Targets of Cane or Fish-Skins. They make -war upon one another to purchase Slaves for their Drudgery, but -otherwise they treat them kindly enough. - -Among the Rivers that fall into it on the North side, the _Napo_, -_Agaric_, _Putomaye_, _Jenupape_, _Coropatube_, and others, have Gold in -their Sands. Below _Coropatube_ there are Mines of several sorts in the -Mountains. In those of _Yagnare_ there are Mines of Gold; in _Picora_ -there are Mines of Silver; on the River _Paragoche_ there are precious -Stones of several sorts; and Mines of Sulphur, _&c._ near other Rivers. -Those of _Putomaye_ and _Caketa_ are large Rivers: the latter is divided -into two Branches; one falls into the _Amazons_ River, by the name of -_Rio Negro_, which is the largest on the North side; and the other, -call’d _Rio Grande_, falls into the _Oronoko_. The chief Rivers that -fall into it on the South side, are _Maranhon_, _Amarumaye_, _Tapy_, -_Catua_, _Cusignate_, _Madere_ or _Cayane_, and many other large ones. - -The _Sansons_ add, that on this River, about 200 Leagues from the Sea, -there is a Bosphorus or Strait of one mile broad; that the Tide comes up -hither, so that it may serve as a Key to all the Trade of those -Countries: But the _Portuguese_ being already possess’d of _Para_ on the -side of _Brazile_, _Corupa_ and _Estero_ on the side of _Guaiana_, and -_Cogemina_ an Island at the mouth of it; they may, by fortifying the -Island of the _Sun_, or some other place in its chief Outlet, be Masters -of all the Trade. - -_William Davis_[104] a _Londoner_, who liv’d in this Country some time, -gives us this further Account of it, and of the Inhabitants about this -River. They have Store of excellent Wild-Fowl in their Woods, and among -others, Parrots as many as we have Pidgeons in _England_, and as good -Meat. Their Rivers and Lakes abound with Fish, but such as catch them -must be upon their guard against Crocodiles, Alligators, and -Water-Serpents. The Country is subject to frequent and violent Storms of -Rain, Thunder, and Lightning, which commonly hold 16 or 18 hours; and -the Inhabitants are terribly pester’d with Muskettoes. There are -abundance of petty Kings, who live upon their particular Rivers, on -which they decide their Quarrels with Canoes, and the Conqueror eats up -the Conquer’d; so that one King’s Belly proves another’s Sepulcher. The -Regalia by which they are distinguish’d, is a Crown of Parrots Feathers, -a Chain of Lion’s Teeth or Claws about their Necks or Middles, and a -Wooden Sword in their hands. Both Sexes go quite naked, and wear their -Hair long; but the Men pluck theirs off on the Crown. He says ’tis a -question whether the Womens Hair or Breasts be longest. The Men thrust -pieces of Cane thro the Foreskin of their _Pudenda_, their Ears and -Under-Lips, and hang Glass-Beads at the Gristle of their Noses, which -bob to and fro when they speak. They are thievish, and such good -Archers, that they kill Fish in the water with their Arrows. They eat -what they catch without Bread or Salt. They know not the Use of Mony, -but barter one thing for another, and will give twenty Shillings worth -of Provisions, _&c._ for a Glass-Bead or a Jews-Harp. - -I come next to the Discovery of this River. When _Gonsales Pizarro_, -Brother to _Francis_ that conquer’d _Peru_, was Governour of the North -Provinces of that Country, he came to a great River where he saw the -Natives bring Gold in their Canoes to exchange with the _Spaniards_. -This put him upon a compleat Discovery of that River from its Fountains -to its Mouth. In order to this, he sent out Capt. _Francisco de -Orellana_[105] in 1540. with a Pinnace and Men: Some say - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River Amazons._] - -he went also himself, and sail’d down the River _Xauxa_ or _Maranhon_ 43 -days, but wanting Provisions, commanded _Orellana_ to go in quest of -some down the River, and to return as soon as he could; but _Orellana_ -being carry’d down 200 Leagues thro a desert Country, the Stream was so -rapid, that he found it impracticable to return, and therefore sail’d on -till he came to that which is properly call’d the River of the -_Amazons_. He had spent all his Provisions, and eat the very Leather on -board; so that seven of his Men died of Want. In _January_ that Year, -after sailing 200 Leagues further, he came to a Town on the Bank of the -River, where the People were afraid of him, but at last furnish’d him -with Provisions; and here he built a large Brigantine. He set out again -the _2d_ of _Febr._ and 30 Leagues further was almost cast away by the -violent Stream of a River which run into that of the _Amazons_ on the -right side. He sail’d above 200 Leagues further, and was invited ashore -in the Province of _Aparia_, where he discours’d several of their -Caciques, who forewarn’d him of his Danger by the _Amazons_. He staid -here 35 days, built a new Brigantine, and repair’d the other. He sail’d -again in _April_ thro a desert Country, where he liv’d upon Herbs and -toasted _Indian_ Wheat. On the _12th_ of _May_ he arriv’d at the -populous Country of _Machiparo_, where he was attack’d by many Canoes -full of Natives arm’d with long Shields, Bows and Arrows; but fought his -way thro them till he came to a Town where he took Provisions by Force, -after two hours fight with some thousands of the Natives whom he put to -flight, and had 18 of his Men wounded, but all recover’d. He put off -again, and was pursu’d two days by 8000 _Indians_ in 130 Canoes, till he -was past the Frontiers of that Country. Then he landed at another Town -340 Leagues from _Aparia_, which being abandon’d by the Natives, he -rested there three days, and took in Provisions. Two Leagues from hence -he came to the mouth of a great River with three Islands, for which he -call’d it _Trinity River_. The adjacent Country seem’d very fruitful, -but so many Canoes came out to attack him, that he was forc’d to keep -the middle of the Stream. Next day he came to a little Town, where he -took Provisions again by force, and found abundance of curious earthen -Ware finely painted, and several Idols of monstrous shapes and sizes. He -also saw some Gold and Silver, and was told by the Inhabitants that -there was abundance of both in the Country. He sail’d on 100 Leagues -further, till he came to the Land of _Pagnana_, where the People were -civil, and readily furnish’d him with what he wanted. - -On _Whitsunday_ he pass’d by a great Town divided into many Quarters, -with a Canal from each to the River. Here he was attack’d by Canoes, but -soon repuls’d them with his Fire-Arms. He afterwards landed, and took -Provisions at several Towns. He met with the Mouth of a River, the Water -as black as Ink, and the Stream so rapid, that for 20 Leagues it did not -mix with that of the _Amazons_. He saw several small Towns in his -Passage, enter’d one by force, which had a Wall of Timber, and took -abundance of Fish there. He pursu’d his Voyage by many great Towns and -well-inhabited Provinces, by which time the River was grown so wide, -that they could not see the one side from the other. Here he took an -_Indian_, by whose Information he suppos’d this to be the proper Country -of the _Amazons_. He sail’d on by many other Towns, and landed at one, -where he found none but Women. He took abundance of Fish there, and -resolv’d to have staid for some time; but the Men coming home in the -Evening, they attack’d him, so that he ship’d off, and continu’d his -Voyage. He saw several great Towns with pav’d Roads between Rows of -Fruit-Trees into the Country, and landed for Provisions. The Inhabitants -oppos’d him; but their Leader being kill’d, they fled and left him at -liberty to carry off Provisions. From hence he sail’d to an Island for -Rest, and was inform’d by a Female he had taken Prisoner, that there -were Men like themselves in that Country, and some white Women, whom he -conceiv’d to be _Spaniards_: she told him they were entertain’d by a -Cacique. After several days sail, he came to another great Town, near -which the _Indian_ told him those Whites did live. He kept on his -Course, and after four days came to another Town, where the Natives were -civil, furnish’d him with Provisions; and here he saw abundance of -Cotton Cloth, and a Place of Worship hung with Weapons and two Mitres -resembling those of a Bishop. He went to a Wood on the other side in -order to rest, but was soon dislodg’d by the Natives. He saw several -large Towns on both sides the River, but did not touch at them. Some -days after they came to a Town where he got Provisions. After doubling a -Point, he saw other large Towns, where the People stood ready on the -Banks to oppose him. He offer’d ’em Toys in order to please them, but in -vain. He continu’d his Voyage, and on the Banks saw several Bodies of -People. He stood into - -[Illustration: THE TRACK OF THE _DUKE_ AND _DUTCHESS_ ROUND THE WORLD - -_Reproduction of the frontispiece to the first edition of Woodes -Rogers’s book._] - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River Amazons._] - -them, and landing his Men, the Natives fought with great Resolution, ten -or twelve being white Women of an extraordinary Size, with long Hair and -all naked but their _Pudenda_, who seem’d to be their Commanders. They -were arm’d with Bows and Arrows; and seven of ’em being kill’d, the rest -fled. _Orellana_ had several Men wounded; and finding that multitudes of -the Natives were marching against him, he sail’d off, reckoning that he -had now made 1400 Leagues during his Voyage, but still did not know how -far he was from the Sea. He afterwards came to another Town, where he -met with the like Opposition: several of his Men were wounded, and his -Chaplain lost an Eye. Here he observ’d several Woods of Oak and -Cork-Trees: He call’d this Province by the name of _St. John’s_, because -he came to it on that Saint’s Day. He sail’d on till he met with some -Islands, where he was attack’d by 200 Canoes with 30 or 40 Men in each, -abundance of Drums, Trumpets, and Pipes, _&c._ but he kept them off with -his Fire-Arms. These Islands appear’d to be high, fruitful, and -pleasant, and the largest of ’em about 50 Leagues long; but he could -take in no Provisions, because the Canoes continually pursu’d him. - -When he came to the next Province, he perceiv’d many large Towns on the -Larboard side of the River: Multitudes of Natives came in their Canoes -to gaze on him, and his _Indian_ Prisoner inform’d him that these -Countries abounded with Gold and Silver. _Orellana_ was here oblig’d to -barricade his Boats to cover his Men, because one of ’em was kill’d by a -poison’d Arrow. As he sail’d on, he came to inhabited Islands, and -perfectly discern’d the Tide. Here he was attack’d by multitudes of -Canoes, and lost some more Men by poison’d Arrows. There were many Towns -on the Starboard side of the River, and he found other inhabited -Islands, where he got Provisions, but was attack’d and beat off when he -landed on the Continent, till he came near the mouth of the River, where -the People readily furnish’d him. He sail’d 200 Leagues among the -Islands, where he found the Tide strong, and at last in _August_ that -Year found a Passage to the Sea of about 50 Ls. wide, where the Tide -rises five or six fathom, and the fresh Water runs 20 Leagues into the -Sea; Esquire _Harcourt_,[106] in his Voyage to _Guiana_, says 30 Ls. and -that the fresh Water there is very good. He was mightily distress’d for -want of Rigging and Provisions till he came to the Island of _Cubagua_, -from whence he went to _Spain_ to give the King an Account of his -Discovery. The Manuscripts taken by Capt. _Withrington_[107] say that -_Orellana_ was about a Year and half upon this River. - -When he reported his Discoveries, the King of _Spain_ sent him back with -a Fleet and 600 Men to take possession of this River in 1544, some say -1549, but the Project came to nothing: for the Captain himself, after he -had sail’d up 100 Ls. died with 57 of his Men by the Unhealthiness of -the Air; and some of them sail’d 60 Ls. higher, where they were friendly -entertain’d by the Natives, but being too few to pursue the Discovery, -they return’d to the Island _Margarita_, where they found _Orellana’s_ -Lady, says _Heerera_, who told them that her Husband died of Grief for -the Loss of so many of his Men by Sickness and the Attacks of the -_Indians_. And thus they return’d _re infecta_: so that _Orellana_ -receiv’d no other Advantage for his Danger and Expence, but the Honour -of the first Discovery, and having the River call’d by his name in some -Authors. _Ovalle_ says that he lost half his Men at the _Canaries_ and -Cape _Verd_, and his Fleet was reduc’d to two large Boats before he came -back to the River; so that he was too weak to attempt a further -Discovery. - -The Manuscripts taken by Capt. _Withrington_ say the second Person who -attempted it was _Leus de Melo_ a _Portuguese_, by order of his -Sovereign King _John_ III. to whom the Country from the mouth of this -River to that of _La Plata_ belong’d, according to the Partition agreed -on betwixt the _Portuguese_ and the _Spaniards_. He had ten Ships and -800 Men, but lost eight of his Ships at the mouth of the River; so that -he went to the Island _Margarita_, from whence his Men were dispers’d -all over the _Indies_. Two or three Captains from the Kingdom of _New -Granada_ attempted it afterwards by Land, but without Success. - -In 1560. those of _Peru_ try’d it another way. The Viceroy sent _Pesdro -de Orsua_, a Native of _Navarre_, with 700 Men to the Head of this -River, where he built Pinnaces and Canoes; and having furnish’d himself -with Provisions, and taken 2000 _Indians_ with many Horses on board, he -imbark’d on the - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River Amazons._] - -River _Xauxa_ or _Maranhon_. He sail’d till he came to a plain Country, -where he began to build a Town: but his Men not being us’d to such -Labour, and fatigu’d by the hot and rainy Seasons, they murmur’d, tho -they had Provisions enough, and a great prospect of finding Store of -Gold. The Mutineers were headed by _Lopez de Agira_ a _Biscayner_, who -had been an old Mutineer in _Peru_; and being join’d by _Ferdinand de -Guzman_ a _Spanish_ Soldier, and one _Saldueno_ who was enamour’d on -_Orsua’s_ beautiful Lady, they murder’d him when asleep, with all his -Friends and chief Officers. Then they proclaim’d _Guzman_ their King, -but 20 days after he was also murder’d by _Lopez_, who assum’d the Title -to himself. Being a Fellow of mean Birth, he murder’d all the Gentlemen -in company, lest any of them should rival him; and having form’d a Guard -of Ruffians about him, he became so jealous of his new Dignity, and was -so conscious of what he deserv’d, that when any of the Men talk’d -together, he concluded they were plotting against him, and sent his -Ruffians to murder them. Abundance of the rest and the Women falling -sick, he barbarously left them to the mercy of the Natives, and sail’d -to the Island _Margarita_ with 230 Men. He was “well entertain’d by the -Governour, who took him to be one of the King’s Officers; but this -ungrateful Villain did speedily murder him and his Friends, ravag’d the -Island, forc’d some Soldiers to go along with him, and pretended to -conquer the _Indies_; but was defeated, taken and hang’d by the -Governour of _New Granada_. The Wretch murder’d his own Daughter that -she might not be insulted by his Enemies, and then attempted to murder -himself, but was prevented. Thus concluded that fatal Expedition. - -The _Sansons_ say the next Attempt was by those of _Cusco_ in 1566. but -it came to nothing; for their Leaders fell out and fought with one -another, which made the rest a Prey to the Natives: or that only -_Maldonado_ one of their Captains and two Priests escap’d to carry home -the News. - -Two of the Generals of _Para_ and Governours of _Maranhon_ were the next -that renew’d the Attempt by the King’s Command, but met with so many -cross Accidents that they could not effect it. - -In 1606. two Jesuits set out from _Quito_, thinking to reduce the -Country on this River by their Preaching: but one of them was kill’d by -the Natives, and the other narrowly escap’d, says _Ovalle_. - -The next Discovery was by Capt. _John de Palacios_. Authors differ as -to the time; but most agree ’twas in 1635. He set out from _Quito_ with -a few arm’d Men and _Franciscan_ Fryars, sail’d down the River till he -came to _Annete_, where he was kill’d in 1636. and most of his -Companions return’d, except two Monks and five or six Soldiers, who -sail’d down in a little Vessel as far as _Para_ the Capital of -_Brazile_; where they acquainted _Texeira_ the _Portuguese_ Governour -with their Discovery: who upon their Information sent 47 Canoes with 70 -_Spaniards_ and 1200 _Indians_ to sail up the River under _Texeira_ the -Sailor. He set out in _October_ 1637. and met with several Difficulties, -which occasion’d many of the _Indians_ to forsake him; but he went on, -and sent a Captain with eight Canoes to make Discoveries before him. -This Captain arriv’d _June_ 24. 1638. at a _Spanish_ Town built at the -Conflux of the Rivers _Huerari_ and _Amazons_, and dispatch’d a Canoe to -acquaint _Texeira_ with it. This encourag’d him to proceed till he came -to the Mouth of the River _Chevelus_, where it falls into the _Amazons_, -and there he left part of his Men under a Captain, and the rest at -_Junta de los Rios_ under another; while himself with a few went forward -to _Quito_. The other Captain arriv’d there some time before, and both -were well receiv’d by the _Spaniards_, to whom they reported their -Discovery in _September_ 1638. The Men he left behind were well -entertain’d by the Natives at first, but quarrelling with them -afterwards, suffer’d much for want of Provisions, and had little but -what they took by force. - -Upon the News of this Discovery, the Count _de Chinchon_ Viceroy of -_Peru_ sent Orders from _Lima_ to furnish _Texeira_ with all Necessaries -for his Return down the River, and appointed Father _d’Acugna_, Rector -of the College of _Cuenca_, and another Jesuit, to attend him and carry -the News to _Spain_. They set out in _February_ 1639. and arriv’d at -_Para_ in _December_ following; from whence _d’Acugna_ went to _Spain_, -and publish’d his Account of this River in 1640. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River Amazons._] - -The Sum of his Discovery, besides what has been mention’d already, is as -follows. There’s a Tree on the Banks of this River call’d _Andirova_, -from whence they draw an Oil that is a Specifick for curing Wounds. -There’s plenty of Iron-Wood, so nam’d because of its Hardness, Red-Wood, -Log-Wood, _Brazile_, and Cedars so large, that _Acugna_ says he measur’d -some that were 30 span round the Trunk. They have Timber enough to build -Ships, make Cordage of the Barks of Trees, and Sails of Cotton, but want -Iron. They make Hatchets of Tortoise-shells, or hard Stones ground to -an Edg; and Chizzels, Planes, and Wimbles of the Teeth and Horns of wild -Beasts. Their chief Directors are Sorcerers, who are the Managers of -their hellish Worship, and teach them how to revenge themselves on their -Enemies by Poison and other barbarous methods. Some of them keep the -Bones of their deceas’d Relations in their Houses; and others burn them -with all their Movables, and solemnize their Funerals first by mourning, -and then by excessive drinking. Yet the Father says they are in general -good-natur’d and courteous, and many times left their own Hutts to -accommodate him and his Company. Some of these Nations, particularly the -_Omaguas_, whose Country is 260 Leagues long, and the most populous on -the River, are decently clad in Rayment of Cotton, and trade in it with -their Neighbours. Some of the other Nations wear Plates of Gold at their -Ears and Nostrils; and their Joiners are so expert, that they make -Chairs and other Houshold Furniture in the shapes of several Animals -with great Art. - -The Jesuits of _Quito_ in _Peru_ have engrav’d a Map of this River, in -which they give the following Account, _viz._ That ’tis the greatest in -the known World: That tho it be call’d by the name of _Amazons_ or -_Orellana_, its true name is _Maranhon_: That it rises from the Lake -_Lauricocha_, as we have mention’d already, runs 1800 Leagues, and falls -into the North Sea by 84 Mouths: That near the City _Borja_ it is pent -up by a Strait call’d _El-Pongo_, not above 13 Fathom wide and 3 Ls. -long; where the Stream is so rapid, that Boats run it in a quarter of an -hour. The Truth of this must be submitted to the Judgment of the Reader, -but it seems very improbable, since none of those who sail’d up and down -this River describe it thus: besides, ’twere impossible to sail up -against so rapid a Stream without a Tide, which the _Sansons_ say comes -up to this Strait; but they make it a mile broad, and by consequence not -so rapid. The Jesuits add, that both Banks from the City _Jaen_ in the -Province of _Bracamoros_, where it begins to be navigable, down to the -Sea, are cover’d with Woods of very tall Trees, among which there’s -Timber of all colours, abundance of _Sarsaparilla_, and the Bark they -call Cloves, which is us’d by Dyers and Cooks. In the neighbouring Woods -there are many Tygers, wild Boars, and Buffaloes, _&c._ The Jesuits -began their Mission upon this River in 1638. have their Capital at the -City of _St. Francis_ of _Borja_ in the Province of _Manos_, 300 Leagues -from _Quito_; and their Mission extends along three other Rivers as far -as the Province of the _Omaguas_, whither they make sometimes long and -dangerous Voyages in Canoes. They give an account of eight of their -number that have been murder’d by the _Barbarians_, the last of them in -1707. Besides _Borja_ and its Dependencies, they have 39 Towns founded -mostly by their own Labour and Charge, but we shan’t insist on their -Names. Their Converts they reckon at 26000, and the Missionaries about -18. They add, that they have contracted Amity with several numerous -Nations, whose Conversion they hope for. - -The _Portuguese_ have some Towns at the Mouth of this River, and a Fort -on _Rio Negro_; so that of late years they have traded much upon it, -and, as several _Spaniards_ inform’d me, during the last Peace they -extended their Commerce as far as _Quito_ and many other Places in -_Peru_. I have insisted the longer on this River, because it is of so -great Fame, and may be of mighty Advantage for Trade. - - * * * * * - -The River of _La Plata_ being the South Boundary of _Brazile_, within -the Limits of the _South-Sea_ Company, and lying conveniently for -opening a great Trade from the North-Sea with _Peru_, _Chili_, and other -vast Countries; I shall give a Description of it here, from the best -Authors. - -The first _European_ who discover’d it, seems to have been _Juan Dias de -Solis_, who sailing from _Spain_ in 1512. some say 1515. run along the -Coast of _Brazile_ till he came to this River, says _Ovalle_. With him -agree the Manuscripts taken on some _Spanish_ Priests in this River by -Capt. _Withrington_, publish’d in _Harris’s_ Collections[108]; where we -are told, _De Solis_ obtain’d the Government of this River, but was -murder’d by the Natives with most of his Men in 1515. The next who came -hither was _Sebastian Cabot_ in 1526. but his Men being mutinous, he had -not the desir’d Success, tho he sail’d 150, some say 200 Leagues up this -River; and purchasing many Pieces of Gold and Silver Plate from the -Natives, who call’d this River _Parama_, he call’d it the River of -Plate, because he thought it to be the Product of the Country, which was -afterwards found to be a Mistake. Yet upon his Report, in 1530. when he -return’d, the Emperor _Charles_ V. sent Don _Peter Mendoza_, one of his -chief Grandees, with 2200 Men besides Mariners, to plant a Colony here -in - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -1535. and they had so great hopes of finding Mines of Gold and Silver, -that above thirty Heirs of noble Families went on the Expedition; and -sailing 50 Leagues up the River, where the Air was good, he founded a -Town, which from thence was call’d _Buenos-Ayres_. They built a Fort, -and enlarg’d the Town; but as they were carrying on their Work, the -Natives attack’d them, and overpowering them with Numbers, kill’d 250, -among whom were several of the chief Men. This oblig’d the _Spaniards_ -to keep within their Fort, where they suffer’d much by Famine. _Mendoza_ -return’d towards _Spain_, but died miserably, with many of his -Companions, for want of Provisions by the way. His Deputy-Governour -_Oyola_ sail’d up into _Paraguay_, in quest of a Country said to abound -with Gold and Silver; but was treacherously slain by the Natives, with -all his Followers. - -_Irala_ who was his Deputy, and left at _Buenos-Ayres_, contracted a -Friendship with some of the Natives call’d _Guaranians_. In 1538. he -built _Assumption_ in their Country, which is now the Metropolis of -_Paraguay_, and left _Buenos-Ayres_ for a time. _Assumption_ lies on the -Banks of the River _Paraguay_, in S. Lat. 25. 240 Leagues from the Sea, -and 40 from the Mouth of the River _Paraguay_, where it falls into _La -Plata_, These Rivers after they join continue their natural Colour for -several miles, _La Plata_ being clear, and _Paraguay_ muddy. The latter -is by much the most considerable River, and the adjacent Country abounds -with Mines of Gold and Silver, and is navigable above 200 Leagues. The -River _Uruquay_ falls into _Paraguay_ on the right side, and runs a -Course of 300 Leagues, according to _Sepp_ the Jesuit, who in his Voyage -says ’tis as big as the _Danube_ at _Vienna_. In short, as to this River -_La Plata_, Authors are not agreed. Some of the Jesuits who are -Missionaries in those Countries think it to be the same with that call’d -_Paraguay_ higher up in the Country, and that it has a Communication -with the North-East Coast of _Brazile_ by the River _St. Meary_, which -rises out of the same Lake, and runs N E. as _Paraguay_ or _Plata_ runs -S. and afterwards to the S E. when it falls into the Sea. Be that how it -will, here are many Rivers which fall into the same Channel on both -sides. But that which is commonly call’d _La Plata_, begins near the -Town of that Name about S. Lat. 19. and after running N. a little way, -takes its Course S E. till it join the River _Paraguay_. So that I chuse -rather to trust to the Account given us by Mr. _White_ our Linguist, who -having dwelt long in that Country, told me this River derives its Name -from the Town of _La Plata_, a sort of Metropolis to which there lies an -Appeal from other Jurisdictions. He adds, that ’tis a pretty Town, has -fourteen Churches with a Cathedral, and four Nunneries, and lies -North-west from _Buenos-Ayres_ about 500 Leagues, which requires -commonly two months and a half’s Travel. - -All are agreed that _La Plata_ is very large at the Mouth, where some -account it 50, and others 30 Leagues broad. The Mouth of it is dangerous -because of Sands, and therefore requires Pilots. _Knivet_,[109] in his -Description of the _West-Indies_, says, the best way to avoid those -Sands is to keep near the North Shore till you come to a high Mountain -white at top; and then to sail 4 Ls. South, to another small Hill on the -North side, near which you must sail. This brings you into a fair Bay, -where you must still keep along shore: and after passing the West Point -of this Bay, you come to the River _Maroer_, and then there are no more -Shoals between that and _Buenos-Ayres_. - -_La Plata_ runs into the Sea about S. Lat. 35. and sometimes overflows -the Country for several miles, when the Natives put their Goods into -Canoes, and float about till the Inundation assuages, and then they -return to their Habitations. _Ovalle_ gives the following Account of -this River, _viz._ That it runs with such a mighty Stream into the Sea, -as makes it fresh for a great way: That the Water of this River is very -sweet, clears the Voice and Lungs, and is good against all Rheums and -Defluxions: That the People who dwell about it have excellent Voices, -and are all inclin’d to Musick: That it petrifies the Branches of Trees, -and other things which fall into it; and that Vessels are naturally -form’d of its Sand, which are of various Figures, look as if they were -polish’d by Art, and keep Water very cool. It breeds great store of -excellent Fish of divers sorts, and most beautiful Birds of all kinds -are seen on its Banks. _Sepp_ informs us, that this River and _Uraguay_ -abound so with Fish, that the Natives catch great numbers of them -without any other Instrument than their Hands: one of the choicest, -call’d the Kings-Fish, is small without Bones, and taken only in Winter. -Our Author, says he never saw any _European_ Fish in this latter, except -one that the _Spaniards_ call _Bocado_; and that the Fish are larger -here than ours, of a dark or yellow colour, and well tasted; which he -ascribes to the nature of - -[Illustration: THE ISLANDS OF JUAN FERNANDEZ, WHERE ALEXANDER SELKIRK -WAS FOUND] - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -the Water, that tho drunk in great quantities even after raw Fruit, -helps Digestion, and never does any hurt. The Plains about this River -are so large and even, without any Obstruction to the Sight, that the -Sun seems to rise and set in them. Their way of travelling in those -Plains is by high Carts cover’d with Hoops and Cows-Hides like our -Waggons, with Conveniency for Travellers to sleep in the bottom; which -is so much the better, because they travel most by night to avoid the -Heat. They are drawn by Oxen, which are frequently so pinch’d by -Drought, that when they come towards any Water, which they smell at a -great distance, they run furiously to it, and drink up the very Mud -which they raise with their Feet. This obliges Travellers to furnish -themselves with Water and other Provisions for their Journy; there being -no Water to be had, except by Rain: so that Travellers are frequently as -much distress’d for want of Water as the Oxen, and can scarce get any -that’s clear at the Watering-places, tho they send before-hand, because -the Oxen run with so much haste to it that they make it all in a puddle: -_Ovalle_ says, that in this case Travellers are forc’d to stop their -Noses and shut their Eyes when they drink it. The Journy thro these -Plains is at least 14 or 20 days, without any place of shelter, or any -Firing to dress their Victuals but the dry’d Dung of Cattle. Yet there -are several Lakes and Ponds where Inns might be fix’d, but ’tis -neglected because there’s no settled Trade that way. - -It remains to give some account of the Towns upon the River _Plata_ and -on the Road to _Potosi_. 1. _Buenos-Ayres_ lies upon the River 50 -Leagues from the Sea, about Lat. 36. Our Linguist inform’d me that ’tis -the Residence of a _Spanish_ Governour, is defended by a Stone Fort -mounted with 40 Guns, and is generally garison’d by 4 or 500 Men. The -Harbour is pretty good, but troublesom in a N W. and W. Wind. The River -is 7 Ls. broad there, and navigable by Ships 60 Ls. above the Town, but -no further, because of a great Cataract. The Town has one Cathedral, and -five other Churches: The _Portuguese_ had a Settlement over against this -Town, but were dislodg’d by the _Spaniards_ at the beginning of this -War; since which time the _French_ drive a _Guinea_ Trade hither for -Negroes, who are sent over Land to _Peru_ and _Chili_, and yield them -vast Profit. The Trade from hence to _Spain_ is in Hides and Tallow, -Silver from _Peru_, and Gold and Silver from _Chili_. All _European_ -Goods yield a good Price here. They have plenty of Fruit-Trees about -the Town of all kinds, both of the hot and cold Climates; and have -store of Wheat and other _European_ Grain, besides _Indian_ Corn. -Thousands of Cattel of all sorts run wild in the Neighbourhood, and they -furnish _Peru_ with 50000 Mules _per ann._ In short, this place lies -very convenient for Commerce in Silver and Gold, and the other -Commodities of _Peru_ and _Chili_, which the _French_ have now begun to -engross. They sent three Ships to those parts and the _South-Sea_, under -M. _de Beauchesne Gouin_[110] of _St. Malo_ in 1698, of whose Progress I -shall give a further account from a Copy of his Journal, as I go on with -my Description of the Coasts. Their Winter here is in _May_, _June_, and -_July_, when ’tis cold by night, but warm enough by day, the Frost never -being violent, nor the Snow considerable in those parts. - -Father _Sepp_,[111] who was here in 1691. tells us in his Voyage from -_Spain_ to _Paraquaria_ or _Paraguay_, that _Buenos-Ayres_ has only two -Streets built crosswise; that there are four Convents, one of which -belongs to the Jesuits; that their Houses and Churches are built of -Clay, and not above one Story high; that the Jesuits have taught them of -late to burn Lime, and make Tiles and Bricks, with which they now begin -to build. The Castle is likewise of Clay, encompass’d with an earthen -Wall and a deep Trench, and defended by 900 _Spaniards_; tho in case of -necessity above 30000 _Indian_ Horse might be arm’d out of the several -Cantons, where they have been train’d by the Jesuits: But this boasting -Account I can’t believe. They have in the Neighbourhood whole Woods of -Peach, Almond, and Fig-Trees, which they propagate by putting the -Kernels in the Ground: they grow so fast as to produce Fruit the first -Year, and their Timber is us’d for Fewel. The adjacent Pastures are so -fat and large, that many thousands of Beeves feed together; so that any -one when he pleases goes into the Field, throws a Rope about their -Horns, brings ’em home and kills ’em. They are very large, generally -white, and being so numerous, are valu’d only for their Hides, Tallow, -and Tongues; the rest being expos’d to the Birds and Beasts of Prey, -which are very numerous, and frequently destroy the Calves. The Natives -feed most on Beef half-raw without Bread or Salt, and in such quantities -that they throw - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -themselves naked into cold Water, that they may retain the natural Heat -within their Entrails to help Digestion; and sometimes they lie down -with their Stomachs in hot Sand: but their Gluttony in devouring so much -raw Flesh fills them so with Worms, that they seldom live till 50 Years -old. There are such numbers of Partridges here, and so tame, that they -knock them down with sticks as they walk in the fields. The -Missionaries, who are absolute Masters of the Natives in the -neighbouring Cantons of _Paraguay_, &c. suffer none of ’em to come -nearer _Buenos-Ayres_ than two or three Leagues, on pretence that they -would be corrupted by the ill Example of the _Spaniards_; and under that -same pretence they won’t suffer the _Spaniards_ to settle in their -Missions, which extend above 200 Leagues up the River; nor do they allow -Merchants who trade thither to stay above a few days; the true cause of -which is, they are not willing that the Laity should be privy to the -Wealth they heap up there, in a Country which abounds with Gold, nor be -Witnesses to their splendid, or rather luxurious way of living. -Sometimes Complaints of this Procedure of the Jesuits have been made to -the _Spanish_ Governours, but they find a way to bribe them to silence. -This I was inform’d of by those who have been among them, and am -confirm’d in it by Father _Sepp_: He does not dissemble that the -Missionaries have a Despotical Power over the Natives, tho he gives it -another Turn, and pretends that ’tis necessary in order to convert and -force them to work. He says the Jesuits are Captains, teach them the Use -of Arms, and how to draw up into Squadrons and Battallions; which he -boasts they can do as well as the _Europeans_. The Jesuits obtain’d this -Power, on the specious Pretence of reducing those _Indians_ to the -Obedience of the _Spaniards_, which they would not submit to till within -these few Years. This Management is so much the more easily carry’d on, -because the Ecclesiastical Government there is lodg’d in the hands of -one Bishop only and three Canons; and the Missionaries being compos’d of -all Nations, few of them have any natural Affection to the _Spanish -Government_. This is the more to be observ’d, because the Jesuits being -an intriguing Society, and generally in the _French_ Interest, it would -seem to be the Concern of the Allies to recover the Trade of those -Countries from the House of _Bourbon_ with all possible speed, left by -making themselves Masters of the vast Treasures of _Peru_ and _Chili_, -they be enabled at last to compleat their Design of an Universal -Monarchy. Father _Sepp_ says, that Silver in 1691. was cheaper here than -Iron; that for a Twopenny Knife one may have a Crown, for a Hat of two -Shillings 10 or 12 Crowns, and for a Gun of ten or twelve Shillings 30 -Crowns; that Provisions are so plenty here, that a fat Cow may be bought -for the Value of 10 _d._ or 12 _d._ a good Ox for a few Needles, a stout -Horse for about 2 _s._ that he has seen two given for a Knife not worth -6 _d._ and that he and his Company had 20 Horses for a few Trifles that -did not cost them a Crown; being only a few Needles, Fish-Hooks, sorry -Knives, Tobacco, and a little Bread. He mentions a Cataract in the River -_Uruquay_, which he says Providence has plac’d here for the advantage of -the poor _Indians_ against the Avarice of the _Spaniards_; who not being -able to go further with their Vessels, have been hitherto confin’d to -_Buenos-Ayres_, and could not settle in those Cantons, tho very -inviting, because of the vast Profit they might draw from them. This he -reckons a great Happiness to the Natives, who being a simple People, -would not only be soon infected with the Vices of the _Spaniards_, but -enslav’d by ’em: for, says he, they make no difference betwixt Pagan and -Christian Natives, but treat them promiscuously like Dogs. He adds, that -this Province of _Paraquaria_ or _Paraguay_ exceeds in bigness -_Germany_, _France_, _Italy_, and the _Netherlands_ put together; -(wherein I doubt he exceeds:) That they have no Cities, and are govern’d -by 80 Colleges of Jesuits, in which there are no more than 160 Persons; -and that these Colleges are from 100 to 600 Miles distant from one -another. There’s one Plain of 200 Leagues long betwixt _Buenos-Ayres_ -and _Corduba_ in _Tucuman_, without so much as a Tree or Cottage, and -yet it contains the best Pastures in the World, fill’d with Cattel of -all sorts which have no Owners. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -He describes the Natives thus: The Men are not quite so tall as -_Europeans_, but have thick Legs and large Joints. Their Faces are -round, flattish, and of an Olive Colour; and their Arms are Bows and -Arrows. Some of the strongest have many Scars on their Bodies, -occasion’d by Wounds which they gave themselves when young, that these -Scars may be remaining Proofs of their Courage. Their Hair is black, -long, and as strong as that of a Horse. The Women look more like Devils -than rational Creatures, with their Hair loose over their Foreheads, and -the rest twisted in Locks behind, which hang as low as their Hips. Their -Faces are wrinkled, their Arms, Shoulders and Breasts naked; and their -Ornaments are Fish-Bones made like Scales of Mother-of-Pearl about -their Necks, Arms and Hands. The Wives of their Caciques or petty -Princes wear a sort of Triple Crowns of Straw. The Caciques wear -Doe-Skins hanging over their shoulders; the rest only a piece of a Skin -wrap’d about their middle, and hanging down before to their knees. The -Boys and Girls are quite naked. They have holes in their Ears and Chins, -in which they put Fish-Bones, or a colour’d Feather tied by a thred, and -Feathers of several colours fasten’d to a string round their Necks. They -wrap their Infants as soon as born in a Tyger’s Skin, give them the -Breast for a little while, and then half-raw Meat to suck. He says, the -Men at the death of their nearest Relations cut off a Finger of their -own left Hand; and if it be a handsom Daughter, they make a Feast and -drink out of her Skull. They live in Straw Hutts without Roofs, and -their Utensils are a few Sticks for Spits, and Pumpkins hollow’d out, in -which they eat their Meats. Their Beds are the Hides of Oxen or Tygers, -spread on the ground; but the Caciques, and those of Note, lie in a Net -fasten’d to two Poles for Hammocks, at some distance from the ground, -being a Security against wild Beasts and Serpents. Our Author says that -he sent well-boil’d Meat to several of them when sick, which they -receiv’d thankfully; but afterwards gave it to their Dogs, because they -lik’d their own Cookery better. - -It is now time to see how the Missionaries live among those Flocks over -whom they assume the Pastoral Care. Father _Sepp_ tells us, that he and -other new Missionaries were welcom’d by some of them with 20 Musicians -in a Train, abundance of Boats equip’d like Galleys lin’d with -Firelocks, and having Drums, Trumpets, and Hautboys on board. The -Missionaries brought ’em Sweatmeats, and all sort of Fruit; and the -_Indians_ diverted them by wrestling in the Water, and Salvoes of their -Fire-Arms, _&c._ They conducted them thro a green Triumphal Arch to the -Church, where the Women were so earnest at their Devotion, that not one -of them cast an eye upon our Father and his Companions: so that here -were a Militant and a Triumphant Church both together. When the Devotion -was over, the chief of the _Indians_ welcom’d the Father and the rest of -the Missionaries, by a short but very pathetick Speech; and one of the -_Indian_ Women did the like with wonderful Elegancy, says the Jesuit, -who it seems is not against Women speaking in the Church. That and the -next day they spent in Mirth and Jollity, and in the Evening were -diverted by four Dances; 1. By Boys, who danc’d with Pikes and Lances. -2. By a couple of Fencing-Masters. 3. By six Seamen. 4. By six Boys on -horseback, who afterwards gave them a kind of Tournament, the place -being illuminated by Ox-Horns fill’d with Suet, for they have no Oil nor -Wax. On _Whitsunday_, which happen’d soon after, the Missionaries went -to Church, and return’d Thanks for so many Converts; as certainly they -had reason, since they are such merry ones. - -These Cantons, he says, are 26, and have but one or two Missionaries -apiece, tho they contain from 3000 to 6000 People each, and sometimes -more; so that they must either have too much work, or perform it very -slightly, especially if they be so ignorant as our Father says, that if -they be neglected one day, they scarce know how to make the Sign of the -Cross the next: And besides all the Pastoral Work, the Missionaries must -act the part of Clerks, and clean the Church-Ornaments and Plate; for -these poor Wretches are uncapable of doing it. To be short, says he, the -Missionary must be Cook, Nurse, Doctor, Architect, Gardiner, Weaver, -Smith, Painter, Baker, Potter, Tile-maker, and every thing else that is -necessary in a Commonwealth. This he supposes will appear incredible -(and he’s certainly in the right) but he says ’tis the naked Truth; the -Natives being so stupid, that unless he plainly shew his _Indian_ Cook -how much Salt he must put in each Pot, he would put all into one, tho -ever so much; and he must see them wash the Vessels, unless he would be -poison’d: yet this Father, for all his other hard work, must look after -his Garden, Orchard, and Vineyard, where he has all sorts of Flowers, -Herbs, Roots and Fruits, and so many Vines as produce 500 large Casks of -Wine in a Year, if not prevented by multitudes of Pismires, Wasps, -Birds, or by the North Winds, which sometimes make Wine so dear, that a -Cask yields 20 or 30 Crowns; and after all, ’tis not to be preserv’d -from turning sour without a great mixture of Lime. The chief Distemper -of the Natives is the Worms before-mention’d, the bloody Flux -[dysentery] and spotted Fever, which frequently carry off great numbers. -The Medicines which the Missionaries give against Worms, is a Vomit of -Tabacco-Leaves; and after that, sour Lemon-Juice with those of Mint and -Rue put into Milk. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -These Cantons or Towns, he says, are generally upon an Ascent near the -Rivers _Uruguay_ and _Paraguay_, and contain young and old from 6000 to -8000 Souls. Each Canton has a Church and a square Market-place near it, -the rest being divided into Streets of Clay-Hutts cover’d with Straw, -only of late they begin to use Tiles. They have no Windows, Chimneys, or -different Apartments; and over the Fire-place they hang their Beds at -night. Their Doors are Ox-Hides; and since all lie together in one Room, -with their Dogs, Cats, _&c._ the Missionaries are entertain’d with very -ungrateful Scents, besides Smoke, when they go to visit them. He says, -in the main they are very patient under Distempers, and the Death of -Relations; that they seek after no Riches but a present Maintenance; -that their young Women are marriageable at 14, and the Men at 16, when -the Missionaries take care to match them, otherwise they will pair -themselves. There are no Disputes here about Dowries, Jointures, or -Marriage-Settlements; the Agreement consists only in two Articles, -_viz._ The Woman promises to fetch what Water the Husband wants from the -River, and he engages to provide the Kitchin with Fewel. The -Missionaries furnish them with Hutts, the Wedding-Clothes and Dinner. -The Wedding-Suit is five yards of coarse woollen Stuff for each, the -Dinner is a fat Cow, and the Bed some Ox-hides. He presents them also -with a little Salt and a few Loaves, and then they treat their Parents. -The Women court here, come to the Missionary, and tell him they have a -mind to such a Man, if he will give his Consent; which if he do, the -Match is made, and the Missionary is both Priest and Father. - -How mean soever the Natives live, the Priests have enough of Splendor -and Plenty. Their Churches and Steeples are lofty, have four or five -Bells apiece, most of ’em a couple of Organs, Altars, and Pulpits richly -gilt, Images well painted, plenty of Silver Candlesticks, Chalices, and -other Church-Plate; and the Ornaments of the Priests and Altars are as -rich as in _Europe_. They teach the Natives to sing and play on all -Musical Instruments both for Devotion and War; so that according to the -Jesuits they go now more merrily to Heaven than formerly they did to -Hell, and the good Fathers divert themselves with Sets of Musicians on -the Banks of the Rivers and in charming Islands. Nor can we wonder that -they live so merrily, since they fare so well; for besides all sorts of -delicious Fruits and Preserves, they have plenty of Fowl, Fish, and -Venison of all sorts, as well as ordinary Butchers Meat; only the -Tygers, which are very numerous, frequently put in for a share with -them, invade their Flocks and their Followers: but if you’ll believe -our Father, they never attack the Clergy, they have such a Respect for -their Cloth, and are so civil to _Europeans_, that they’l charge the -_Indians_ in their Company, and let them go scot-free; and the Serpents, -which likewise abound here, are charm’d by _Ave Mary’s_ into the like -Good-Manners. The Priests use Honey for their Sallets, for they have no -Oil, so that they are very hard put to it. They had Silver in such -plenty, says the Father, that old Shoes and Hats were much more -valuable. And as if the Missionaries had not Work enough otherwise, -Father _Sepp_ tells us, the Natives when they kill their Cows bring ’em -to the good Jesuits to allow each their share; and to be sure the Hides -fall to the Missionaries, for he says the three Ships which brought him -and his Companions from _Spain_, carry’d back 300000 Ox-Hides, which -they had for nothing, and each Hide he says would yield ’em six Crowns -at home. A good Horse-shoe he says is here worth six Horses, and the Bit -of a Bridle worth three. An Ell of Linen is worth four or five Crowns; -for they have no Hemp or Flax, but store of Cotton: and one Sheep, Lamb -or Kid, is for the sake of the Wool worth three Oxen or Cows. Tho the -Natives, he says, are so dull that they can’t do the most frivolous -thing without direction, yet they are so good at Imitation, that if you -give them Models, they will make any thing very well. Thus he says the -_Indian_ Women after ripping a piece of Bone-Lace with a Needle, will -make one by the same pattern very exactly; and so the Men do Trumpets, -Hautboys, Organs, or Watches; and copy Pictures, Printing and Writing to -admiration. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -But they are so lazy that they must be forc’d to their work by blows, at -the direction of the Missionaries, who tho they convert ’em themselves, -make them cudgel one another. This they take very patiently, give no ill -Language, but cry _Jesu Maria!_ and thank the good Fathers into the -bargain for taking such care of ’em; so that they have learnt -Passive-Obedience to perfection. But to make them amends, our Author -says the Missionaries teach their young ones to dance as well as to sing -in the Church, when they are habited in rich Apparel: so that they are -extremely taken with the Ornaments of our Religion, says he, which -raises in them a high Esteem and Affection; and indeed ’twould be a -wonder if it should not. The Missionaries do now take care to instruct -both Sexes in all necessary Employments, Reading, Writing, _&c._ They -have also taught ’em to make Images, especially of our Lady of -_Ottingen_; and very good reason, for if we believe _Sepp_, she has done -abundance of Miracles there. The Fathers wear Caps like a Bishop’s, and -black Linen Cassocks when they go abroad; and instead of Canes use -Crosses, which have a peculiar Virtue to knock Serpents o’ the head. - -The Soil is so fruitful that it produces a hundred fold, tho sorrily -manur’d. The Natives sow nothing but _Turky_ Wheat, and scarce enough of -that, they are so lazy: and are likewise such bad Husbands, that they -would eat all at once, did not the Missionary force ’em to lay it up in -his Barn, where he distributes it to ’em as they want, and so he does -their Flesh. They have no Mills, but pround their Wheat in a Mortar, and -make it into Cakes which they bake on Coals, or boil with their Meat. -The Fathers have white Bread for themselves, which the Natives value so -much, that they will give two or three Horses for a Loaf; and of these -the Missionaries have good store, for they have always 40 or 50 Acres -sow’d with Wheat for themselves: Land, Corn, Cattel, and every thing is -theirs; so that they call all the People their Sons and Daughters, and -perhaps there’s just cause enough to give many of ’em that Title. These -Lords Proprietors assign every Family their number of Cows and Oxen to -till their Ground, and to eat; tho one would think they might have -enough for the taking, without asking any body’s leave: and yet our -Father says he has been forc’d to chide his Parishioners for killing and -eating their Oxen, and roasting them with their wooden Plows in the very -Field while they were tilling the Ground; for which they pleaded in -excuse that they and their Wives were hungry and weary: and yet there -was no great reason for the latter, since their Plows, says our Author, -don’t enter above three inches into the Ground. They need no Hay for -their Cattel, since they go up to the knees in Grass all the year. This -is the way of living in those Cantons, which the Missionaries call -Reductions, because, if you’ll believe ’em, they have reduc’d them to -Christianity by their Preaching, tho the _Spaniards_ could never do it -by their Arms. - -Our Linguist told me that the Road from _Buenos-Ayres_ to _Chili_ is -only passable in the Summer Months, when Commodities are purchas’d at -that Town, and transported by Land to _Chili_. - -On that Road about 100 Leagues N. W. from _Buenos-Ayres_ lies the City -of _Cordoua_, which is the See of a Bishop, has ten Churches, and an -University. ’Twas founded in 1573. says F. _Techo_, by a Native of -_Cordoua_ in _Old Spain_, when there were 60000 Archers reckon’d in its -Territory, about 8000 of whom continu’d in subjection, but the others -revolted. ’Tis now the Metropolis of the Province, and the Jesuits have -a Chappel in their College there, which for Riches and Beauty may vie -with the best in _Europe_. The Natives of this Country were very -barbarous, made use of Sorcery to satisfy their Revenge, and of Philtres -of their own Blood to gratify their Lust. Both Sexes daub’d their Faces -with strange Colours, and each Village was govern’d by a Sorcerer, who -pretended to be their Physician. To shew their Courage, they would draw -Arrows thro the Skins of their Bellies, and they fought Duels with sharp -Stones, standing foot to foot, and holding down their Heads to receive -the Blows from one another by turns. He that struck first was reckon’d -the most fearful: It was accounted disgraceful to dress their Wounds, -and the Conqueror was applauded by hideous Shouts from the Spectators. -’Twas a long time before the Missionaries could reform those barbarous -Customs. - -Another Town on this Road is _Mendosa_, where they make large quantities -of Wine, Brandy, and Oil. - -So much for that part of this vast Country which lies towards _Chili_ -and _Brazile_: I shall next come to that part which lies towards _Peru_, -and particularly the Road to _Potosi_ and the Mines. - -_Santa-Fe_ is the next _Spanish_ Settlement of note to _Buenos-Ayres_, -from which it lies 80 Leagues N W. at the mouth of a River which falls -into _La Plata_. The Country betwixt this Town and _Buenos-Ayres_ is -fruitful, well inhabited by _Spaniards_ and _Indians_, and produces -Wheat from forty to an hundred fold, and abounds with Cattel. The Town -is encompass’d with a River, and built of Brick. Our Prisoners and -Linguist told us that there are Mines of Gold and Silver in the -Neighbourhood, but the _Spaniards_ don’t care to open them, because the -Conveniency of sailing up the River might encourage Enemies to invade -and take them from ’em. This Town was built by the _Spaniards_ when they -first settled, for the Defence of this River. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -_St. Jago de l’Istero_ 200 Leagues N W. from _Santa-Fe_, is a pretty -Town govern’d by a Corregidore, has three Churches, and lies on the -River that runs down to _Santa-Fe_. Hither the Plate is brought from -_Potosi_ on Mules, because the Roads are bad; and from hence it is -carry’d to _Buenos-Ayres_ by Waggons. Next to this Town lies _St. Miquel -de Toloman_ 200 Leagues N W. Then _Salta_ 150 Leagues. This Town -contains six Churches. Then _Ogui_ 50 Leagues further, which has five -Churches. - -_Potosi_ is next, lies N. of the Tropick of _Capricorn_ about S. Lat. -21. Long. 73. Our Linguist tells us the City is large, has ten Churches -govern’d by an Arch-Priest. The Town stands at the bottom of that call’d -_the Silver Hill_, which is round like a Sugar-Loaf. There are 1500 or -2000 _Indians_ constantly at work in the Mines here; they have two Reals -a day, and are paid every Sunday. The Mines are a hundred fathom deep, -and the Silver is grown much scarcer of late. Provisions are scarce at -this Town, and they have no Firing but Charcoal, which is brought from -30 to 50 Ls. distance. They have great Frosts and Snow here in _May_, -_June_, and _July_. _Knivet_ in his Remarks says, in his time they were -well supply’d here with all things from the _South-Sea_, and that the -Natives in the adjoining Country traffick’d in Gold and precious Stones; -and hundreds of ’em ply’d upon the Road to carry Passengers from Town to -Town in Nets fasten’d to Canes, and supported by two or more Men; which -was the easiest way of travelling, and they desir’d no other Reward but -a Fish-Hook and a few Glass-Beads. They have also Sheep of an -extraordinary Size, with large Tails, upon which they carry’d Jars of -Oil and Wine. He says the rich Oar when taken out of these Mines looks -like Black Lead, then they grind it by certain Engines, and wash it thro -fine Sieves into pav’d Cisterns. They make the _Indians_ and other -Slaves work quite naked in the Mines, that they mayn’t hide any thing. - -The Curious who would know more of the Manners of the Natives, or the -History and particular Product of this large Country, may find it in -_Gemelli_,[112] Father _Sepp_, and Father _Techo_,[113] but this is -enough for my purpose, to shew what a vast Field of Trade may be open’d -here, and how dangerous it may prove to all _Europe_, if the House of -_Bourbon_ continue possess’d of that Trade. - -Some being of Opinion that our _South-Sea_ Company may possess -themselves, by virtue of the late Act, of the River _de la Plata_, as -far up that River and Country as they please, either in the Provinces of -_Paraguay_ or _Tucuman_; I shall give a further Description of those -large Provinces, after taking notice that according to several of our -Draughts _Paraguay_ lies both on the E. and W. side of the River _La -Plata_; according to others, entirely on the E. side, and _Tucuman_ on -the W. side. The _Sansons_ make _Paraguay_ 720 miles from S. to N. and -480, where broadest, from E. to W. and place it betwixt S. Lat. 14 & 24. -Long. 315 & 325. but the Breadth is not equal. Father _Techo_ says the -River _Paraguay_, which gives name to the Country, is one of the -greatest in _America_, receives several other large Rivers, runs 300 -Leagues before it falls into the _Parana_, about 200 from the Sea is -navigable, and together with the _Parana_ forms the River _La Plata_. -The word _Paraguay_ in the Language of the Country signifies the Crown’d -River, because the Inhabitants wear Crowns of Feathers of several -beautiful Colours, which they have from the Birds that abound in that -Country. I shall not insist upon the several Nations that inhabit it, -among whom the _Garanians_ are the chief, and submitted first to the -_Spaniards_; but growing weary of the Slavery they subjected them to, -revolted, and were with much difficulty subdu’d after their Leaders were -cut off, about 1539. The chief Discovery of this Country is owing to -_Dominick Irala_, who in the Reign of the Emperor _Charles_ V. was sent -by the Governour _Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca_ with 300 chosen Men, and -went 250 Leagues up this River, to endeavour a Communication with -_Peru_, but was oppos’d by some of the Natives, of whom 4000 were -kill’d, and 3000 taken in a Battel. The Governour went afterwards on the -Discovery himself, and sailing up the River, came to a delicious Island, -which his Men call’d _Paradise_, and would have settled there, but he -dissuaded them, and advancing to the Borders of _Peru_, found a large -Town of 8000 Houses deserted by the Inhabitants, who were affrighted -with the noise of the _Spanish_ Fire-Arms. ’Tis said they found in this -Town a great Market-place, with a wooden Tower in form of a Pyramid -built in the middle, and a monstrous Serpent kept in it by which the -Devil pronounc’d Oracles: this Serpent they kill’d with their Fire-Arms. -But a Difference happening betwixt the Officers and Soldiers about -dividing the Booty, they return’d to _Assumption_ without pursuing the -Discovery any further. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -This Province, till that of _Tucuman_ was taken from it, contain’d all -the Country betwixt _Brazile_ and _Peru_. Our Author adds, that besides -the Towns above-mention’d the _Spaniards_ built here _Corientes_ on the -Conflux of the _Paraguay_ and _Parana_, which is but a small Town, no -way suiting the Dignity of those two Rivers: That 100 Leagues up the -_Parana_, in the Province of _Guirana_, the _Spaniards_ built two little -Towns call’d _Villarica_ and _Guaira_; that on the upper part of the -_Paraguay_ they built _Xeres_ and another _Villarica_, to join -_Paraguay_ on that side to the further Provinces; and lastly, the City -of _Conception_ on the Marshes of the red River which falls into -_Parana_, and was of great use to curb the fierce Nations in the -Neighbourhood. He adds, that all these Towns were first planted by a -Race of the noblest Families in _Spain_. He mentions an extraordinary -Herb here call’d _Paraguay_ by the name of the Country; it grows in -marshy Grounds, and the Leaves being dry’d and powder’d, and mix’d with -warm Water, the _Spaniards_ and Natives drink it several times a day, -which makes them vomit, and strengthens their Appetite. They look upon -it as a sort of Catholicon, use it so much that they can’t live without -it; and this Custom has so much overspread the neighbouring Provinces, -that the Inhabitants will sell any thing to purchase it, tho the -excessive Use of it occasions the same Distempers as the immoderate Use -of Wine. They did so fatigue the Natives to gather and powder this Herb, -that multitudes of ’em died; and this, with other slavish Employments, -did much dis-people the Country. The Natives live mostly by Fishing, -Hunting, and Shooting. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River La Plata._] - -_Tucuman_ is 300 Leagues long, but varies much in breadth. ’Tis -inhabited by four Nations: The furthest South have no fix’d Dwellings, -live by Fishing and Hunting, and carry about Mats to serve them for -Tents. The North People live in Marshes, and feed most on Fish. The -Southern People are the tallest, but the Northern the fiercest; and many -of them live in Caves, but those nearest _Peru_ in Villages. They are -all very slothful, and have store of Brass and Silver, but make little -use of them. They have large Sheep which carry their Burdens, and their -Wool is almost as fine as Silk. They have many Lions, not so large and -fierce as those of _Africa_, but their Tygers are fiercer than those of -other Countries. Their two chief Rivers are _Dulce_ and _Salado_, so -call’d from the sweet and salt Taste of their Waters. They have -multitudes of Springs and Lakes, some of which have a petrifying -quality. The Country was formerly very populous, but their Numbers are -much decreas’d since the _Spaniards_ planted among them. They easily -subdu’d this Country, which was govern’d by abundance of petty Princes -continually at war with one another. This Province was first discover’d -in 1530. by one _Cæsar_ a Soldier belonging to _Sebastian Cabot_, and -three more, at the time when _Pizarro_ took _Atabalipa_ the Great _Inga_ -of _Peru_. In 1540. the Viceroy of _Peru_, _Vaca de Castro_, assign’d -this Country to _John Rojas_ as a Reward for his Services. He went -thither with 200 _Spaniards_, but was kill’d on the Frontiers by a -poison’d Arrow, and his Men under _Francis Mendoza_ march’d thro to the -River of Plate. _Mendoza_ being kill’d as going up that River by -Mutineers, _John Nunez Prada_ was sent hither by the Viceroy _Peter -Gasca_, subdu’d the _Indians_, built the Town of _St. Michel_ on the -Banks of the River _Escava_, and settled Fryars there. This Province was -afterwards subjected to _Chili_; and _Francis d’Acquire_ being sent -thither with 200 _Spaniards_, destroy’d _St. Michel_, and built _St. -Jago_, now the Metropolis of _Tucuman_, on the River _Dulce_, in S. Lat. -28. says _Techo_, but others place it on the River _Salado_. ’Tis the -same Town I have already describ’d. In 1558. _Tarita_ being made -Governour of this Province, built the City of _London_ near the Borders -of _Chili_, about Lat. 29. calling it so out of compliment to Q. _Mary_ -of _England_, at that time marry’d to _Philip_ II. of _Spain_. This Town -serv’d to curb the Natives. _Tarita_ did likewise rebuild _St. Michel_, -and reduc’d the Country so much, that 80000 _Indians_ who submitted to -_Spain_ were muster’d in the Territory of _St. Jago_. The _Spaniards_, -as was usual in those days, fighting with one another about the Command -of the Provinces, _Tarita_ was drove out in 1561. by _Castaneda_; so -that most of the Natives revolted, till 1563. that _Francis d’Acquire_ -reduc’d ’em again, and built _Esteco_ above-mention’d. But the -_Spaniards_ contending afterwards with one another about the Government, -many of their Settlements were destroy’d; so that in _Techo’s_ time the -chief Places remaining in this Country were _St. Jago_, _Cordoua_, _St. -Michel_, _Salta_ or _Lerma_, _Xuxui_ or _St. Salvador_, _Rioja_, -_Esteco_ or _Nuestra Señora de Talavera_, _London_, and a few other -small Garisons. He says that in this Country it does not rain in Winter, -but in Summer they have thick Mists and Rains enough. The Jesuits are -the chief Missionaries here, and settled in the principal Towns. He -adds, that near the City _Conception_, which is ninety Leagues from _St. -Jago_, the Natives were call’d _Frontones_, because they made the -Fore-part of their Heads bald. Their Arms were a Club at their Girdle, -Bows and Arrows, and Staves set with Jawbones of Fishes. They went -naked, and painted their Bodies to make them look terrible. They were -continually at War among themselves about the Limits of their Land, and -they fix’d the Bodies of their slain Enemies in Rows to the Trunks of -Trees, that others might be afraid of invading their Borders. - -He adds, that the Country about _St. Michael_ is well peopled, abounds -with Woods, and all sorts of _European_ and other Fruits, so that it was -call’d _The Land of Promise_; but they are much infested with Tygers, -which the Natives kill with great dexterity. _Guaira_ a Province of -_Paraguay_ is very hot, because for the most part under the Tropick of -_Capricorn_; is very fruitful, but subject to Fevers and other Diseases: -yet when the _Spaniards_ came hither in 1550, they are said to have -found 300000 People in this Country, but they say there’s scarce a fifth -part of that number now; and the Natives very miserable, having no Meat -but the Flesh of wild Beasts nor Bread but what they make of the Root -_Mandiosa_. There are Stones here which breed in an oval Stone-Case, -about the bigness of a Man’s Head. Our Author says, they lie under -ground, and when they come to maturity, break with a noise like Bombs, -and scatter abundance of beautiful Stones of all colours; which at first -the _Spaniards_ took to be of great Value, but did not find ’em so. The -other remarkable Product of this Country is a Flower call’d -_Granadillo_, which the Jesuit says represents the Instrument of our -Saviour’s Passion, and produces a Fruit as big as a common Egg, the -Inside of which is very delicious. 2. A Fruit call’d _Guembe_, which is -very sweet, but has yellow Kernels, which if chew’d, occasions a sharp -Pain in the Jaws. 3. Dates, of which they make Wine and Pottage. 4. Wild -Swine which have their Navel on their backs, and if not cut off -immediately when the Beast is kill’d, corrupts the whole Carcase. 5. -Abundance of wild Bees, several sorts of which yield store of Honey and -Wax. 6. Snakes which dart from the Trees, and twist themselves about Men -or Beasts, and soon kill ’em if they be not immediately cut in pieces. -7. _Macaqua_ Birds, so call’d because of an Herb which they eat as an -Antidote when hurt by Snakes, which lie and watch for them in the -Marshes. They frequently fight those Snakes, for which Nature has -provided them with sharp Beaks for a Weapon, and strong Wings to serve -them as a Buckler. Our Author mentions the River _Paranapan_, which runs -thro this Country, is almost as large as the _Paraguay_, and falls into -the _Parana_. Its Banks on both sides are cover’d with tall Trees, -especially Cedars, of so vast a Bulk that they make Canoes out of a -single Trunk, which row with twenty Oars. The Jesuits built the Towns of -_Loretto_ and _St Ignatius_, and two more near the Conflux of this River -and the _Pyrapus_, about 1610, and eleven more have since been built in -that Province, where they have brought over many of the Inhabitants to -their Religion. They kill’d many of the _Spaniards_ at first, and then -eat them. These Towns are plac’d by the _Sansons_ about Lat. 22. and -betwixt Long. 325, and 330. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the River Oronoco._] - -Our Author not being distinct in describing the Provinces of _Paraguay_ -and _Tucuman_, but sometimes confounding one with the other, I shall -only add a few things more relating to those Countries in general. He -mentions a People call’d _Guaicureans_ who live on the Banks of -_Paraguay_ near the City _Assumption_, maintain themselves by Fishing -and Hunting, and eat all manner of Serpents and wild Beasts without -hurt. They have Tents of Mats, which they remove at pleasure. They dawb -one side of their Bodies with stinking Colours, scarify their Faces to -make them look terrible, suffer no Hair to grow on their Bodies; and -instead of a Beard fasten a Stone of a finger’s length to their Chin, -and make their Deformity the Standard of their Valour. Their chief -Delight is in Drunkenness and War; and to acquire the Title and Dignity -of Soldiers, they must endure to have their Legs, Thighs, Tongues, _&c._ -bored with an Arrow; and if they flinch in the least, are not allow’d -that Quality: and therefore they inure their Children from their Youth -to all sorts of Hardship, and to run Thorns and Briars into their Flesh -by way of Pastime. They honour their Commanders so much, that when they -spit they receive it into their hands, stand about them when they eat, -and observe all their Motions. They chose to fight by night, because -they knew nothing of Order, but made their Onsets like Beasts. They -either kill’d or sold their Prisoners, if at Man’s Estate, and the young -ones they bred in their own way. They lurk’d in Marshes and Woods by -day, keeping Spies abroad; and thus they plagu’d the _Spaniards_ for -above a hundred years, till they were civiliz’d by some Missionaries. -They would not allow their Women to paint with a Clay-colour till they -had tasted human Flesh; and therefore when they kill’d Enemies, would -divide them among the young Women, or give them the Corpse of their own -Dead. They planted Trees over their Graves, adorn’d them with Ostrich -Feathers, and met there at certain times, howling in a most barbarous -manner, and performing many lewd and hellish Ceremonies. They worship -Parrots as Gods, and have a sort of Bears call’d Ant-Bears: They have -long Heads, Snouts much longer than those of Swine, and Tongues like -Spears, which they thrust into the Ant-Hills, and lick up those Insects, -which are as big as the top of one’s finger, and being toasted over the -fire, are eat by the Natives and _Spaniards_ too as a Dainty. - -Father _Techo_ mentions another People nam’d _Calchaquins_ in this -Country, whom he supposes to have been of _Jewish_ Descent, because when -the _Spaniards_ came first here, they found that many of them had -_Jewish_ Names, and something of their Habit and Customs. Our Author -draws a Parallel in several Instances; but this, as well as his -Arguments to prove that St. _Thomas_ the Apostle planted Christianity in -this Country, will scarce obtain Credit among the Learned. I refer the -Curious who would know more of those things to our Author, who brings -down what he calls the History of this Country as low as 1645. which is -the latest Account we have yet printed, except Father _Sepp’s_ -abovemention’d, which brings it to 1691. of which I have given the -Substance already. - -Before I go further, I shall give some account of the River _Aranoca_ or -_Oronoco_, which is the Northern Boundary of our _South-Sea_ Company’s -Limits. The Head of it, according to our Maps, is about N. Lat. 3. and -in Long. 77. It runs Eastward about 840 miles, about 60 miles N. of the -Equator, then runs N. about 420. and turning NE. about 120, falls into -the Sea about N. Lat. 9. So that its whole Course is about 1370 miles, -including Turnings and Windings; for it runs almost the whole Breadth of -that part of _America_, since it rises within 160 miles of the -_South-Sea_. - -Mr. _Sparrey_,[114] who was left in the adjoining Country by Sir _Walter -Raleigh_ in 1595. gives the following Account of this River. He says it -is also call’d _Barequan_, is a great River, and others call it _Pariæ_. -It falls into the Sea by sixteen Mouths; but according to _Sansons_ Map, -what _Sparrey_ calls Mouths are a number of Islands which lie near the -Shore at the Entrance of the River, and the chief of those Mouths nam’d -_Capuri_ lies furthest South. They say it has 9 foot water at full Sea, -and but 5 at Ebb: It flows but a small time, when it rises apace, and -the Ebb continues 8 hours. There are several other ways of entring this -River, for which I refer to _Sparrey_; as also for the other Rivers -which fall into it on both sides. He attempted a Passage to _Peru_ this -way, but in vain. He says that in this Search he enter’d the great River -_Papemena_, which is six Leagues broad, and came to a pleasant Island -call’d _Athul_, where the Climate is temperate, the Island is well -water’d, and abounds with Fish, Fowls, and other Animals for Food. It -has many Woods that abound with delicate Fruit all the Year. There’s -store of Cotton, Balsam, _Brazile_ Wood, _Lignum Vitæ_, Cypress Trees, -several Minerals and fine Stones, but for want of Skill he could not -judg of the Value of ’em. This Island was not then inhabited, because of -the Cannibals nam’d _Caribbes_ in the Neighbourhood. He is of opinion, -that Westward from _Oronoco_ Gold might be found; but it was dangerous -to go far into the Country, because the Natives were continually in -Arms. He adds, that in the Country of _Curae_, part of the Province of -_Guiana_, which lies on the S. and E. of _Oronoco_, there was plenty of -Gold; but it was dangerous seeking for it in the Sands of the Rivers, -because of Crocodiles. He talks also of Pearl or Topazes found here, but -dubiously. At _Camalaha_ South of _Oronoco_, he says, there was then a -Fair for Women Slaves, where he bought 8 for a coarse red-hafted Knife, -the eldest of whom was not above 18 years old. The Inhabitants, he says, -are generally swarthy. We have few modern Accounts of this River, -because it is not much frequented for Trade; and therefore I shall say -no more of it, but return to my Journal. - - * * * * * - -Nothing remarkable happen’d till _Decemb. 6._ when we had close cloudy -Weather, with Showers; Wind at E. by N. We saw a large Bird call’d -_Alcatros_, who spread their Wings from eight to ten foot wide, and are -much like a Gannet. - - -_Dec. 7._ Rainy Weather, with Thunder and Lightning, a brisk Gale from E -by N. to N E. This day I remov’d one of the Boatswain’s Mates, and put -_Rob. Hollanby_ one of our best Sailors in his place. - - -[Sidenote: _From Grande towards Juan Fernandez._] - -_Dec. 10._ Yesterday I exchang’d _Benjamin Long_, one of the Boatswain’s -Mates, with _Tho. Hughes_ Boatswain’s Mate on board the _Dutchess_; he -being mutinous there, they were willing to be rid of him. - - -_Dec. 13._ We had a strong Gale of Wind at S W. Yesterday in the -Afternoon we reef’d our Main-Sail, which was the first time since we -left _England_. - - -_Dec. 15._ The Colour of the Water being chang’d very much, we founded, -but had no Ground: so that this Change is probably occasion’d by the -nature of the Ground at bottom. We find it much colder in this Lat. -which is 43. 30 S. than in the like degree N. tho the Sun was in its -furthest Extent to the Southward: which may be ascrib’d partly to our -coming newly out of warmer Climates, which made us more sensible of the -Cold; or ’tis probable the Winds blow over larger Tracts of Ice than in -the same Degrees of N. Latitude. - - -_Dec. 18._ Cold hazy rainy Weather. Yesterday in the Afternoon one of -the _Dutchess_’s Men fell out of the Mizen-Top down on the Quarter-Deck, -and broke his Skull: They desir’d the Advice of our Surgeon, and I went -on board with our two, where they examin’d the Wound, but found the Man -irrecoverable; so that he died, and was buried next day. Brisk Gales -from the W N W. to the W by S. - - -_Dec. 19._ Cold airy Weather: We saw several Grampusses, and a great -number of uncommon sort of Porpusses, black on their Back and Fins, and -white underneath, with sharp white Noses; they often leap’d a good -height out of the Water, turning their white Bellies uppermost: they -were much of the shape and bigness of our Porpusses. We also saw many -Seals. - - -_Dec. 20._ This day, according to what our Committee agreed at _Grande_, -we exchang’d Mr. _Vanbrugh_ for Mr. _Bath_ Agent of the _Dutchess_. Easy -Gales of Wind, but very veerable. This morning at four we had a very -thick Fog, when we were caught in Stays,[115] and lost sight of the -_Dutchess_, tho we made all the noise agreed on between us. At nine a -clock it clear’d up, being very little Wind, and we were within a League -of them. - - -_Dec. 21._ Easy Gales of Wind, but very veerable. We have seen a deal of -Rock-Weed for some days past, of a great length and generally round in -large Branches. Lat. 48.50. S. - - -_Dec. 22._ Fair Weather with Rain, Wind very veerable. The Water is -generally discolour’d. We had a good Observ. Lat. 49.32. S. - - -_Dec. 22._ At ten this morning, we saw Land, bearing S S E. dist. 9 Ls. -It appear’d first in three, afterwards in several more Islands. At -twelve it bore S. 1/2 W. the West End dist. 6 Ls. a long Tract of Land. -We saw most of that which appear’d at first to be Islands, join with the -low Lands. The Wind being Westerly, and blowing fresh, we could not -weather it; but was forc’d to bear away and run along Shore from 3 to 4 -Ls. dist. It lay as near as we could guess E N E. and W S W. This is -_Falkland’s_ Land, describ’d in few Draughts, and none lay it down -right, tho the Latitude agrees pretty well. The middle of it lies in -Latitude 51.00. S. and I make the Longitude of it to be 61. 54. West -from _London_. The two Islands extend about two Degrees in Length, as -near as I could judg by what I saw. - - -_Dec. 24._ Last night we reefed both Courses; it blowing strong, lay by -from eight till three in the Morning, with our Heads to Northward, Wind -at W by S. because we could not tell how far _Falkland_ Islands ran to -the Eastward. Between two and three a clock yesterday in the Afternoon -we ran by a high round large white remarkable Rock, which appear’d by it -self near 3 Ls. without the Land; which is not unlike _Portland_, but -not so high, and the Rock like that call’d the _Fastneste_ to the -Westward of Cape _Clear_ in _Ireland_. At four yesterday in the -Afternoon the North-East End bore S E by S. 7 Ls. the white Rock bore S. -3 Ls. At six the Eastermost Land in sight bore S.E. 7 Ls. All this Land -appear’d with gentle Descents from Hill to Hill, and seem’d to be good -Ground, with Woods and Harbours. At three a clock we made sail, steering -S E. Lat. 52. S. - - -[Sidenote: _From Grande towards Juan Fernandez._] - -_Dec. 25._ Yesterday Noon we saw the Land again, and find it to trim -away Southerly from the white Rock. A strong Gale of Wind at S W. At six -a clock in the Evening we lost sight of the Land, but could not come -near enough to see if it was inhabited; and spy’d a Sail under our -Lee-Bow bearing S E. from us, dist. about 4 Ls. We immediately let our -Reefs out, chas’d and got ground of her apace: we kept sight till ten at -night, when we lost her. We spoke with our Consort, and were both of -opinion that the Chase would, as soon as she lost sight of us, if -homeward bound, bear away to the Northward; so we ran North till -Dawning: then we stood to the Westward till it was light, and our -Consort kept on with an easy Sail. When it was full light we saw -nothing, being thick hazy Weather: we bore away, and were with our -Consort again by five a clock. Between six and seven it clear’d up: we -saw the Chase bearing about S by E. between 3 and 4 Ls. from us. It -falling calm, we both got out our Oars, row’d and tow’d, with our Boats -a-head, and made pretty good way; had a small Breeze at North, so we set -all the Sail we could, and by twelve a clock had gain’d very much ground -of the Chase. We had an Observ. Lat. 52.40. - - -_Dec. 26._ We kept on rowing and towing till about six in the Evening; -and perceiving we approach’d her, I went in the Boat to speak with Capt. -_Courtney_, and agree how to engage her, if a great Ship, as she -appear’d to be; and also adjusted Signals, if either of us should find -it proper to board her in the night. I return’d aboard as soon as -possible, when we had a fine Breeze: we got in our Boats and Oars, and -made all possible Sail after the Chase, kept in sight of her till past -ten a clock, bearing S S W. of us, when it came on thick again; we kept -her open on the Larboard, and the _Dutchess_ on the Starboard-Bow, and -being short Nights, we thought it impossible to lose one another. At one -a clock this Morning my Officers persuaded me to shorten Sail, telling -me we should lose our Consort if we kept on: I was prevail’d with to do -so, and in the Morning had a very thick Fog, so that I could see neither -our Consort nor Chase till an hour after ’twas full Light. When it -clear’d up, we saw our Consort on our Larboard-Bow; we fir’d a Gun for -her to bear down, but immediately we saw the Chase ahead of her about -four miles, which gave us new Life. We forthwith hal’d up for them; but -the Wind soon veering a-head, had a great disadvantage in the Chase. We -ran at a great rate, being smooth Water; but it coming on to blow more -and more, the Chase outbore our Consort: so she gave off, and being to -Windward, came down very melancholy to us, supposing the Chase to have -been a _French_ homeward-bound Ship from the _South-Seas_. Thus this -Ship escap’d; which, considering that we always out-went her before, is -as strange as our first seeing of her in this place, because all Ships -that we have heard of bound out or home this way, kept within -_Falkland’s_ Island. At twelve a clock we saw a little plain low Island, -which bore W N W. dist. 4 Ls. not mark’d in any of our Charts. The Wind -has been very veerable since six a clock last night, from the N N E to -the S. where it now is. Lat. 53.11. S. - - -_Dec. 27._ Strong Gales, with Squalls from the South to the West. The -_Dutchess_ put her Guns into the Hold again, that she took up in the -Chase. Yesterday at two in the Afternoon we put about, and stood off to -the Eastward from the little low Island: because we could but just -weather it, we were not willing to come too near it. Lat. 54.15. S. - - -_Dec. 30._ Fresh Gales of Wind at West, hazy Weather mix’d with small -Rain. We had an Observ. Lat. 58.20. - - -_January 1._ Fresh Gales of Wind from the W N W. to the W S W. with -Fogs, but indifferent smooth Water. This being New-Year’s Day, every -Officer was wish’d a merry New-Year by our Musick; and I had a large Tub -of Punch hot upon the Quarter-Deck, where every Man in the Ship had -above a Pint to his share, and drank our Owners and Friends Healths in -_Great Britain_, to a happy new Year, a good Voyage, and a safe Return. -We bore down to our Consort, and gave them three Huzza’s, wishing them -the like. - - -_Jan. 2._ Fresh Gales from the W S W. to the N W. with Fogs. Clothes and -Liquor were now an excellent Commodity amongst our Ships Company, who -are but meanly stor’d: We had six Taylors at work for several weeks to -make them Clothing, and pretty well supply’d their Wants by the spare -Blankets and red Clothes belonging to the Owners; and what every Officer -could spare, was alter’d for the Mens Use. The like was done on board -the _Dutchess_. - - -[Sidenote: _From Grande towards Juan Fernandez._] - -_Jan. 5._ Just past twelve Yesterday it came on to blow strong: We got -down our Fore-Yard, and reef’d our Fore-Sail and Main-Sail; but there -came on a violent Gale of Wind, and a great Sea. A little before six we -saw the _Dutchess_ lowering her Main-Yard: the Tack flew up, and the -Lift unreev’d, so that the Sail to Leeward was in the water and all -a-back, their Ship took in a great deal of Water to Leeward; immediately -they loos’d their Sprit-Sail, and wore her before the Wind: I wore after -her, and came as near as I could to ’em, expecting when they had gotten -their Main-Sail stow’d they would take another Reef in, and bring to -again under a two-reef’d Main-Sail, and reef’d and ballanc’d Mizen, if -the Ship would not keep to without it: but to my surprize they kept -scudding to the Southward. I dreaded running amongst Ice, because it -was excessive cold; so I fir’d a Gun as a Signal for them to bring to, -and brought to our selves again under the same reef’d Main-Sail. They -kept on, and our Men on the look-out told me they had an Ensign in their -Maintop-Mast Shrouds as a Signal of Distress, which made me doubt they -had sprung their Main-Mast; so I wore again, our Ship working exceeding -well in this great Sea. Just before night I was up with them again, and -set our Fore-Sail twice reef’d to keep ’em Company, which I did all -night. About three this morning it grew more moderate; we soon after -made a Signal to speak with them, and at five they brought to: when I -came within haile, I enquir’d how they all did aboard; they answer’d, -they had ship’d a great deal of Water in lying by, and were forc’d to -put before the Wind, and the Sea had broke in the Cabin-Windows, and -over their Stern, filling their Steerage and Waste, and had like to have -spoil’d several Men; but God be thank’d all was otherwise indifferent -well with ’em, only they were intolerably cold, and every thing wet. At -ten we made sail, Wind at W N W. and moderate. Lat. 60,58. - - -_Jan. 6._ Raw cold Weather, with some Rain. A great Sea from the N W. -little Wind from the N N W. to the West. I and Capt. _Dampier_ went in -the Yall on board the _Dutchess_, to visit ’em after this Storm; where -we found ’em in a very orderly pickle, with all their Clothes drying, -the Ship and Rigging cover’d with them from the Deck to the Main-Top: -They got six more Guns into the Hold, to make the Ship lively. - - -_Jan. 7._ Fresh Gales of Wind, with hazy Weather and some small Rain. -Yesterday about three in the Afternoon _John Veale_ a Landman died, -having lain ill a Fortnight, and had a Swelling in his Legs ever since -he left _Grande_. At nine last night we bury’d him; this is the first -that died by Sickness out of both Ships since we left _England_. Several -of the _Dutchess_’s Men had contracted Illness by the Wet and Cold. Wind -from the N N W. to the W N W. - - -_Jan. 10._ Strong Gales of Wind, with Squalls of Rain and Hail, and a -great Sea from the W. We lay by with our Head to the Southward till 12 -last night, then came to sail under three-reef’d Courses,[116] and -sometimes the Maintop-Sail low set, Wind from the W. to the N. and -thence to the N.W. We have no Night here. Lat. 61.53. Long. W. from -_Lond._ 79.58 being the furthest we run this way, and for ought we know -the furthest that any one has yet been to the Southward. - - -_Jan. 14._ Moderate Gales with cloudy Weather, Wind veerable. This day -the _Dutchess_ bury’d a Man that died of the Scurvy. - - -_Jan. 15._ Cloudy Weather, with Squalls of Rain, fresh Gales at S W. We -had an Observ. Lat. 56. S. We now account our selves in the _South-Sea_, -being got round Cape _Horne_. The _French_ Ships that came first to -trade in these Seas came thro the Straits of _Magellan_: but Experience -has taught them since, that it is the best Passage to go round Cape -_Horne_, where they have Sea-room enough; the Straits, being in many -places very narrow, with strong Tides and no Anchor-ground. - -Here I think it proper to give an Account of the first Discovery of the -_South-Sea_, of the Passage to it by the Straits of _Magellan_, of the -chief of those who have pass’d those Straits, and a short Description of -the Country on both sides of ’em. - - - _An Account of the Discovery of the_ South-Sea, _and of the Straits - of_ Magellan, _&c. from_ Ovalle _and other Authors_. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the Discovery of the South-Sea._] - -The first _European_ who discover’d the _South-Sea_, was _Basco_ or -_Vasco Nuñes de Balboa_ a _Spaniard_, in 1513. He was the first who -landed on the Isthmus of _Darien_, and made war with their Caciques or -Princes; who not being able to resist his Fire-Arms, and perceiving that -the chief Design of the _Spaniards_ was to find Gold, one of the -Caciques told _Vasco_, that since they were so fond of that which he and -his Countrymen valu’d so little, he would conduct them over the -Mountains to another Sea, upon which they might find a Country where the -People had all their Utensils of Gold. This was the first notice the -_Spaniards_ had of the _South-Sea_. _Vasco_ march’d on till he came near -the top of the highest Mountain, where he order’d his Men to halt, -because he would have the honour of first discovering that Sea himself: -which having done, he fell down on his knees and thank’d God for his -Success, and call’d it the _South-Sea_, in opposition to that on the -other side the Continent, Having pass’d these Mountains, he march’d down -till he came to the Coast, and took possession of it in the name of the -King of _Spain_. When he return’d back, he found a new _Spanish_ -Governour in _Darien_ call’d _Pedrarias_; who being his Enemy because he -envy’d the King’s making him Governour and Admiral of the _South-Sea_, -he falsly accus’d him of Treason and cut off his Head, and sent _Gaspar -Morales_ and _Francis Pizarro_ to compleat the Discovery, with a good -number of Men, and large Dogs that were as terrible to the _Indians_ as -the _Spaniards_ Fire-Arms. Here they discover’d the Isle of Pearls, and -forc’d the Natives to fish for them, and then discover’d the rest of the -Coast. The first who found a Passage from the _North-Sea_ was _Ferdinand -Magaillans_, who in 1519 sail’d on purpose by Commission from the -Emperor _Charles_ V. to discover it. In Lat. 52. S. he found the -Passage, which from him has been since call’d the Straits of _Magellan_. -_Pigafetta_ an _Italian_, who made the Voyage with him, says that in S. -Lat. 49-1/2. at Port _St. Julian_, they found Giants whose Waste a -middle-siz’d Man could scarce reach with his Head: they were clad with -the Skins of Beasts as monstrous as themselves, arm’d with huge Bows and -Arrows, and of a Strength proportionable to their Bulk, yet -good-natur’d: One of them seeing himself in a Looking-Glass on board the -Ship, was so frighten’d that he run backward, and tumbled down several -Men that stood behind him. The Crew gave Toys to some of them, at which -being mightily pleas’d, they suffer’d them to put Shackles about their -Arms and Legs, which they took for Ornaments; but when they found -themselves fast, bellow’d like Bulls. One of them, he says, made his -Escape from nine Men, after they had got him down and ty’d his hands. -Other Voyagers say they have seen such Giants in those parts, -particularly Mr. _Candish_, _Sebald de Wert_ in 1599. and _Spilberg_ in -1614. but the Reader may believe of this Story what he pleases. -_Pigafetta_ says the Straits were 110 Ls. long, in some places very -wide, and in others not above half a League over. _Magaillans_ pass’d -’em in _Novemb._ 1520. and being overjoy’d, he call’d the Cape from -whence he first saw the _South-Sea_ the _Cape of Desire_. After rambling -almost four months in the _South-Sea_, where he suffer’d extreme Want, -and lost many of his Men, he sail’d to the _Ladrones_ Islands, and -foolishly engaging 7000 Natives in _Mathan_, which is one of them, he -was kill’d. One of his Ships forsook him as he pass’d the Straits, and -return’d to _Spain_: of the other four, only the Ship _Victoria_ -return’d to _St. Lucar_ near _Sevil_, under the Command of _John -Sebastian Cabot_, who was nobly rewarded by the Emperor. - -In 1539 _Alonso de Camargo_ a _Spaniard_ pass’d the same Straits, and -arriv’d at the Port of _Arequipa_ in _Peru_; but much shatter’d, having -lost one of his Ships, and another leaving him, return’d to _Spain_. -After him several other _Spaniards_ pass’d the same way, and they -planted a Colony and Garison at the North End, to block up the Passage -to other Nations; but without success, the Garison being all starved or -destroy’d by the _Indians_. - -The 15_th_ of _Novemb._ 1577. the famous Sir _Francis Drake_ set out -from _Plymouth_ with five Sail, and having touch’d at several places by -the way, enter’d the Straits the 21_st_ of _August_ following. He found -them very dangerous, because of the many Turnings, contrary Winds, and -sudden Blasts from high Mountains cover’d with Snow on both sides, and -their Tops reaching above the Clouds, and no anchoring but in some -narrow River or Creek. The 24_th_ he came to an Island in the Straits, -where there were so many Fowls call’d _Penguins_, that his Men kill’d -3000 in a day, which serv’d them for Provisions. The 6_th_ of -_September_ he enter’d the _South-Sea_, where he met with dreadful -Storms, and one of his Ships was drove back into the Straits, thro which -she return’d to _England_; as Sir _Francis Drake_ did _July_ 24. 1580. -being the first Sea-Captain that ever sail’d round the World, and -brought his Ship home, which was accounted a great Honour to the -_English_ Nation. - -_July_ 1. 1586. Mr. _Tho. Candish_, afterwards Sir _Thomas_,[117] sail’d -from _Plymouth_ with three Ships, and the 6_th_ of _January_ after -enter’d the Straits, having met with a severe Storm near the mouth of -’em. He took the Remainders of a _Spanish_ Garison there, who from 400 -were reduc’d to 23 by Famine; and those of King _Philip’s_ City, which -had been built in the Straits, were in the same miserable Condition, so -that they abandon’d the Place. They found Cannibals in some part of the -Straits, who had eat many of the _Spaniards_, and design’d the like to -the _English_, had they not been kept off by their Guns. Mr. _Candish_ -was stop’d here a considerable while by a furious Storm and bad Weather, -which reduc’d him to Want of Provisions, till the 24_th_ of _February_ -that he got into the _South-Sea_, and bought Provisions of the -_Indians_. Mr. _Candish_ return’d to _England_, after having sail’d -round the World, the 9_th of September_ next Year. He again attempted -the Passage of the same Straits in 1591, but without Success; - -[Sidenote: _Account of the Straits of Magellan._] - -as Mr. _Fenton_[118] did in 1582. as _Floris_ did at the same time; the -Earl of _Cumberland_ in 1586. Mr. _Chidley_ in 1589. and Mr. _Wood_ in -1596. Sir _Richard Hawkins_ pass’d them in 1593. but was taken by the -_Spaniards_; and Mr. _Davis_[119] the Discoverer to the N W. pass’d and -repass’d those Straits, but was forc’d back by contrary Winds. So that -our Countrymen, tho they did not all succeed in the Attempt, yet have -been the most fortunate in passing them of any other Nation: for the -_Dutch_ pass’d them in 1597. with five Ships, of which only one -return’d. Five other _Dutch_ Ships pass’d them in 1614. when they lost -one of them. In 1623. the _Dutch Nassaw_ Fleet, so call’d because the -Prince of _Orange_ was the greatest Adventurer, attempted it with -fifteen brave Ships, and 2 or 3000 Men; but were repuls’d, wherever they -came to land, by the _Spaniards_, so that they could not settle there. - -Other Nations attempted it likewise, and particularly Don _Garcia de -Loaisa_, a Knight of _Malta_ and a _Spaniard_, with seven Ships and 450 -Men; and tho he pass’d the Straits, he died himself, and all his Ships -were afterwards taken by the _Portuguese_ or others. _Vargas_ Bishop of -_Placentia_ sent 7 Ships to attempt it, one of which only succeeded, -went to _Arequipa_ a Port on the _South-Sea_, and discover’d the -Situation of the Coast of _Peru_; but went no further. _Ferdinand -Cortez_, the Conqueror of _New Spain_, sent two Ships and 400 Men in -1528. to discover the way to the _Moluccas_ thro the Straits, but -without success. Two _Genoese_ Ships were the first that attempted it in -1526, after _Magellan_, but could not effect it. _Sebastian Cabot_ try’d -it also by Commission from Don _Emanuel_ King of _Portugal_, but could -not do it. _Americus Vespusius_ was sent by the same Prince, but could -neither find the Straits nor the River of _La Plata_. _Simon Alcasara_ a -_Spaniard_ attempted it likewise with several Ships and 440 Men, but -came back without performing it, his Men having mutiny’d. All these -Attempts by the _Spaniards_, &c. happen’d before Sir _Francis Drake_ -perform’d it. - -In the Reports made of those Straits upon Oath to the Emperor _Charles_ -V. those who attempted this Passage give the following Account, _viz._ -That from the Cape of 11000 _Virgins_ at the Entrance of the North Sea, -to the Cape of _Desire_ at the Entrance of the South-Sea, is 100 -_Spanish_ Ls. that they found in this Strait three great Bays of about -7 Leagues wide from Land to Land, but the Entrances not above half a -League, and encompass’d with such high Mountains, that the Sun never -shines in them, so that they are intolerably cold, there being a -continual Snow, and the Nights very long: That they found good Water -with Cinamon-Trees, and several others, which tho they look green burnt -in the Fire like dry Wood: That they found many good sorts of Fish, good -Harbours with 15 fathom Water, and several pleasant Rivers and Streams: -That the Tides of both Seas meet about the middle of the Straits with a -prodigious Noise and Shock; but some of the _Portuguese_, who had pass’d -the Straits, say they are only high Floods which last about a month, -rise to a great height, and sometimes fall so low and ebb so fast, that -they leave Ships on dry ground. The Reader may find more of this in -_Herrera’s_ History: but others differ in their Accounts, and -particularly _Spilberg_ a _Dutchman_, who mentions a Port here that he -call’d _Famous_, by way of Eminency, the adjacent Soil producing Fruit -of various Colours and excellent Taste, and affording Brooks of very -good Water. He mentions 24 other Ports besides those that he did not -see, and particularly the _Piemento_ or Pepper-Harbour, so call’d -because of the Trees which grow there of an Aromatick Smell, whose Bark -tastes like Pepper, and is more hot and quick than that of the -_East-Indies_. The _Spaniards_ having brought some of it to _Seville_, -it was sold there for two Crowns a pound. - -The last of our Countrymen who pass’d them was Sir _John -Narborough_,[120] who set out from the _Thames_, _May_ 15. 1669. with -two Ships. He had K. _Charles_ II’s Commission, was furnish’d out at his -Majesty’s Charge, and enter’d the Straits _October_ 22. following. He -says, that from the Entrance of this Strait to the Narrow there’s good -Anchorage, and not much Tide, but in the Narrow the Tide runs very -strong. The Flood sets into the Straits, and the Ebb out, keeping its -Course as on other Coasts. It rises and falls near 4 Fathom -perpendicular, and it is high Water here on the Change of the Moon at -eleven a clock. When he came to the Narrow, he found the Tide very -strong, which endanger’d the running of his Ships upon the steep Rocks -on the North side. From the first Narrow to the second is above 8 Ls. -and the Reach betwixt them 7 Ls broad. He found a Bay on the North - -[Sidenote: _Account of the Straits of Magellan._] - -side at the Point of the second Narrow, where one may ride in 8 Fathom -Water in clear sandy Ground half a mile from the Shore. In the Channel -of the second Narrow he found 38 Fathom Water, and several Bays and -Cliffs with little Islands. He exchang’d several Trifles with the -Natives for Bows and Arrows, and their Skin-Coats. They were of a middle -Stature, well limb’d, with round Faces, low Foreheads, little Noses, -small black Eyes and Ears, black flaggy Hair of an indifferent Length, -their Teeth white, their Faces of an Olive-Colour, daub’d with Spots of -white Clay and Streaks of Soot, their Bodies painted with red Earth and -Grease, their Clothing of the Skins of Seals, Guianacoes and Otters, -wrapt about them like the _Scotch_ Highlanders Plads. They had Caps of -the Skins of Fowls with the Feathers on, and pieces of Skins on their -feet to keep them from the ground. They are very active and nimble, and -when about Business go quite naked; only the Women have a piece of Skin -before them, and differ from the Men in Habit only by want of Caps, and -having Bracelets of Shells about their Necks. They seem to have no -manner of Government nor Religion, live by Hunting and Fishing, and are -arm’d with Bows and Arrows; the latter 18 Inches long, and headed with -Flint Stones. These People Sir _John_ found in _Elizabeth-Isle_, which -lies near the second Narrow. In Port _Famine_ Bay, S. Lat. 53. 35. he -found good Wood and Water, and abundance of _Piemento_ Trees. Their -Language is guttural and slow. Sir _John_ is of opinion, that the -Mountains contain Gold or Copper. He computes the whole Length of the -Straits at 116 Leagues. For the rest we refer to him. - -I have insisted the longer on these Straits, partly because they are so -much talk’d of, and partly to justify our going to the _South-Seas_ by -the way of Cape _Horne_, which is far more safe: so that in all -probability the Straits of _Magellan_ will be little frequented by -_Europeans_ in time to come. - -The Land on the North side of the Straits is call’d _Patagonia_, and -that on the South _Terra del Fuego_, because of the numerous Fires and -the great Smoke which the first Discoverers saw upon it. It extends the -whole Length of the Straits, and lies from East to West about 130 -Leagues, according to _Ovalle_; and before the Discovery of the Straits -of _St. Vincent_, otherwise call’d _Le Maire’s_ Straits, was suppos’d to -join to some part of the _Terra Australis_. _Ovalle_ says, that on the -Continent of _Chili_, near the Straits of _Magellan_, there’s a People -call’d _Cessares_, who are suppos’d to be descended from part of the -_Spaniards_ that were forc’d ashore in the Straits, when the Bishop of -_Placentia_ sent the Ships abovemention’d to discover the _Molucca_ -Islands. ’Tis suppos’d they contracted Marriages with some _Indian_ -Nation, where they have multiply’d, and taught them to build Cities and -the Use of Bells. _Ovalle_ says, that when he wrote the History of -_Chili_, he receiv’d Letters and other Informations that there is such a -Nation in those parts, and that one of the Missionaries had been in the -Country with Captain _Navarro_, and found the People to be of a white -Complexion with red in their Cheeks; by the Shape of their Bodies they -seem’d to be Men of Courage and Activity, and by the Goodness of their -Complexion ’twas probable they might be mix’d with a Race of -_Flemmings_, who had been ship-wreck’d in those parts. But there being -no farther Account of these People since _Ovalle’s_ Account of _Chili_ -in the Year 1646. we believe this Relation to be fabulous. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the Straits of Magellan._] - -M. _de Beauchesne Gouin_, who is the last that attempted the Passage of -the Straits of _Magellan_, that we have heard of, came to an anchor at -the _Virgins_ Cape in the mouth of this Strait the 24_th_ of _June_ -1699. and the Wind being contrary, he lay at anchor betwixt the -Continent and _Terra del Fuego_. He weighed again, the Winds being still -contrary, and on the third of _July_ anchor’d at Port _Famine_ in the -Straits, where the _Spaniards_ had built a Garison, but were forc’d to -quit it for want of Provisions. He observes, that from the Mouth of the -Straits to this place, the Climate seem’d to be as temperate as in -_France_, tho now the coldest Season of the Year in those parts. He -found abundance of Wood for Firing, but the greatest Inconveniency he -met with there, was from the great Storms of Snow, tho it did not lie -long, being carry’d off by Rains which come from the West. He is of -opinion that a Settlement might easily be made here, in a part of the -Country extending above 20 Leagues; and that he was inform’d the Islands -of _St. Elizabeth_ in the Straits are proper enough for Corn and Cattel, -if planted with them. He sent his Sloop ashore on _Terra del Fuego_, -where he saw Fires, and found the savage Natives by 50 or 60 together in -Companies, and some of them came aboard his Ship that lay 5 Ls. from the -shore. They were very peaceable and friendly, but more miserable than -our Beggars in _Europe_, having no Clothes but a strait Coat of wild -Beasts Skins, that comes no lower than their knees, and pitiful Hutts -made up of Poles cover’d with Skins of Beasts; and this is all the -shelter they have against the Extremity of the Weather. They came in -such multitudes to beg from him, as soon made him weary of their -Company; so that he weigh’d again the 16_th_ of _August_, and stopt at -Port _Galand_ to leave some Letters there for those who were to follow -him from _France_, as had been agreed on. And here he observes, that -both the Climate and the Navigation of the Straits are very unequal; and -that from this place to the Entrance of the _South-Sea_ there’s nothing -but extraordinary high Mountains on each side, from whence come very -impetuous and frightful Torrents, and scarce any place for Anchorage to -be found, or one Day without either Rain or Snow. He adds, that he found -an Island opposite to the Mouth of the Strait of _St. Jerom_, that is -set down in none of our Maps. This Island, he says, has two good -Harbours, which may be of great consequence to those who pass this way. -He took possession of it, call’d it by the name of the Island _Louis le -Grand_; the largest Harbour he nam’d Port _Dauphin_, and the lesser, -which is very convenient, Port _Philippeaux_. After having given this -Character of those Straits, he says one may be sure of a Passage thro -them, provided it be in the proper Season, but ’tis very difficult in -the Winter. He came out of those Straits into the _South-Sea_ on the -21_st_ of _January_, 1700. and went to view the Harbour of _San -Domingo_, which he says is the _Spanish_ Frontier, and the only Place -where a new Settlement can be made there, the rest being all possess’d -already. He arriv’d there the 3_d_ of _February_, 1700. and on the 5_th_ -anchor’d on the East of an Island call’d by different Names, but the -latest Authors call it _St. Magdalens_ Island. He sent his first -Lieutenant to view and take possession of it, who brought him word that -it was a very pleasant place, and shew’d him some fine beautiful Shrubs -and Pease-Blossoms that he found upon the East side of it; from whence -he conjectures that it may be a proper place to inhabit, tho he owns -that the Climate is very moist, and they have frequent Rains and Mists, -which he ascribes to the high Mountains. He made ready to discover four -other Islands, which lie in view of this Isle and the Main Land, and -sounded as he went on, but durst not venture to go among ’em with so -large a Ship, because there blew a strong North-West Wind, follow’d by a -thick Mist, which made him lose sight of Land; so that to his great -sorrow he could not compleat the Discovery of that Frontier. He adds, -that ’tis full of high Mountains down to the very Sea; but was -afterwards inform’d by a _Spaniard_ who winter’d in those parts, that -there’s a very good Harbour for Ships to ride in, where they may be -moor’d to tall Trees, and that there are very few Inhabitants on this -Coast, but some wandring Savages, like those on the Straits of -_Magellan_. - -This and the other Journals convince me intirely that the best way to -the _South-Sea_ is round Cape _Horne_, the Route we pursu’d in our -Voyage. - -Besides what I said from my own Observation, to prove how extensive a -Trade we might have in those Seas, I shall add the following -Observations from M. _de Beauchesne_; who says, that tho he was look’d -upon as a Free-Booter, and that the then _Spanish_ Governours on those -Coasts were forbid to trade or suffer the People to trade with any but -their own Subjects in those Seas, and that at _Valdivia_ and other -places they fir’d at him when he approach’d their Harbours, and deny’d -so much as to sell him any Provisions, or to suffer him to wood or -water; yet at _Rica_ some particular Persons traded with him to the -Value of 50000 Crowns, and told him, That that place was not so proper -for them to act so manifestly contrary to Law, but if he went to a place -more retir’d, they would buy all he had, tho both his Ships were full of -Goods. Accordingly, when he came to _Hilo_, a great number of Merchants -bought all that he had of Value at good rates. He owns that the Cloth he -had on board was half rotten, that the Merchants were vex’d at their -Disappointment, and express’d their Resentment that he should come to -those parts so ill provided: but in other places the People bought all -to the very Rags he had on board, and brought him Provisions in -abundance to sell, tho they were forbid doing so on pain of Death; and -the Officers themselves conniv’d at it. - -He return’d by the way of Cape _Horne_ in 58 deg. 15 min. _January_ -1701. and had as good a Passage and Season as could be desir’d, but saw -no Land on either side till the 19_th_ of _January_ 1701. when he -discover’d a small Island about 3 or 4 Ls. round, in Lat. 52. odd min. -not mark’d in our Maps, with strong Currents near it; and on the 20_th_ -he came to the Isle of _Sebald de Wert_, which is a marshy Land with -some rocky Mountains, no Trees, but abundance of Sea-Flow. - -[Sidenote: _Account of the Straits of Le Maire._] - -It is proper here likewise to give an Account of the Straits of _Le -Maire_, so call’d from _James Le Maire_ an _Amsterdam_ Merchant, their -Discoverer in 1615. They lie in S. Lat. 55. 36. and are form’d by the -_Terra del Fuego_ on the West, and an Island by the _Dutch_ call’d -_Staten-landt_, or the Country of the States, on the E. The Straits are -8 Leagues wide, with good Roads on each side, and plenty of Fish and -Fowl. The Land on both sides is high and mountainous. The Discoverers -saw very large Fowls bigger than Sea-Mews, and their Wings when extended -above a Fathom long each. They were so tame that they flew into the -Ships, and suffer’d the Sailors to handle them. In Lat. 57. they saw two -barren Islands, which they call’d _Barnevelt_; and the South Cape of -_Terra del Fuego_, which runs out in a Point to Lat. 57. 48. they nam’d -Cape _Horne_. Some compute this Strait to be only 5 Leagues in Length. - -_Ovalle_[121] says, that in 1619 the King of _Spain_ being inform’d that -_Le Maire_ had discover’d these Straits, he sent two Vessels to make a -further Discovery of ’em. These Ships came to the East side of the -Straits of _Magellan_, where the Crew found a sort of Giants higher by -the Head than any _Europeans_, who gave them Gold in exchange for -Scissars and other Bawbles; but this can’t be rely’d on. They went thro -this Strait in less than a day’s time, it being not above 7 Leagues in -length. - -I return now to my Journal. - - -_Jan. 16._ Fresh Gales of Wind with cloudy Weather. These 24 hours we -had extraordinary smooth Water, as if we were close under Land: -Indifferent warm Weather. Wind from the W S W. to W by N. - - -_January 20._ Yesterday at three in the Afternoon we saw high Land -bearing E by N. dist. about 10 Ls. being the Land about Port _St. -Stephen’s_ on the Coast of _Patagonia_ in the _South-Sea_, describ’d in -the Draughts. S. Lat. 47. - - -_Jan. 22._ Fair Weather, with fresh Gales of Wind from W by S. to the W -N W. Last night _George Cross_ died; he was a Smith by Trade, and -Armourer’s Mate. We and the _Dutchess_ have had a great many Men down -with the Cold, and some with the Scurvey; the Distemper that this Man -died of. The _Dutchess_ had always more sick Men than we, and have so -now: They buried but one Man that died of Sickness, and tell us they -hope the rest will recover. We have but one Man whose Life we doubt of, -tho most want a Harbour. This day Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Cook_ -din’d with us. At two a clock we saw the Land on the Coast of -_Patagonia_, being very high, distant about 14 Ls. Lat. 44. 9. S. - - -_Jan. 26._ Fresh Gales with Clouds and Rain. We spoke with our Consort -this day, who complains their Men grow worse and worse, and want a -Harbour to refresh ’em; several of ours are also very indifferent, and -if we don’t get ashore, and a small Refreshment, we doubt we shall both -lose several Men. We are very uncertain of the Latitude and Longitude of -_Juan Fernandez_, the Books laying ’em down so differently, that not one -Chart agrees with another; and being but a small Island, we are in some -doubts of striking it, so design to hale in for the main Land to direct -us. - - -_Jan. 27._ Fair Weather, smooth Water, pleasant Gales of Wind, veerable -from the W. to the N W. had a good Amplitude, found the Variation to be -10 deg. Eastward. This is an excellent Climate. Lat. 36. 36. S. - - -_Jan. 28._ We have had moderate Weather. At six a clock we saw the Land, -the Eastermost appearing like an Island, which we agree to be the Island -of _St. Mary_ on the Coast of _Chili_: it bore E by N. dist. 9 or 10 Ls. -Our Consort’s Men are very ill; their want of Clothes, and being often -wet in the cold Weather, has been the greatest cause of their being more -sick than our Ships Company. - - -_Jan. 31._ These 24 hours we had the Wind between the S. and S W by W. -At seven this morning we made the Island of _Juan Fernandez_; it bore W -S W. dist. about 7 Ls. at Noon W by S. 6 Ls. We had a good Observ. Lat. -34. 10. S. - - -[Sidenote: _We Make the Isle of Juan Fernandez._] - -_February 1._ About two yesterday in the Afternoon we hoisted our -Pinnace out; Capt _Dover_ with the Boats Crew went in her to go ashore, -tho we could not be less than 4 Ls. off. As soon as the Pinnace was -gone, I went on board the _Dutchess_, who admir’d our Boat attempted -going ashore at that distance from Land: ’twas against my Inclination, -but to oblige Capt. _Dover_ I consented to let her go. As soon as it was -dark, we saw a Light ashore; our Boat was then about a League from the -Island, and bore away for the Ships as soon as she saw the Lights. We -put out Lights abroad for the Boat, tho some were of opinion the Lights -we saw were our Boats Lights; but as Night came on, it appear’d too -large for that. We fir’d one Quarter-Deck Gun and several Muskets, -showing Lights in our Mizen and Fore-Shrouds, that our Boat might find -us, whilst we ply’d in the Lee of the Island. About two in the Morning -our Boat came on board, having been two hours on board the _Dutchess_, -that took ’em up a-stern of us: we-were glad they got well off, because -it begun to blow. We are all convinc’d the Light is on the shore, and -design to make our Ships ready to engage, believing them to be _French_ -Ships at anchor, and we must either fight ’em or want Water, _etc._ - -_Febr. 2._ We stood on the back side along the South end of the Island, -in order to lay in with the first Southerly Wind, which Capt. _Dampier_ -told us generally blows there all day long. In the Morning, being past -the Island, we tack’d to lay it in close aboard the Land; and about ten -a clock open’d the South End of the Island, and ran close aboard the -Land that begins to make the North-East side. The Flaws[122] came heavy -off shore, and we-were forc’d to reef our Top-sails when we open’d the -middle Bay, where we expected to find our Enemy, but saw all clear, and -no Ships in that nor the other Bay next the N W. End. These two Bays are -all that Ships ride in which recruit on this Island, but the middle Bay -is by much the best. We guess’d there had been Ships there, but that -they were gone on sight of us. We sent our Yall ashore about Noon, with -Capt. _Dover_, Mr. _Frye_, and six Men, all arm’d; mean while we and the -_Dutchess_ kept turning to get in, and such heavy Flaws came off the -Land, that we were forc’d to let fly our Topsail-Sheet, keeping all -Hands to stand by our Sails, for fear of the Wind’s carrying ’em away: -but when the Flaws were gone, we had little or no Wind. These Flaws -proceeded from the Land, which is very high in the middle of the Island. -Our Boat did not return, so we sent our Pinnace with the Men arm’d, to -see what was the occasion of the Yall’s stay; for we were afraid that -the _Spaniards_ had a Garison there, and might have seiz’d ’em. We put -out a Signal for our Boat, and the _Dutchess_ show’d a _French_ Ensign. -Immediately our Pinnace returned from the shore, and brought abundance -of Craw-fish, with a Man cloth’d in Goat-Skins, who look’d wilder than -the first Owners of them. He had been on the Island four Years and four -Months, being left there by Capt. _Stradling_ in the _Cinque-Ports_; his -Name was _Alexander Selkirk_ a _Scotch_ Man, who had been Master of the -_Cinque-Ports_, a Ship that came here last with Capt. _Dampier_, who -told me that this was the best Man in her; so I immediately agreed with -him to be a Mate on board our Ship. ’Twas he that made the Fire last -night when he saw our Ships, which he judg’d to be _English_. During -his stay here, he saw several Ships pass by, but only two came in to -anchor. As he went to view them, he found ’em to be _Spaniards_, and -retir’d from ’em; upon which they shot at him. Had they been _French_, -he would have submitted; but chose to risque his dying alone on the -Island, rather than fall into the hands of the _Spaniards_ in these -parts, because he apprehended they would murder him, or make a Slave of -him in the Mines, for he fear’d they would spare no Stranger that might -be capable of discovering the _South-Sea_. The _Spaniards_ had landed, -before he knew what they were, and they came so near him that he had -much ado to escape; for they not only shot at him but pursu’d him into -the Woods, where he climb’d to the top of a Tree, at the foot of which -they made water, and kill’d several Goats just by, but went off again -without discovering him. He told us that he was born at _Largo_ in the -County of _Fife_ in _Scotland_, and was bred a Sailor from his Youth. -The reason of his being left here was a difference betwixt him and his -Captain; which, together with the Ships being leaky, made him willing -rather to stay here, than go along with him at first; and when he was at -last willing, the Captain would not receive him. He had been in the -Island before to wood and water, when two of the Ships Company were left -upon it for six Months till the Ship return’d, being chas’d thence by -two _French South-Sea_ Ships. - -[Sidenote: _Account of Alexander Selkirk._] - -He had with him his Clothes and Bedding, with a Firelock, some Powder, -Bullets, and Tobacco, a Hatchet, a Knife, a Kettle, a Bible, some -practical Pieces, and his Mathematical Instruments and Books. He -diverted and provided for himself as well as he could; but for the first -eight months had much ado to bear up against Melancholy, and the Terror -of being left alone in such a desolate place. He built two Hutts with -Piemento Trees, cover’d them with long Grass, and lin’d them with the -Skins of Goats, which he kill’d with his Gun as he wanted, so long as -his Powder lasted, which was but a pound; and that being near spent, he -got fire by rubbing two sticks of Piemento Wood together upon his knee. -In the lesser Hutt, at some distance from the other, he dress’d his -Victuals, and in the larger he slept, and employ’d himself in reading, -singing Psalms, and praying; so that he said he was a better Christian -while in this Solitude than ever he was before, or than, he was afraid, -he should ever be again. At first he never eat any thing till Hunger -constrain’d him, partly for grief and partly for want of Bread and -Salt; nor did he go to bed till he could watch no longer: the Piemento -Wood, which burnt very clear, serv’d him both for Firing and Candle, and -refresh’d him with its fragrant Smell. - -He might have had Fish enough, but could not eat ’em for want of Salt, -because they occasion’d a Looseness; except Crawfish, which are there as -large as our Lobsters, and very good: These he sometimes boil’d, and at -other times broil’d, as he did his Goats Flesh, of which he made very -good Broth, for they are not so rank as ours: he kept an Account of 500 -that he kill’d while there, and caught as many more, which he mark’d on -the Ear and let go. When his Powder fail’d, he took them by speed of -foot; for his way of living and continual Exercise of walking and -running, clear’d him of all gross Humours, so that he ran with wonderful -Swiftness thro the Woods and up the Rocks and Hills, as we perceiv’d -when we employ’d him to catch Goats for us. We had a Bull-Dog, which we -sent with several of our nimblest Runners, to help him in catching -Goats; but he distanc’d and tir’d both the Dog and the Men, catch’d the -Goats, and brought ’em to us on his back. He told us that his Agility in -pursuing a Goat had once like to have cost him his Life; he pursu’d it -with so much Eagerness that he catch’d hold of it on the brink of a -Precipice, of which he was not aware, the Bushes having hid it from him; -so that he fell with the Goat down the said Precipice a great height, -and was so stun’d and bruis’d with the Fall, that he narrowly escap’d -with his Life, and when he came to his Senses, found the Goat dead under -him. He lay there about 24 hours, and was scarce able to crawl to his -Hutt, which was about a mile distant, or to stir abroad again in ten -days. - -He came at last to relish his Meat well enough without Salt or Bread, -and in the Season had plenty of good Turnips, which had been sow’d there -by Capt. _Dampier_’s Men, and have now overspread some Acres of Ground. -He had enough of good Cabbage from the Cabbage-Trees, and season’d his -Meat with the Fruit of the Piemento Trees, which is the same as the -_Jamaica_ Pepper, and smells deliciously. He found there also a black -Pepper call’d _Malagita_, which was very good to expel Wind, and against -Griping of the Guts. - -He soon wore out all his Shoes and Clothes by running thro the Woods; -and at last being forc’d to shift without them, his Feet became so hard, -that he run every where without Annoyance: and it was some time before -he could wear Shoes after we found him; for not being us’d to any so -long, his Feet swell’d when he came first to wear ’em again. - -After he had conquer’d his Melancholy, he diverted himself sometimes by -cutting his Name on the Trees, and the Time of his being left and -Continuance there. He was at first much pester’d with Cats and Rats, -that had bred in great numbers from some of each Species which had got -ashore from Ships that put in there to wood and water. The Rats gnaw’d -his Feet and Clothes while asleep, which oblig’d him to cherish the Cats -with his Goats-flesh; by which many of them became so tame, that they -would lie about him in hundreds, and soon deliver’d him from the Rats. -He likewise tam’d some Kids, and to divert himself would now and then -sing and dance with them and his Cats: so that by the Care of Providence -and Vigour of his Youth, being now but about 30 years old, he came at -last to conquer all the Inconveniences of his Solitude, and to be very -easy. When his Clothes wore out, he made himself a Coat and Cap of -Goat-Skins, which he stitch’d together with little Thongs of the same, -that he cut with his Knife. He had no other Needle but a Nail; and when -his Knife was wore to the back, he made others as well as he could of -some Iron Hoops that were left ashore, which he beat thin and ground -upon Stones. Having some Linen Cloth by him, he sow’d himself Shirts -with a Nail, and stitch’d ’em with the Worsted of his old Stockings, -which he pull’d out on purpose. He had his last Shirt on when we found -him in the Island. - -At his first coming on board us, he had so much forgot his Language for -want of Use, that we could scarce understand him, for he seem’d to speak -his words by halves. We offer’d him a Dram, but he would not touch it, -having drank nothing but Water since his being there, and ’twas some -time before he could relish our Victuals. - -He could give us an account of no other Product of the Island than what -we have mention’d, except small black Plums, which are very good, but -hard to come at, the Trees which bear ’em growing on high Mountains and -Rocks. Piemento Trees are plenty here, and we saw some of 60 foot high, -and about two yards thick; and Cotton Trees higher, and near four fathom -round in the Stock. - -[Sidenote: _In the Road of Juan Fernandez._] - -The Climate is so good, that the Trees and Grass are verdant all the -Year. The Winter lasts no longer than _June_ and _July_, and is not then -severe, there being only a small Frost and a little Hail, but sometimes -great Rains. The Heat of the Summer is equally moderate, and there’s not -much Thunder or tempestuous Weather of any sort. He saw no venomous or -savage Creature on the Island, nor any other sort of Beast but Goats, -&c. as above-mention’d; the first of which had been put ashore here on -purpose for a Breed by _Juan Fernando_ a _Spaniard_, who settled there -with some Families for a time, till the Continent of _Chili_ began to -submit to the _Spaniards_; which being more profitable, tempted them to -quit this Island, which is capable of maintaining a good number of -People, and of being made so strong that they could not be easily -dislodg’d. - -_Ringrose_[123] in his Account of Capt. _Sharp_’s Voyage and other -Buccaneers, mentions one who had escap’d ashore here out of a Ship which -was cast away with all the rest of the Company, and says he liv’d five -years alone before he had the opportunity of another Ship to carry him -off. Capt. _Dampier_ talks of a _Moskito Indian_ that belong’d to Capt. -_Watlin_,[124] who being a hunting in the Woods when the Captain left -the Island, liv’d here three years alone, and shifted much in the same -manner as Mr. _Selkirk_ did, till Capt. _Dampier_ came hither in 1684, -and carry’d him off. The first that went ashore was one of his -Countrymen, and they saluted one another first by prostrating themselves -by turns on the ground, and then embracing. But whatever there is in -these Stories, this of Mr. _Selkirk_ I know to be true; and his -Behaviour afterwards gives me reason to believe the Account he gave me -how he spent his time, and bore up under such an Affliction, in which -nothing but the Divine Providence could have supported any Man. By this -one may see that Solitude and Retirement from the World is not such an -unsufferable State of Life as most Men imagine, especially when People -are fairly call’d or thrown into it unavoidably, as this Man was; who in -all probability must otherwise have perish’d in the Seas, the Ship which -left him being cast away not long after, and few of the Company escap’d. -We may perceive by this Story the Truth of the Maxim, That Necessity is -the Mother of Invention, since he found means to supply his Wants in a -very natural manner, so as to maintain his Life, tho not so -conveniently, yet as effectually as we are able to do with the help of -all our Arts and Society. It may likewise instruct us, how much a plain -and temperate way of living conduces to the Health of the Body and the -Vigour of the Mind, both which we are apt to destroy by Excess and -Plenty, especially of strong Liquor, and the Variety as well as the -Nature of our Meat and Drink: for this Man, when he came to our ordinary -Method of Diet and Life, tho he was sober enough, lost much of his -Strength and Agility. But I must quit these Reflections, which are more -proper for a Philosopher and Divine than a Mariner, and return to my own -Subject. - -We did not get to anchor till six at night, on _Febr._ 1. and then it -fell calm: we row’d and tow’d into the Anchor-ground about a mile off -shore, 45 fathom Water, clean Ground; the Current sets mostly along -shore to the Southward. This Morning we clear’d up Ship, and bent our -Sails, and got them ashore to mend, and make Tents for our sick Men. The -Governour (tho we might as well have nam’d him the Absolute Monarch of -the Island) for so we call’d Mr. _Selkirk_, caught us two Goats, which -make excellent Broth, mix’d with Turnip-Tops and other Greens, for our -sick Men, being 21 in all, but not above two that we account dangerous; -the _Dutchess_ has more Men sick, and in a worse condition than ours. - - -[Sidenote: _In the Road of Juan Fernandez._] - -_Febr. 3._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we got as many of our Men ashore -as could be spar’d from clearing and fitting our Ship, to wood and -water. Our Sail-makers are all mending our Sails, and I lent the -_Dutchess_ one to assist them. This Morning we got our Smiths Forge put -up ashore, set our Coopers to work in another place, and made a little -Tent for my self to have the Benefit of the Shore. The _Dutchess_ has -also a Tent for their sick Men; so that we have a little Town of our own -here, and every body is employ’d. A few Men supply us all with Fish of -several sorts, all very good; as Silver-fish, Rock-fish, Pollock, -Cavallos, Oldwives, and Craw-fish in such abundance, that in a few hours -we could take as many as would serve some hundreds of Men. There were -Sea-Fowls in the Bay as large as Geese, but eat fish. The Governour -never fail’d of getting us two or three Goats a day for our sick Men, by -which with the help of the Greens and the Goodness of the Air they -recover’d very fast of the Scurvy, which was their general Distemper. -’Twas very pleasant ashore among the green Piemento Trees, which cast a -refreshing Smell. Our House was made by putting up a Sail round four of -’em, and covering it a-top with another Sail; so that Capt. _Dover_ and -I both thought it a very agreeable Seat, the Weather being neither too -hot nor too cold. - -We spent our time till the 10_th_ in refitting our Ships, taking Wood on -board, and laying up Water, that which we brought from _England_ and -_St. Vincent_ being spoil’d by the badness of the Casks. We likewise -boil’d up about 80 Gallons of Sea-Lions Oil, as we might have done -several Tuns, had we been provided with Vessels, _&c._ We refin’d and -strain’d it for the use of our Lamps and to save our Candles, tho -Sailors sometimes use it to fry their Meat, when straiten’d for want of -Butter, _&c._ and say ’tis agreeable enough. The Men who work’d ashore -on our Rigging eat young Seals, which they prefer’d to our Ships -Victuals, and said was as good as _English_ Lamb; tho for my own part I -should have been glad of such an Exchange. - -We made what haste we could to get all Necessaries on board, being -willing to lose no time; for we were inform’d at the _Canaries_ that -five stout _French_ Ships were coming together to these Seas. - - -_Febr. 11._ Yesterday in the Evening having little or nothing to do with -the Pinnance, we sent her to the South End of the Island to get Goats. -The Governour told us, that during his stay he could not get down to -that end from the Mountains where he liv’d, they were so steep and -rocky; but that there were abundance of Goats there, and that part of -the Island was plainer. Capt. _Dampier_, Mr. _Glendal_, and the -Governour, with ten Men, set out in company with the _Dutchess_’s Boat -and Crew, and surrounded a great parcel of Goats, which are of a larger -sort, and not so wild as those on the higher part of the Island where -the Governour liv’d; but not looking well to ’em, they escap’d over the -Cliff: so that instead of catching above a hundred, as they might easily -have done with a little precaution, they return’d this Morning with only -16 large ones, tho they saw above a thousand. If any Ships come again to -this Island, the best way is to keep some Men and Dogs at that part of -the Island, and sending a Boat to them once in 24 hours they may victual -a good Body of Men; and no doubt but amongst those Goats they may find -some hundreds with Mr. _Selkirk_’s Ear-mark.[125] - - -_Febr. 12._ This Morning we bent the remaining Sails, got the last Wood -and Water aboard, brought off our Men, and got every thing ready to -depart. The Island of _Juan Fernandez_ is nearest of a triangular form, -about 12 Leagues round; the South-west side is much the longest, and has -a small Island about a mile long lying near it, with a few visible Rocks -close under the shore of the great Island. On this side begins a Ridge -of high Mountains that run cross from the S W to the N W of the Island; -and the Land that lies out in a narrow Point to the Westward, appears to -be the only level Ground here. On the N E. side ’tis very high Land, and -under it are the two Bays where Ships always put in to recruit. The best -Bay is next the middle on this side the Island, which is to be known at -a distance by the highest Table Mountain right over this Bay. You may -anchor as near as you will to the shore, and the nearer the better. The -best Road is on the Larboard side of the Bay, and nearest the Eastermost -Shore: provided you get well in, you cannot mistake the Road. The other -Bay is plain to be seen under the North end, but not so good for Wood, -Water, or Landing, nor so safe for riding. In this Bay, where we rode, -there’s plenty of good Water and Wood: the best Water is in a small Cove -about a good Musket-shot to the Eastward of the place I have describ’d. -You may ride from a Mile to a Bow-shot off the Shore, being all deep -Water and bold, without any danger round the Island, but what is visible -and very near in. This Bay where we rode is open to near half the -Compass; the Eastermost Land in sight bore E by S. dist. about a mile -and a half, and the outermost Northwest Point of the Island lies -something without our Bay, and bears N W by W. dist. a good League. We -were about a mile off the Shore, and had 45 fathom Water, clean sandy -Ground; we design’d to have ran farther in, and new moor’d, but Mr. -_Selkirk_ inform’d us that this Month proves the fairest in the Year, -and that during Winter and Summer, the - -[Sidenote: _Account of Juan Fernandez._] - -whole time he was here, he seldom knew the Wind to blow off from the -Sea, but only in small Breezes that never brought in a Sea, nor held two -hours: but he warn’d us to be on our guard against the Wind off shore, -which blew very strong sometimes. The Bay is all deep Water, and you may -carry in Ships close to the Rocks, if occasion require. The Wind blows -always over the Land, and at worst along shore, which makes no Sea. It’s -for the most part calm at night, only now and then a Flaw blows from the -high Land over us. Near the Rocks there are very good Fish of several -sorts, particularly large Craw-fish under the Rocks easy to be caught; -also Cavallies, Gropers, and other good Fish in so great plenty any -where near the Shore, that I never saw the like, but at the best fishing -Season in _Newfoundland_. Piemento is the best Timber, and most -plentiful on this side the Island, but very apt to split till a little -dry’d: we cut the longest and cleanest to split for Fire-wood. The -Cabbage-Trees abound about three miles in the Woods, and the Cabbage -very good; most of ’em are on the tops of the nearest and lowest -Mountains. In the first Plain we found store of Turnip-Greens, and -Water-Cresses in the Brooks, which mightily refresh’d our Men, and -cleans’d ’em from the Scurvey: the Turnips, Mr. _Selkirk_ told us, are -good in our Summer Months, which is Winter here; but this being Autumn, -they are all run to Seed, so that we can’t have the benefit of any thing -but the Greens. The Soil is a loose black Earth, the Rocks very rotten, -so that without great care it’s dangerous to climb the Hills for -Cabbages: besides, there are abundance of Holes dug in several places by -a sort of Fowls like Puffins, which fall in at once, and endanger the -wrenching or breaking of a Man’s Leg. Mr. _Selkirk_ tells me, in _July_ -he has seen Snow and Ice here; but the Spring, which is in _September_, -_October_, and _November_, is very pleasant, when there’s abundance of -good Herbs, as Parsly, Purslain, Sithes in great plenty, besides an Herb -found by the water-side, which prov’d very useful to our Surgeons for -Fomentations; ’tis not much unlike Feverfew, of a very grateful Smell -like Balm, but of a stronger and more cordial Scent: ’tis in great -plenty near the Shore. We gather’d many large Bundles of it, dry’d ’em -in the shade, and sent ’em on board, besides great quantities that we -carry’d in every Morning to strow the Tents, which tended much to the -speedy Recovery of our sick Men, of whom none died but two belonging to -the _Dutchess_, viz. _Edward Wilts_ and _Christopher Williams_. - -Mr. _Selkirk_ tells me, that in _November_ the Seals come ashore to -whelp and ingender, when the Shore is so full of them for a stone’s -throw, that ’tis impossible to pass thro them; and they are so surly, -that they’l not move out of the way, but like an angry Dog run at a Man, -tho he have a good Stick to beat them: so that at this and their -whelping Seasons ’tis dangerous to come near them, but at other times -they’l make way for a Man; and if they did not, ’twould be impossible to -get up from the Water-side: they lin’d the Shore very thick for above -half a mile of ground all round the Bay. When we came in, they kept a -continual noise day and night, some bleeting like Lambs, some howling -like Dogs or Wolves, others making hideous noises of various sorts; so -that we heard ’em aboard, tho a mile from the Shore. Their Fur is the -finest that ever I saw of the kind, and exceeds that of our Otters. - -[Sidenote: _In the Road of Juan Fernandez._] - -Another strange Creature here is the Sea-Lion: The Governour tells me he -has seen of them above 20 foot long and more in compass, which could not -weigh less than two Tun weight. I saw several of these vast Creatures, -but none of the above-mention’d Size; several of ’em were upward of 16 -foot long, and more in bulk, so that they could not weigh less than a -Tun weight. The Shape of their Body differs little from the Sea-Dogs or -Seals, but have another sort of Skin, a Head much bigger in proportion, -and very large Mouths, monstrous big Eyes, and a Face like that of a -Lion, with very large Whiskers, the Hair of which is stiff enough to -make Tooth-pickers. These Creatures come ashore to engender the latter -end of _June_, and stay till the end of _September_; during all which -time they lie on the Land, and are never observ’d to go to the Water, -but lie in the same place above a Musket-shot from the Water-side, and -have no manner of Sustenance all that time that he could observe. I took -notice of some that lay a week, without once offering to move out of the -place whilst I was there, till they were disturb’d by us; but we saw few -in comparison of what he informs us he did, and that the Shore was all -crouded full of them a Musket-shot into the Land. I admire how these -Monsters come to yield such a quantity of Oil. Their Hair is short and -coarse, and their Skin thicker than the thickest Ox-Hide I ever saw. We -found no Land-Bird on the Island, but a sort of Black-Bird with a red -Breast, not unlike our _English_ Black-Birds; and the Humming Bird of -various Colours, and no bigger than a large Humble Bee. Here is a small -Tide which flows uncertain, and the Spring-Tide flows about seven foot. - -I shall not trouble the Reader with the Descriptions of this Island -given by others, wherein there are many Falshoods; but the Truth of this -I can assert from my own knowledg. Nor shall I insert the Description of -the Cabbage and Piemento Trees, being so well known and so frequently -done, that there’s no manner of need for it. I have insisted the longer -upon this Island, because it might be at first of great use to those who -would carry on any Trade to the _South-Sea._ - - -_Febr. 13._ At a Committee held on board the _Dutchess_ the 13_th_ of -_February_, 170-8/9, it was agreed as follows: - -“Resolv’d to steer from _Juan Fernandez_ N E by E. for the Land; and -when come within six Leagues of the Shore, to keep that distance, -steering along Shore to the Northward. - -“The next Place we design’d to stop at, to build our Boats and land our -Men, is the Island of _Lobos de la Mar_. In case of losing Company, to -wait for each other 20 Leagues to the Northward of the place where we -accounted we were when we separated. - -“Then to lie at six Leagues distance from the Shore the space of four -days, and to proceed with an easy Sail for _Lobos_, in case of not -meeting; taking special care of the Rocks call’d _Ormigos_, lying about -that distance off from _Callo_, the Sea-port of the City of _Lima_. - -“In case of seeing one or more Sail, the Signal for chasing, if not out -of call, is to clew up our Maintop-gallant Sheets, with the Yards aloft. -And the general method we design to take in chasing, is, for the Ship -that sails best, or is nearest the Chase, to chase directly after the -Sail discover’d, and the other to keep to or from the Shore at a -convenient distance, as occasion shall require, to prevent being known. -And if the Ship that is nearest the Chase believes her to be too big for -one Ship alone, then to make the same Signal, or any other plainer to be -distinguish’d than the Signal for the Chase: And if either Ship comes up -with the Chase, and have her in possession or under command, if in the -day, to show a white Jack on the Maintop-Mast head; and if in the -night, to make two false Fires, and carry as plain Lights as possible. - -“To leave off Chase, the Signal by night is one good Light at the -Maintop-Mast head; and to fire no Gun, but in a Fog, or very thick -Weather, either night or day, to prevent being discover’d. - -“To leave off Chase by day, the Signal is to haul down the Top-sails, -keeping out our Maintop-gallant Stay-Sail; and in case of losing -Company, we refer our selves to our weekly Signals to discover each -other. - -“In case either Ship in Chase or otherways should run into any danger of -Shoal-Water or other kind, then the Ship in such danger is to fire a Gun -with a Shot, and to stand from it. - -“In case of a Separation, each Ship as they enter _Lobos_ to carry an -_English_ Pennant at the Foretop-Mast head; and if the other happens to -be there, she must show her _English_ Colours. And if either Ship anchor -short of the Road, she shall put out three Lights, _viz._ at the -Maintop-Mast head, Poop, Boltsprit end. - -“Either Ship arriving at _Lobos_, and not finding his Consort there, he -is immediately to set up two Crosses, one at the Landing-place nearest -the farther end of the Starboard great Island going in, with a -Glass-Bottle hid under ground 20 Yards directly North from each Cross, -with Intelligence of what has happen’d since parting, and what their -further Designs are. This to be done and in readiness, that if they give -Chase, or be forc’d out by the Enemy, the missing Ship may not want -Intelligence from her Consort.” - -We began this Method at _Cork_, to secure the best place we could -possible to rendevouz at; hoping by this means and our Signals always to -keep Company, and know each other thro the whole Voyage. These -Directions being something particular, made me insert them in the -Journal. - - -_Febr. 13._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we sent our Yall a fishing, and -got near 200 large Fish in a very little time, which we salted for our -future spending. This Morning we concluded what we began last night, -being the foregoing Agreement to direct our Affairs from this place; and -as all our Success depends on a strict Secrecy, the Precautions may not -be useless. - - -[Sidenote: _Sailing from the Coasts of Chili._] - -_Febr. 14._ Yesterday about three in the Afternoon we weigh’d, had a -fair pleasant Gale at S S E. Mr. _Vanbrugh_ came on board our Ship -again, and exchang’d with Mr. _Bath_, I hope for the best. Course N. -Lat. 32. 32. Long. W. from _London_, 83. 06. - - -_Febr. 16._ Had moderate Gales of Wind with Calms. This Morning I went -on board the _Dutchess_, with Capt. _Dover_ and Capt. _Dampier_, and -din’d there. Wind at S. - - -_Febr. 17._ Most part of this 24 hours was calm, and cloudy Weather. -About ten a clock we hoisted our Boat out, and fetch’d Capt _Courtney_ -and Capt. _Cook_ to dine with us: whilst they were on board, we settled -and sign’d the following Instrument, one for each Ship, further to -secure our Methods, and to regulate the Affair of Plunder, which if well -follow’d will prevent the bad effects of so dangerous an Obstacle to our -good Proceedings; which has prov’d too hard a Task for all others in our -time that have gone out on the same account, so far from _Great -Britain_: which I believe is chiefly owing either to want of Unity or -good Measures. God be thank’d we have a good Concord between each Ships -Company hitherto. - - - At a Committee held by the Officers of the _Duke_ and _Duchess_, 17 - Febr. 1708/9. - - _Mr._ George Underhill, _Mr._ David Wilson, - _Mr._ Lanc. Appleby, _Mr._ Sam. Worden: - -_You being chosen by the Officers and Men on board the_ Duke, _to be -Managers of the Plunder which we may take in our Cruising at Sea on the -Coast of_ New Spain, _’tis our Order that Mr._ Lanc. Appleby _and Mr._ -Samuel Warden _do go and continue aboard the_ Dutchess, _in the place of -two other Men from them; who are to search all Persons that return from -such Prize or Prizes that may be taken by either Ship: as also all -Persons that the Captains of either Ship shall give leave, whose Advice -you are continually to follow, and apply to them for Assistance, if -occasion require; and immediately to inform of any Persons belonging to -either Ship, that shall be perceiv’d to use clandestine Methods to hide -Plunder, or endeavour to avoid the searching them._ - -_If the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess _are separated when any Prize it -taken, then one of you is to be on board the Prize, and the other to -remain on board the Ship; and in each place be very strict, and keep an -exact Account of what comes to your hands, and as soon as possible -secure it in such manner as the Captain of either Ship shall direct: -still observing the Command of the superior Officer on board the Prize, -who is also to assist you to the utmost of his power._ - -_If any Person not concern’d in this Order, nor employ’d in the same by -Capt._ Courtney, _concerns himself with the Plunder, except the -Commanding Officer, you are to forbid him; and if he disobeys, to give -immediate Information of such Person or Persons._ - -_You are not to incumber the Boats with Chests or Plunder out of any -Prize at first coming aboard, but mind what you see. And the first thing -you are to do, is to take account of what you find aboard that is -Plunder, and remove nothing without the Captains of either Ship’s -Orders; or in case of their Absence, of the chief Officer or Officers of -either Ship that shall be aboard the Prize, to avoid Trouble and -Disturbance._ - -_You are by no means to be rude in your Office, but to do every thing as -quiet and easy as possible; and to demean your selves so towards those -employ’d by Capt._ Courtney, _that we may have no manner of Disturbance -or Complaint: still observing that you be not overaw’d, nor deceiv’d of -what is your Due, in the behalf of the Officers and Men._ - -_The Persons appointed to be Managers by the_ Dutchess, _were the -underwritten_, - - John Connely, Simon Fleming, - Simon Hatley, Barth. Rowe. - -_To whom the foregoing Orders were also given, and sign’d by the -Committee._ - - Tho. Dover, _President_, Carleton Vanbrugh, - Woodes Rogers, John Bridge, - Stephen Courtney, William Stratton, - William Dampier, John Rogers, - Edward Cooke, John Connely, - Robert Frye, William Bath, - Charles Pope, Geo. Milbourne, - Tho. Glendall, John Ballet. - - -_Febr. 17._ Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Cooke_ being aboard, we agreed -that Mr. _Appleby_ should appear for the Officers on board the -_Dutchess_, and _Samuel Worden_ for the Men: Mr. _Simon Hatley_ and -_Simon Fleming_ were to have the like Charge on board of us, to manage -the Plunder according to the foregoing Orders. - - -[Sidenote: _Our Approach near Lima._] - -_Febr. 18._ About three Yesterday afternoon, we saw the Main dist. 9 Ls. -it’s very high Land, with several Islands. - -_Febr. 28._ Yesterday afternoon we came within about 6 Ls. of very high -Land. This Morning we put both Pinnaces in the Water, to try them under -Sail, having fix’d them with each a Gun after the manner of a -Patterero,[126] and all things necessary for small Privateers; hoping -they’l be serviceable to us in little Winds to take Vessels. Wind at S. -and S by E. - - -_March 1._ Having little Wind and smooth Water, we heel’d both Ships and -tallow’d. - - -_Mar. 2._ We are in sight of Land, dist. 12 or 14 Ls. Within the Country -there’s a vast high Ridge of Mountains, nam’d _Cordilleras_, all along -this Course; some parts I believe are full as high, if not higher, than -the _Pico Teneriff_, with Snow on the top. We had a good Observ. Lat. -17. 03. Longit. 70. 29. West from _London_. - - -_March 4._ Fine pleasant Weather, with fresh Gales of Wind. This day we -came to an Allowance of three Pints of Water a Man _per_ day, tho we had -a good stock aboard. My reason for it was, that we might keep at Sea -some time and take some Prizes, and not be forc’d to discover our selves -by watring, before we attempted any thing ashore; because an Enemy being -once discover’d, there’s nothing of Value, as I’m informed, puts to Sea -from one end of the Coast to the other. They have great Conveniences of -giving notice by Expresses and strict Orders for all Officers on the -Shore to keep Lookers-out upon every Head-Land. - - -_Mar. 8._ Fine pleasant Weather, a brisk Gale at S E. At three this -Morning we lay by, and at six saw the Land dist. about 14 Ls. after -which I made sail. The _Dutchess_ had a Boy fell out of the Mizen-top -down on the Deck, and broke his Leg; of which he is in a fair way to -recover. Lat. 12. 31. Longit. 84. 58. - - -_Mar. 9._ Fair Weather, a moderate Gale at S E. We go under an easy -Sail, in hopes of seeing rich Ships either going or coming out of -_Lima_, being now near it. We keep about 7 Ls. from Shore, to prevent -our being discover’d. We shall not lie long here, but design to go for -_Lobos_ to build our Boats, and get things ready to land at _Guiaquil_. - - -_Mar. 10._ Pleasant Weather, moderate Gales at S E. This Morning, -perceiving white Rocks at a distance which look’d like Ships, we brought -to, and sent our Boats under the shore, having kept them ready a-stern -four days, that if we saw a Sail near the Shore, they might take them, -to prevent their discovering us to those on the Continent. - - -_Mar. 13._ Fair Weather, moderate Gales at S E. This Morning we ran near -Land, and the _Dutchess_ kept in the Offing, to see if we could meet any -of the Traders; there being, as I am inform’d, Ships of good Value -sometimes on this Coast. Our Men begin to repine, that tho come so far, -we have met with no Prize in these Seas. - - -_Mar. 14._ The Nights are very cold in comparison of the Days, which are -warm enough, but not so hot as I expected in this Latitude. Here’s never -any Rain, but great Dews in the night, almost equivalent to it, tho the -Air be generally serene. At eight last night we hal’d up N N W. for the -Island _Lobos_. - - -_Mar. 15._ We saw Land yesterday, and supposing it was _Lobos_, stood -off and on all night. In the Morning it prov’d very hazy till ten, when -we saw it again right a-head; we stood nearer till we were convinc’d it -was not _Lobos_, but the main Land of _Peru_ within it: so we stood off -at twelve, and had a good Observ. Lat. 6. 55. - - -_Mar. 16._ Yesterday afternoon we spy’d a Sail; our Consort being -nearest, soon took her. She was a little Vessel of about 16 Tun -belonging to _Payta_, and bound to _Cheripe_ for Flower, with a small -Sum of Money aboard to purchase it. The Master’s Name was _Antonio -Heliagos_, a _Mustees_, begotten between an _Indian_ and a _Spaniard_: -his Company was eight Men, one of them a _Spaniard_, one a _Negro_, and -the rest _Indians_. We ask’d them for News, and they assur’d us that all -the _French_ ships, being seven in number, sail’d out of these Seas six -months ago, and that no more were to return; adding, That the -_Spaniards_ had such an Aversion to them, that at _Callo_ the Sea-Port -for _Lima_ they kill’d so many of the _French_, and quarrel’d so -frequently with ’em, that none were suffer’d to come ashore there for -some time before they sail’d from thence. After we had put Men aboard -the Prize, we hal’d off close on a Wind for _Lobos_, having shot within -it; and had we not been better inform’d by the Crew of the Prize, might -have endanger’d our Ships, by running in farther, because there are -Shoals between the Island and the Main. The Prisoners tell us there had -been no Enemy in those parts since Capt. _Dampier_, which is above four -Years ago. They likewise inform’d us that Capt. _Stradling_’s[127] Ship -the _Cinque-Ports_, - -[Sidenote: _Arrival at Lobos._] - -who was _Dampier_’s Consort, founder’d on the Coast of _Barbacour_, -where he with six or seven of his Men were only sav’d; and being taken -in their Boat, had been four Years Prisoners at _Lima_, where they liv’d -much worse than our Governour _Selkirk_, whom they left on the Island -_Juan Fernandez_. This Morning we saw the Island _Lobos_, which bore -South about 4 Ls. at Noon it bore S by W. dist. 6 miles. We sent our -Pinnace thither mann’d and arm’d, to see if there were any Fishermen -upon it and secure ’em, lest they should discover us to the People on -the Main. - - -_Mar. 17._ Yesterday about five in the Evening we got well into anchor, -but found no body at the Island. We had 20 fathom Water, clean Ground in -the Thorow-fair between the two Islands, above a Cable’s length from -each Shore. ’Tis a bold going in and a good Road, the Wind blowing -constantly over Land. We resolv’d here to fit out our small Bark for a -Privateer, she being well built for sailing; and this Morning we had her -into a small round Cove in the Southermost Island, where we haul’d her -up dry on the Land. The Carpenters also got the Timber ashore, to build -our Boat for landing Men. - - -_Mar. 18._ In the Evening we launch’d our small Privateer, having -clean’d her Bottom well, call’d her the _Beginning_, and appointed Capt. -_Cooke_ to command her. We got a small spare Mast out of our Ship, which -made her a new Main-Mast, and our Mizen-top Sail was alter’d to make her -a Main-Sail. The _Dutchess_ heel’d, and clean’d their Ship. This Morning -I got all our sick Men ashore, and built Tents for them: the _Dutchess_ -also landed hers. We agreed to stay the building of our Boat and fitting -out the Privateer, while the _Dutchess_ cruis’d about the Island, and in -sight of the Main. - - -_Mar. 19._ Yesterday afternoon we sent the Yall a fishing, got the Bark -rigg’d, and almost ready, with four Swivel-Guns and a Deck near -finish’d. This Morning the _Dutchess_ sail’d a cruising, and appointed -to meet the Bark off the South-East End of the Island. - - -_Mar. 20._ The Bark being got ready, this Morning we victual’d her out -of our Ship, and put 20 of ours, and 12 of our Consorts Men aboard her -well arm’d. I saw her out of the Harbour with our Pinnance, she looks -very pretty, and I believe will sail well in smooth Water, having all -Masts, Sails, Rigging, and Materials, like one of the Half-Galley’s -fitted out for her Majesty’s Service in _England_: They gave our Ship’s -Company three Huzza’s, and we return’d them the like at parting. I told -Capt. _Cooke_, if we should be forc’d out of the Road, or give Chase -hence, we would leave a Glass-Bottle bury’d near a remarkable great -Stone, that I show’d him, with Letters in it, to give an account how it -was with us, of the occasion of our Departure, and where to meet again: -I bid him acquaint Capt. _Courtney_ with it. - - -_Mar. 22._ This Morning a _Spaniard_ belonging to us, nam’d _Silvester -Ramos_, died suddenly, and we buried him at night. Most of our Men are -healthy, except two or three who are ill of the Scurvey. - - -_Mar. 23._ This Morning we began to scrub our Ship, and clear’d -abundance of Barnacles off her Bottom, almost as large as Muscles. A -Ship grows foul very fast in these Seas. - - -_Mar. 25._ We caught plenty of very good Fish. The Seals are numerous -here, but not so many as at _Juan Fernandez_: A large one seiz’d a stout -_Dutchman_, had like to have pull’d him into the Water, and bit him to -the bone in several places, in one of his Arms and Legs. - - -_Mar. 26._ This Morning the _Dutchess_ came in with a Prize call’d the -_Santa Josepha_, bound from _Guiaquil_ to _Truxillo_, Burden about 50 -Tuns, full of Timber, with some Cocou, and Coco-Nuts, and Tobacco which -we distributed among our Men: The _Dutchess_ and _Beginning_ took her -between this Island and the Main; she had very little of Value on board. - - -_Mar. 27._ This Morning we gave our Ship a good heel, and tallow’d her -low down. A _Dutchman_ belonging to the _Dutchess_ died of the Scurvy -ashore, and was buried on the Island. - - -_Mar. 30._ Yesterday afternoon we got the second Prize (which we call’d -the _Increase_) aboard us, and clean’d her. We brought all off shore, -and launch’d our new Boat to tow at our stern, and at ten a clock came -to sail, after we had put Mr. _Stratton_ to command the _Beginning_, and -all our sick Men and a Doctor of each Ship aboard the _Increase_, of -which Mr. _Selkirk_, our second Mate, was appointed Master. - -[Sidenote: _Description of Lobos._] - -By Observation we had here, this Island lies in Lat. 6. 50. S. the -Variation 3. 30. Easterly; and I reckon it lies in the Longitude of 87. -35. West from _London_. The two largest Islands, call’d _Lobos de la -Mar_ (to distinguish them from others call’d _Lobos de la Terra_, within -2 Ls. of the Land) are about 16 Ls. from the Main, and 6 Miles in -length. There’s another small Island close by the Eastermost to -Windward, not half a mile long, with some Rocks and Breakers near the -Shore, all round and off of each side of the Entrance to the Road, which -is bold and has no visible Danger. There’s a Passage for Boats to -Windward, to come into the Road, which is to the Leeward of these -Islands in a Sound between them. ’Tis not half a mile broad, but above a -mile deep has from 10 to 20 fathom Water, and good Anchor-ground: -there’s no coming in for Ships, but to Leeward of the Islands. We went -in with a small Weather-Tide, tho I never perceiv’d it flow above 3 foot -whilst we lay here. The Wind commonly blows Southerly, veering a little -to the Eastward: on the Eastermost Island (which was on our Larboard -side as we lay at anchor in the Sound) there is a round Hummock, and -behind it a small Cove very smooth, deep, and convenient enough for a -Ship to careen in; there we haul’d up, and fitted our little Frigat. The -highest part of the Island appears in the Road not much higher than a -large Ship’s Top-Mast head. The Soil is a hungry white clayish Earth, -mix’d with Sand and Rocks. There’s no fresh Water, or green things on -the Islands: Here’s abundance of Vultures, _alias_ Carrion-Crows, which -look’d so like Turkeys, that one of our Officers at landing bless’d -himself at the sight, and hop’d to fare deliciously here. He was so -eager, that he would not stay till the Boat could put him ashore, but -leap’d into the Water with his Gun, and getting near enough to a parcel, -let fly at ’em; but when he came to take up his Game, it stunk -insufferably, and made us merry at his Mistake. The other Birds here are -Penguins, Pellicans, Boobys, Gulls, and a sort of Fowls like Teal, that -nestle in holes on the Land. Our Men got Loads of ’em, which they -skin’d, and prais’d them for very good Meat. We found abundance of -Bull-Rushes and empty Jars that the _Spanish_ Fishermen had left ashore. -All over this Coast they use Jars instead of Casks, for Oil, Wine, and -all other sorts of Liquids. Here’s abundance of Seals and some -Sea-Lions; the Seals are much larger than at _Juan Fernandez_, but the -Fur not so fine. Our People kill’d several with a design to eat their -Livers; but one of our Crew, a _Spaniard_, dying suddenly after eating -’em, I forbad the use of ’em. Our Prisoners told us, they accounted -those old Seals very unwholesom. The Wind always blowing fresh over the -Land, brought an ugly noisom Smell aboard from the Seals ashore; which -gave me a violent Head-Ach, and every body else complain’d of this -nauseous Smell; we found nothing so offensive at _Juan Fernandez_. - -Our Prisoners tell us, they expect the Widow of the late Vice-Roy of -_Peru_ would shortly embark for _Aquapulco_, with her Family and Riches, -and stop at _Payta_ to refresh, or sail near in sight as customary, in -one of the King’s Ships of 36 Guns; and that about eight months ago -there was a Ship with 200000 Pieces of Eight aboard, the rest of her -Cargo Liquors and Flower, which had pass’d _Payta_ for _Aquapulco_: she -would have been a welcome Prize to us, but since she is gone, it’s not -worth while to follow her. Our Prisoners added, That they left Signior -_Morel_ in a stout Ship with dry Goods for _Lima_, recruiting at -_Payta_, where he expected in few days a _French_-built Ship, belonging -to the _Spaniards_, to come from _Panama_ richly laden, with a Bishop -aboard. _Payta_ is a common Recruiting-place to those who go to or from -_Lima_, or most Ports to Windward, in their Trade to _Panama_, or any -part of the Coast of Mexico. Upon this Advice we agreed to spend as much -time as possible cruising off of _Payta_, without discovering our -selves, for fear of hindring our other Designs. - -At these Islands Capt. _Dampier_ in his last Voyage left his Ship the -_St. George_ at anchor, and went to the _East-Indies_ in a _Spanish_ -Brigantine with about 25 Men: After he had plunder’d _Puna_ in 1704. and -water’d his small Bark near it, he endur’d many Hardships, and for want -of his Commission to show (which he lost at _Puna_) he was imprison’d, -and had all his Goods seiz’d in the _Indies_ by the _Dutch_. - -Before we came hither, we held a Committee, and publish’d an Order in -both Ships, forbidding our Officers or Men on severe Penalties to hold -any Correspondence, or talk any thing that in the least concerns the -Voyage, with our Prisoners; which was strictly observ’d, to prevent the -Discovery of our Designs to the _Spaniards_. - - -_April 1._ Small Gales, fair clear Weather. This Morning I went in our -Yall on board the _Dutchess_, and afterwards spoke with the _Beginning_. -We agreed how to act, in case we see more than one Sail at a time to -chase. - - -[Sidenote: _From Lobos to the Northward._] - -_April 2._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we were surpriz’d with the Colour -of the Water, which look’d as red as Blood for several miles, occasion’d -by the Spawn of Fish. This Morning at Daybreak we spy’d a Sail about 2 -Ls. to Windward: We immediately hoisted out and mann’d our Pinnace, -commanded by Mr. _Frye_ my chief Lieutenant, who by eight in the Morning -took the Ship; she was call’d the _Ascension_, built Galeon-fashion, -very high with Galleries, Burden between 4 and 500 Tun, two Brothers -being Commanders, _viz._ _Joseph_ and _John Morel_. She was laden with -dry Goods and Timber, had above 50 Negroes, and several Passengers bound -from _Panama_ to _Lima_. - - -_April 3._ We immediately mann’d this Prize, took some of the -_Spaniards_ out of her, and put in Mr. _Frye_ Commander. We found a good -stock of fresh Provisions on board. In the Evening we saw another Sail, -which the _Beginning_ took, and brought her to the rest this Morning: -She was a Vessel of 35 Tuns, laden with Timber from _Guiaquil_ to -_Chancay_ near _Lima_; the Master’s Name was _Juan Guastellos_, the Crew -11 white Men and 1 Negro. We agreed with the _Dutchess_ and _Beginning_ -when and where to meet; and having all our Stations appointed, they left -us. We were inform’d by the Prisoners, that the Bishop of _Chokeaqua_, a -Place far up the Country in the South Parts of _Peru_, was to have come -from _Panama_ in this Vessel for _Lima_, in his way to the said -Bishoprick; but the Ship springing a Leak at _Panama_, he went on board -a _French_-built Ship belonging to the _Spaniards_ that was following -them for _Lima_, but would stop at _Payta_ to recruit, as the _Morels_ -had done. Being near that place, we resolve to watch narrowly in order -to catch the Ship with his Lordship. - - -_April 4._ About six in the Evening we parted with Mr. _Frye_ in the -great Prize, having order’d him with the two other Prizes to keep -together, and ply about 8 Ls. off shore in sight of the Hummocks call’d -the Saddle of _Payta_, because they appear in that shape with low Land -betwixt ’em. We stood in for the Shore, and next Morning saw a Ship to -Leeward, and gave chase; she made a Signal, by which we knew her to be -the _Dutchess_; but being at a distance, and we not having kept out our -Signal long enough, they did not see it. We kept on sail till we came -near her, which made them clear their Ship in order to fight: I did this -to surprize them, and at Noon went on board. - - -_April 5._ I kept the _Dutchess_ company till the Evening; and whilst I -was on board her, the _Beginning_ came down to us. We agreed on an exact -Station; the _Beginning_ to keep close in with _Payta_, the _Dutchess_ 8 -Ls. to Leeward, and I to lie right off of _Payta_ about 7 or 8 Ls. a -little to Windward. Just as the sun set I left them; they fancy’d they -saw a Sail, and chas’d in great haste: but we saw nothing except the -blowing of a Whale, of which there are abundance on this Coast. Wind -from the S E by S. to the E S E. - - -_April 6._ We came up with our three Prizes about four a clock in the -Afternoon, and found all in good order. Mr. _Frye_ had fitted out the -great Boat we built at _Lobos_, which we call a Launch, with Sails and -Oars, ready to give chase if they saw any thing in little Winds, having -Men enough for that end, in these peaceable Seas, where they are in no -fear of an Enemy. - - -_April 7._ At eight this Morning the Saddle of _Payta_ bore E N E. 7 Ls. -at Noon N E. dist. 10 Ls. I went on board the Galeon to Mr. _Frye_, and -station’d him again, leaving Signals for the other two, if he saw ’em; -and after having din’d on a good Quarter of Mutton and Cabbage with him, -which is a great Rarity to us here, I came on board, in order to leave -him the second time. - -Mr. _Vanbrugh_ threatning to shoot one of our Men at _Lobos_, only for -refusing to carry some Carrion-Crows that he shot, and having lately -abus’d Capt. _Dover_, as he said; the latter desir’d a Committee might -be call’d to examine into Mr. _Vanbrugh_’s Conduct, and we came to the -following Issue: _That Mr._ Vanbrugh _had committed sundry -Misdemeanours, and according to our Orders, we not believing him a fit -Person to be one of the Committee, had chosen Mr._ Samuel Hopkins _in -his stead_. Which was sign’d, and agreed to by all the Committee in both -Ships. - -At the same time, while we were together, we had a second Committee; -which concluded as follows. - - _We have examin’d and do approve of all the Proceedings and - Transactions since our leaving the Island of_ Grande _on the Coast - of_ Brazile, _both as to punishing Offenders, our Dispatch at_ Juan - Fernandez, _and staying at_ Lobos _to build our Boat, and acting in - all cases for the best of our intended Voyage to this time. In - Testimony of which, we have set our Hands the Day and Year - above-written._ - - Sign’d by all the chief Officers in both Ships. - - -_April 11._ Yesterday afternoon we all met aboard the _Duke_, to consult -how to act; for beginning to grow short of Water, we can’t keep the Sea -much longer. - - -[Sidenote: _From Lobos to the Northward._] - -_April 12._ This Morning we came to a full Resolution to land and -attempt _Guiaquil_. In order thereunto we fix’d two Barks, put -Ammunition and Arms on board them, with our four Quarter-Deck Guns and -Field-Carriages. And for the Management of this Expedition, we held a -Committee, and resolv’d on the following Particulars. - - -At a Committee held on board the _Duke-Frigot_ - -_We have consulted and examin’d sundry Pilots taken in Prizes, and had -several Meetings on this Occasion, being provided with convenient -Vessels to carry our Men, Guns, Arms, and other Necessaries to_ -Guiaquil: _We resolve to attempt it, having also consulted the most -secret way of managing our Attempts on it without discovery. We do -approve and appoint Capt._ Tho. Dover, _Capt._ Woodes Rogers, _and -Capt._ Stephen Courtney, _to command the Men design’d to land in three -equal Parties; except 21 Men with Capt._ William Dampier _and Mr._ Tho. -Glendall, _who are to manage and take care of the Guns, Ammunition, -Provisions_, &c. _which we agree to be lodg’d in a convenient place, as -near as possible to the best Landing-place nearest the Water-side, in -order to take care and help ship off the Effects that we may take in the -Town; who are also to serve either Commander, where most wanted._ - -_We leave the Management of this Expedition wholly to the prudent -Conduct of the above Commanders, whom we heartily wish and desire to -consult each other on all occasions, as the most promising Method to -succeed and keep our Designs secret; which is the only way to prevent -the Enemies removing their Wealth, or giving us a vigorous Reception. -This is our Opinion; in witness whereof we have set our Hands, the_ -12_th of_ April 1709. - -Sign’d by all the chief Officers in both Ships. - -Memorandum, - -_We have considered the Opinion of the foregoing Committee sign’d this -Day, and do jointly concur with them, and accordingly design to -prosecute it with our Lives and Fortunes to the utmost of our Power and -Judgment. Witness our Hands, this_ 12_th Day of_ April 1709. - - Tho. Dover, _Presid._ Stephen Courtney. - Woodes Rogers, - - -_April 13._ We appointed an Officer to every ten Men, to prevent -Disorders, and stragling ashore. - -The Committee having agreed on our Method of Command, left it to us -jointly and vigorously to attack the Enemy ashore; we knew that -Misfortunes attend Sailors when out of their Element: and hearing that -they began to murmur about the Encouragement they were to expect for -Landing, which they alledg’d was a risque more than they were ship’d -for; to prevent their Desertion, which we had reason to apprehend, since -they were a mix’d Gang of most _European_ Nations, we the Commanders -agreed on the most plausible Methods we could then think of, to form a -good Discipline among ’em, if possible, and to give ’em all needful -Encouragement, that we might depend on their good Order and Bravery; and -therefore came to the following Resolves. - - -_Whereas as it is agreed to land and take the Town of_ Guiaquil, _we -fully resolve to do it with all manner of Privacy and Dispatch; and that -we our selves and our Men may have full Encouragement to attempt it -bravely and cheerfully, we publish this following Order._ - -Imprim. _All manner of Bedding and Clothes without stripping, all manner -of Necessaries, Gold Rings, Buckles, Buttons, Liquors, and Provisions -for our own expending and use, with all sorts of Arms and Ammunition, -except great Guns for Ships, is Plunder, and shall be divided equally -amongst the Men of each Ship, with their Prizes, wither aboard or -ashore, according to the whole Shares._ - -[Sidenote: _Sailing towards Guiaquil._] - -2. _It is also agreed, that any sort of wrought Silver or Gold -Crucifixes, Gold and Silver Watches, or any other Movables found about -the Prisoners, or wearing Apparel of any kind, shall likewise be -Plunder: Provided always we make this Reserve, that Mony and Womens -Ear-Rings, with loose Diamonds, Pearls, and precious Stones be excepted. -And if any thing is short and omitted in this Publication, we do hereby -declare, that when this Expedition is over, every particular Man shall -have a Hearing; or the Persons already appointed for the Company of both -Ships, may come to us, and insist on what is or ought to be deem’d -Plunder, either more or less than what is here inserted; and that a -general Committee of the Officers of both Ships shall immediately meet, -and at once resolve if any mors is or ought to be Plunder. And that we -shall give all manner of Encouragement, without Fraud to the Owners, or -Prejudice to our selves, Officers, and Men, in the same manner as agreed -on at the Island of_ St. Vincent _on this head: Provided always that our -Intent and Meaning for the Mens Encouragement be not made liable to a -Construction prejudicial to the Owners, or Ships Companies Interest; and -that under pretence of the aforesaid Movables allow’d to be Plunder, no -Person whatsoever do seize on, or clandestinely hide any wrought or -unwrought Gold or Silver, Pearls, Jewels, Diamonds, and other precious -Stones, which are not found about the Prisoners, or their wearing -Apparel; which shall be accounted a high Misdemeanour, and punish’d -severely: And that no Person do presume to keep any Plunder, but -immediately deliver it to his Officers publickly, and carry it directly -to the Place appointed for Plunder._ - -_In case this or any other Town, Fort, Ships, or the like, be taken in -this Expedition by Storm, then the same Encouragement shall be allow’d -each Man, as agreed on at_ St. Vincent, _over and above the Gratuity -promis’d by the Owners, to such as shall signalize themselves in time of -Action, as by their Instrument appears. But if any Party of ours, or the -whole, or any separate Body shall be engag’d with the Enemy on shore, -and become Victors, then all Prisoners, the Mony, Arms, and Movables -about ’em, are immediately on that place to be brought to the Officer or -Officers of that Body or Party, and put into a general Stock, to be -divided proportionately amongst those only of our Men that were engag’d -in that Action, who are to enjoy the whole Reputation and Right of it to -themselves._ - -_And tho there had been nothing yet taken worth a Division of Plunder, -we don’t question but the effecting this good Enterprize will equally -encourage us all, and that we shall gladly and expeditiously get the -Wealth of the Town brought to the places appointed on shore. There shall -at the same time be several Places appointed, and Men to receive -Plunder, and a sufficient time before we leave the Town allow’d to ship -it off by it self, and Men appointed to take care and an account of it; -which, with all other Plunder, shall be enter’d in publick Books: and -when we come on board, we hope and design to divide it equally, to the -Satisfaction of all concern’d._ - -_And to prevent all manner of pernicious and mischievous Ill-Conduct -that may accrue by Disorders on shore, we pressingly remind you, that -any Officer or other that shall be so brutish as to be drunk ashore in -an Enemy’s Country, shall not only be severely punish’d, but lose all -share of whatsoever is taken in this Expedition. The same Punishment -shall be inflicted on any that disobeys Command, or runs from his Post, -discourages our Men, or is cowardly in any Action, or presumes to burn -or destroy any thing in the Town without our Order, or for mischief -sake; or that shall be so sneakingly barbarous to debauch themselves -with any Prisoners on shore, where we have more generous things to do, -both for our own Benefit and the future Reputation of our selves and our -Country. We shall always take care to keep Prisoners of the best Note, -as Pledged for our Men that may be accidentally missing: for as soon as -any Man is wanting, we shall engage the_ Spaniards _to bring him to us, -or give a satisfactory account of him. But we desire no Man to trust to -this, or be a moment from his Officers and Post. And if all the -foregoing Rules be strictly follow’d, we hope to exceed all other -Attempts of this nature before us in these Parts; and not only to enrich -and oblige our selves and Friends, but even to gain Reputation from our -Enemies. Dated and sign’d on board the_ Duke, _the_ 13_th of_ April, -1709. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ Stephen Courtney. - Woode Rogers. - - -_April 14._ This Morning we got all our Arms, Ammunition, and -Provisions, with part of our Men, _&c._ aboard. Our Bark being the -largest, we took in part of Capt. _Courtney’s_ Men; and his Bark -carrying the rest, we stood into the great Bay of _Guiaquil_ all night, -designing to leave the Ships a good distance at Sea, for fear of being -discover’d from the Town call’d _Tombes_, which lying on the Starboard -side going in, would ruin our Design. Wind at South, but very little. -Lat. 4. 23. 85. 42. - - -[Sidenote: _Sailing towards Guiaquil._] - -_April 15._ At Break of Day we saw a Ship between us and the Land: being -calm, we sent off both our Pinnaces mann’d and arm’d. But our Men -expecting no Resistance from that Ship, they hurry’d from us, left out -their Swivel-Gun, and carry’d but a slender Stock of Arms with them. My -Brother _John Rogers_ being unfortunately aboard our Ship, to assist me -in getting ready, because he was to be Lieutenant of my Company ashore, -he stept into our Boat. I had before this oppos’d his landing, which he -resented as a Slight; and this hinder’d me stopping him now, tho it was -not his business, he being second Lieutenant of our Consort, and we -having Officers enough of our own for that Service: but Mr. _Frye_, who -commanded the Boat, being related to us, was the occasion of my -Brother’s Willingness to go as a Volunteer with him. The _Dutchess’s_ -Pinnace was worse provided than ours, and had not Arms enough for their -Men, as Capt. _Cooke_ told me afterwards. About nine a clock our Boat -came within shot of the Ship, which prov’d to be the _French_-built Ship -belonging to _Lima_, the same we have been a cruising for. They hoisted -their _Spanish_ Ensign in its place, and a Flag at their Top-Mast-Head; -which our Boats took to be the Bishop’s Banner, because it was broad, -made of white Sattin and fring’d, which was unusual Colours in Ships. -They fir’d a Gun at our Boat, which lay still above half an hour before -the _Dutchess_ Pinnace came up, she not rowing so well as ours. When -they came up, Capt. _Cooke_, Mr. _Frye_, and my Brother consulted how to -begin the Attack with advantage: They agreed that our Boat should ply -her under the Stern, and the other on the Bow, till they could get near -enough to board at once. But when they came up, the _Spaniards_ brought -a Gun right aft, and upwards of twenty small Arms pointed into the -Boats; so that the Fight began before they could reach the Station -agreed on, and both were forc’d to engage the Enemy abaft, where they -had five Guns mounted. Our People were constrain’d to fall a-stern -twice, after the loss of one Man kill’d and three wounded. The Boats and -Sails were much damag’d by the Enemies Partridge-shot,[128] yet they -again attempted to come up and board her. At this Attack my unfortunate -Brother was shot thro the Head, and instantly died, to my unspeakable -Sorrow: but as I began this Voyage with a Resolution to go thro it, and -the greatest Misfortune or Obstacle shall not deter me, I’ll as much as -possible avoid being thoughtful and afflicting my self for what can’t be -recall’d, but indefatigably pursue the Concerns of the Voyage, which has -hitherto allow’d little Respite. Our Men, upon this Disaster, left -engaging, and put all their spare Men and Arms into the _Dutchess_’s -Boat; who was to keep between the Enemy and the Shore, to prevent them -from landing their Riches. Our Ships having little Wind, were yet at a -distance; and our Boat came aboard after noon, with two dead and three -wounded Men. - - -_April 16._ We got possession of the _Spanish_ Ship about two yesterday -in the afternoon. She had upwards of 50 _Spaniards_ and above 100 -Negroes, _Indians_, and Molattoes on board. They would not strike till -within half-shot of our Ships: The _Dutchess_ being somewhat nearest, -fir’d two Shot over her, and then she struck, and bore down to us. But -we miss’d the Bishop, who ten days before landed at Point _St. Hellena_, -with his Attendants, Plate, _&c._ designing to stop at _Guiaquil_. This -Morning we saw a small Sail under the shore; we sent our Pinnace and the -_Beginning_, who brought her off to us: she prov’d a small Bark from -_Payta_ with Soap, Cassa, Fistula, and Leather. About twelve we read the -Prayers for the Dead, and threw my dear Brother overboard, with one of -our Sailors, another lying dangerously ill. We hoisted our Colours but -half-mast up: We began first, and the rest follow’d, firing each some -Volleys of small Arms. All our Officers express’d a great Concern for -the Loss of my Brother, he being a very hopeful active young Man, a -little above twenty Years of Age. - - -_April 17._ We made ready to go ashore, and read the Encouragement -agreed on the 13_th_ to the Men, who all express themselves well pleas’d -with the Undertaking, and were so forward to land, that they make all -the Interest possible to go ashore; not considering that we must secure -a safe Retreat, by leaving a sufficient number on board our Ships to man -’em and guard our Prisoners: but it was a proof of their Courage, since -the Advantage was alike, either to stay on board or go ashore. To -prevent their stragling when landed, we gave each Man a Ticket, that he -might remember what Company he belong’d to; and appointed the best and -soberest Man we could pick to command every ten Men under the Captains. -Capt. _Courtney_ and I being willing to compliment our President Capt. -_Dover_, agreed that he should have the Preference in Command at our -Landing: being a considerable Owner in our Ship, he had an equal third -part of the Men allotted to be under his Command whilst ashore; we were -afterwards to take it in turns. - - -[Sidenote: _The Isle of Puna._] - -_April 18._ Yesterday Afternoon Capt. _Courtney_ and I settl’d every -thing on board our Ships and Prizes, and got all the Men design’d for -Landing on board the Barks. We proportion’d the rest, and put Irons on -board every Ship, because having many more Prisoners than we could leave -Men to guard ’em, we must have ’em well secur’d. We agreed to leave on -board the _Duke_ 42 Men and Boys, sick and well, _Robert Fry_ Commander; -37 aboard the _Dutchess_, _Edward Cook_ Commander; 14 aboard the -Galleon, _John Bridge_ Master; 14 aboard the _Havre de Grace_, _Robert -Knowlman_ Master; and 4 aboard the _Beginning_, _Henry Duck_ Master: The -whole being 111, and 201 were design’d for the Shore. The Prisoners on -board are above 300, more than one half _Spaniards_ and _Indians_, the -rest _Negroes_. The Captain and 7 of the chief _Spaniards_ taken in the -last Prize I carried aboard our Bark to go with us to the Town, fearing -they might be dangerous Persons to leave behind us. Last Midnight we -left the Ships, every thing being in good order aboard both -Imbarkations. We were, when we parted, about 9 Leagues distant from the -Island _Sancta Clara_, and not less than 36 from _Guiaquil_. We order’d -Capt. _Cook_ and _Fry_ to keep at Sea undiscover’d 48 Hours, and then to -make the best of their way to Point _Arena_, and stay there at an Anchor -till our Return, having engag’d Sen. _Morell_ and another _Spaniard_ to -be their Pilots. About 12 this Day we pass’d by the Island _Sancta -Clara_, having little Wind, and the Weather very hot. This Island -appears like a Corps extended, therefore the _Spaniards_ call it -_Mortho_; it’s not above two Miles long: We left it on the -Starboard-side, which is not the Ships Channel; for none enter that way -but Barks, by reason of Shoals both on the Island and towards the Main, -within it, to the Northward. - -About 10 last Night we came to an Anchor in sight of Point _Arena_ with -both Barks, not being able to stem the Tide. At 4 in the Morning we -weigh’d, when Capt. _Courtney_ and I, with our Boats and 40 Men, left -the Barks, and order’d ’em to lie at _Puna_ one Tide after us, that we -might have time to surprize _Guiaquil_ before they should appear in -sight of it to alarm them; for we had notice, that they keep a Look-out -a League below the Town. We reach’d about half way to _Puna_, and landed -on the Island, where we staid during the Ebb Tide, and hid our Boats -under the Mangrove Branches. This Island is not passable, being full of -thick Mangroves and Swamps, that swarm with Musketo’s. - - -_April 20._ Yesterday in the Evening we rowed and towed one another with -the Flood, that if seen in the Night, we might look like Drift Timber. -We had an excellent _Indian_ Pilot, that advis’d us to come to a -Graplin[129] about 11 at Night, to lie in our Boats about a Mile short -of the Town, and to surprize ’em by Break of Day. We took his Advice, -but just as we got in by the Town, saw two Lights by the Water-side in -Bark Logs, which we secured with all the Canoes; but an _Indian_ -escaping, he alarm’d the People about the Church, who ran into the Woods -before we could reach the Houses: However we secur’d the Lieutenant that -governs here, with his Family, and about 20 others, who assur’d us there -could be no body to give notice of us to _Guiaquil_, now we had secur’d -them, and the rest being fled to the Woods. We sent some of our Men, who -took the Look-outs at their Posts, and cut all their Canoes and -Bark-Logs to pieces there, and also at the Town., The Day was hot, and -two of our Men finding Liquors in the Houses, got drunk betimes. This -Place has about 30 Houses, and a small Chappel. We found a _Spanish_ -Paper here, that gave us some Uneasiness; it was directed to the -Lieutenant who had the chief Command here, and orderd him to keep a -strict Watch, signifying that they had notice of Capt. _Dampier’s_ -coming Pilot to a Squadron into these Seas. The Copy of this Paper was -sent from _Lima_ to all inhabited Places on the Coast of _Peru_, -signifying, that the _French_ were on the first notice to fit out after -us; and the Bark that came from _Paita_ told us of two great Ships that -lay in _Callo_ Road, and one at _Pisco_, besides two in _Conception_, a -Port of _Chili_; being all _French_ Frigats from 40 to 50 Guns and -upwards, notwithstanding the Report of their not coming into these Seas -any more. But to our great Satisfaction we are certain, that we were not -discover’d before this, and that it’s next to impossible any sufficient -Force can arm out from _Lima_, to be here in less than 24 Days, by which -time we hope to finish, and be gone where they cannot find us. But since -we perceive their Accounts of us imperfect, and that they believe a -Squadron comes under Capt. _Dampier’s_ Pilotage, and he being known by -the People, because he surprized this Village when last in these Seas; -we agreed amongst our selves how to improve this _Spanish_ Story of a -Squadron, which I hope will not only hinder their fitting out from -_Lima_, but even alarm them there. The Substance of this _Spanish_ -Advice Paper, in _English_, is as follows. - - - _To the Lieutenant General_ Don Hieronimo Boza y Soliz, - _Corregidore and Judge of the City of_ St. Jago de Guiaquil, _under - the Jurisdiction of the Captain General for his Majesty._ - -“I Have a Letter I received from his Excellency the Lord Marquis _de -Castel dos Reys_, Viceroy, Governour, and Captain General of these -Kingdoms, with the Copy of another of the tenor following. - -[Sidenote: _Before Guiaquil._] - -“In the Packet with Letters from _Spain_, which I have received, there -are Orders from his Majesty, giving an account of a Squadron of 7 Sail, -getting ready at _London_ by several Lords, from 44 to 74 Guns each, to -sail to the _South Sea_, under the Conduct of an _English_-man nam’d -_Dampier_: That they are first to sail for _Ireland_ in _April_ to -victual there, and afterwards to possess themselves of an Island and -Harbour in these Seas, and particularly the Island of _Juan Fernandez_. -You are to give an account to all those Provinces where ’tis necessary, -that they may take proper Measures to guard the Coasts and Harbors. -Order _Don Hieronimo_, as soon as he receives this, to give notice of it -to the People on all the Coasts under his Jurisdiction to withdraw their -Cattle and Provisions, and that he don’t neglect to put this in -execution; that so the Enemies finding no Provision, may be oblig’d to -retire from these Seas, whither they can’t bring Provision enough to -maintain them for so long a Voyage. And let the said _Don Hieronimo_ -place Guards on all the Coasts, and in all the Sea-ports where ’tis -necessary, with Orders to be vigilant, and carefully to observe every -Sail that comes into any Port, and give an account of their Numbers with -the utmost dispatch to _Don Hieronimo_ the Corregidore, that he may send -the same from one Corregidore to another till it come to the Viceroy’s -hands, without fail, all along the Coasts belonging to _Don Hieronimo_, -and particularly that those he has given Orders to, do immediately -dispatch ’em for the King’s Service. This I trust he will do to all that -can give notice of the Enemies Motions, that it may be impossible for -’em to get Provisions on the Coast, when ’tis well guarded, or in the -Villages of his Jurisdiction; and I trust to his Activity and Zeal for -the Royal Service in a Matter of such weight and consequence; and that -he also give notice if there be on the Coasts or Ports in his -Jurisdiction any _French_ Ships, as we hear there is in these Seas, and -give ’em warning of the Enemy’s Squadron, take a Certificate that he -gave ’em such notice, and send it to me, that they mayn’t pretend to -have been surpriz’d, if the Enemy get any advantage of ’em. God preserve -_Don Hieronimo_, &c. - - _Lima_, March _El. Marq. de Castel de los Reyos._ - 20, 1709. _Don. Hieronimo Boza de Solis_, &c. - -“The like Orders are sent to the Lieutenant General, and the other -Officers belonging to the Sea Coast, and the Lieutenant of _Puna_, -_&c._” - - -_April 21._ At 2 Yesterday Afternoon I left Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. -_Dampier_ at _Puna_, and went in quest of the Barks, admiring they did -not come in sight, they being now a Tide and half behind. I carried with -me the Lieutenant of _Puna_, and went with the great Launch and our -Pinnace, designing to join Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Dampier_ again, -who are to lie all Night in the River, to prevent being discover’d by -any Advice going up before us to _Guiaquil_. I found the Barks about 4 a -Clock 4 Leagues below _Puna_: They had been with us according to -Appointment, but last Night were misinform’d by the Pilot aboard the -_Dutchess’s_ Bark, who brought ’em to anchor with a fair Wind below that -Place, thinking they had got the Length of it; our Bark’s Pilot (who was -the best) being with us in the Boats. We got other Pilots at _Puna_, and -left him aboard the Bark, where I punish’d one that I brought aboard -drunk from _Puna_, and had him severely whipt before the whole Company -as a Terror to the rest. I was not aboard above half an hour before low -Water, and had just time to imbark Capt. _Dover_ and part of his Company -in the Launch, and as many more as we could carry in our Pinnace to get -before the Barks up the River. We rowed till 12 at Night, judg’d it High -Water, and came to a Graplin: We saw Lights, which we took to be _Puna_. -It blow’d fresh, was very dark, with a small rolling Sea, and the Boat -being deep laden and cram’d with Men, I had rather be in a Storm at Sea -than here; but in regard we are about a charming Undertaking, we think -no Fatigue too hard. At Daybreak we saw a Bark above us in the River; we -thought it to be a Stranger, and sent our Pinnace to her: I was in the -Launch behind a Shole, which we were forc’d to go round to get into the -Channel where the Bark was. By 8 a Clock I was aboard her, and found it -to be our Bark, which the honest Pilot had brought so high the last -Tide. We have no sight of the _Dutchess_’s Bark since we left her last -Night. About 10 we came up with Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Dampier_, -who told us they had kept a good Look-out, and that nothing had pass’d -them up the River. About Noon it was High-water; we lay with the Boats -under the Mangroves all the Ebb, and the Bark off in the River. We were -now about half way up to _Guiaquil_ from _Puna_, and might have gone -farther, but that there was a Plantation or Farm a little higher, which -would have discover’d us, and alarm’d the Town, should we have gone -higher before Night. - - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -_April 22._ It was very hot Yesterday, and we were pester’d and stung -grievously by the Muskitoes, as we lay under the Mangroves. At 6 in the -Evening the Bark and Boats made way up the River. By 12 at Night we were -in sight of the Town with all the Boats, in which we had 110 Men. We saw -a very great Fire on the top of an adjoining Hill, and Lights in the -Town. In half an hour we were a-breast of it, and ready to land, but saw -abundance of Lights appear at once coming down the Hill, and the Town -full of ’em. We enquir’d of the _Indians_, our Pilots, whether it was -any Saint’s Day, or what might be the Occasion of it, and they answer’d -us, that it must be an Alarm. It was very dark whilst we lay still -driving on the River, being just High-water, we heard a _Spaniard_ from -the Shore, talking loudly that _Puna_ was taken, and that the Enemy were -coming up the River. This made us conclude it was an Alarm. Immediately -after we heard their Bells making a confused Noise, and then a Volly of -Small Arms, and two Great Guns. Above an Hour was spent in Debate -betwixt Capt. _Dover_, Capt. _Courtney_, and my self, whether we should -land. I asked the Consent of the Lieutenants in all the Boats about -Landing, telling ’em I suppos’d this to be the first Alarm, and that we -had best land during their Consternation; but they differ’d in opinion, -and few were for landing in the Night. I asked Capt. _Dampier_ how the -Buccaneers behav’d themselves in such Cases, and he told me they never -attack’d any large Place after it was alarm’d. It drew near two in the -Morning, and the Ebb run so strong, that the great Boat and Yall could -not row up to Land; so that it being too late to attempt the Town, I -advised to fall down the River out of sight of it, to meet our Barks, -and land with the Morning Flood. Upon this all our Boats drove down with -the Ebb about a League below the Town, where we lay till Daybreak, and -saw our Bark, Mr. _Glendall_ Commander, brought by the honest _Indian_ -Pilot a Mile above us, for we had passed by him in the Night: We rowed -back to him, and recruited our Men as well as we could. We found the -Water fresh there, and drank of it, tho’ yesterday it was a little -brackish. The Bark lay against a Wood of tall Trees close by the Shore, -and we kept a File of Musketeers with their Arms pointing into the Wood, -with Orders to fire if they saw any Men; and we kept firing a Musket now -and then into the Woods, to prevent Ambuscades. About 3 our Yall and -Launch came aboard, for they could not row back with us to the Bark, -till the Tide slacken’d, and the Flood was coming. At 10 we saw the -_Dutchess_’s Bark come in sight; immediately I order’d the Anchor to be -got up to fall on the Town, which was about two Miles from us; but Capt. -_Dover_ oppos’d it, press’d that we might have a Consultation with as -many of the Officers as were present, and to lie in the Boat astern of -the Bark, that what was debated might not be overheard by the rest of -our Company. We immediately assembled there accordingly, and Capt. -_Dover_ insisted on the Difficulty of attempting the Enemy now they had -been so long alarm’d; alledging we should but throw away our own and our -Mens Lives, or else weaken our selves so much, as might occasion the -Loss of the remaining part of the Voyage, that chiefly brought us from -_England_, and was our greatest Dependance: That the Town appeared -large, and consequently was much more able to hold out than we to attack -it; and tho’ the _Spaniards_ in these Parts had no extraordinary -fighting Character, yet if they armed the Mullatto’s, as they generally -did on the like Occasions, we might find the Attempt very desperate, -with other Objections not fit to recite here. He concluded, that our -best Method would be to send a Trumpeter with Proposals to the Enemy to -trade with us for the Cargoes of Negroes and other Goods aboard our -Prizes, that an immediate Meeting should be appointed, the Prices for -the Negro’s and Goods fix’d, and good Hostages given us for the -Performance within a limited Time, and if they agreed to this, that we -would not land. This Proposal I withstood by the best Arguments I could, -and urged our landing immediately, least the Enemy gaining Time by our -Delays, might send off their Wealth, and get leisure to strengthen -themselves, so as to bid us defiance. This being put to the Vote, the -Majority was for landing, and as an Obligation on Capt. _Dover_, who was -a part Owner in our Ships, we agreed he should lead on the Attack as he -requested, and if he took the Town, he should give the Watchword that -Night, and Capt. _Courtney_ and I to take it in turns after him: But -this Resolution did not hold; for Capt. _Dover_ reflected on me, and -said I should be answerable for all the Damage that might happen to us -on our Landing. By these Reflections, and some other Peoples -Indifferency, I had reason to doubt the Consequence of attempting the -Enemy with Success, since we were so divided amongst our selves; -therefore at length I yielded to send two of our Prisoners, instead of a -Trumpeter, as Capt. _Dover_ first propos’d, with the foregoing -Proposals. The other Prisoners in our Bark oblig’d themselves for the -Return of these two in less than an Hour; and this Method every one -seem’d to be pleas’d with; so we put the Captain of the _French_-built -Ship, and the Lieutenant of _Puna_ ashore in our Boat, and charged them -to return from the Shore in less than an Hour, otherwise we would land. -In the mean while we ran up with the other Bark, and lay against the -Middle of the Town at an Anchor. As we sail’d up we saw 4 Barks put off -from the Town to go higher up the River, and just as the limited Hour -was past, we sent our Boats well mann’d and arm’d after them, who soon -took and brought ’em to us. Mean while our Prisoners returned in a Boat -from the Town, with the _Spanish_ Master le Camp, who discoursed with -us, and told us, that at his Return ashore the Corregidore or Governour, -with another Gentleman, would come off and treat with us. We soon put -him ashore again, and quickly after came off the Corregidore with -another Gentleman. Capt. _Dover_ and I met them in our Boat, with a -Linguist, and carried them aboard one of the Barks that our Boats had -taken as they endeavour’d to escape up the River. - - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -_April 23._ We did nothing yesterday in the Afternoon, but secure the -Barks, and treat with the Governour. Several of our Prisoners told us -they did not doubt to find Credit here, and that they would also deal -with us; so that we were in hopes of more Profit by selling our Cargo’s -and Negro’s than if we had ransack’d the Town. The Corregidore and we -had verbally agreed for the Goods by the Lump, at 140 Pieces of Eight -_per_ Bale, one sort with another, and talked of the Price for other -things. We parted about Five in the Afternoon, he having desir’d to go -ashore, that he might prevail with the other Gentlemen to agree with -him, and promis’d to meet us three Commanders on board one of our Prizes -at 8 in the Evening. We order’d our Linguist to get Candles lighted, and -the best Entertainment we could provide for them; but the Time being -elapsed, and they not appearing, it gave us great reason to suspect we -were trick’d; therefore we sent our Boats again above the Town, and -alarm’d them afresh in the Night. Our Centinels hail’d a Boat after -Midnight, that came aboard us with a Gentleman, who told us he was sent -from the Corregidore with a Present of 2 Bags of Flower, 2 Sheep and 2 -Hogs ready kill’d, 2 Jars of Wine and 2 of Brandy; and to assure us the -Governour had been with us according to Appointment, but that one of the -chief Merchants concern’d was absent; yet he would come off in the -Morning by 7 a Clock, on board one of the new Ships next the Shore, -where he desir’d us to meet him, and requested us to believe he was a -Man of Honour; for tho’ he had been considerably reinforced since he -left us, and that more Men were continually coming into the Town, he -resolved to discharge yesterday’s Promise, and therefore hoped we would -forbear offering any Hostilities above the Town, because the Women and -Children were there in Sanctuary, with little or no Wealth to prompt us -to plunder them. We the 3 Commanders return’d our humble Service to the -Corregidore, and our kind Thanks for his Present, being sorry we had -nothing to oblige him with by way of Return; but desir’d he might be -told from us, that we all admir’d at his not keeping his Word according -to Appointment, and still depended that he would convince us he was a -Man of Honour, by meeting us at 7 in the Morning where we agreed last -Night, otherwise our Treaty was at an end. We were all uneasy till 7 in -the Morning, when we saw a Flag of Truce aboard the new Ship, and -supposing the Governour to be there, we mann’d our Pinnace, and sent our -Linguist to give our Promise, that if the Corregidore came aboard the -Bark our Prize, he should be at liberty to return. Upon this he with -three more came aboard, and we order’d our 2 Frigats Barks to go close -under the Shore next the best Part of the Town, and that every thing -should be kept in readiness for Landing, lest we should not agree with -these Gentlemen. Nothing else was transacted this Morning, but our -Conference with these Men: Our first Proposals were 50000 Pieces of -Eight Contribution for the Town, and we would deliver them their 2 new -Ships that lay near the Shore, and 6 Barks, provided they would oblige -themselves to buy our two Prizes Cargoes of Goods and Negroes, and gave -us sufficient Hostages for Payment within 9 Days. The latter they gave -us some Hopes of complying with, if we would take their Words and two -Hostages, which we thought too little; for tho’ they came to our Price -for the Goods, they would not give near that Sum for the Town and Ships, -alledging they were not yet in our Power, and consequently not liable to -so large Contributions; adding, that they had Men and Arms sufficient in -the Town, and Ships to protect them. We all concluded by their dilatory -Treaty, that they only design’d to trick us, and gain Time; upon which -we gave ’em this Answer: That the Ships we could have in a Minute, or -set them on fire; that we did not fear taking the Town at pleasure; that -we look’d upon it as much our own, as if it was in our Possession, and -must have the Money or good Hostages; otherwise before Night we would -set it on fire. By Noon the Corregidore and the other Gentlemen agreed -with us to buy both Cargoes, and to give Hostages for 40000 Pieces of -Eight for the Town, 2 new Ships, and 6 Barks: But neither of us were to -sign this Agreement till it was confirm’d by the chief Men of the Town -ashore, which the Corregidore was to procure in an hours time. - - -_April 24._ About One Yesterday Afternoon the Governour was put ashore -in my Pinnace: Some insisted on our stopping him, because not long -before an _Indian_ came in a Canoe from the Master le Camp, and the -other Officers ashore, to know whether the Governour had agreed. Because -our Barks lay near the Shore the _Spaniards_ kept to Arms, expecting we -might fall on them suddenly; and said they wanted nothing but him, and -if he could not come, his Orders when to begin the Fight with us, if we -did not agree. This Message was deliver’d in our Hearing, and occasion’d -Disputes among us about keeping him Prisoner; those who were for it -urg’d, that if he went ashore the Enemy would certainly fight us, and -that as he had broke with us last Night, we might break with him now; -but I was utterly against it, since we had given him our Word of Honour -to the contrary; and at last we agreed, and sent him ashore. The three -Gentlemen staid with us as Hostages, upon request of the Corregidore, -neither they nor we doubting but the Agreement would be ratified ashore. -The Time allotted for Answer being past, a Messenger from the Town came -to inform us, they could raise but 30000 Pieces of Eight, and not a word -of the Trade; so we sent our Linguist and a Prisoner with our final -Answer, that if they did not in half an hour send us three more good -Hostages for the 40000 Pieces of Eight agreed on, we would take down our -Flag of Truce, land, and give no Quarter, and fire the Town and Ships. -In the mean time we saw the _Spaniards_ quit the new Ships, and we took -possession of them; our Messenger returned, and in half an hour 3 Men -more from the Town came to the Bank against our Barks, holding out a -white Handkerchief to parley again: They told us their Resolution was to -give us 32000 Pieces of Eight, and no more; so we order’d our Linguist -to tell ’em we had done treating, and bid the _Spaniards_ ashore retire -forthwith, and keep out of shot of us, if they design’d to save their -Lives. We all at once hal’d down our White Flag of Truce, and let fly -our _English_ and Field Colours. I order’d 2 of our Guns of about 600 -Weight each, mounted on Field Carriages, into the Great Launch to land -before their Faces, and we fill’d our 3 Boats full of Men. I went in our -Pinnace, Capt. _Dover_ in the Launch, and Capt. _Courtney_ in his -Pinnace, the 3 Boats landing about 70 Men: We towed the Launch ashore, -Mr. _Glendal_, 3_d_ Lieutenant of our Ship, tarried aboard our Bark with -10 Men, to ply our Guns over our Heads into the Town as we landed. The -Enemy drew up their Horse at the End of the Street which fronted our Men -and Barks, and also lin’d the Houses with Men within half Musket-shot of -the Bank where we landed. They made a formidable Show in respect to our -little Number that was to attack them. We landed, and fired every Man on -his Knee at the Brink of the Bank, then loaded, and as we advanced, -call’d to our Bark to forbear firing, for fear of hurting our Men. We -who landed kept loading and firing very fast; but the Enemy made only -one Discharge, and retir’d back to their Guns, where their Horse drew up -a second time; we got to the first Houses, and as we open’d the Streets, -saw 4 Guns pointing at us before a spacious Church; but as our Men came -in sight, firing, the Horse scower’d off. This encourag’d me to call to -our Men to run and seize the Guns, and I immediately hasten’d towards -’em with 8 or 10 of our Men till within Pistol-shot of the Guns, when we -all fir’d, some at the Gunner, and others at the Men in Arms in the -front of the Church, where they appear’d very numerous; but by the time -we had loaded, and more of our Men came in sight, the Enemy began to -run, and quitted the Guns, after they had fired them with round and -Partridge Shot, one of the last was discharg’d at us very near, but -Thanks to God did us no Hurt, and they had not Time to relade them. We -that were foremost ran into the Church, and seized about 10 or 12 -Prisoners. By that time many of our Men were coming up, and Capt. -_Courtney_ and Capt. _Dover_, with the rest of their Company came all to -the Church, where I staid to secure that Post with a few Men, the rest -march’d with them to the other End of the Town. From the Time we landed -till we took their Guns, and Possession of the Church (which lies above -a Furlong from the Water-side) I believe was not much above half an -hour: I posted Capt. _Dampier_ and above 25 Men with the Guns, which we -turned on the Enemy, who run clear out of the Town. By this time the -remaining part of our Men were landed, and joined me at the Church; then -I marched after Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Dover_ with this latter -Gang; for most of those that got to the Church with me first I could not -stop, after I had secur’d the Guns; so that 7 of them ran into the -Valley and Woods adjoining to pursue the _Spaniards_, and having Cowards -to deal with came well back; but being offended at their Boldness, I - -[Illustration: SEARCHING THE LADIES OF GUIAQUIL - -_From a scarce print in the Macpherson Collection._] - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -reprimanded them, and they promis’d never to be guilty of the like Folly -again. All the Men in general behav’d themselves with great Courage, but -like Sailors could be kept under no Command as soon as the first Piece -was fired; however it happen’d much better than we could expect, for now -the Attack is over, they keep handsomely together, and forbear -immoderate Drinking. I overtook Capt. _Dover_ and Capt. _Courtney_ at -the other End of the Town, and left Capt. _Dover_ to keep guard at a -Church there; as I march’d back with Capt. _Courtney_, I left him in the -Middle of the Town at another Church, and I came to my first Post at the -Church where the Guns were planted, and sent Capt. _Dampier_ with his -Men to reinforce Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Dover_. Thus we were in -quiet possession of the Town by Sun-set, and posted our Guards, having -had no Opposition after the Enemy quitted the great Church. In the -Evening I went on board our Barks, settl’d a good Watch, and secur’d the -_Spaniards_ the Corregidore left behind him; then I return’d ashore to -the Church. Capt. _Dover_ set the Houses on fire that fronted the Church -where he was posted, which burnt all Night and the next Day. There was a -Hill near his Quarter, and thick Woods within half Shot of the Church; -so that the Enemy were almost continually popping at him all Night. He -told me that the next Day some Parties appear’d out of the Woods; but -when he fired a Volley at ’em, they retir’d, our Quarters were quiet, -and out of hearing all Night. The Enemy might have done him Mischief, -had they been couragious, since we were not near enough to assist him in -the Night. For the Town being long, we could not keep the whole without -dividing at such a distance; but his firing the Houses cover’d the worst -part of his Quarters that Night, which was of great service to him. -Capt. _Courtney_ relieved him at Day-break, and they both quitted Capt. -_Dover’s_ Quarters, as being too much expos’d to the Enemy. An _Indian_ -that I had taken Prisoner told us, that he knew of much Money up the -River in Bark-logs and Houses; upon which Capt. _Courtney_ and I last -Night detached 21 Men out of our Companies, and sent ’em in his Boat up -the River under the Command of his new second Lieutenant Mr. _Connely_: -I would fain have sent both Pinnaces to make the best use of our time, -and seize that Wealth, finding little or none in the Town; but the rest -would by no means consent to it, lest the Enemy might engage us next -Morning, and then we should want our Boats and Men. When I could not -possibly prevail for another Boat, and Men enough to mann both Pinnaces, -I desired Capt. _Courtney’s_ Boat might go, because the largest, and she -was mann’d out of both our Companies. In the Morning we began with Iron -Crows and Mauls to break open the other two Churches, and all the -Store-houses, Cellars, _&c._ which was soon done, for no body was left -at home, nor much of Value to be found, but Flower, Peas, Beans, and -Jars of Wine and Brandy in great Plenty. We began to carry it to the -Water-side; but having sultry hot, wet and unhealthful Weather, and our -Men being fatigued, they became so weak that they could not work very -well at this new Imployment. They would fain have had the boarded Floor -of the Church taken up to look amongst the Dead for Treasure, fancying -the _Spaniards_ might hide their Money there; but I would not suffer it, -because of a contagious Distemper that had swept off a great Number of -People here not long before; so that the Church Floor was full of -Graves. We have yet found but two of the Enemy kill’d in the Town, and -one Prisoner, who was slightly wounded in the Head; but this Day I heard -15 of ’em were kill’d and wounded, amongst whom was the chief Gunner, an -_Irish_-man, that fired the last Gun at us, who had lived some Years -amongst ’em. On our side we had but two Men wounded, one of ’em _Yerrick -Derrickson_, a _Dutch_-man, belonging to my Company, was shot thro’ -between the lower Part of his Neck and Shoulder, but I believe not -mortal; and one _John Martin_ a _Portuguese_, mortally wounded aboard -the Bark, occasion’d by a Cohorn Shell, which split as soon as fired out -of our Cohorn Mortar.[130] The _Spaniards_ Force being variously -reported by our Prisoners, I’ll not insert it till I am better inform’d. -The Fatigue I have had since I left our Ships in this hot Weather has -weaken’d and disorder’d me very much. - - -_April 25._ We kept our Colours flying on the Tower of the Church, Capt. -_Dover_ keeping Guard there all Day, whilst I and Capt. _Courtney_ took -care to get every thing we found useful carried to the Water-side. -Yesterday in the Afternoon we sent the Lieutenant of _Puna_ and another -Prisoner into the Country, with Proposals to ransom the Town, a great -part of the Enemy being in the Woods about a League from us; they have -but ordinary Quarters, because of the great Rain. Their Horses being in -Parties, and continually - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -in sight, alarm us several times in a day. The Prisoners return’d to us -in the Evening with an ambiguous Answer; but desir’d they might go again -in the Morning to prevent burning the Town. About 10 last Night the Boat -return’d that we had sent up the River, having been from us about 24 -Hours; they were 7 Leagues up, and 16 of ’em landed at 6 several Places, -the other 5 kept the Boat, having a Swivel Gun to defend themselves. At -one place they separated, and Mr. _Connely_ with 3 others rambled so far -in the Woods to look for Wealth, that after 3 hours search they could -not find the Way back to the rest, but by Accident met again, and got to -the Boat. _William Davis_, one of my Men, was shot through the hinder -part of the Neck by the Enemy, the Wound not dangerous, and none of the -rest hurt; they chased 35 Horsemen well arm’d, that were coming to help -those of _Guiaquil_. The Houses up the River were full of Women, and -particularly at one place there were above a Dozen handsom genteel young -Women well dress’d, where our Men got several Gold Chains and Ear-rings, -but were otherwise so civil to them, that the Ladies offer’d to dress -’em Victuals, and brought ’em a Cask of good Liquor. Some of their -largest Gold Chains were conceal’d, and wound about their Middles, Legs, -and Thighs, _&c._ but the Gentlewomen in these hot Countries being very -thin clad with Silk and fine Linnen, and their Hair dressed with Ribbons -very neatly, our Men by pressing felt the Chains, _&c._ with their Hands -on the Out-side of the Lady’s Apparel, and by their Linguist modestly -desired the Gentlewomen to take ’em off and surrender ’em. This I -mention as a Proof of our Sailors Modesty, and in respect to Mr. -_Connely_ and Mr. _Selkirk_ the late Governour of _Juan Fernandoes_, who -commanded this Party: For being young Men, I was willing to do ’em this -Justice, hoping the Fair Sex will make ’em a grateful Return when we -arrive in _Great Britain_, on account of their civil Behaviour to these -charming Prisoners. They call’d at this House for Provisions as they -return’d down the River, and being so civil at first, they gave their -fair Landladies no Uneasiness nor Surprize at a 2_d_ Visit: They took a -large empty Bark, but left her up the River, and brought with ’em in -Gold Chains, Ear-rings and Plate, I believe above 1000 _l._ Value, with -a Negro that had been serviceable in discovering part of the hidden -Treasure; but they all agree that the Want of another Boat lost much -more than they got; for while they search’d and plunder’d one Side, the -Canoes and Bark-logs did cross the River, and carry the People and -Purchase out of their reach, for want of another Boat to prevent it. -They also inform’d us, that in the Places where they had been above the -Town, they saw more than 300 arm’d Horse and Foot in several Parties; so -that we apprehended the Enemy design’d to gain Time by pretending to -ransom, till with a vast Odds they might attack us, and reckon’d -themselves sure of Victory; but we for fear of being surprized, agreed -to assemble in a Body at every Alarm, which was beat several times a day -on the sight of large Parties, tho’ it hinder’d our Business. We found 5 -Jars of Powder, some Match and Shot, with a good Quantity of ordinary -Arms, 3 Drums, with several Swords and Launces, in the Church, where I -pick’d up the Corregidore’s Gold-headed Cane, and another Captain’s with -a Silver Head; for among the _Spaniards_ none carry a Cane but the chief -Officers, and of those none under a Captain must wear a Cane with a -Silver or Gold Head: So that those Gentlemen were much in haste to leave -the Badges of their Office behind them. After Capt. _Dover_ had quitted -his Post yesterday Morning, one of our Men came to tell me, that the -Enemy was coming down the Hill that way upon us: We beat an Alarm, and -leaving part of our Men with the Guns, I march’d with the rest, and met -Capt. _Courtney_ and part of his Company on the Bridge retiring: He told -me the Enemy was numerous and well arm’d in the North End of the Town; I -desir’d him to join us, and we would visit them; he left his chief -Lieutenant and the rest of his Men at Arms in his Quarters, and we went -together with 70 Men to face the Enemy. As we march’d forward, they -retir’d only now and then they shot at us out of the Woods. We look’d -into the two Churches, and several Houses, but found nobody. The Woods -were very thick, and join’d to the Backs of the Houses, from whence we -had several Shot all round us, which we return’d at a venture, but none -of ’em touched us, which was a very great Providence, for it was really -strange that they miss’d us. Capt. _Courtney_ and I could not agree to -keep that End of the Town, so we march’d back again, took what we lik’d -best into our Boats, and carried it aboard the Barks. - - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -_April 26._ About one Yesterday in the Afternoon our Prisoners return’d -with an Offer of 30000 Pieces of Eight for the Town, with their Ships -and Barks, to be paid in 12 Days, which we don’t approve of, nor should -we stay so long for a greater Sum. By these Delays they design to gain -Time, that if they don’t fight us, they may draw their Forces from -_Lima_; for we know an Express was dispatch’d thither immediately on our -Arrival. This Morning we sent our final Answer, _viz._ that they should -see the Town all on fire by 3 in the Afternoon, if they did not agree, -and give us sufficient Hostages for the above-mention’d Sum, to be paid -within 6 Days. During which time we would grant a Cessation of Arms -between _Guiaquil_ and _Puna_, where we expected they would meet us, and -purchase our Cargoes. A _French_ man belonging to my Company, whom I -sent with others, by request of Capt. _Courtney_, to strengthen his -Quarters, being put Centinel last Night, shot _Hugh Tidcomb_, one of -their Men, so that he died. The Accident happen’d by a too severe Order -at their Quarters to shoot any in the Night that did not answer; and -neither this Man nor the Centinel, as I am informed, understood how to -ask or answer the Watch-word, by which Neglect a Man was unaccountably -lost. Mr. _Gardner_, one of their Officers, and 9 Men more, yesterday in -the Afternoon engag’d at the North-end of the Town with a Party of -_Spaniards_, whom they chased into the Woods, but following ’em too far, -were attack’d by others, and one of our Men shot through the Calf of his -Leg, and another of them, while he stopt to relade his Piece, was shot -against the Middle of the Pole-ax that hung at his Side, which made an -Impression on the Iron, and bruised the Part under it, so that it prov’d -a Piece of Armour well placed. The other Man who was wounded in the Leg, -by his Irregularity and hard drinking fell into a Fever that carried him -off. At the same time Mr. _Stratton_, Capt. _Courtney’s_ chief -Lieutenant, having his Pistols hanging at his Side, one of them -unluckily discharg’d it self against the Outside of the thickest part of -his Leg, and left a Bullet in the Flesh; but there’s little Danger of -his Life: He being by this Accident disabled to make a quick Retreat, if -occasion requir’d, his Captain immediately order’d him on board the -Bark. Upon these Accidents, and perceiving the Enemy to increase and -grow bolder, Capt. _Courtney_ brought his Company to my Quarters. Last -Night we all lay in the Church, round which we kept Centinels within a -Musket-shot; the Centinels, as customary, calling to each other every -Quarter of an Hour, to prevent their sleeping, and our being surprized -in the Night. Every Man kept his Arms and Ammunition in exact Order by -him, and was strictly charged to rise at the least Alarm. We unhung a -small Church Bell, and sent it aboard for our Ships Use. We have done -little this 24 Hours towards shipping off Goods, because the Enemy were -continually popping at us from the Woods. The Weather was very wet, hot -and faint, the Streets deep and slippery, and the Ways to the Water-side -very bad, which mightily incommoded us. - - -_April 27._ Yesterday about 2 in the Afternoon our Prisoners returned -with two Men on Horseback from the Enemy’s sorry Camp, and told us the -Agreement was concluded as we last proposed, that if we suspected them, -they would stay for Hostages, and that the Lieutenant of _Puna_, who as -a Messenger forwarded the Treaty, with an old Gentleman already on board -our Bark, were to be the other two. We contented our selves with the -latter, and let the two Strangers return to their Camp with our -Messenger, who was to bring back the Agreement sign’d; but they sent -another back to us, signifying that we had omitted to take notice that -the Town was taken by Force of Arms, which we afterwards inserted both -in the _Spanish_ and _English_ Paper. This Morning the _Spanish_ -Agreement was brought back sign’d by ’em, and we sent ours in _English_ -sign’d to them as follows: - -“Whereas the City of _Guiaquil_, lately in subjection to _Philip_ V. -King of _Spain_, is now taken by Storm, and in the Possession of the -Capts. _Thomas Dover_, _Woodes Rogers_, and _Stephen Courtney_, -commanding a Body of Her Majesty of _Great Britain’s_ Subjects: We the -underwritten are content to become Hostages for the said City, and to -continue in the Custody of the said Capts. _Tho. Dover_, _Woodes -Rogers_, and _Stephen Courtney_, till 30000 Pieces of Eight shall be -paid to them for the Ransom of the said City, 2 new Ships, and 6 Barks; -during which time no Hostility is to be committed on either Side between -this and _Puna_. The said Sum to be paid at _Puna_ in six Days from the -Date hereof, and then the Hostages to be discharg’d, and all the -Prisoners to be deliver’d immediately, otherwise the said Hostages do -agree to remain Prisoners till the said Sum is discharg’d in any other -Part of the World. In witness whereof we have voluntarily set our Hands -this 27_th_ Day of _April_, Old Stile, and the 7_th_ of _May_, S.N. in -the Year of our Lord, 1709.” - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -The two Hostages lay this Night at our Quarters, and we ship’d ’em off, -with all we had got together, by 11 a Clock, and march’d towards our -Barks with our Colours flying, while the _Spaniards_ return’d to their -Houses. I march’d on the Rear with a few Men, and pick’d up Pistols, -Cutlashes and Pole-axes, which shew’d that our Men were grown very -careless, weak, and weary of being Soldiers, and that ’twas time to be -gone from hence. The hardest Work we had was to get the Guns down to the -Water, the Earth being so soft, that they who help’d to carry them sunk -half Leg deep. To make it as easy as I could, I contriv’d a Frame of -Bamboe Canes, under which 60 Men could stand, and bear equal Weight on -their Shoulders. Tho’ they were large 4 Pounders, the Gun and the Frame -did not exceed 15 C. Weight; but had not the Prisoners we took help’d us -(tho’ it had been an easy Task in a cold Country) I could hardly have -pick’d Men enough of our own for the Work. _John Gabriel_, one of my -Company, a _Dutch_-man was missing. - - -_April 28._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we settl’d every thing on board -the Barks as well as we could, and separated our Men aboard the Prizes, -where we had put most of our Town Goods and Plunder, being about 230 -Bags of Flower, Beans, Peas and Rice, 15 Jars of Oil, about 160 Jars of -other Liquors, some Cordage, Iron Ware, and small Nails, with about 4 -half Jars of Powder, about a Tun of Pitch and Tar, a Parcel of Clothing -and Necessaries, and as I guess about 1200 _l._ in Plate, Ear-rings, -_&c._ and 150 Bales of dry Goods, 4 Guns, and about 200 _Spanish_ -ordinary useless Arms and Musket Barrels, a few Packs of Indigo, Cocoa -and Anotto, with about a Tun of Loaf-Sugar. We left abundance of Goods -in the Town, besides Liquors of most sorts, and Sea-Stores, with several -Warehouses full of Cocoa, divers Ships on the Stocks, and 2 new Ships -unrigg’d, upwards of 400 Tun, which cost above 80000 Crowns, and then -lay at Anchor before the Town. We are also to deliver 4 Barks ashore, -and leave two here to bring down the Ransom. By this it appears the -_Spaniards_ had a good Bargain; but this Ransom was far better for us -than to burn what we could not carry off. About 2 yesterday Afternoon -our _Dutch_-man that was missing rose out of his Brandy-wine Fit, and -came aboard; he was disturb’d by the honest Man of the House where he -lay, who first called in his Neighbours, and cautiously seized his Arms, -then gently rais’d him, and when his Eyes were open, told him there was -his Arms again, and bid him hasten aboard to us. This is the only Man -that I know of since we took _Guiaquil_, who had so much transgressed -our Orders by drinking beyond his bearing. This Morning about 8 we -weighed, and sailed with all our Barks, and at parting made what Shew -and Noise we could with our Drums, Trumpets and Guns, and thus took our -Leave of the _Spaniards_ very cheerfully, but not half so well pleased -as we should have been, had we taken ’em by Surprize: For I was well -assur’d from all hands, that at least we should then have got above -200000 Pieces of Eight in Money, wrought and unwrought. Gold and Silver, -besides Jewels, and a greater Plenty of such Necessaries as we now -found, tho’ the Place has not been poorer these 40 Years, by reason that -a sudden Fire about 18 Months ago had destroy’d the better half of the -Town, which is now mostly rebuilt. Before I go any further, ’tis proper -to describe the Town. - - -_A Description of Guiaquil_ - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -’Tis the Metropolis of its Province, about a Mile and half long, and -divided into Old and New, joined by a wooden Bridge above half a Mile in -Length, but passable only by People on foot. There are some Houses at a -distance on each side the Bridge, and those of both Towns may be about 4 -or 500 in the whole, besides 5 Churches, and the Inhabitants about 2000 -in all. Their chief Church is that of St. _Jago_ or St. _James_ the -Apostle, which has 7 Altars, and before it a handsom Square; the others -are those of St. _Augustin_, St. _Francis_, St. _Dominick_, and St. -_Ignatius_. The latter belongs to the Jesuits. Before that of St. -_Dominick_, which is not quite finished, there is also a Square, with a -Half-moon, upon which they formerly planted Guns, but none were mounted -there when we took it. Three of these Churches were very lofty, one of -them of Stone, and all adorn’d with Altars, carv’d Work, Pictures, _&c._ -and there was an Organ in that of St. _Augustin_; but the Priests and -their Scholars had carry’d off all the Plate belonging to those -Churches, and retir’d with it into the Woods before we landed. Some of -the Houses of the Town were very high, several built of Brick, but most -of them of Timber, and the meaner sort of Bamboes. There is but one -regular Street along the Side of the River to the Bridge, and from -thence along the Old Town. The Situation is in a low boggy Soil, so -dirty in Winter, that without the Bridge they could scarce go from one -House to another. The Town is govern’d by a Corregidore, who is their -chief Magistrate and appointed by the King. His Name was _Don Jeronymo -Bos_, a young Man of about 24 Years of Age, and a Native of the -_Canaries_. The Town is well seated for Trade, and building of Ships, -for which they have Sheds to cover the Workmen from the Sun. It lies 14 -Leagues up from Point _Arena_, and 7 from _Puna_. The River is large, -receives several others, has many Villages and Farm Houses on its Banks, -with abundance of Mangroves and Sarsaparilla, which impregnates its -Water, and makes it good against the _French_ Pox, but in the Time of -Floods it is unwholesome, because of the poysonous Roots and Plants -wash’d down from the Mountains. They have Plenty of Provisions, black -Cattle, Sheep, Goats, Swine, Poultry, several sorts of Ducks unknown in -_Europe_, and Store of Horses. The Water of the River is fresh at low -Water, almost as far as _Puna_. An _Englishman_ who had liv’d here some -time, came over to us, inform’d us of many Particulars, and told us that -in _December_ last they had 3 Weeks Rejoycings for the Birth of the -Prince of _Asturias_, when they muster’d 1100 Foot and 500 Horse in -Arms, besides a much greater Number that had none; but most of those -Troops came from the adjacent Country. During this Solemnity, they -baited many Bulls to Death, after the manner of _Spain_, and run at the -Ring, _&c._ which are their chief Diversions: He told us likewise that -Ships are frequently built here for the King. The Hostages inform’d us, -that during the Treaty, 80000 Dollars of the King’s Money was sent out -of the Town, besides their Plate, Jewels, and other Things of greatest -Value: But they were robb’d of a great deal by the Blacks, to whom they -had given it in the Hurry to carry off: We took several of ’em with -stoln Goods, as we went the Rounds by Night; and therefore we made a -Signal to the Inhabitants to return, as we march’d off, that they might -not suffer any more Loss by those Villains. - -The _French_, by their Commerce in these Seas, as the _Spaniards_ in -general told us, damage their Trade so much, that their Sea-ports are -sensibly impoverish’d, and this Town was much richer 6 Years go than -now. A mile below I took my Leave of the Barks, with the Pinnace double -mann’d, designing to get before them to the Ships at Point _Arena_. The -Day came on very hot, and we saw many Alligators in the River. - - -_Apr. 29._ Last Night I reached _Puna_, and met Mr. _Duck_ and Mr. -_Hatley_ in the _Beginning_, and an empty Bark which the _Duke’s_ Yall -had taken in our Absence; the _Spaniards_ having run ashore and left -her at Anchor off of Point _Arena_. Our People were concern’d at our -being absent so long, and hearing no News of us, the Scarcity of Water -had made ’em give the Prisoners but a Pint a Day for some time; and they -sunk the last small Prize we took coming from _Payta_, to prevent the -Prisoners running away with her, for they had not Men to spare for -manning her themselves. By Day-light I got aboard, where I found all our -People overjoyed at our Meeting again, after 12 Days Absence on an -Undertaking subject to so many fatal Accidents, which we happily -escaped. Captain _Cook_ and _Frye_ were very uneasie in our Absence, and -had their full Share of Care and Fatigue. They usually gave the -Prisoners Liberty by Day, but kept their Arms always ready, and the -after Part of the Ships to themselves: At Night they shut ’em up in the -Fore-Castle, or between Decks; but aboard the Prize, which was not so -secure, they put them in Irons every Evening, and let ’em out in the -Morning; but never suffer’d any Correspondence between the Prisoners in -the several Ships, by which Means they neither knew their own Strength, -nor our Weakness, any further than in the respective Ships they were -confin’d to. _Roger Booth_, one of the _Dutchess’s_ Men, who was wounded -through his Wind-pipe, in the Engagement with the _Havre de Grace_, died -the 20th Instant. _William Essex_, a stout Sailor, one of our -Quarter-Masters, being wounded in the Breast in the same Fight, died the -24th Instant: So that out of both Ships we lost 4 Good Men, including my -dear Brother, by that Engagement. Mr. _James Stratton_, a Quarter-Master -belonging to the _Dutchess_, that was wounded at the same time, by a -Musket-Ball in his Thigh, is now out of Danger, The wounded in these -Parts, are more frequently attended with Fevers, and other dangerous -Accidents, than in _Europe_. - - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -_Apr. 30._ About 3 Yesterday Afternoon a Sail from under the Main -appear’d in sight running up the Channel to _Guiaquil_; Capt. _Cooke_ -sent the _Havre de Grace_’s Boat in pursuit of her, but my Pinnace -sailing better, followed and took her before Sun set: She was a Bark of -above 30 Tuns, from _Sania_, call’d the _Francisco la Salma_, Senior -_Jacomo de Brienas_ Master, with 6 Men on board: She was laden with -about 270 Bags of Flour, Beans and Pease; near 200 Sugar-Loaves; several -Frails of Quinces, Marmalet, Sugar-plumbs, and other Sweetmeats, with a -good Quantity of large Pomegranates, Apples and Onions; a little of this -Country Cheese, and dried Beef: They had been out 7 Days, and heard -nothing of us; but confirm’d the Story of an _English_ Squadron -expected in these Seas, and that there were several stout _French_ Ships -in their Harbours, particularly two at _Lima_, and one at _Pisco_, -besides others in the Harbours of _Chili_: That at _Chenipe_, whence -they came, being the Sea-port to _Sania_, there was a strict Order -lately sent from _Lima_ to the chief Officer there, to be on his Guard, -and keep continual Watch in the same Manner as I have before noted, in -the Order we found directed to the Lieutenant or Governour of _Puna_. -This Morning, at 7, the _Beginning_ came to an Anchor by us, from -_Puna_, with a few Jarrs of Water, which we mightily wanted. - -Mr. _Goodall_ and others told me, there were no other Barks coming down -but what went up with his, from the Ships for Water, and that he did not -know the Reason why the rest stay’d there: He told me, he had a Letter -from Capt. _Courtney_ to his Second, Capt. _Cook_, but no Message or -Letter from him or Capt. _Dover_ to me; adding, he heard one of them say -that they expected this Bark would meet the Ships half way coming up to -_Puna_, and that they looked for me hourly. This unexpected Story -surpriz’d me, but I suppos’d they might now have some Hopes of disposing -our Cargo to the _Spaniards_ at _Guiaquil_, which occasion’d their -Staying, and Expectation of my Return. I discours’d it with Capt. -_Cooke_ and Mr. _Frye_, and saw Capt. _Courtney’s_ Letter, but not a -Word of Advice to me: However, I resolved to hasten away the -_Beginning_, with some Negroes (the most troublesome Goods we had) to -dispose of, that they might be at _Puna_ before me. I began to unmore -the _Havre de Grace_, in order to go up with the Flood, hoping to sell -her Cargo, or good Part of it, while our Ships took in Water, resolving -to save as much Time as possible. Mean while the other Water Bark -arriv’d, but without any manner of Advice to me when those above -design’d to come down, or to send the Men that were so much wanting -aboard, to put things in order for our going to Sea. - - -_May 1._ Yesterday, in the Afternoon, I took Sen. _Morell_ for a Pilot, -and weigh’d with the _Havre de Grace_, but having little Wind, and being -neep Tides, I did not get one Third of the Way up to _Puna_, with that -Flood: I was likewise but ill mann’d; because I was obliged to leave the -Pinnace and Crew that came down with me for the Security of our Ship. We -weigh’d again with the Morning Flood, and met the _Dutchess_’s Bark -coming down, but without the least Advice to me from the 2 Captains at -_Puna_, which farther confirm’d me that they waited for my Company, and -the Ship, to sell her Goods: I was pleas’d at the Thoughts of this, for -I concluded, that had it been otherwise, one, or both of them, would -have come down, or have sent all the Barks, except one to stay for the -Ransom. We were forced to anchor again before high Water; and the Tide -shot us over towards the Island. There is a Shole Sand above half Way up -to _Puna_, near mid Channel, over on that side, which ’tis difficult to -avoid, unless we have a commanding Gale to keep in the Channel which is -nearest the Main; ’tis the Starboard Shore as you go up, and there are -gradual Soundings on both sides to the Shoal on the Larboard side, or -the main Land on the Starboard side, keeping between 4 and 7 Fathom -Water; the Coast clear of all is N. E. up the Channel, bearing about two -large Leagues off Point _Arena_, where it’s bold, and all athwart, till -we get 2 Leagues higher than Point _Arena_; and as we come against, or a -little above, the white Chalky Cliff, near the Point or upper End, and -the highest part of the Island of _Puna_, we must hall over for the -Island, and come to an Anchor before the Houses, that are plain to be -seen, when we get above the high Point, which is easily known, because -all the Land on the Island is even with the Water, and elsewhere there’s -nothing to be seen but Trees, down to the River. We must keep nearest -the Starboard Shore, going up, which is the only Channel for Ships; ’Tis -above 8 Leagues from Point _Arena_ to the Town of _Puna_; which lies on -the upper End of the Island of that Name. - - -_May 2._ We got up to an Anchor before _Puna_, by 10 this Morning, where -I found 4 of the Barks that came down from _Guiaquil_. Capt. _Dover_ and -_Courtney_ came on Board, and contrary to Expectation told me, they had -not heard one Word from the _Spaniards_ since we left them. This being -the last Day appointed for Payment, a Boat came and brought us upwards -of 22000 Pieces of 8, in part of the Ransom, which we immediately -receiv’d, and dispatch’d the Boat back, telling them, we design’d to -leave this Place in the Morning, and would carry off the Hostages, if -they did not come time enough with the rest of the Mony to prevent it. - - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -_May 3._ Yesterday in the Afternoon Capt. _Courtney_ took Charge of the -_Havre de Grace_, and I agreed to follow him in the Morning, to Point -_Arena_, after I had ship’d off 7 live Black Cattel, some Sheep, Hogs -and Fowls, with a good Quantity of Plantains, about 80 Jarrs and some -Casks of Water, 24 Packs of Cocoa, 2 Sails, and 4 large Brass -Patereroes. Two Barks sail’d about Midnight with the _Marquiss_. I -began again early in the Morning, and by 9 got all aboard. We agreed to -leave the Lieutenant of _Puna_ here, giving him 4 old sick Negroes, and -a damag’d Bail of Goods for what we had taken from him, being a Man we -had some Respect for: We also parted very friendly with several of our -Prisoners we took at Sea, particularly an old Padre that I had treated -civilly at my own Table, ever since we took him, for which he was -extremely thankful. - -About a League before the Town I saw the _Havre de Grace_ at Anchor, -near the Edge of a Shoal, and the _Dutchess_’s Pinnace coming from her, -with Captains _Courtney_, _Dover_, and _Dampier_, who had quitted the -_Havre de Grace_, and desired to exchange with me, which I did. - - -_May 5._ I went aboard the _Havre de Grace_ about 2 in the Afternoon, -and got her out of Danger into the Channel, but came to an Anchor again, -by the Advice of Senior _Morell_ and the _Indian_ Pilot: I encourag’d -’em and the Men to assist me as much as possible to get her under Sail, -because we were in hast to be gone, but there being little Wind, I could -not make use of half the Ebb, before I was again in shole Water, and -came to an Anchor, where for the want of Wind we lay for the rest of -these 24 Hours. - - -_May 5._ This Morning I got the Length of our Ships again, and soon -after Day went aboard the _Duke_, being quite sick by my long Fatigue. -Capt. _Courtney_ came to me aboard, and we agreed to throw the Timber -and great Boat between Decks in the Galeon overboard, to make room for -the Flour and _Guiaquil_ Goods which were yet in the Barks. We gave the -Flour Prize to the Prisoners whom we let go, to carry to the Inhabitants -of _Guiaquil_, and took in as much Water as we could get. Most of it was -fetch’d half Way above _Puna_, in the River towards _Guiaquil_, and tho’ -but very indifferent, we had not half enough for want of Time. - - -_May 6._ Our Hostages are very uneasy, fearing the Mony will not come in -Time to redeem them, and it’s worse than Death, they say, to be carried -to _Great Britain_. We got all aboard last Night, by 7 a Clock, our -People being fatigued. I was willing to rest my self and them one Night -before we sailed; but Capt. _Courtney_ was in too much hast, and my -Second, Capt. _Dover_, and my Pilot _Dampier_ forsook me to go along -with him. They sailed at Midnight with the _Havre de Grace_, leaving me -and the rest at Anchor. Mr. _Connely_, who went in the Bark for Water, -did not return till the Morning, when we saw our Consort and Prize at -Anchor; for the Weather falling calm, they did not get 2 Leagues from us -that Ebb. At high Water, about 10 this Morning, all the rest of us came -to sail. Our small Bower Cable was cut with the foul Ground, and we lost -our Anchor. - -I endeavour’d, but in vain, to convince the other Captains that we were -not yet in any danger from the Enemy, because it was not possible that -the _French_ and _Spaniards_ could have Notice of us, and arm out time -enough from _Lima_ to attack us. - - -_May 7._ Yesterday, about 4 in the Afternoon, we came to an Anchor -again, in 13 Fathom Water, about 4 Leagues below Point _Arena_. At 2 -this Morning, with a very small Breeze, we came to sail: Sometime after -Senior _Morell_, that went with us up to _Guiaquil_ from _Puna_, and a -Gentleman of that Town related to our Prisoners, brought us about 3500 -Pieces of 8, in Plate, towards the Ransom: they came as far as Point -_Arena_ in a Boat, and thence follow’d in one of the 4 Barks that we -left by Agreement. - - -_May 8._ Yesterday, in the Afternoon, we discharg’d all our Prisoners, -except the _Morells_, a little _Dutchman_, and a Gentleman’s son of -_Panama_, with our _Indian_ Pilots, that I took aboard to amuse the -People of _Guiaquil_ that we should return thither, and 2 more that -desir’d to stay with us, besides the 3 Ransomers. The Gentleman that -came from _Guiaquil_ had a Gold Chain and some other Moveables, with -which he purchased the _Beginning_ of us, and we gave the Captain of the -_Havre de Grace_ 3 Negroe Women, and Senior _Morell_, and Senior -_Ignatius_, one a piece, and to all of them good part of their waring -Apparel: So that we parted very friendly. They told us, A Prisoner we -put a shore at _Puna_, call’d Senior Don _Pedro Sinfuegos_, was a Man of -great Credit at _Guiaquil_; that he had got a good Sum together, before -they came thence in order to buy Goods of us, and that they expected him -in less than 12 Hours; adding, that there were several others coming -down to trade with us, but the Majority of our Officers would not -believe ’em, being resolved to make the utmost Dispatch for the -_Gallapagos_ Islands: They press’d to know where they might meet us to -trade, but every one was against informing them of the Place where we -design’d to rendezvous, lest they should discover it to the Enemies -Ships of War. - -[Sidenote: _Description of Guiaquil._] - -At 8 last Night we came to an Anchor in 16 Fathom Water. The Island -_Sancta Clara_ bore N. E. by N. 5 Leagues. At 2 this Morning we weighed -with the Flood, Wind at S. W. at 6 the Island bore N. by E. 4 Leagues -distance. - - -_A Description of the Province of_ - -Guiaquil. - -The City or Town of _Guiaquil_ is the Metropolis of a Province of that -Name in _Peru_, govern’d by a President with 5 or 6 Orderes, which makes -a Royal _Audiencia_ or chief Court of Judicature, accountable only to -the Viceroy in military Affairs. Every Province has a Government of the -same Nature. - -These Governors are commonly appointed, or, to speak more properly, -purchase their Offices in Old _Spain_, for Life, or good Behaviour; and -in case any die, or misbehave themselves, the Vice-roy may name another -during his Time, which ought to be but 5 Years; but sometimes he gets -these Officers of his own placing confirm’d by an Order from _Spain_, -which is a considerable Part of the Vice-roy’s unknown Profits. The late -Vice-roy continued 14 Years, several new ones having died by the Way. -The King of _Spain_ himself scarce lives in more Splendor than his -Vice-roy in the City of _Lima_, where the chief Courts of Judicature are -kept, and Appeals are brought thither from all Courts and Provinces of -this extensive Kingdom. I should not here mention the vast Wealth the -late Vice-roy obtain’d during his Government; the Sum being so large -that I thought it fabulous, but that I was inform’d of it by so many -Hands, who told me, that about 4 Years ago he died at least worth -8000000 Pieces of 8, and left it to his Widow and Children, but the -greatest Part to his eldest Son, the _Conde de la Monclo_, besides vast -Sums he gave away in Charity, during his Life-time, and the many -Churches, Fryaries, and Nunneries that he built. - -He left a better Character behind him than any Vice-roy had done for an -Age past. The Conde, his eldest Son, waits here, expecting to succeed -the present Vice-roy of _Peru_ or _Mexico_, if the Government holds in -Old _Spain_; but I and every _Englishman_ ought earnestly to hope, that -K. _Charles_ III. will happily recover that Monarchy, and gratefully -place a Vice-roy here that will shew himself as good a Friend to the -_English_ Trade, as the present Vice-roy does to the _French_; for he -openly espouses their Interest, and encourages them; whereas the -_Spaniards_ say, he racks and heavily oppresses their own Countrymen. - -The Corregidore that last died at _Guiaquil_, tho’ he had possess’d the -Office but 5 Years, had rak’d together 300000 Pieces of 8, tho’ his Post -was not allow’d to exceed above 2000 Pieces of 8 _per Annum_; but all -the Corregidores make vast Advantages by Seizures, and trading privately -themselves. - -The Trade to and from _Mexico_ is forbid here, under the severest -Penalty, especially transporting Quick-silver from _Peru_ thither, -because Quantities are brought from Old _Spain_, which is impos’d on the -Refiners at great Rates. Here are many Ships employ’d coasting in this -Kingdom; but a Trade is so severely prohibited between ’em and _Mexico_, -that all the Commodities with Silver and Gold in Returns, may have -little other Circulation in these vast Countries, but by the Flota and -Galeons to and from Old _Spain_. Yet notwithstanding the Severity us’d -against private Traders, by the Vice-roys and Corregidores, there are -some that use it, who have no Mercy shew’d ’em if caught, all being -seiz’d in the King’s Name, tho’ his Majesty has little or no Share of -it; All such Seizures (as I am told) being divided amongst these -Officers, and the poor Sufferer banish’d or confin’d to a Goal. - -[Sidenote: _Description of Guiaquil._] - -All _English_ and _Dutch_ Goods, except what comes by the Galeons, are -prohibited here, so that the private Traders, after they have by stealth -purchased ’em in the _North_ Seas, must vend ’em in like manner all over -_Peru_, and if the wholesale Merchants have not a good Certificate from -the Commerce of _Sevilia_, that their Commodities came by the Flota or -Galeons; whenever the Goods are question’d, they must disown them, for -fear of a worse Punishment, unless they have a good Interest in the -Vice-roy, which costs dear to purchase, and preserve; so that the Trader -makes little Profit, but where the chief Officers have a feeling: yet -tho’ these mercenary Vice-roys are so severe on others, they themselves -employ the Corregidores to negotiate a Trade for them by a 3d Hand, -which cannot be done to the Purpose, without being publickly known; so -that Ships are constantly imployed on their Account, and carry -Quick-silver and all manner of prohibited Goods to and from _Mexico_ out -of By-ports. Thus, being their own Judges, they get vast Estates, and -stop all Complaints in Old _Spain_, by Bribes. The Goods they trade for -have a free Passage and Sale through the Continent, whilst others, if -they do but offer at it, are punish’d as above. - -Their other Ways of getting Money unjustly are too many; but in short, -in my Opinion, there’s no Country naturally more rich, nor any People -more terribly oppress’d. - -The _Spaniards_ say, and I believe, not without Reason, That a Vice-roy, -after purchasing his Place with all that he has, and quitting Old -_Spain_ as poor as _Job_, comes here like a hungry Lion, to devour all -that he can; and that every Officer under him in the Provinces (who are -ten times more than are necessary) are his Jackals to procure Prey for -him, that they may have a Share of it themselves. - -To this we may add, the Burthen of a numerous and luxurious Clergy, that -indulge their Pride, Sloth, Effeminacy and Bigottry, more than in the -_Romish_ Countries of _Europe_: So that were this Country possess’d by -an industrious and well govern’d People, we might have reason to fear, -that Silver and Gold would become so plentiful, and by consequence of so -little Value, that the World would be at a Loss to find a less -troublesome and more acceptable Species to satisfy Avarice and Luxury. - -The River of _Guiaquil_, from about 2 Leagues above _Puna_ to Point -_Arena_, is so broad, that a Man can scarce see cross the Channel; the -Land down to the Water-side, is low and cover’d with Mangrove Trees; the -Tide flows above 3 Fathom, and an East and West Moon, as near as I could -guess, makes High-water at _Puna_. The Tide has a quick Current, much -stronger than in the _Thames_, and I believe the Ebb is little inferior -to that at _Bristol_, and the Water as thick, and as much discolour’d. -Not being able to describe the Channel plain enough to direct Strangers, -I shall give a View of it from a _Spanish_ Draught; for I had not time -enough to draw the Channel, or found it all along. There’s need of a -good Pilot to carry a Vessel to the Town. The River is 14 Leagues -navigable beyond it, and the Tide flows 20 Leagues above it, but Canoes -and Bark-Logs go much higher. - -The Province abounds with several sorts of good Timber, which makes it -the chief Country of _Peru_ for building and repairing Ships; there’s -seldom less than 6 or 7 at a time on the Stocks before the Town of -_Guiaquil_. The chief Commodity this City and its Province afford is -_Cocoa_, which is so plentiful, as to supply most Places on the _South -Sea_; they say there’s never less exported in a Year than 30000 -Cargaus, each Cargau 81 Pound Weight, and sometimes double the Quantity: -It was purchas’d generally at half a Ryal _per_ Pound, but now much -cheaper, so that the Cargau may be bought for 2 Pieces of Eight and a -half. Their coasting Trade is for Salt and Salt Fish, from Point _Santa -Helena_, and most vended at _Quito_ and other distant Places within -Land. A vast quantity of Timber is laden here for _Truxillo_, _Chancay_, -_Lima_, and other Sea-ports, where ’tis scarce; it pays a great Freight, -and is a profitable Trade: They export also from hence Rice, Cotton, and -some dry’d Jerkt Beef. There are no Mines of Silver or Gold in this -Province, but Plenty of all sorts of Cattle, and very cheap, especially -on the Island _Puna_, where we supply’d our selves with what we could -stow conveniently. Here’s no other Corn but _Indian_, so that all their -Flower is brought from _Truxillo_, _Cheripe_, and other Places in the -Windward Parts, it blows here always Southerly. They are also supplied -with several sorts of Woollen Cloth, and very good strong Bays made at -_Quito_; their Wine, Brandy, Oil, Olives and Sugar, _&c._ come from -_Piscola_, _Nasca_, and other Places to Windward. All sorts of -_European_ Goods come hither from _Panama_, whither they are brought -over Land from _Portobello_ out of the North Seas; so that the Number of -Ships that come and go from hence, without including the Coasters, are -no less than 40 Sail every Year, which shows that the Port of _Guiaquil_ -is no mean Place of Trade in this Part of the World. A Market is also -kept on Bark-Logs and Boats in the River every day before the Town, with -all that the Country affords in great plenty. - -Having thus given an account of the Wealth and Trade of the Town and -Province from my own Knowledge, or good Information, I shall now proceed -to give a further Account of the Strength and Government of the -Province. The Corregidore is Governour in all Civil and Military Affairs -of the whole; the next is his Lieutenant, call’d by the _Spaniards_ -Lieutenant General, and all the chief Officers reside in or near -_Guiaquil_. - -[Sidenote: _Description of Guiaquil._] - -Their Method of trying Civil and Criminal Causes being different from -ours, I shall give as clear an Idea of it as I can. When any Court is -held, or urgent Affair happens, the following Persons are summon’d to -the Council in _Guiaquil_. First, the Corregidore, the Lieutenant -General, 2 Alcaldes or Justices, who are generally Men vers’d in the -Law, and serve in the nature of Mayors and Justices by turns every -Year; the next is the Algozil Major, with 8 Regidores or Common -Council-men, who supply the room of the superior Officers, in case of -Absence or Death, till the Viceroys Pleasure be known, and always give -their Votes in publick Affairs; in Cases of Law they are a standing -Jury, and the Corregidore is Judge, but generally follows the Advice of -the Alcalds. The Plaintiff or Defendant may appeal after Trial to the -Supream Court of _Lima_, which is encourag’d by the Gentlemen of the -Law, who improve Suits to such a Degree, that tho’ they are almost as -numerous as the Clergy, yet they are a thriving Society, seldom want -Imployment, and have large Fees. There are 2 Attorneys call’d Clerks of -the Court, and 4 Algozils or Serjeants. All Lawyers are allow’d to -practise here, and have a Sallary from the King besides their Fees, and -since Money abounds here, many of ’em don’t scruple taking Fees on both -Sides. - -The Inquisition rages worse here than in Old _Spain_; their chief Court -is at _Lima_, but 4 Officers from that Court are settl’d at _Guiaquil_, -besides 24 Clergy belonging to the Town, who inform against any Person -that they suspect of Opinions contrary to the _Roman_ Church, and with a -violent Zeal prosecute ’em almost without any Formality. The Offenders -are speedily sent to the chief Court at _Lima_, where nothing but a -great deal of Money can save ’em, if found guilty in the least degree. - -Their Military Men affect great Titles, and their Strength is as -follows. - - The Corregidore is General, _Don Hieronimo Boso_. - Master le Camp, _Don Christopher Ramadeo de Areano_. - Serjeant Major, _Don Francisco Gantes_. - Commissaria de la Cavalaria, _Don Antonio Calabria_. - -They have 5 Dons all Captains of Infantry, and each of ’em a large -Company: One Don is a Captain of near 200 Horsemen, and there are -Lieutenants, Ensigns, Serjeants, Corporals and Drummers to each Company, -as customary among the _Spaniards_. By the most reasonable Computation -of their Force, they could in a few days bring together 900 armed Horse -and Foot Militia; and I was inform’d by them they had not less than 500 -of these in a Body before we landed, and beat ’em out of the Town, there -being always that Number ready in the Towns and adjacent Parts upon an -Alarm. These and many more form’d a sorry Camp within a League of us in -the Woods, whilst with about 160 Men we kept the Town till they -ransom’d it. An _English_-man that run over to us after the Fight, who -had lived 2 Years in the Town, and saw their Force, told us there were -many more than what the _Spaniards_ acknowledge by the abovemention’d -Account, and that he saw at one time, a few Months before, upwards of -1100 Horse and Foot drawn up and muster’d before the Town. - -Their other Towns are govern’d by Lieutenants deputed by the -Corregidore; above half of ’em border on the same River and its -Branches, so that they can join those of the Capital in 2 Tides, tho’ at -several Leagues distance. These Towns and Lieutenancies are as follow. - - -_A LIST of the Lieutenancy of this Province._ - - _Leagues._ - -_Y Aquache_, govern’d by a Lieutenant, distant from } - _Guiaquil_} } 7 - -_Bava_ 12 - -_Pemocho_ has 6 Brass Guns of 16 Pound Ball,} - both govern’d by the same Lieutenant. } 14 - -_Puna_, } { 9 -_Naranghal_, } By the same Lieutenant { 14 -_Machala_, } { 14 - -_Daule_, a Lieutenant 7 - -Point _St. Hellena_,} { 30 -_Colonche_, } by the same Lieut. { 20 -_Chongong_, } { 7 -_Chandoe_, } { 10 - -_Sheba_, } { 21 -_Babaoya_, } by the same Lieut.{ 16 -_Chilintoam_, } { 14 - -_Porto Vaco_, } { 34 -_Charapeto_, } { 36 -_Peco Assaa_, } by the same Lieut.{ 25 -_Manta_, } { 40 -_Hepe Hapa_, } { 30 - -_Porto Vaco_ was formerly the Metropolis of the Province, before the -Government was removed to _Guiaquil_. - -[Sidenote: _At Guiaquil._] - -In the Towns and the whole Province the _Spaniards_ compute at least -10000 Inhabitants; but I believe there are many more. They are -distinguish’d by themselves into 11 Classes or Sorts, which being -particular, and worth remarking, I shall add a Description of them, for -the Information of such as have not been in those Parts. - -The first and chief is the original _Spaniards_, never yet mix’d with -other People (at least as they pretend) and these are most respected. - -2. The _Mustees_, begot by _Spaniards_ on _Indian_ Women. - -3. _Fino Mustees_, their Children married again with the _Spaniards_. - -4. _Terceroons de Indies_, their Children again mix’d with the -_Spaniards_. - -5. _Quarteroons de Indies_, their Posterity again mix’d with the -_Spaniards_. These last are allowed to be Primitive _Spaniards_ again. - -6. _Mullattoes_, begot by a _Spaniard_, or any _European_, on a Negro -Woman. - -7. _Quarteroon de Negroes_, again mixt with the _Spaniards_, and -esteem’d no better than _Mullattoes_. - -8. _Terceroon de Negroes_, a third Mixture with the _Spaniards_, still -call’d _Mullattoes_, because they will not allow ’em the Privilege or -Title of _Spaniard_ after once debas’d with the Negro Breed, tho’ some -of ’em are as white as themselves; but they can’t get off the ugly Name -of _Mullatto_, unless they hide their Descent, which is no hard Task, if -they remove their Abode to another Place where they are not known, which -is often practis’d and conniv’d at by the Fathers of the Church, to -increase the Number of good Catholick _Spaniards_. - -9. The 9th Sort is _Indians_, who are all of a dark Olive-tawny Colour; -these (tho’ the true and antient Proprietors of the Country) are placed -a Class below the worst of the _Spanish_ Descendants, which are -generally begot without Marriage on their Servants and Slaves. - -10. _Negroes._ - -11. All the Species and Breeds between the _Negroes_ and _Indians_ are -call’d _Sambos_, tho’ by mixing their Breed as they do, they commonly -differ little or nothing to the Eye from the _Spanish_ mix’d -Descendants. - -These 11 are the common Sorts, tho’ some of ’em seem not very regularly -distinguish’d: But they have rung Changes so often in those Peals of -Generation, that there is no End of their Distinctions. The _Spaniards_ -are the fewest by far of all the Inhabitants; and were it not for those -Mixtures, which the Fathers of the Church keep united, the _Indians_ -might again take possession of their Country, for the _Spaniards_ would -be too few to keep it, and much more uncapable of peopling it. Few of -those Prisoners that fell into our hands were healthy and sound; near -half of the _Spaniards_ discover’d publickly to our Doctors their -Malady, in order to get Physick from them against the _French_ Disease, -which is so common here, that they reckon it no Scandal to be deep in -the Powdering Tub; and the Heat of the Country facilitating the Cure, -they make very light of it. All the _Spaniards_ I discours’d allow that -this rich Country is not a tenth peopled, nor are half the _Indians_ far -within Land civilized, tho’ they affirm their King has in the _West -Indies_ more Subjects of several Colours, than in all _Spain_, or the -rest of his Dominions in _Europe_ (which may be true) and I believe they -are such Subjects, as no Christian King can boast of; for the King of -_Spain_ is able to match the Skins of his _Americans_ to any Colour, -with more Variety and Exactness than a Draper can match his Cloth and -Trimming. - -The Account that the _French_ Buccaneers, _alias_ Pirates, gave of this -Place, is so false, that there’s not the least Truth in it; so that by -their Description it would not appear to be the same Place, had they not -left infamous Marks of their being here: For when they took the Town of -_Guiaquil_ about 22 Years ago, they discover’d little or no Bravery in -the Attack (tho’ they lost a great many Men) and committed a great deal -of Brutishness and Murther after they had the Place in their Power, -which was above a Month here and at _Puna_. The Seasons here are -improperly call’d Winter and Summer; the Winter is reckon’d from the -Beginning of _December_ to the last of _May_, and all that Season is -sultry hot, wet and unhealthy. From the latter End of _May_ to -_December_ ’tis serene, dry and healthy, but not so violently hot as -what they call Winter. - -Their _Cocoa_ is ripe, and mostly gather’d between _June_ and _August_, -and of the other Fruits natural to these Climates, some are ripe and -others green all the Year. But I return to my Journal, and the Account -of our Voyage to the _Gallapagoes_ Islands. - - -[Sidenote: _From Guiaquil towards the Gallapagos._] - -_May 11._ A fresh Gale at S.S.W. We had upwards of 20 Men that fell ill -within these 24 Hours, and our Consort near 50, of a malignant Fever, -contracted as I suppose at _Guiaquil_, where I was informed, that about -a Month or 5 Weeks before we took it, a contagious Disease which raged -there swept off 10 or 12 Persons every Day for a considerable time; so -that the Floors of all the Churches (which are their usual Burial -Places) were fill’d so fast, that they were obliged to dig a large and -deep Hole of about a Rod square, close by the great Church, where I kept -Guard; and this Hole was almost fill’d with Corps half putrified. The -Mortality was so very great, that many of the People had left the Town, -and our lying so long in the Church surrounded with such unwholsom -Scents, was enough to infect us too. - -Capt. _Courtney_ was taken ill, and Capt. _Dover_ went on board the -_Dutchess_ to prescribe for him. - - -_May 14._ This Day we saw a great many Albacores in pursuit of Flying -Fish, and a very large Albacore[131] leap’d into one of our Boats. We -have now about 50 Men down, and the _Dutchess_ upwards of 70; but I hope -the Sea Air (which is very fresh) will make the Climate more healthy. - - -_May 15._ At 6 last Night Mr. _Samuel Hopkins_, Dr. _Dover’s_ Kinsman -and Assistant, died; he read Prayers once a Day ever since we pass’d the -Equinox in the North Sea: He was a very good temper’d sober Man, and -very well beloved by the whole Ship’s Company. - - -_May 17._ This Morning we saw the Land bearing S. S. W. about 10 Leagues -distant. It seems a large Island, and high Land: We tack’d and stood E. -by S. Wind at S. by E. to turn up to Windward for the Island. Our Men in -both Ships continue very ill; we have near 60 sick, and the _Dutchess_ -upwards of 80. We had a good Observation, Lat. 00°. 37´´. S. - - -_May 18._ At 6 last Night the End of the Island bore S. by E. distant -about 5 Leagues. _Edward Downe_ died at 12 at Night. When Day broke we -were within 4 Leagues of 2 large Islands almost joining together, having -passed the other that we saw yesterday. We sent our Boat ashore to look -for Water, and agreed with our Consort where to meet in case of -Separation. They turn’d towards an Island we saw to Windward, and left -us to try this Island for Water: All our Prizes were to stay near us -under Sail by a remarkable Rock. - - -_May 19._ Yesterday in the Afternoon the Boat return’d with a melancholy -Account, that no Water was to be found. The Prizes we expected would -have lain to Windward for us by the Rock, about 2 Leagues off Shore; but -Mr. _Hatley_ in a Bark, and the _Havre de Grace_, turn’d to Windward -after our Consort the _Dutchess_; so that only the Galleon and the Bark -that Mr. _Selkirk_ was in staid for us. We kept plying to Windward all -Night with a Light out, which they follow’d. At 5 in the Morning we sent -our Boat ashore again to make a further Search in this Island for Water. -About 10 in the Morning _James Daniel_ our Joiner died. We had a good -Observation, Lat. 00° 32´´. S. - - -_May 20._ Yesterday in the Evening our Boat return’d, but found no -Water, tho’ they went 3 or 4 Miles up into the Country: They tell me the -Island is nothing but loose Rocks, like Cynders, very rotten and heavy, -and the Earth so parch’d, that it will not bear a Man, but breaks into -Holes under his Feet, which makes me suppose there has been a Vulcano -here; tho’ there is much shrubby Wood, and some Greens on it, yet -there’s not the least Sign of Water, nor is it possible, that any can be -contain’d on such a Surface. At 12 last Night we lost sight of our -Galleon; so that we have only one Bark with us now. - - -_May 21._ Yesterday in the Afternoon came down the _Dutchess_ and the -_French_ Prize. The _Dutchess_’s Bark had caught several Turtle and -Fish, and gave us a Part, which was very serviceable to the sick Men, -our fresh Provisions that we got on the main Land being all spent. They -were surpriz’d as much as we at the Galleon, and _Hatley_’s Bark being -out of Sight, thinking before they had been with us. We kept Lights at -our Top-mast’s Head, and fir’d Guns all Night, that they might either -see or hear how to join us, but to no Purpose. - -Capt. _Courtney_ being not yet quite recover’d, I went on board the -_Dutchess_, and agreed with him and his Officers, to stay here with the -_Havre de Grace_ and Bark, whilst I went in quest of the missing Prizes. -At 6 in the Morning we parted, and stood on a Wind to the Eastward, -judging they lost us that way. Here are very strange Currents amongst -these Islands, and commonly run to the Leeward, except on the Full Moon -I observed it ran very strong to Windward; I believe ’tis the same at -Change. - - -_May 22._ Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we met with the Galleon under -the East Island, but heard nothing of Mr. _Halley’s_ Bark. At 9 last -Night _Jacob Scronder_ a _Dutch_-man, and very good Sailor, died. We -kept on a Wind in the Morning to look under the Weather Island for Mr. -_Hatley_, and fired a Gun for the Galleon to bear away for the Rendevouz -Rock, which she did. - -[Sidenote: _At the Gallapagos Islands._] - - -_May 23._ Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we saw the Weather Island near -enough, and no Sail about it. We bore away in sight of the Rock, and saw -none but our Galleon; we were in another Fright what became of our -Consort, and the 2 Prizes we left behind; but by 5 we saw ’em come from -under the Shore to the Leeward of the Rock. We spoke with ’em in the -Evening; we all bewail’d Mr. _Hatley_,[132] and were afraid he was lost: -We fir’d Guns all Night, and kept Lights out, in hopes he might see or -hear us, and resolved to leave these unfortunate Islands, after we had -view’d two or three more to Leeward. We pity’d our 5 Men in the Bark -that is missing, who if in being have a melancholy Life without Water, -having no more but for 2 Days, when they parted from us. Some are afraid -they run on Rocks, and were lost in the Night, others that the 2 -Prisoners and 3 Negroes had murder’d ’em when asleep; but if otherwise, -we had no Water, and our Men being still sick, we could stay little -longer for them. Last Night died _Law. Carney_ of a malignant Fever. -There is hardly a Man in the Ship, who had been ashore at _Guiaquil_, -but has felt something of this Distemper, whereas not one of those that -were not there have been sick yet. Finding that Punch did preserve my -own Health, I prescribed it freely among such of the Ships Company as -were well, to preserve theirs. Our Surgeons make heavy Complaints for -want of sufficient Medicines, with which till now I thought we abounded, -having a regular Physician, an Apothecary, and Surgeons enough, with all -sorts of Medicines on board. Our Owners believed so too, and did often -at home set forth the uncommon Advantage we had in being so carefully -provided for this tedious Voyage; but now we found it otherwise, and had -not sufficient Medicines to administer for the Recovery of our sick Men, -which so many being sick in both Ships, makes it a melancholy Time with -us. - - -_May 21._ Yesterday at 5 in the Afternoon we ran to the Northward, and -made another Island, which bore N. W. by W. distant 5 Leagues; and this -Morning we sent our Boat ashore, to see for the lost Bark, Water, Fish -or Turtle. This Day _Tho. Hughes_ a very good Sailor died, as did Mr. -_George Underhill_, a good Proficient in most parts of the Mathematicks -and other Learning, tho’ not much above 21 Years old: He was of a very -courteous Temper, and brave, was in the Fight where my Brother was -kill’d, and served as Lieutenant in my Company at _Guiaquil_. About the -same time another young Man, call’d _John English_, died aboard the -_Haver de Grace_, and we have many still sick. If we had staid in the -Harbour, we should in all probability have lost near half of our Men. We -had a good Observation, Lat. 00°. 14´´. N. - - -_May 25._ Yesterday at 6 in the Evening our Boat return’d from the -Island without finding any Water, or seeing the Bark. About 4 in the -Morning we stood to another Island, that bore about N. E. distant 4 -Leagues, and the _Dutchess_ went to view another to the S. W. of it. -Last Night _Peter Marshal_ a good Sailor died. This Morning our Boat -with Mr. _Selkirk’s_ Bark went to another Island to view it. We had an -Observation, Lat. 00°. 35´´. N. - - -_May 26._ Last Night our Boat and Bark return’d, having rounded the -Island, found no Water, but Plenty of Turtle and Fish. This Morning we -join’d the _Dutchess_, who had found no Water. About 12 a Clock we -compar’d our Stocks of Water, found it absolutely necessary to make the -best of our way to the Main for some, then to come off again; and so -much the rather, because we expected that 2 _French_ Ships, one of 60, -and another of 40 Guns, with some _Spanish_ Men of War, would suddenly -be in quest of us. - - -_May 27._ At 6 last Night the Body of the Eastermost Island bore S. E. -by S. distant 4 Leagues, from whence we took our Departure for the Main. -Last Night died _Paunceford Wall_, a Land-man. A fresh Gale at S. E. -with cloudy Weather. - - -[Sidenote: _From the Gallapagos Islands towards Peru._] - -_May 30._ Fair Weather with moderate Gales from the S. S. E. to the S. -by E. We are forced to water the Bark and Galleon every Day with our -Yall: ’Tis a very great Trouble to hoist our Boat out daily; now that -our Men are so very weak. Senior _Morell_, and the other Prisoners, tell -us, that it frequently proves Calm between these Islands and the _Terra -firma_, at this time of the Year, which if it should now happen, but for -a few Days, would very much incommode us for Want of Water. Had we -supplied our selves well at Point _Arena_, we should, no doubt, have had -time enough to find the Island _S. Maria de l’Aquada_, reported to be -one of the _Gallapagos_, where there is Plenty of good Water, Timber, -Land and Sea Turtle, and a safe Road for Ships. This was the Place we -intended for, and would have been very suitable to our Purpose, which -was to lie some Time concealed. It’s probable there is such an Island, -because one Capt. _Davis_,[133] an _Englishman_, who was a buccaneering -in these Seas, above 20 Years ago, lay some Months and recruited here to -Content: He says, that it had Trees fit for Masts; but these sort of -Men, and others I have convers’d with, or whose Books I have read, have -given very blind or false Relations of their Navigation, and Actions in -these Parts, for supposing the Places too remote to have their Stories -disprov’d, they imposed on the Credulous, amongst whom I was one, till -now I too plainly see, that we cannot find any of their Relations to be -relied on: Therefore I shall say no more of these Islands, since by what -I saw of ’em, they don’t at all answer the Description that those Men -have given us. - -Nothing more remarkable happen’d till the 6th of _June_, but that -_Thomas Morgan_, a _Welch_ Land-man, died the 31st of _May_; _George -Bishop_, another Land-man, the 4th of _June_; and that we had Advice -from some of our Men on board the Galeon, that the Prisoners and Blacks -there had form’d a Plot to murder the _English_, and run away with the -Ship in the Night. We examin’d the _Spaniards_ who positively denied it; -yet some of the Blacks own’d there had been such a Discourse betwixt -some Negroes and _Indians_, but they did not believe they were in -earnest: So we contented our selves to disperse those Prisoners into -several Ships, as the best Way to break the Cabal. - - -_June 6._ Yesterday at 4 a Clock in the Afternoon we spied a Sail, and -at the same time saw the Land, the _Dutchess_ being a Mile a Head, gave -chase first, we followed, and about 7 in the Evening the _Dutchess_ took -her; we immediately sent our Boat aboard, and took out some of the -Prisoners. She was a Vessel of about 90 Tun, bound from _Panama_ to -_Guiaquil_, call’d the St. _Thomas de Villa nova_ and St. _Demas_, _Juan -Navarro Navaret_ Commander. There were about 40 People aboard, including -11 Negro-Slaves, but little of _European_ Goods, except some Iron and -Cloth. Captain _Courtney_ sent to tell me, the Prisoners he had knew -nothing of our being in these Seas, and brought no News from _Europe_, -but confirm’d the Story that they expected the Arrival of a Squadron -from _England_, my Lord _Peterborough_, Admiral and General, by Sea and -Land, which was dreaded every Day, and that they were inform’d he -design’d to secure some Port in the North Sea, and send part of his -Squadron to the South Sea. They had a Passenger of Note on board, call’d -Don _Juan Cardoso_, he was going to be Governour of _Baldivia_, and said -he had been taken not long before in the North Sea, by _Jamaica_ -Cruisers. We bore away by Agreement for the Island _Gorgona_. This -Morning we saw _Gallo_, near the Shore, a small Island, and the Main to -the North of it, which by the Shore is low Land. Our late Prize ran -aboard the _Havre de Grace_, and lost her Main Top-mast, but did little -Damage to the other Ship. The _Dutchess_ took the Prize into a Tow. We -had a good Observation. Lat. 2°. 00´´. N. - - -_June 7._ Yesterday at 2 in the Afternoon we made the Island of -_Gorgona_; about 4 the Body bore E. N. E. 5 Leagues. - - -_June 8._ Yesterday at 4 in the Afternoon we got to an Anchor, about a -good Cable’s Length from the Shore in 30 Fathom Water, on the East side -of the Island; the Southermost point of it in sight bore S. E. about 3 -Miles, and the Rocks off the North Point bore N. half W. a Mile and a -half. - - -_June 8._ At 8 this Morning we spied a Sail to the Southward of the -Island, between it and the Main; our Pinnace being a-shore for Water, -the _Dutchess_’s Boat went first after her, ours followed on the other -side of the Island, that if the Prize bore away, she might meet her on -the West Side. In the mean time I took in Water from the Island. - - -[Sidenote: _In Gorgona Road._] - -_June 9._ Yesterday in the Afternoon our Boats return’d and brought the -Prize with them, being a small Bark of about 35 Tuns, call’d the _Golden -Sun_; she belong’d to a Creek within this Island, on the Main, and was -bound for _Guiaquil_, _Andros Enriques_ Master, with 10 _Spaniards_ and -_Indians_, and some _Negroes_; no Cargo but a very little Gold Dust, and -a large Gold Chain, together about 500 _l._ value, which were secur’d -aboard the _Dutchess_. The Prize design’d to purchase Salt and Brandy -with ’em. The Prisoners said they had no Notice of us, so that News does -not spread in this Country so fast as we believ’d, especially this Way; -the Land being, as I am informed, full of Woods and Rivers, and bad for -Travellers or Posts. About 6 in the Evening there was a Consultation on -board the _Dutchess_, with some of my Officers, Capt. _Dover_ and -others; being discompos’d I was not with them, but resolved to act in -consortship, according to their Agreement. After they had examin’d the -Prisoners, they resolved to go to _Malaga_, an Island which had a Rode, -where we design’d to leave our Ships, and with our Boats row up the -River, for the rich Gold Mines of _Barbacore_, call’d also by the -_Spaniards_, the Mines of St. _Juan_, from a Village about two Tides up -the River of that Name; there we design’d to surprize Canoes, as fitter -than our Boats to go against the Stream; for this Time of the Year being -subject to great Rains, which makes a strong Fresh down the River, our -Pilot, an old _Spaniard_, did not propose to get up to the Mines in less -than 12 Days. I had often before suspected his Knowledge, but according -to their Resolutions on board the _Dutchess_ we came to sail about 12 a -Clock at Night, and steer’d N. E. for the Place. In the Morning I -discours’d Captain _Morrel_, as I had done several Times before, and all -the rest of the Prisoners, who agreed that this Island, call’d _Malaga_, -was an unfrequented Place, and not fit for Ships, that ever they heard -of. I had also 2 Prisoners aboard, that were taken in the last Prize, -who had been at the said Island very lately; I examin’d ’em separately, -and they agreed, that a Ship could not be safe there, and the Place -being so narrow, ’twas impossible to get in, but with the Tide, which -ran very strong; that the Entrance was full of Shoals, and had not Water -enough, but at Spring Tides, for our Ships to get out or in; besides -that if a Ship gets loose (as we must moar Head and Stern) she would -turn all adrift, and very much endanger the whole; they added that the -River was so narrow before we could get to the Mines, that the _Indians_ -and _Spaniards_ might fell Trees a cross, and cut off our Retreat, there -being thick Woods on the Banks of the River, from whence the _Indians_ -would gall us with their poison’d Arrows; for those about the Mines were -in Amity with the _Spaniards_, and a bold and a very numerous People. -Upon this Information I was surpriz’d that the Council had not inform’d -themselves better before they resolved on going to this Place, and -immediately sent Mr. _White_ our Linguist with the two Prisoners, on -board the _Dutchess_, to undeceive Capt. _Courtney_ and his Officers, -and to desire his Company with some of the rest without Loss of Time, -that we might agree how to act for our Safety and Interest, and not to -proceed farther on this hazardous Enterprize. - - -_June 10._ Yesterday Afternoon Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Cook_ came -aboard us. We immediately agreed to return to _Gorgona_, to refit our -Prizes, and that there we would come to a final Resolution. We saw the -Island at 6 in the Evening, bearing S. W. Distance about 8 Leagues. In -the Night, we had much Rain with Lightning and Squalls of Wind, by which -the _Havre de Grace_ lost her main Top-mast. This Morning died _Jonathan -Smyth_, a Smith by Trade, and Armourer’s Mate of our Ship. I went on -board the _Havre de Grace_ and _Dutchess_, and lent them what was -necessary for their Assistance. Our Men being very much fatigued, many -of them sick, and several of our Good Sailors dead, we are so weak, that -should we meet an Enemy in this Condition, we could make but a mean -Defence. Every thing looks dull and discouraging, but it’s in vain to -look back or repine in these Parts. - - -_June 11._ We had good Soundings, but came no nearer the Shore than 36 -Fathom Water, it being uncertain Soundings, and dangerous for Ships to -venture within that Depth here. - - -_June 12._ Had rainy Weather, with little or no Wind. At 8 this Morning -saw the Island of _Gorgona_; bore S. half W. distant about 9 Leagues. We -impatiently long to be there again, at an Anchor, being in an ordinary -Condition to keep the Sea, tho’ when there, we are open to all -Advantages against us, if the Enemy is out after us, which we expect, -and that this is a Place they will search, but having no other Place so -convenient, we must run the Risque of it. - - -_June 13._ About 4 in the Morning we came to an Anchor again at -_Gorgona_, in 40 Fathom Water, and most of both Ships Officers having -some Thoughts of Careening[134] here. We held the following Committee: - - _GORGONA_: 13 June, 1709. At a Committee held on Board the _Duke_. - - _We have agreed on Mr._ Lancelot Appleby _to succeed Mr._ Samuel - Hopkins, _and Mr._ Robert Knowlesman _to succeed Mr._ John Rogers, - _who being deceased, these we approve as the fittest Men to be - Members of a Committee in their Places; and having at the same time - consider’d the Necessity of cleaning our Ships, we do desire Capt._ - Courtney _to use all manner of Dispatch to get ready for a Careen, - and that the Men and Officers assist him as much as possible, and - then he to assist the_ Duke, _as soon as his Ship is compleated, - and off the Careen, because one Ship_ - -[Sidenote: _At Gorgona._] - - _ought to be in a Readiness to protect the other, whilst on a - Careen, in case we be attack’d by the Enemy._ - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ Wm. Stratton, - Woodes Rogers, Cha. Pope, - Step. Courtney, Tho. Glendall, - Wm. Dampier, John Connely, - Edw. Cooke, John Bridge. - Rob. Frye, - - - -While we were together, we agreed to fit out the _Havre de Grace_ with -twenty Guns, and put Men out of each Ship aboard her, under Captain -_Cook_’s Command, resolving to carry her home with us, and to make a -third Ship to cruise in our Company, whilst in these Seas. - - -_June 14._ I proposed before, we should careen at Port _a Penees_, -because it was an unfrequented Place, and good Harbour, where we might -lie sometime undiscover’d, and from thence go to the Bay of _Panama_, -when ready; but considering our present Condition, every body seem’d -most inclinable to stay here, which I the more readily agreed to, -because it was pleasing to the rest, and that, if any Casualty happen’d, -I might not be reflected on, if I had over-perswaded them to go -elsewhere. We began, according to agreement, to careen the _Dutchess_ -first, and I to lye on the Guard the mean while, in case of being -attack’d, which we had reason to fear, having been so long from -_Guiaquil_. The _Dutchess_ began to make ready for a Careen. Captain -_Courtney_ and I went a fishing together, and had pretty good Luck, Fish -being plenty here. - - -_June 15._ We had indifferent fair Weather, but very sultry. We put all -our sick Men, with our Consort’s on board the Galeon, being about 70 in -Number, besides sick Officers, whom we put on board the _Havre de -Grace_. - - -_June 16._ We built a Tent a-shore for the Armourer and Cooper; set -several Men to cutting of Wood, and clearing a Place for the sick Mens -Tents. - -Nothing remarkable pass’d from the 16th, but that we had frequent -Thunder, Lightning and Rain, which retarded our Careening the -_Dutchess_, till the 21st that we finish’d her, and began upon our Ship: -We were forc’d to carry most of our Stores ashore, for want of Barks, -which are full of the _Dutchess_’s Provisions and Materials. We seldom -miss catching good Fish daily, and keep a Boat and Men imploy’d for that -purpose, there being very little Refreshment in the Island. We spent -till the 25th in careening; the Sea swelling into the Road hinder’d us -heaving our Keel wholly out; however we clean’d within less than 2 -Streaks of the Keel; and being upright again, - - -_June 28._ We got our Provisions aboard, and mounted all our Guns; so -that in 14 Days we had calk’d our Ships all round, careen’d, rigg’d and -stow’d them again, both fit for the Sea; which was great Dispatch, -considering what we had to do was in an open Place, with few Carpenters, -and void of the usual Conveniencies for careening. The _Spaniards_ our -Prisoners being very dilatory Sailors, were amazed at our Expedition, -and told us, they usually take 6 Weeks or 2 Months to careen one of the -King’s Ships at _Lima_, where they are well provided with all -Necessaries, and account it good Dispatch. - - -_June 29._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we built a Tent ashore for the -Sick, who are now much better than when we came to the Island, neither -the Weather nor the Air here being half so bad as the _Spaniards_ -represented, which made us think ’twould be worse than we found it. This -Morning we got the sick Men into their Tents, and put the Doctors ashore -with them: We unloaded the _Havre de Grace_, and chose a Place very easy -to lay her ashore, to clean her Bottom. A clear Sand about a Mile and -half from the Place where we rode, near the South End of the Island. - - -_June 30._ I went to her this Morning, and left Capts. _Courtney_ and -_Cooke_, with the Carpenters, _&c._ to grave her Bottom, whilst I took -the most experienced Prisoners, and walked through the Island (which is -every where full of Wood) to look out Masts for her. The _Spaniards_ -knew best what Wood was most fit for this Purpose here. We found one -Tree proper to be a Fore-mast, having before that cut down a great Tree -big enough, but a wrong sort of Wood. All the Timber here is too heavy, -but we must use it, her old Masts and Yards being unserviceable, her -Sails rotten, and very little of her Cordage fit to be us’d; so that -it’s near equal to rigging out a-new. She is a very sharp Ship, but lies -easy on soft red Sand, which is dry at little more than half Tide. The -Worms had not much damag’d her Bottom, but her Rudder and Cut-water[135] -were eaten to pieces. It flows 15 Foot at Spring Tides. - - -_July 1._ We have Men imploy’d in our Tents ashore, to prepare the -Rigging as fast as possible; a Rope-maker at work to make twice-laid -Cordage, and a Smith, Block-maker - -[Illustration: CAPTAIN WOODES ROGERS, WITH HIS SON AND DAUGHTER, 1729 - -_From the engraving by W. Skelton, after the painting by Hogarth._] - -[Sidenote: _At Gorgona in Peru._] - -and Sail-maker at the same time; so that we want no Tradesmen to fit her -out. Necessity makes us of all Trades on this occasion. - -The Natives of Old _Spain_ are accounted but ordinary Mariners, but here -they are much worse; all the Prizes we took being rather cobled than -fitted out for the Sea: So that had they such Weather as we often meet -with in the _European_ Seas in Winter, they could scarce ever reach a -Port again, as they are fitted, but they sail here hundreds of Leagues. -The _French_ us’d her as a Victualling Ship, and sold her at _Lima_, as -they have done several others, for 4 times the Money they cost in -_Europe_. ’Tis certainly a good Method they took at first trading -hither, to bring a Victualling Ship with no other Goods but Provisions -and Stores along with ’em. Generally one of these small Ships comes out -with two Traders, and since in six, nine, or 12 Months time, which they -stay in these Seas, they expend their Provisions, and lessen their Men -by Mortality or Desertion, they sell their Victualling Ship, and being -recruited with Men and Provisions out of her, they return well -victualled and mann’d to _France_. But now they put into _Chili_, where -they sell the remaining Part of their Cargo, and salt up a new Stock of -Provisions for their homeward bound Passage, so that they need bring no -more Victuallers. - - -_July 2._ We had Showers of Rain, with Thunder and Lightning last Night, -and few Nights are without Rain, but ’tis pretty dry in the day-time. -This day I got a fine Tree for the Main-mast; the Island is so cover’d -with Trees, that we are forced to clear a Place for a Yard to work in. -The Wood that we us’d for Masts and Yards is 3 sorts, but the best is -_Maria_ Wood, of the Colour and Grain of our _English_ Oak, all of the -Cedar Kind, good Timber, but very heavy. There are several other sorts -fit for Masts, but Care must be taken not to use any that is -short-grain’d, or soft and white when green. - - -_July 3._ The Prize Flower we took in Bags being much damag’d by the -Rats, I order’d the Coopers to put it up in 36 Casks: The little -_English_ Bread we have left is eaten as hollow as a Honeycomb, and so -full of Worms, that it’s hardly fit for Use. Last Night we met aboard -our Ship to consult of the quickest Method for Dispatch, and the -Officers agreed each to take his Share of looking after the Ships, and -forwarding the several Workmen: So that most of our little Commonwealth -being ashore very busy, ’twas a Diversion for me to oversee the several -Companies at work in our Yard, from Break of Day till Night, which -otherwise in this hot Country would have been very burthensome to me. - -We were imploy’d till the 9_th_ in refitting the _Havre de Grace_, and -when finish’d call’d her the _Marquis_. We saluted each of the other -Ships with 3 Huzzas from on board her, distributed Liquor among the -Company, drank her Majesty’s and our Owners Healths, and to our own good -Success. The Ship look’d well, so that we all rejoic’d in our new -Consort to cruize with us. The next thing we did was to clear Mr. -_Selkirk’s_ Bark to carry our Prisoners to the Main, who being 72 in -Number, were very chargeable to maintain; but we could not discharge -them sooner, lest they should have allarm’d the Country, and inform’d -the _French_ and _Spanish_ Men of War where to find us. But being now -almost ready to depart, we call’d a Committee, and came to the following -Resolutions. - - At a Committee held on board the Duke, riding at Anchor in the Road - of _Gorgona_, _July 9, 1709_. - - _We think it convenient to turn all our Prisoners ashore, in a Bark - already provided for that purpose, and at the same time to Plunder - the Settlements on the Main opposite to this Island, and do desire - Capt._ Thomas Dover, _Mr._ Robert Fry, _and Mr._ William Stratton - _to command the Bark and 45 Men on the same Expedition, and to make - what Dispatch they can, and return hither with such Refreshments, - &c. as they can get for our sick Men_. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Stratton, - Woodes Rogers, Cha. Pope, - Stephen Courtney, John Connely, - William Dampier, John Ballett, - Edw. Cooke, John Bridge, - Robert Frye, Lan. Appleby. - - - -After this we gave them the following Instructions. - - _Capt._ Tho. Dover, - _Mr._ Robert Frye, - _Mr. W._ Stratton, Gorgona, 9 July, 1709. - -_Gentlemen_, - - [Sidenote: _At Gorgona._] - - _We having agreed with you in a Committee, That you take a Bark - under your Care, and transport our Prisoners to the Main, and - having order’d about 45 Men under your Command to proceed with - you, and attempt the Plundering where you judge convenient: We only - recommend the utmost Dispatch, and that you keep in mind, we hope - to be ready in 8 Days, and shall earnestly expect you as much as - possible within that Time. Other things relating to this you’ll - know better how to act than we can here direct._ - - _Should a powerful Enemy attempt us in your Absence, we’ll be - certain to leave a Glass Bottle buried at the Root of the Tree - whence the Fore-mast was cut, to acquaint you, then_ Quibo _is the - Place we will wait for you at, if we are well, and you must leave a - Glass Bottle at this Place in case we return hither again: But this - we don’t expect, if once chas’d away._ - - Woodes Rogers, Tho. Glendall, - Stephen Courtney, John Connely, - William Dampier, Geo. Milbourne, - Edward Cooke, John Bridge, - William Bath, John Ballett, - Cha. Pope, - - - - -_July 10._ Early this Morning we put our 72 Prisoners aboard the Bark. -We had several times discours’d our Prisoners, the two _Morells_, and -_Don Antonio_ about ransoming the Goods, and were in hopes of selling -them to advantage, but deferr’d coming to Particulars, till now that we -plainly saw, unless they could have the Cargoes under a quarter Value, -they would not deal with us. I propos’d going to _Panama_, and to lie 6 -Days as near it as they pleas’d, till they brought the Money we should -agree for at a moderate Rate; provided they left a Hostage aboard us, -whom on failure we would carry to _England_. To this they would have -agreed, provided we would take 60000 Pieces of Eight for all the Prize -Goods. Then I propos’d their ransoming the Galleon, and putting good -part of the Goods aboard her, provided one of them three and another -they could procure would be Hostages for the Sum. They answer’d, That -neither of them would go Hostage to _England_ for the World. Then I -propos’d delivering the Galleon and Cargo to them here, provided 2 of -them would be Ransomers to pay us the Money at any other Place but -_Panama_ or _Lima_, in Six Days, if they would give us 120000 Pieces of -Eight, being the lowest Price we could take for all the Prizes and -Goods, Negroes, _&c._ They told us that Trade with Strangers, especially -the _English_ and _Dutch_, was so strictly prohibited in those Seas, -that they must give more than the prime Cost of the Goods in Bribes, to -get a License to deal with us: So that they could not assure us of -Payment, unless we sold the Goods very cheap; therefore not finding it -worth our Time, and knowing the Danger we must run in treating with -them, we desisted, and order’d them all ashore, still hoping that this -would necessitate the _Morells_ and _Navarre_ to get Money for us, and -prevent our burning the Ships, and what we can’t carry away. Every one -now wish’d we had kept some others of the topping Prisoners, to have -try’d whether they had a better Foundation and Method to trade; the -Goods being of little value to us here, and we must fill our Ships so -full, that we fear ’twill spoil our sailing. - - -_July 11._ Yesterday our Bark and 2 Pinnaces sail’d with our chief -Prisoners. _Don Antonio_, the _Fleming_, Sen. _Navarre_, and the -_Morells_, who did not expect to part with us so suddenly, but by -continuing with us, and knowing we could not carry away all the Prizes -and Goods, they hop’d we should of course have freely given them what we -could not keep. We apprehended that was the principal Reason of their -not closing with our Terms, which were advantageous to them. Besides, -should we have been attack’d, they believ’d we must then put them in -possession of their Ships, which were of no use for fighting. But to -obviate all their Hopes of benefiting themselves at this easy Rate, -without our participating of their Money, the Magnet that drew us -hither, I made them sensible at parting, that as we had treated them -courteously like generous Enemies, we would sell them good Bargains for -whatever Money they could bring us in 10 Days time, but that we would -burn what we did not so dispose of or carry away. They beg’d we would -delay burning the Ships, and promis’d to raise what Money they could, -and return within the time to satisfy us. - -One of the chief Prisoners we now parted with was _Don Juan Cardoso_, -design’d Governor of _Baldivia_, a brisk Man of about 35 Years of Age; -he had serv’d as a Collonel in _Spain_, had the Misfortune to be taken -in the North Seas by an _English_ Privateer near _Portobello_, and -carried to _Jamaica_, from whence he was sent back to _Portobello_: He -complain’d heavily of the Usage he met with from the _Jamaica_ -Privateer; but we parted very good Friends, and he returned us his -hearty Thanks, and a Stone Ring for a Present to one of the Dutchess’s -Lieutenants that had lent him his Cabbin while he was sick on board. - -[Sidenote: _In Gorgona Road._] - -We allow’d Liberty of Conscience on board our floating Commonwealth to -our Prisoners, for there being a Priest in each Ship, they had the -Great Cabbin for their Mass, whilst we us’d the Church of _England_ -Service over them on the Quarter-deck, so that the Papists here were the -Low Churchmen. - - -_July 13._ This Morning our Vessels return’d from landing our Prisoners, -and brought off 7 small Black Cattle, about 12 Hogs, 6 Goats, some Limes -and Plaintains, which were very welcome to us; they met with little else -of Value in the Village they were at, and the others being far up the -River, they did not think it worth while to visit them. The Country -where they landed was so poor, that our Men gave the Prisoners and -Negroes, some Bays, Nails, _&c._ to purchase themselves Subsistance. The -Inhabitants ashore had notice of our taking _Guiaquil_, and were jealous -of our being at this Island, because they heard our Guns, when we fired -in order to scale them after careening. This Place bears S.E. about 7 -Leagues from the Body of _Gorgona_, is low Land and full of Mangrove -Trees; but within the Country the Land is very high. The River is hard -to be found without a Pilot, and has Shole Water for above 2 Leagues -from Shore, There are some poor Gold Mines near it, but the Inhabitants -agree that those of _Barbacore_ are very rich, tho’ difficult to be -attempted, as we were informed before. - - -_July 16._ Yesterday about Noon came aboard one _Michael Kendall_, a -free Negro of _Jamaica_, who had been sold a Slave to the Village we -plunder’d; but not being there when our People were ashore, he follow’d -them privately in a small Canoe; and the Account he gave of himself was, -that when the last War was declared at _Jamaica_, he embark’d under the -Command of one Capt. _Edward Roberts_, who was join’d in Commission from -the Governour of _Jamaica_ with Capts. _Rash_, _Golding_ and -_Pilkington_; they had 106 Men, and design’d to attempt the Mines of -_Jaco_ at the Bottom of the Gulph of _Darien_: There were more -Commanders and Men came out with them, but did not join in this Design. -They had been about 5 Months out, when they got near the Mines -undiscover’d; they sail’d 15 Days up the River in Canoes, and travel’d -10 Days by Land afterwards. By this time the _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ -being alarm’d, laid Ambushes in the Woods, and shot many of them. The -Enemy having assembled at least 500 Men, and the _English_ being -diminish’d to about 60, including the Wounded; the _Spaniards_ sent them -a Flag of Truce, and offer’d them their Lives after a small Skirmish, -wherein the _English_ lost 4, and the Enemy about 12 Men. The _English_ -being in want of Provisions, quite tir’d out, and not knowing their Way -back, agreed to deliver their Arms, on condition to be us’d as Prisoners -of War. Having thus yielded, the _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ carried them -in Canoes 3 Days up the River, that leads to the same Mines they -design’d to attempt, treated them very well, and gave them the same Food -that they eat themselves; but the 4_th_ Day, when they came to a Town -beyond the Mines, and thought all Danger had been past, an Order came -from the chief _Spanish_ Officer to cut them all off, which the -_Indians_ and _Spanish_ Troops did, as those poor disarm’d Wretches sat -at Victuals; so that in this barbarous manner they were all massacred in -a few Minutes, except a _Scots_, a _French_, and an _English_ Boy, with -12 free Negroes, which at the Intercession of a Priest they kept for -Slaves. This Man being one of ’em, happen’d to be sold, first to the -Mines, where he says he clear’d at least 3 Pieces of Eight a day for his -Master, and from thence he was sold to this Place. By this we may see -what a mighty Advantage the _Spaniards_ make of their Slaves to imploy -at these Mines, which are accounted the richest in _New Spain_. The rest -of the free Negroes being farther up the Country, could have no -Opportunity to escape. This is enough to shew what merciless and -cowardly Enemies we have to deal with in these Parts of the World. I -have heard of many such Cruelties in the _Spanish_ Parts of _America_, -to the eternal Scandal of those who encourage or connive at them. - - -_July 17._ About 10 this Morning, the two _Morells_, Mr. _Navarre_, and -his Son in law, our old Prisoners came in a large Canoe, with some Money -to ransom what they could of us: We told them of the Barbarity of their -Countrymen, and of the different Treatment they met with from us; and -that we had reason to apprehend, that if we became Prisoners here, that -few of us would ever return to our native Country. - - -[Sidenote: _In Gorgona Road._] - -_July 18._ A Negro belonging to the _Dutchess_ was bit by a small brown -speckl’d Snake, and died within 12 Hours, notwithstanding the Doctor -us’d his utmost Endeavours to save him. There’s abundance of Snakes on -this Island, and the _Spaniards_ say some are as thick as the Middle of -a Man’s Thigh. I saw one as big as my Leg, and above 3 Yards long; their -Bite proves generally mortal. Yesterday in the Afternoon we had a -Consultation, and agreed that the small Bark we took belonging to the -Main right against this Island, should be given the Lieutenant’s -Brother that we plunder’d, and who came over with our Bark; for being a -Man in some Authority ashore, we hope this Favour will have some -Influence on ’em to trade with us whilst we are here. This Morning Mr. -_Morell_ and _Navarre_ went a second time in our Bark for Money. One of -the same sort of Snakes that kill’d the Negro was found on our -Forecastle this Morning, and kill’d by our Men; we suppose it came -aboard on the Cable, they being often seen in the Water. - - -_July 19._ We continued discharging the Galleon, and lading the -_Marquiss_, and put a Part aboard of us and the _Dutchess_. We found in -the _Marquiss_ near 500 Bales of Pope’s Bulls, 16 Reams in a Bale. This -took up abundance of Room in the Ship; we throw’d most of them overboard -to make room for better Goods, except what we used to burn the Pitch of -our Ships Bottoms when we careen’d ’em. These Bulls are imposed upon the -People, and sold here by the Clergy from 3 Ryals to 50 Pieces of Eight -a-piece, according to the Ability of the Purchaser. Once in two Years -they are rated, and all the People obliged to buy them against Lent; -they cannot be read, the Print looking worse than any of our old -Ballads, yet the Vulgar are made believe it’s a mortal Sin to eat Flesh -in Lent, without being licensed by one of these Bulls, the Negro Slaves -not being exempted. This is one of the greatest Branches of Income the -King of _Spain_ has in this Country, being a free Gift from the Pope to -him, as the _Spaniards_ and Natives told us. We should have made -something of them, if we had taken the Bishop before mentioned; but now -they are of no use to us. - - -_July 20._ At Noon _Navarre_ return’d with a little more Money, some -Limes, Fowls, _&c._ He told us he had left Mr. _Morell_ to get more, and -that he would be soon with us. - - -_July 21._ We sent aboard the _Marquiss 2_ of our Main Deck Guns, and -the _Dutchess_ did the like, which with 4 we took at _Guiaquil_, and 12 -taken in the same Ship, make 20 good ones. The Carriages are all new, or -very much repair’d, and as good and strong as if mounted in _England_. -Another Canoe came with Limes, Guavas, and other Fruit, and brought a -little Money to trade with us. The Main here is a poor Country, and I -believe we might have pick’d up a good Quantity of Money any where else -on this Coast, notwithstanding their severe Orders against trading with -us. - - -_July 22._ Two of our Negroes, and three of the _Dutchess_’s ran into -the Woods to hide themselves, and go to the _Spaniards_ after we are -gone: We caught one of ’em to day, and punish’d him severely. - - -_July 23._ At 6 last Night our Stream Cable broke, and we lost our -Anchor: The Ground here is a black Mud, which in all hot Countries rots -Cables in a very little time. We have often Thunder, Rain and Lightning -all the Night, tho’ clear dry Days. This is accounted by the _Spaniards_ -the worst part of all the Coast for wet dirty Weather. We have had -enough of it, but God be thank’d are now pretty well, there not being -above 30 Persons in all our Ships unhealthy. - - -_July 24._ We caught our Negroes that ran away, and one of the -_Dutchess_’s, Hunger having brought ’em out of the Woods. - - -_July 25._ I put 35 Men aboard the _Marquiss_, and Capt. _Courtney_ 26, -so that her Complement will be 61 White Men, and 20 Negroes. Captain -_Edward Cooke_ Commander, and our Second Lieutenant, Mr. _Charles Pope_, -his Second. We design to agree, that the Captain with his Officers and -Men shall have equal Wages with others in the like Posts, to encourage -them. - - -_July 26._ Last Night the _Marquiss_ sprung a Leak, and made 8 Inches -Water in an Hour; but the Carpenters stopt it. A Canoe came from the -Main, and bought some Negroes of us. - - -_July 27._ At 8 this Morning, the Canoe return’d, with Mr. _John -Morell_, who desir’d he might go ashore to his Brother, and forward his -getting of more Money to deal with us for Goods, since he saw that we -were resolved to leave nothing of Value behind us. - - -[Sidenote: _In Gorgona Road._] - -_July 28._ Yesterday Afternoon, Mr. _John Morell_ return’d, having met -his Brother coming with what Money he could get; he told us the Country -being alarm’d, he had much ado to get Leave to come to us; that the -Governour of _Barbacore_ was at the Water-side, with above 200 Men -commanded by himself, to prevent our Landing, or that any thing should -be brought to us; and that all the Shore was lined with Men for that -End. We have took out of the Galleon 320 Bails of Linnen, Woolen, a -little Silks, and most Sorts of Goods, usually in Bails, besides Boxes -of Knives, Scizzars, Hatchets, _&c._ The _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_ have -also taken what they can; so that all our 3 Ships are full. We found -aboard the Galeon a great Quantity of Bones in small Boxes, ticketed -with the Names of _Romish_ Saints, some of which had been dead 7 or 800 -Years; with an infinite Number of Brass Medals, Crosses, Beads, and -Crucifixes, religious Toys in Wax, Images of Saints made of all sorts -of Wood, Stone, and other Materials, I believe in all near 30 Tun, with -150 Boxes of Books in _Spanish_, _Latin_, _&c._ which would take up much -more Stowage than 50 Tuns of other Goods: All this came from _Italy_, -and most from _Rome_, design’d for the Jesuits of _Peru_; but being of -small Value to us, we contented our selves to take only a Sample of most -Sorts to shew our Friends in _England_, and left the rest. A large -wooden Effigies of the Virgin _Mary_ being either dropt or thrown over -board, from the Galeon, and drove ashoar near the North Point of the -Island, the _Indians_ that came in the Canoes with Senior _Morell_, -_&c._ from the main Land, being then a Fishing, took up the Image, and -brought her in the Canoe to the Shoar just over against our Ship, where -we gave our Prisoners Liberty to walk that Day: As soon as they saw her, -they cross’d and bless’d themselves, and fancied that this must be the -Virgin _Mary_ come by Water from _Lima_ or _Panama_, to relieve them in -their Necessity: They then set it up on the Shoar, and wip’d it dry with -Cotton; and when they came aboard, told us, that tho’ they had wip’d her -again and again, she continued to sweat very much; and all but those -employ’d in wiping her, stood around devoutly amaz’d, praying and -telling over their Beads: They also shew’d the Cotton to our Linguist -and the Ransomers, wet by the excessive Sweat of the holy Virgin, as -they fondly seem’d to believe, and kept it as a choice Relick. The -_Morells_ perceiving me laugh at the Story, they told me a much -stranger, in order to convince me, _viz._ That a few Years ago, at a -Procession in the Cathedral Church of _Lima_, which was at that time -very richly furnished, and worth some Millions of Pieces of 8 in Gold, -Silver and Jewels; the Image of the Virgin was more richly adorn’d with -Pearls, Diamonds and Gold, than the rest; and those Ornaments being left -in the Church, according to Custom, till the Night after Procession, -without any Guard, because the People concluded that none durst be so -sacrilegiously impious as to rob the Church; an unfortunate Thief, -resolving at once to enrich himself, got into the Church at Midnight, -and made up to the Image; but whilst he was going to take off a rich -String of Pearls from the Virgin’s Wrists, she caught him fast by the -Arm, and held him, till being found in that Posture he was apprehended -and executed. This Story was confirm’d as an unquestionable Truth by all -the other Prisoners, who assured us, That all the Fathers of the Church -at _Lima_ confidently affirm the same, as well as a considerable Number -of Lay-Brethren, who (they say) were Eye-Witnesses of it; so that it -passes amongst them as currant, as an Article of their Faith: By this we -may see how the Belief of those false Miracles, by the Cunning of the -_Romish_ Clergy in these Parts, obtains Credit among those Men who are -not so easily imposed on in their worldly Affairs. Thus I am apt to -believe those Gentlemen invented the Story of the sweating Miracle, out -of Zeal to their Church, and thinking thereby to deter us from carrying -away any more of the Relicks out of Senior _Morell’s_ Galeon. Before -this, when I heard such Stories, I took ’em to have been invented meerly -to ridicule the _Romanists_, but when I heard such silly Stories related -by 8 grave Men, of a handsome Appearance and good Reputation amongst the -_Spaniards_, I was convinc’d of the Ignorance and Credulity of the -Papists. - - -_July 29._ Having for a long time been importun’d by the Companys of -each Ship, to divide what we was forc’d to agree to as Plunder, we -resolved on a Committee to be called to morrow to settle that Affair, -which we did in the following Manner. - - At a Committee on board the _Duke_, the 29th Day of _July_, 1709. - It’s agreed, that the following Articles shall regulate Plunder, - and be in part a Satisfaction allow’d by the Committee of the - _Duke_ and _Dutchess_, for past Services, more than each Man’s - Agreement with the Owners. - - - [Sidenote: Impr.] - - _Gold Rings found in any Place, except in a Gold-smith’s Shop, is - Plunder. All Arms, Sea Books and Instruments, all Cloathing and - Moveables, usally worn about Prisoners, except Women’s Ear-rings, - unwrought Gold or Silver, loose Diamonds, Pearls or Money; all - Plate in use aboard Ships, but not on Shoar, (unless about the - Persons of Prisoners) is Plunder._ - - [Sidenote: _In Gorgona Road._] - - _All manner of Clothes ready made, found on the upper Deck, and - betwixt Decks, belonging to the Ships Company and Passengers, is - Plunder also, except what is above limited, and is in whole Bundles - and Pieces, and not open’d in this Country, that appears not for - the Persons use that owns the Chest, but design’d purposely for - Merchandize, which only shall not be plunder. And for - Encouragement, we shall allow to_ James Stratton _40 Rupees to buy - him Liquor in_ India, _in Part of Amends for his smart Money. To_ - William Davis _and_ Yerrick Derrickson _20 Rupees each, as smart - Money, over and above their Shares. We also give the Boats Crews - over and above their Shares, that were engag’d with the_ Marquis, - _when taken, four Bails of Goods, to be sold when and where they - think convenient; which Bail, shall be 1 of Serges, 1 of Linnen, - and 2 of Bays; and this over and above their respective Shares. - Also a good Suit of Clothes to be made for each Man that went up - the River above_ Guiaquil, _the last time in the_ Dutchess’_s - Pinnace._ - - In witness whereof, _We have hereunto set our Hands the Day and - Year above-mentioned_. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ John Connely, - Woodes Rogers, William Bath, - Stephen Courtney, Tho. Glendal, - William Dampier, Geo. Melbourne, - Edw. Cooke, John Bridge, - Rob. Frye, John Ballett, - William Stretton, Lan. Appleby. - - - -The Cause why we delay’d adjusting what should be Plunder so long, was -the unreasonable Expectations of some among us: This made us wait till -now we had a proper Opportunity, and could better insist on our Owner’s -Interest: Besides, we were not willing that any Difference should arise -about this knotty Affair, when the Prisoners were on board, nor till we -had finish’d the Rigging of our Ships, lest it should have put a full -Stop to our Business, or at least have hinder’d our Proceeding -chearfully. - - -_July 30._ We over hall’d our Plunder-Chests, and what was judged to be -Plunder, (by Men appointed with the Owners Agents) was carried aboard -the Galeon, which was kept clear between Decks, in order to divide it. -Mr. _Frye_ and Mr. _Pope_ were to be Appraisers for the _Duke_, and Mr. -_Stratton_ and Mr. _Connely_ for the _Dutchess_, so I hope to get over a -troublesome Job peaceably. - - -_July 31._ Mr. _Navarr’s_ Bark grew leaky, and _Benjamin Parsons_, one -of our Midshipmen, that had charge of her, ran her a-shore without -Orders, at high Water, thinking to have stop’d her Leak at low Water, -and got her off the next Tide; but contrary to his Expectation, the -Vessel strain’d and sunk; so that we had much ado to get out what we had -a-board her Time enough; and were forced to leave in her 10 Bails of -damag’d Bays, and a great deal of Iron Work, which we gave Senior -_Navarr_, in part of Payment for what we have received of him from the -Settlement on the Main. - - -_August 1._ The Officers we appointed to praise the Plunder met on -board the Galeon, and valued the Cloathing, in order to divide it -amongst the Officers and Men of each Ship, according to their respective -Shares. - - -_August 2._ We continued appraising the Plunder, and found it a very -troublesome Task. - - -_August 3._ Capt. _Cooke_ told me they had discover’d another Leak, and -was troubled at so many Leaks in a Harbour; so that I began to dread -that all our Labour and Time was lost on the _Marquiss_, but hop’d for -the best. - - -_August 4._ Yesterday in the Afternoon they made an End of appraising -the Clothes at a very low rate, amounting to upwards of 400_l._ and the -Silver-handled Swords, Buckles, Snuff-Boxes, Buttons, and Silver Plate -in use aboard every Prize we took, and allow’d to be Plunder at 4_s._ -6_d._ _per_ Piece of 8, amounted to 743_l._ 15_s._ besides 3 ℔ 12℥ of -Gold, which was in Rings, Gold, Snuff-boxes, Ear-rings, and Gold Chains, -taken about Prisoners. This I believe to be an exact Account. - -[Sidenote: _In Gorgona Road._] - -This Morning we had like to have a Mutiny amongst our Men: The Steward -told me, that several of them had last Night made a private Agreement, -and that he heard some Ring-leaders by way of Encouragement, boast to -the rest, that 60 Men had already signed the Paper. Not knowing what -this Combination meant, or how far it was design’d, I sent for the chief -Officers into the Cabin, where we arm’d our selves, secured two of the -chief of those mutinous Fellows, and presently seized two others. The -Fellow that wrote the Paper we put in Irons; by this time all Hands were -upon Deck, and we had got their Agreement from those who were in the -Cabin, the Purport of which was to oblige themselves, not to take their -Plunder, nor to move from thence till they had Justice done them, as -they term’d it. There being so many concern’d in this Design, Captains -_Dover_ and _Fry_ desired I would discharge those in Confinement upon -their asking Pardon, and faithfully promising never to be guilty of the -like, or any other Combination again. The Reason we shewed ’em this -Favour was, that there were too many guilty to punish them at once: And -not knowing what was design’d a-board the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_, we -were of Opinion they had concerted to break the Ice first a-board the -_Duke_, and the rest to stand by them. Upon this I us’d what Arguments I -could offer, shew’d them the Danger and Folly of Combinations, and -exhorted them to believe they would have Justice in _England_, should -any thing seem uneasy to them now, or in the whole Course of the -Voyage; adding that we had done all that we could for their good, and -would continue our Endeavours, not doubting their good Intentions, -provided they were not mis-led. With these and other healing Arguments, -all appear’d easy and quiet, and every Man seem’d willing to stand to -what had been done, provided the Gentlemen that were Officers, and not -Sailors, amongst us, had not such large Shares, which they alledg’d was -unreasonable, and that they could not possibly in a Privateer deserve -what they were allow’d in proportion to the rest of the Ships Company: -This we did in part yield to, in order to appease those Malecontents, by -making some Abatements on Mr. _White’s_, Mr. _Bath’s_, and Mr. -_Vanbrugh’s_ Shares; so that we hoped this difficult Work would, with -less Danger than we dreaded, be brought to a good Conclusion: For -Disputes about Plunder is the common Occasion of Privateers Quarrelling -amongst themselves, and ruining their Voyages. Sailors usually exceed -all Measures when left to themselves, and account it a Privilege in -Privateers to do themselves Justice on these Occasions, tho’ in every -thing else I must own, they have been more obedient than any Ship’s -Crews engag’d in the like Undertaking that ever I heard of. Yet we have -not wanted sufficient Tryal of our Patience and Industry in other -things; so that if any Sea-Officer thinks himself endowed with these two -Virtues, let him command in a Privateer, and discharge his Office well -in a distant Voyage, and I’ll engage he shall not want Opportunities to -improve, if not to exhaust all his Stock. Had Capt. _Courtney_ and I -kept what is always allow’d to be Plunder in Privateers, and not -voluntarily given our Parts amongst the Men, but for a greater and more -generous Design in view, (_viz._ The Good of the Voyage) our Parts of -the Plunder would have been above 10 times so much as now it is, because -very little valuable Plunder was taken out of any Place but the Great -Cabbins; and all this in every Prize is of right due to the Commander -that takes it; but if we had acted thus, we foresaw the fatal -Consequences that we must have suffer’d by it, for the Officers and -Crews would plunder unaccountably, as is too often practis’d in -Privateers to keep their Men together, tho’ but meanly to their Duty; so -that we (to preserve a good Discipline) gave an eminent Example to them, -of preferring the common Interest before our own, to our particular -Loss. - -We have had lately almost a general Misunderstanding amongst our Chief -Officers, and some great Abuses which I suppose sprung at first from -several unhappy Differences arising at and before our Attempt on -_Guiaquil_. This made me so particularly relate all that pass’d material -in that Attempt, so that I doubt not any ones contradicting this Journal -to my Disadvantage; yet in Differences of this kind amongst the Sailors -we all join, and I hope agree: Tho’ I long for a Reconciliation and good -Harmony amongst Us, which is so essential to the Welfare of the Voyage; -but not being willing to make the Reader a Party-taker, or trouble his -Patience to read over unreasonable Feuds, I have left ’em as much as -possible out of my Journal. - -Capt. _Morell_, that went for the Main to get Victuals, return’d. The -Negro we caught first and punished, we kept in Irons, but this Night -miss’d him. We suppose he got his Irons off, and swam ashore. - -We had the following Committees, confirmed the Officers of the -_Marquiss_, agreed to sell the Bark and her Cargo, got off all our Wood -and Water, and made Preparation for Sailing. We design to leave the -Launch we built at _Lobos_ with Sen. _Morells_ and _Navarre_, being of -no farther use to us, tho’ hitherto she had done us very good Service. -Here follows what we agreed on in Council. - - - At a Committee held on board the _Dutchess_, riding at _Gorgona_, - _August 6. 1709_. - - - _We whose Names are hereunto subscribed, appointed as a Committee - on board the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, _do hereby impower and - order Capt._ Cooke _to command the_ Marquiss, _Mr._ Charles Pope - _Lieutenant, Mr._ Robert Knowlman _Master, Mr._ William Page _Chief - Master_, Joseph Parker _Second Mate, Mr._ John Ballet _Doctor_, - Benjamin Long _Boatswain_, George Knight _Gunner_, Edward Gormand - _Carpenter, and other Officers as the Captain shall direct aboard - the_ Marquiss: _Each of the above Officers, or the others, on their - good Behaviour, to have such Wages as those in the same Offices on - board the_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, _and to cruise on this Coast in our - Company, or where else Capt._ Cooke _shall think convenient, in his - Return to_ Bristol, _should he be unfortunately separated from us. - Witness our Hands._ - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ Tho. Glendall, - Woodes Rogers, John Connely, - Stephen Courtney, William Bath, - William Dampier, Geo. Milbourne, - Robert Frye, John Bridge, - William Stratton, Lan. Appleby. - - - -[Sidenote: _In Gorgona Road._] - -Memorandum, - - _We have now done careening, fixing, and loading our Ships, with - the_ Marquiss, _and taken all manner of Goods out of our Prizes, as - much as our Ships can carry, having received a valuable - Consideration of Mr._ Morell _and_ Navarre, _the Masters of our 2 - Prizes, we are all of opinion we had best leave them in possession - of their Ships, and what Negroes we can’t carry hence; our present - Circumstances and the Condition of the Prizes not allowing us to - remove them from this Place, could we make ever so great advantage - of ’em elsewhere. So judge it our present Interest to ply to - Windward, to try for other Purchases and Sale of the Goods, and if - possible to take or buy Provisions. We all agree to land one of - the_ Guiaquil _Hostages at_ Manta, _in order to procure Money to - pay for the Ransom of the Town, and a Bark we have sold the same - Man, laden with Prize Goods, Witness our Hands this_ 6th _of_ - August, 1709. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Stratton, - Woodes Rogers, Tho. Glendall, - Stephen Courtney, John Connely, - William Dampier, William Bath, - Edw. Cooke, John Ballett, - Robert Frye, Lan. Appleby. - Cha. Pope, - - - -I drew up the following Agreement, to which we Officers swore on the -Holy Evangelists, because I thought it the most proper Method to prevent -the Confusions which were like to happen among us, because of the -Jealousies that were entertain’d of one another, and came to such a -height, that I fear’d a Separation. - - _We having made a solemn Agreement, do this Instant sign - voluntarily, and give each other our Oaths on the Holy Bible; and - as we hope for Forgiveness of Sins, and Salvation by the alone - Merits and Intercession of our Blessed Lord Jesus Christ, to keep - severely and strictly this serious concerted_ Memorandum. _First we - agree to keep company, and assist each other on all Occasions, and - with all Necessaries, as far as our Abilities reach, and our common - Safety requires. Secondly, that in case we engage at any time with - the Enemy, we design it in Consortship, and that each Commander and - Second in each Ship, hereto subscribed, shall on all Occasions, - without the least Reserve, and to the utmost of his Power, be - forward and ready to assist, rescue or defend each other, with the - utmost Dispatch, Bravery and Conduct, even to the apparent Hazard - of his Ship and all that is dear to him: Well knowing all of us, - that on whatever Occasion should either of our Ships be deserted by - the other two, and taken or lost in these barbarous and remote - Parts, it’s very improbable ever the Men will get home, and the - Survivors would be in as bad, if not in a worse Condition than the - Dead._ - - _On these and the like Considerations we do hereby solemnly agree - never to desert each other in time of Need, if possibly we can - avoid it, and to be to the utmost of our Power and Knowledge alike - brave in attacking or defending our selves against the Enemy to the - last Extremity._ - - _But if we are so unfortunate to see one Ship inevitably perish, - then the two remaining (after they have us’d their utmost - Endeavours for the distress’d Ship, and find all past Recovery) may - then agree on the best Methods for their own Security. The like for - one Ship if two are lost, but for no other Reason to desert this - firm and solemn Agreement of Consortship; and to shew that none of - us is so unbecoming a Man as to shrink back, or slight this - agreement in time of Action, we agree it shall not be alter’d - without the Consent of all us three Commanders, and the major part - of the Officers hereto subscrib’d, and to a Duplicate in each Ship - of the same Date in_ Gorgona, _the sixth Day of_ August, 1709. - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Stretton, - Woodes Rogers, Charles Pope, - Stephen Courtney, John Connely, - Edward Cooke, Tho. Glendale. - Rob. Fry, - - - -[Sidenote: _From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru._] - -Another Paper was also drawn up for every Man to swear what Clothes, -Goods, _&c._ he had received of the Agents, and to restore whatever he -had taken without the Agents Knowledge, in order to a just distribution -of the Plunder, and every one was to oblige himself in a Penalty of -20_s._ for every Shilling Value that should be found about him -conceal’d, besides the former Penalty agreed on of losing his Share of -any Prize or Purchase for concealing above the Value of half a Piece of -Eight; and for the Incouragement of Discoveries the Informer was to have -half the Penalty, and the Protection of the Commanders. This Paper was -objected against by several of the Officers, who insisted, that there -ought to be a greater Latitude allowed them to advantage themselves, -since they had ventured their Lives hither on so difficult an -Undertaking, which made us defer the signing it till a better -Opportunity; for unless such Agreements as these had been constantly -promoted, as occasion required, the Temptation of Interest wou’d have -made us fall into irrecoverable Confusions abroad, which generally end -in a Separation, or worse. - - -_Aug. 7._ We gave Sen. _Morell_ and _Navarre_ their Ships, and all the -Goods we could not carry away, for what Money our Agents receiv’d of -’em, tho’ they expected to have had ’em at an easier Rate. We came to -sail this Morning; the dividing the Plunder has took up more Time than -we were willing to spare; but ’twas absolutely necessary to do it. We -took Sen. _Navarre_ with us before we came to sail: I went ashore, and -shew’d Sen. _Morell_ how we left things between his Ship and the other -Prize. Mr. _Navarre_ left his Son-in-law in charge of this Vessel and -Goods, then came with me on board our Ships, expecting to have the Bark -betwixt him and our Ransomers, if they paid us at _Guiaquil_. Wind -veerable in the South West Quarter, a Lee Current. - - -_August 8._ Yesterday at 6 in the Evening the Island of _Gorgona_ bore -S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. Just before Night we took our Men out of the -Bark, and left her in possession of an old _Indian_ Pilot, and some -Negroes and _Indian_ Prisoners, putting our ordinary Ransomer aboard to -go in her, as we agreed on before we came out. I and Capt. _Dover_ -sign’d a Paper to protect them from being seiz’d by the _Spaniards_, if -they should lose Company with us; but order’d them not to stir from us. -I also desir’d the _Spaniards_ aboard the _Duke_, who had agreed for -her, strictly to charge the Crew in the Bark not to leave us willingly, -which they did, because our Agreement was not in Writing, but only -Verbal, promising us 15000 Pieces of Eight for the Bark and her Cargo, -including the Remainder of the Towns Ransom, we designing to have it -under their hand in _Spanish_ and _English_ to morrow, before we would -wholly let go the Bark: But this Morning, to our surprize, the Bark was -out of sight. The _Marquiss_ is very crank, and sails heavy on a Wind. -We held the following Committee to endeavour to help the _Marquiss_’s -sailing. - - At a Committee held on board the _Dutchess_ at Sea, off the Island - _Gorgona, August 8th, 1709_. - - Memorandum, - - _The_ Marquiss _not answering our Expectations, but proving crank - and sailing heavy: We now advise Capt._ Cooke _to heave the_ - Dutchess’_s two heavy Guns overboard, and 20 Boxes of Snuff, with - two spare Top-masts, and bring his Ship more by the Stern, stowing - every thing as low as possible in the Ship, to endeavour to make - her stiffer, and if he finds any thing more necessary for the - Benefit of the Ship, we desire him to do it. Witness our Hands._ - - Signed by the Majority of our Council. - -Amongst our Prisoners taken on board Sen. _Navarre_’s Ship from -_Panama_, there was a Gentlewoman and her Family, her eldest Daughter a -pretty young Woman of about 18, was newly married, and had her Husband -with her. We assign’d them the Great Cabin aboard the Galleon, and none -were suffer’d to intrude amongst them, or to separate their Company; yet -the Husband (I was told) shew’d evident Marks of Jealousy, the -_Spaniards_ Epidemick Disease; but I hope he had not the least Reason -for it amongst us, my third Lieutenant _Glendall_ alone having charge of -the Galleon and Prisoners: For being above 50 Years of Age, he appear’d -to be the most secure Guardian to Females that had the least Charm, tho’ -all our young Men have hitherto appear’d modest beyond Example among -Privateers; yet we thought it improper to expose them to Temptations. At -this time Lieut. _Connely_, who behav’d himself so modestly to the -Ladies of _Guiaquil_, was some days in possession of _Navarre_’s Ship -before we stopt here, to remove these Prisoners aboard the Galleon, -where he gain’d their Thanks and publick Acknowledgments for his -Civilities to these Ladies, and even the Husband extols him. We had -notice these Ladies had some conceal’d Treasure about them, and order’d -a Female Negro that we took, and who spoke _English_, to search them -narrowly, and found some Gold Chains and other things cunningly hid -under their Clothes. They had before deliver’d to Capt. _Courtney_ Plate -and other things of good Value. We gave them most of their wearing -Apparel and Necessaries, with 3 Female Mullatto Slaves, and parted very -friendly. They confess’d to our People, who put them ashore, that we had -been much civiller than they did expect, or believe their own Countrymen -would have been in the like case, and sent back the Husband with Gold to -purchase some Goods and two Slaves of us. I come next to the Description -of _Gorgona_. - -[Sidenote: _From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru._] - -_Gorgona_ is 3 Leagues in Length, N. E. and S. W. but narrow. It’s about -6 Leagues from the Main, full of Wood and tall Trees, one of ’em call’d -_Palma Maria_, of which the _Spaniards_ make Masts, and use a Balsam -that flows from it for several Diseases. The Island appears at a -distance indifferent high, and in 3 Hummocks. There is Riding for Ships -all over against the North East Side; but in some places foul Ground, -and shoal’d near the Shore, particularly on the South East Side, and -near the South West End, where there’s a small Island almost joining, -with Shoal Ground, and Breakers near a Mile to the Eastward from that -End. Capt. _Dampier_ has been here several times, but never rode where -we did, which is the best and only good Road in the Island. The -_Spaniards_ told us of strange Storms and heavy Turnadoes of Wind about -this Island; but we found it otherwise, and had only frequent Showers -and Thunder: But in the time of Breezes, which the _Spaniards_ call our -Winter Months, and in Spring, till the Beginning of _May_, here are now -and then Northerly strong Breezes of Wind, and then I believe the Road -must be shifted to the other Side of the Island, which may be at that -time the best Riding; but this we had no Time to try, neither do I think -it half so bad as these puny Mariners tell us. About this Island are -several remarkable Rocks, at the South West End there’s one looks like a -Sail half a Mile off shore; at the North East End there are several high -ones, round and steep, near a Cable’s Length off Shore, where the -Sea-Fowls breed. The Beasts and Insects, we saw in this Island are -Monkeys, Guinea Pigs, Hares, Lizards, Lion Lizards, which change their -Colours, and are fine Creatures to look at, several Species of great and -small Snakes, and so numerous, that ’tis dangerous for a Man to walk the -Island, for fear of treading on them. There’s great Variety of Plants -and Trees peculiar to these hot Climates, and little or nothing -resembling what we have in _Great Britain_; but it being out of my Road -to describe such things, I refer ’em to such whose Talents lie that way. -Here are also several sorts of Fish unknown in our Seas, besides Mullets -in great Plenty, but hard to be caught with Hook and Line, which I -suppose is occasion’d by the Clearness of the Water, so that they easily -see the Hook and avoid it. Here’s also some white Coral, and abundance -of Oysters, and as I am told by the Prisoners, good Pearls in them. We -caught an ugly Creature here, which I suppose may be of the Monkey Kind, -because it look’d like one of the middling sort, but with this -difference; his Hair was thicker and longer, his Face, Eyes and Nose -less, and more wrinkled and deformed; his Head of the same Shape, but -his Ears not so large; his Teeth longer and sharper, his hinder Parts -more clumsey, and his Body thicker in proportion, with a very short -Tail, and instead of 5 Claws like Fingers as a Monkey has, he had only -3 on each Paw, with the Claws longer and sharper. We let one of ’em go -at the lower part of the Mizon Shrowds, and it was about 2 Hours getting -to the Mast Head, which a Monkey would have performed in less than half -a Minute; he mov’d as if he had walk’d by Art, keeping an equal and slow -Pace, as if all his Movements had been directed by Clock-work, within -him. The _Spaniards_ call it a _Sloth_, and not improperly; they say it -feeds on the Leaves of a certain lofty Tree, and when it has clear’d -one, before it can get down and walk a little Way to find and climb -another, would grow lean and be almost starved. - -I saw no Land Birds here; because I suppose the Monkeys destroy their -Nests and Eggs: We shot many of them, and made Fricassees and Broth for -our sick Men; none of our Officers would touch them, Provisions being -not yet so scarce; but Capt. _Dampier_, who had been accustomed to such -Food, says he never eat any thing in _London_ that seemed more delicious -to him than a Monkey or Baboon in these Parts. - - -_August 9._ I propos’d sending the _Marquiss_ to _India_, and thence to -_Brazil_; and then we could add to our own Stock of Bread and salt -Provisions, and if she got well to _Brazil_, would vend her Goods at an -extraordinary Rate, to the Advantage of the Voyage, and we two should be -strong enough to wait for the _Manila_ Ship, but Capts. _Dover_ and -_Courtney_ did not think it reasonable. - - -_August 10._ We got to wind-ward very slowly, here being a constant -Current, which runs down to Leward into the Bay of _Panama_. - - -[Sidenote: _From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru._] - -_August 11._ Yesterday Afternoon I went aboard the _Dutchess_, and -carried with me Doctor _Dover_; we discoursed about parting with Capt. -_Cooke_, and giving him only a Sailing Crew to go for _Brazil_, and sell -his Cargo; but finding the Majority against my Proposition, I dropt it, -tho’ I fear we shall repent it, were there no other Reasons but to save -Provisions. Capt. _Cooke_ came to us a-board the _Dutchess_, to put in -Execution the Order of the 8th instant, where we agreed as before to -throw 2 of the heaviest Guns over-board he had out of the _Dutchess_, -being less valuable than the Goods between Decks, and what Lumber they -had besides, which he did, and we perceive his Ship much stiffer, and -sails better; our Consort, Capt. _Courtney_ and his Officers, with some -of mine, are uneasie at parting with the Bark, so that if we come up -with her, we must take to her again for Peace sake. - - -_August 12._ Yesterday Evening, the Island of _Gorgona_ was in sight, -and bore E. half S. about 13 Leagues. At 6 this Morning, we met with the -Bark, and put Mr. _Selkirk_ aboard her, with his Crew. At 9 this -Morning, we sent our Boat for Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. _Cooke_, when -we had a second Consultation, which again concluded with keeping the -_Marquiss_ and Bark: Tho’ I was of Opinion, they’d be rather a Detriment -than Furtherance to us in any thing, so long as the _Marquiss_ sails so -heavily, besides the Benefit of more Provisions that would have been -left for us that must stay behind. - - -_August 13._ In the Evening last Night, we saw the Island of _Gallo_, -bearing S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. We have a strong Current runs to -Leward, so that we lost Ground, and at 8 this Morning was again in sight -of _Gorgona_, bearing N. E. by E. distant about 12 Leagues; had rainy -Weather all Night, with Thunder and Lightning, but indifferent fair in -the Morning. Wind veerable in the S. W. Quarter. This Coast is more -subject to hot Weather than any other Part of _Peru_. - - -_August 15_. We sounded several Times in the Night, and had Ground in -about 50 Fathom Water, not above two Leagues off Shore. - - -_August 16._ This Day I muster’d our Negroes aboard the _Duke_, being -about 35 lusty Fellows; I told them, That if we met the _Spaniards_ or -_French_, and they would fight, those that behav’d themselves well -should be free Men; 32 of ’em immediately promis’d to stand to it, as -long as the best _Englishman_, and desired they might be improv’d in the -Use of Arms, which some of them already understood; and that if I would -allow ’em Arms and Powder, these would teach the rest. Upon this, I made -_Michael Kendall_, the _Jamaica_ free Negro, who deserted from the -_Spaniards_ to us at _Gorgona_, their Leader, and charged him to be -continually exercising them, because I did not know how soon we might -meet an Enemy: I took down the Names of those that had any, and such as -wanted I bestow’d Names on them, and to confirm our Contract made them -drink a Dram all round to our good Success; at the same time I gave ’em -Bays for Clothes, and told them they must now look upon themselves as -_Englishmen_, and no more as Negro Slaves to the _Spaniards_, at which -they express’d themselves highly pleas’d: I promise my self good -Assistance from them, if need be, having this Proverb on their Side, -that Those who know nothing of Danger fear none; and for our own Parts, -we must not submit to be Prisoners, tho’ forced to engage at the -greatest Disadvantage, but every one resolve to stand to the last, for -if taken we shall be worse than Slaves. - - -_August 18._ At 6 this Morning we saw a Sail, which bore W. N. W. of us; -we and the _Dutchess_ gave Chace, and took her in about an Hour. The -_Dutchess_ had kept her Company ever since 12 at Night, and thought her -to be our Bark. She was a Vessel of about 70 Tun, bound from _Panama_ to -_Lima_, but was to stop at _Guiaquil_. They had very little aboard -besides Passengers, for they knew of our being in these Seas: The best -of her Cargo was about 24 Negroes, Men and Women. I sent our Agent -aboard, to examine the Prize. - - -_August 19._ After Dinner aboard the _Dutchess_, we examin’d the -Prisoners; they could tell us little News from _Europe_, but said there -came Advices by a Packet to _Portobell_ from _Spain_, and by a _French_ -Ship from _France_, not long before they came out of _Panama_; that all -was kept private, only they heard in _Panama_, that his Royal Highness -Prince _George_ of _Denmark_ was dead,[136] which we were not willing to -believe, but drank his Health at Night, which can do him no Hurt if he -is dead. We read several Letters from _Panama_, by which we understood, -that when they heard of our taking _Guiaquil_, they kept their Gates -shut Day and Night for above a Week, and that the Inhabitants kept Guard -on their Walls, being afraid we should attack them next, and by what I -can guess, we might have taken that Town as well as _Guiaquil_, had we -but double our Number of Men. They had various Conjectures about us when -at _Panama_, and were continually allarm’d, not knowing where to expect -us. - - -_August 20._ At 10 in the Morning we bore down to the _Dutchess_, who -had _Spanish_ Colours flying, to make a sham Fight to exercise our Men -and the Negroes in the Use of our great Guns and small Arms. Here I must -not forget a _Welchman_ that came to me, and told me, He took the Ship -we were going to engage for the _Dutchess_, till he saw the _Spanish_ -Colours, and that being over-joyed with the Hopes of a good Prize, he -had loaded his Musket with Shot, and design’d to fire amongst the -thickest of ’em, which he would certainly have done, had he not been -forbid. By this it appears, that blundering Fools may have Courage. -During this sham - -[Sidenote: _In Tecames Road._] - -Engagement, every one acted the same Part he ought to have done, if in -earnest, firing with Ball excepted. Our Prisoners were secured in the -Hold by the Surgeons, who had their Instruments in order, and to imitate -Business for them, I order’d red Lead mixt with Water to be thrown upon -two of our Fellows, and sent ’em down to the Surgeons, who, as well as -the Prisoners in the Hold of the Ship, were very much surpriz’d, -thinking they had been really wounded, and the Surgeons actually went -about to dress them, but finding their Mistake, it was a very agreeable -Diversion. - - -_August 23._ Yesterday, at one in the Afternoon, we tack’d and stood for -the Shore, but at two we drew near discolour’d Water, and sounded, had -but 8 Fathom, and very near an ugly Shoal, which the _Spaniards_ tell me -runs off about 2 Leagues from the Shore, off a high white Cliff, 3 -Leagues to the N. of _Tecames_. At 6 last Night, Cape St. _Francisco_ -bore S. by W. distant about 6 Leagues. We sounded again, and had 40 -Fathom Water. We stood off at Night, and at 6 in the Morning tack’d for -the Shore. The Wind is here always more Southerly, as we draw near the -Equinox. - - -_August 24._ At 10 this Morning, I went with Captain _Dover_ aboard the -_Dutchess_, where we agreed to send the Bark into _Tecames_, being now -under our Lee, and we to follow them. We order’d our Linguist to buy -Provisions of the _Indians_ there, and put several Men well arm’d -a-board, to keep the Bark till our Ship could arrive near enough to -protect her, if occasion, in Case of an Attack. - - -_August 25._ About 2 Yesterday in the Afternoon we bore away for -_Tecames_, after the Barks. I went aboard the _Dutchess_, and found our -Pilot, and most of the _Spaniards_, who are generally ignorant, -uncertain whether it was the Port under our Lee, tho’ I never saw more -remarkable Land; this made us the more timerous, and me in particular, -because Capt. _Dampier_, who was here last Voyage, and said he had -pass’d near it very often, was full as dubious as our selves, that never -saw it: This occasion’d me to hurry aboard our own Ship to secure her; -for I doubted our being near Shoals, because the Water was very thick -and white. Capt. _Courtney_ sent his Pinnace a Head sounding, and we -follow’d, he having then all the Pilots aboard. We kept the Lead -sounding from 40 to 13 Fathom Water, very uneven Depths, till we came -within 2 Leagues of the Anchoring place. We had every Cast about 14 -Fathom Water, and saw the Houses by the Water-side; then I was easy and -satisfied. Before we got in, the Barks were at Anchor, and our -Linguist, Mr. _White_, without Orders, ventur’d a-shore with a _Spanish_ -Prisoner; we design’d that the Prisoner alone should discourse the -_Indians_, and try to trade for a Refreshment: It was Night as they -landed, just against the Houses where the _Indians_ lay in Ambush, with -Fire-Arms, Bows, Arrows, and Lances, among the Trees, and fir’d several -Times at our Boats, tho’ they told the _Indians_ in _Spanish_, that they -were Friends, and call’d to them often to forbear firing. Our Men having -the good Luck to escape being shot, they hid themselves all Night, -whilst we feared they were either kill’d or taken; but at Day-light they -call’d again to the _Indians_, and prevail’d with them to trade for what -we wanted, provided their Padre would give Consent, he lived about 6 -Leagues off, and they promis’d to send and ask his Leave. Our Linguist -told them we had a Padre aboard, whom we esteemed, and he would absolve -them, if they traded with us: Upon this, they desired we would permit -him to come a-shoar, which we granted. - - -[Sidenote: _In Tecames Road._] - -_August 26._ The Padre aboard, who was zealous to conclude this Treaty -with the _Indians_ to our Content, went this Morning a-shore, and -return’d a-board in the Evening; while he was a-shore, he writ a Letter -to the Priest of the place in our Favour, earnestly recommending a -Trade, and expressing the many Civilities we shewed to him and the other -_Spanish_ Prisoners, beyond their Expectation, adding that we were -sensible of the smallest Favours, and would not fail of making very -grateful Returns. He convinc’d the Inhabitants ashore, and also inform’d -the Padre, how easily we could land, and burn the Church and Houses, and -lay waste all the adjacent Parts; but that we were full of Charity, and -very kind to those in our Power. This wrought so well on the People, -that they promis’d faithfully they would only wait till to morrow, and -if the Padre did not consent, would notwithstanding trade with us. They -brought with them a naked _Indian_, who like a Savage view’d very -narrowly every Part of our Ship; he was wonderfully taken with the Great -Cabbin, where he lay on his Side, scarce satisfy’d after an Hour’s -gazing wildly about him, till giving him a Dram of Brandy, and a few -Toys to be rid of this Visitant, I obligingly led the Gentleman out, and -giving him old Bays for Clothing, our Yall carried him ashore, to -influence the rest by our kind Usage of him. At the same time all the -rest of our Boats full of Casks, with the Men well arm’d, went up the -Creek between us and the Village, for fresh Water, where they -accidentally met one of the chief _Indians_ painted, and armed with Bows -and Arrows: He came friendly, and advised them to go higher up the -River, otherwise the Water would be brackish: They offer’d him a Dram -out of a Quart Bottle of strong Brandy; he drank the major Part of it at -once, and went away extreamly pleas’d, telling them we should be -supply’d with what we wanted from the Village. - - -_August 27._ Last Night the Boats came from the Village Laden with -Water, and brought a Letter from the _Tecames_ Padre, assuring us he -would not obstruct our Trade. The Inhabitants also told us, that Cattle, -Hogs and Plantains would be ready for us, and desir’d we should bring -ashore Bays and other Goods to pay for ’em, which we did, and this -Morning our Boats return’d with Black Cattle and Hogs, leaving Capt. -_Navarre_, one of our chief Prisoners, and Mr. _White_ our Linguist, to -deal with the _Indians_. This Morning we began to heel and clean our -Ships Bottoms, and sent several of our best Sailors, and two Carpenters, -to assist the _Marquiss_. Ashore our Men keep one half at Arms, while -the rest load the Boats, left the _Indians_, who are generally -treacherous, should watch an Opportunity to fall on ’em. Our People that -came off the Shore took particular notice, that the red Paint with which -the _Indians_ were at first daub’d, was a Declaration of War, and after -we had amicably treated with them, they rub’d it off, but still kept -their Arms. We sent them 3 large Wooden _Spanish_ Saints, that we had -out of _Morell_’s Ship, to adorn their Church, which they accounted a -great Present; and I sent a feather’d Cap to the chief _Indian’s_ Wife, -which was likewise very well accepted, and I had a Present of Bows and -Arrows in requital. - - -_August 28._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we made an end of heeling and -cleaning our Ship; our Boats brought from the Shore at several times -Water, Plantains, and other Provisions, with Hogs, and 2 Black Cattle. -Our Linguist and Prisoner manage their Business beyond Expectation, -selling very ordinary Bays at 1 Piece of Eight and half _per_ Yard, and -other things in proportion, so that we have Provisions very cheap. - - -_August 29._ Capt. _Cooke_ buried one _John Edwards_, a Youth, who died -of a Complication of Scurvey and the Pox, which he got from a loathsome -Negro, whom we afterwards gave to the Prisoners, that she might do no -further Mischief on board. - -In the Afternoon we concluded how to proceed from this Place as -follows. - - -At a Committee held on board the _Duke_ the _29th_ of _August, 1709_. in -_Tecames_ Road. - -_We have consider’d our mean Stock of Provisions, and that our Time is -far spent; therefore do think it for the good of the Voyage to part with -several Negroes, besides those taken in the last Prize, and to make as -good a Contract as we can with two or more of the substantial Prisoners, -and to return their Produce to Alderman_ Batcheller _and Company, our -Owners in_ Bristol, _in the best manner we can, having no other Method -to make an advantage of them; we now being design’d to cruize for the_ -Manila _Ship: But if any Accident parts us, then our Place of Rendevouz -is in the Latitude of Cape_ Corientes _in sight of Land. It is likewise -agreed to sell the Hull of the last Prize, to carry the small Bark with -us, and to turn one of the_ Guiaquil _Prisoners ashore here, in order to -save Provisions._ - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Stratton, - Woodes Rogers, Tho. Glendall, - Stephen Courtney, John Connely, - William Dampier, John Bridge, - Edw. Cooke, John Ballett, - Robert Frye, Lan. Appleby. - Cha. Pope, - -Then we found it necessary to agree as follows. - - -August 29. 1709. - -_In consideration of the great Risque that Capt._ Edward Cooke _and -Capt._ Robert Frye _ran in attacking the_ Marquiss, _when in the Hands -of the_ Spaniards, _we do in behalf of the Owners agree to give Capt._ -Cooke _the Black Boy_ Dublin, _and Capt._ Frye _the Black Boy_ Emanuel -_of_ Martineco, _as a free Gift._ - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ Charles Pope, - Woodes Rogers, John Connely, - Stephen Courtney, John Bridge, - William Dampier, John Ballet, - William Stratton, Lan. Appleby. - - -[Sidenote: In Tecames Road.] - -_August 30._ Yesterday _Peter Harry_ a _Frenchman_, and _Lazarus Luke_ a -_Portuguese_, both good Sailors, ran from our Yall ashore. This _Peter -Harry_ was he who shot a Centinel at _Guiaquil_ as beforemention’d. We -did not punish him, because he was a Foreigner, and did not well -understand _English_, but suppose he was afraid of a Prosecution in -_England_. Yesterday Evening at the abovemention’d Committees aboard -our Ship, after a long dispute, some Measures were agreed on contrary to -my Expectations. If we had not grown irresolute since we left _Gorgona_, -but continued our Design to put our old Ransomer ashore at _Manta_, and -part with our Clog the _Marquiss_, which I so earnestly press’d the -_9th_ instant, by this time in all human probability we should have made -good our Bargain to the advantage of the Voyage, besides getting -Provisions and Necessaries that we shall mightily want. The Goods that -we might have vended there for ready Money, I fear will rot before we -get the like Opportunity, Time being now so far spent, we must proceed -as we agreed for the _Gallapagos_ to get Turtle to lengthen our -Provisions, and then for the Coast of _Mexico_ to look for the _Manila_ -Ship bound for _Acapulca_. The 2 Negroes given to Capt. _Cooke_ and Mr. -_Frye_ in the Committee yesterday, is not an equivalent Gratuity for the -Risques they voluntarily ran when they attack’d the _Havre de Grace_, -now call’d the _Marquiss_. Such Actions ought sometimes to be -particularly rewarded among us, else we may lose great Opportunities of -Advantage, for want of due Encouragement to personal Bravery, and in -this Action where there was but a few concerned, ’twas a fit and cheap -way of encouraging the rest, without Offence to any. We put our young -Padre ashore, and gave him, as he desir’d, the prettiest young Female -Negro we had in the Prize, with some Bays, Linnen, and other things, for -his good Services in helping to promote our Trade for Provisions here. -We sent also a _Male_ Negro and Piece of Bays to the _Tecames_ Padre, in -acknowledgment of his Kindness. The young Padre parted with us extremely -pleas’d, and leering under his Hood upon his black Female Angel, we -doubt he will crack a Commandment with her, and wipe off the Sin with -the Church’s Indulgence. The _Indians_ ashore promise to bring our Men -to us, if they can find ’em, we having offer’d ’em a large Gratuity to -do it. - - -_August 31._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we put ashore our useless -Negroes, I having concluded with Sen. _Navarre_, and taken the best -Methods we could to be paid at _Jamaica_ for them, he had also 4 Bales -of Bays, and one Piece of Camlet, and became obliged to our Owners for -3500 Pieces of Eight, to be remitted by way of _Portobello_, with the -_English_ trading Sloops to _Jamaica_; which if he do, ’tis much better -than to turn the Negroes ashore as Prisoners of War, as otherwise we -must have done to save Provisions. Capt. _Courtney_ took one Obligation, -and I the other, he having sign’d a Duplicate to us. We had the best -Opinion of this Man’s Honesty and Ability, which made us trust him -solely. In the Evening we clear’d our Prisoners, and put them all aboard -the Prize, which we left in the Road with only one ordinary Anchor and -Hawser, and no Rigging, except what belong’d to the Fore-sail and -Fore-yard, which we left them to run the Vessel at High Water into the -River. We turn’d ashore here our least responsible Hostage for -_Guiaquil_, resolving to keep but two, which must be carried home. -According to the last Conclusion in a Committee of the _29th_ instant, -we came to sail at 6 this Morning. Capt. _Cooke_ lost 2 _Spanish_ -Negroes, which he supposed swam ashore from his Ship in the Night. A -fresh Gale at S. S. W. At Noon Cape _St. Francisco_ bore S. by W. 1/2 W. -distant about 6 Leagues. - -[Sidenote: _Description of Tecames._] - -The Land to the Northward, which is the Limits of the Bay of _Tecames_, -is a long bluff high Point, and looks white down to the Water. The next -Land to the Southward of _Tecames_ is also white Cliffs, but not so -high. I saw no Land on any part of the Shore, like those white Cliffs. -Between them, which is about 3 Leagues, the Land is lower, full of Wood, -and trimming inward makes a small Bay, and the Village of _Tecames_ lies -in the Bottom, consisting of 7 Houses and a Church, all low built of -split Bamboes, cover’d with Palmetto Leaves, and standing on Posts, with -Hog-sties under them. These Houses have notch’d Pieces of Timber instead -of Stairs to get up to ’em. The Village lies close by the Water-side, -and may be seen when the Bay is open above 4 Leagues. ’Tis suppos’d they -had sent off their best Furniture on notice of our Approach, for there -was nothing of Worth in their Houses nor Church. The Women had only a -Piece of Bays tied about their Middle. The Men are dextrous at hunting -and fishing. There is a large Village about 4 Leagues off, where the -Padre resides, and several _Indians_ live between these Villages. The -next River, 3 Leagues to the Northward, is very large, and call’d _Rio -de las Esmeraldas_, but shoal’d; the Country about is thinly inhabited -by _Indians_, Mullattoes and Samboes. By the Village of _Tecames_ -there’s a River into which a Boat may enter at half Tide; it flows here -above 3 Fathom Water, the Flood runs to the Northward, and the Ebb to -the Southward; there is an infinite Number of Plantains for 3 Days -Journey into the Country, the nearest are about a League from the -Houses, and were brought to our Boats down this River in their Canoes. -Here runs a great Surf on the Shore, so that were it not in these Parts -of the World, it would be but an ordinary Road. Ships generally come in -from the Southward, or at least directly in with the Southermost white -Land, and then bear away, because (as we were inform’d) there is an ugly -Shole runs off the Northernmost white Land, about 2 Leagues into the -Sea, being the Place where we had but 8 Fathom Water on the _23d_ -instant, as I noted before. We now came in from abreast off Cape _St. -Francisco_, Lat. 1°. 00´´. N. and this lies in about E.N.E. near 6 -Leagues from Cape _St. Francisco_. We came no nearer than half a League -of the Shore, because there is a small Shole off of a Point about half -way between _Tecames_; and the Cape, which is an indifferent high -Promontory, and as we made it, falls down like Stairs to the Water. We -had good clean Ground where we rode near half a League from the Shore in -7 Fathom Water, but a League into the Bottom of the Bay, where the -Houses lie, there’s not above 3 Fathom a good Musket-shot from the -Shore. There is another River enters in by a single House between us and -_Tecames_ Village, where we fetch’d our Water about 2 Leagues up this -River; and it’s very narrow, and shoal’d all from the Entrance; we went -in on half Flood. Here’s Sea and Land Breezes, as well as on all this -Coast near the Main Land; the Sea Breeze at W. and W.S.W. the Land -Breeze at S. and S. by E. The Sea Breeze comes generally in the -Afternoon, and holds till Midnight, when comes the Land Breeze, which -dies away calm towards the Middle of the Day. There’s a Rock under Water -at quarter Flood, and a Shoal above a Cable’s Length off Shore, from the -first Point as you go in for the narrow River where we water’d. A Ship -ought not to come to an Anchor near the Shore, if High Water, in less -than 6 Fathom, because at certain times, and out of course, as the -_Indians_ told us, the Tide ebbs exceeding low. It’s dry Weather here, -tho’ showry to the Northward, being the Limits of the Rains at this time -of the Year. From _June_ to _December_ ’tis always dry, and from the -Beginning of _January_ to the last of _May_ there are Showers now and -then. - -The _Indians_ about this Place are sometimes barbarous to the -_Spaniards_, as our Prisoners tell us. Our People saw here about 50 -armed with Bows and Arrows, and some good Fire-Arms; they are worse to -engage than double the Number of _Spaniards_, so that it would have been -folly in us to land Men here, where there is so little to be got; and -the _Indians_ with poison’d Arrows and Fire-Arms would line the Bushes -down to the Water-side, and no doubt we should have lost many of our -Men, had we landed by force; so that we are all extremely obliged to Mr. -_White_ our Linguist, for negotiating a Trade in so peaceable a manner -with these poor mischievous Wretches, which must in Justice be ascrib’d -to his good Management, he accomplishing it voluntarily with the Danger -of his Life. - -’Twas off this Cape that Sir _Francis Drake_ in 1578. took the rich -Plate Prize; and Sir _Richard Hawkins_ was taken by the _Spaniards_ in -this Bay off of _Tecames_ in 1594. both in Queen Elizabeth’s Time. - - -_Sept. 1._ At 6 this Morning Cape _St. Francisco_ bore S. E. distant 10 -Leagues, from whence we take our Departure. Had fair Weather, Wind at S. -W. by S. We saw many Water-snakes, one of ’em crawl’d up the Side of -Capt. _Cooke’s_ Ship, but was beat off by his Men. The _Spaniards_ say -their Bite is incurable. - - -_Sept. 6._ This day I had Capt. _Courtney_, Capt. _Cooke_, and Capt. -_Dampier_ aboard, who dined with us. Capt. _Cooke_ complain’d of his -Ship being crank, and that we need not have tack’d so near the Shore, -since we might easily fetch the _Gallapagos_ without Tacking. All agree -to this except our Pilot, who is very positive of seeing other Islands -about 100 or 110 Leagues from the Main under the Equinox. He tells us he -was at them formerly when he was a Buccaneer, and has describ’d ’em in -one of the Volumes he calls his Voyages, and says that those Islands we -were at lay to the Westward of them; but he must be mistaken, or we had -seen them in the last Runs to and from these Islands. - - -_Sept. 8._ We are run over and beyond where our Pilot affirm’d the -Islands were, and no sight of them; so we all agree that the Islands he -was at when a buccaneering can be no other but those we were at, and are -going to now; the nearest part of them lies 165 Leagues to the Westward -of the Main Land. - - -_Sept. 10._ The _8th_ we made one of the _Gallapagos_ Islands, and in -the Morning hoisted out our Pinnace; Capt. Dover and Mr. _Glendall_ went -in her for the Shore. The _Dutchess_’s Pinnace return’d very soon laden -with Turtle. - -[Sidenote: _Arrival among the Gallapagos Islands._] - -_ Sept. 11._ Yesterday we came to an Anchor in about 30 Fathom Water, -about 2 Miles off Shore, being rocky at bottom. In letting go the Anchor -the Buoy Rope was immediately cut off, and our Ship drove; so that we -thought our Cable was also cut, but after driving about half a Mile the -Ship rode very well. In the Evening our Boats that left us after we came -to an Anchor, return’d laden with excellent good Turtle: We sent our -Yawl and some Men ashore to turn those Creatures in the Night, but to no -purpose, because we afterwards found they only came ashore in the Day. I -sent away our Pinnace, and Lieut. _Frye_ to sound out a better anchoring -Place, while we hove up the Anchor, and came to sail. Our Boat return’d, -and by 10 a Clock we had our Ship again to an Anchor within less than a -Mile off the Shore, right against a white sandy Bay. The outermost great -Rock being near the Middle of the Island, bore N. by E. distant 6 Miles; -the little Rock appearing like a Sail bore W. by S. about 4 Miles. Here -we rode very smooth in good sandy Ground; the Wind amongst these Islands -generally blows from the S. E. to the S. by W. I went ashore in the -Pinnace, and carried Men to walk round the Sandy Bay to get Turtle. The -Island is high like the rest, but some low Land on this side down to the -Sea; it’s very rocky, dry and barren, with out Water, like those we have -already seen. - - -_Sept. 12._ This Morning I sent to the _Dutchess_, who was at an Anchor -a good distance from us, to know how they were stock’d with Turtle. At -10 the Boat return’d with an Account they had about 150 Land and Sea -Turtle, but not generally so large as ours: We had no Land Turtle as -yet, but about 150 Sea Turtle; the _Marquiss_ had the worst Luck. - - -_Sept. 13._ The _Dutchess_’s People having inform’d us where they got -their Land Turtle, I sent our Pinnace, which at Night return’d with 37, -and some Salt they found in a Pond; and the Yawl brought 20 Sea Turtle, -so that we are very full of them. Some of the largest of the Land Turtle -are about 100 Pound Weight, and those of the Sea upwards of 400: The -Land Turtle lay Eggs on our Deck; our Men brought some from the Shore -about the bigness of a Goose’s Egg, white, with a large thick Shell -exactly round. These Creatures are the ugliest in Nature, the Shell not -unlike the Top of an old Hackney Coach, as black as Jet, and so is the -outside Skin, but shrivel’d and very rough; the Legs and Neck are long, -and about the bigness of a Man’s Wrist, and they have Club Feet as big -as one’s Fist, shaped much like those of an Elephant, with 5 thick Nails -on the Fore Feet, and but 4 behind; the Head little, and Visage small, -like a Snake, and look very old and black; when at first surpriz’d, they -shrink their Neck, Head and Legs under their Shell. Two of our Men, -with Lieut. _Stratton_, and the Trumpeter of the _Dutchess_, affirm, -they saw vast large ones of this sort about 4 Foot high; they mounted 2 -Men on the Back of one of them, who with its usual slow Pace carried -them, and never minded the Weight: They suppos’d this could not weigh -less than 700 Pound. I don’t affect giving Relations of strange -Creatures so frequently done by others already in print; but where an -uncommon Creature falls in my way, I shall not omit it. The _Spaniards_ -tell us they know of none elsewhere in these Seas. This Morning we began -heeling our Ship, and found that abundance of Worms had entered the -Sheathing; we scrub’d, clean’d, and tallow’d as low as we could. - - -_Sept. 14._ Yesterday Afternoon we sent a Boat ashore for Wood, they -brought off the Rudder and Boltsprit of a small Bark; we fancy’d it -might be Mr. _Hattley_’s that we lost amongst these Islands when here -before, but on view perceiv’d it to be much older. We also found 2 Jars, -and a Place where Fire had been made on the Shore, but nothing to give -us farther Hopes of poor Mr. _Hattley_. Our Pinnace came aboard and -brought about 18 Bushells of Salt, and 18 Land Turtle more; the Men -commend them for excellent Food, especially the Land Turtle, which makes -very good Broth, but the Flesh never boils tender: for my own part, I -could eat neither sort yet. Having got as much Turtle on board, as we -could eat while good, we agreed to make the best of our Way to the Coast -of _Mexico_, and this Morning our Consort and the _Marquiss_ were under -Sail by 8 a Clock, but we lying farther in were becalm’d, and could not -follow them. We caught a good quantity of Fish here, which we split and -salted for our future Spending. About 12 a Clock, being calm, we weighed -our Anchor, and with the Help of our Boats and Ships Oars got off the -Shore. - - -_Sept. 15._ We had a fine Breeze, came up to the rest, and agreed to lye -by with our Heads to the Eastward, till Midnight, being in sight of the -Island and Rock where we lost poor _Hattley_, when last here. In the -Morning we stood to the Westward amongst the Islands. - - -[Sidenote: _Departure from the Gallapagos Islands._] - -_Sept. 16._ At 4 a Clock in the Afternoon we sent our Yawl for Capt. -_Cooke_ and Capt. _Courtney_, with whom we agreed to bear away, seeing -so many Islands and Rocks to the Westward, we did not care to incumber -our selves amongst them in the Night. By 6 we found the Remedy worse -than the Disease, and at Mast head could see all low Rocks almost -joining from Island to Island, that we seem’d Land-lock’d for three -Parts of the Compass, and no Way open but to the S.E. from whence we -came, so we resolv’d to return that Way, and made short Trips all Night, -keeping continual Sounding for fear of Shoals, and had from 40 to 60 -Fathom Water. In the Morning we had got far enough to Windward to -return. We could have no Observation by the Sun, being in our Zenith, -tho’ we find the Weather here much colder than in any Latitude within 10 -Degrees of each side the Equinox. - - -_Sept. 17._ Yesterday Afternoon I went a-board the _Marquiss_, being -brought too between the two Islands, in sight of the rendezvous Rock I -have so often mention’d: Mean while the _Dutchess_ (not being so well -provided with Turtle as we) sent her Boat a-shore on another Island, -where they got her Lading of excellent Turtle, leaving a vast Number -a-shore that they could not bring away. We have as many a-board as we -have Room for, being, as we suppose, enough to last us to the _Tres -Marias_, if they live. At 7 we all join’d, and agreed to lie by, till 2 -in the Morning, when we again jogg’d on with an easy Sail till -Day-break. We were a-breast of the Thorowfare, where we tried for Water -the last time. I order’d a Gun to be fir’d at a venture, to see if it -were possible Mr. _Hattley_ could be there alive, and then seeing or -hearing us, might make a Smoak a-shore, as a Signal, but we had no such -good Luck; so that our Hopes of him are all vanish’d, and we finally -conclude, that we can do no more for him than we have done already. - -The 18th and 19th we saw several more Islands, one of ’em a large one, -which we suppos’d reach’d near the Equinoctial, and abundance of small -Islands betwixt us; the 19th at Noon, we had an indifferent good -Observation. Lat. 2°. 2´´. N. - -The _Gallapagos_ Islands need no further Description than I have at -several Places given of them; only that I believe, as others before have -observed, that the Turtle come a-shore in the sandy Bays of these -Islands, all the Year round. - -We saw in all (some that we searched and others that we viewed at a -Distance, at both times) no less than 50, but none that had the least -Appearance of fresh Water. The _Spanish_ Reports agree that there is but -one that has any; which lies about Lat. 1°. 30´´. S. Sen. _Morell_ tells -me, that a _Spanish_ Man of War employed to cruize for Pyrates, was once -at an Island that lies by it self in the Lat. 1°. 20 or 30´´. S. They -call it _S. Maria de l’Aquada_, a pleasant Island and good Road, full -of Wood, and Plenty of Water and Turtle, of both sorts, with Fish, _&c._ -lying about 140 _Spanish_ Leagues West from the Island _Plata_, but I -believe it’s at least 30 Leagues more, and that it’s no other but the -same Island, where Capt. _Davis_ the _English_ Buccaneer recruited, and -all the Light he has left to find it again is, that it lies to the -Westward of those Islands he was at with the other Buccaneers, which as -I have before examin’d, can be no other than these Islands we have been -twice at. We had no occasion to look for this Island the second Trip, -tho’ I believe it’s easy to find it without farther Directions. Here’s -most sorts of Sea Birds amongst these Islands and some Land Birds, -particularly Hawks of several sorts, and Turtle Doves, both so very tame -that we often hit them down with Sticks. I saw no sort of Beasts; but -there are Guanas in abundance, and Land Turtle almost on every Island: -’Tis strange how the latter got here, because they can’t come of -themselves, and none of that sort are to be found on the Main. Seals -haunt some of these Islands, but not so numerous, nor their Fur so good -as at _Juan Fernando’s_. A very large one made at me 3 several times, -and had I not happen’d to have a Pike-staff pointed with Iron in my -Hand, I might have been kill’d by him; (one of our Men having narrowly -escap’d the Day before.) I was on the level Sand when he came -open-mouth’d at me out of the Water, as quick and fierce as the most -angry Dog let loose. I struck the Point into his Breast, and wounded him -all the three times he made at me, which forc’d him at last to retire -with an ugly Noise, snarling and shewing his long Teeth at me out of the -Water: This amphibious Beast was as big as a large Bear. - - -_Sept. 22._ The _Marquiss_ had sprung a large Leak, for want of good -Caulking at first in _Gorgona_: I went aboard with our Carpenter, who -assisted theirs, and with a Piece of Lead nail’d over the Leak (being in -the Water’s Edge) soon stopt it, and we made Sail again in a little -time. Wind at S. by E. We had a good Observation. N. Lat. 6°. 9´´. Every -Day as we leave the Equinoctial more distant the Heat encreases very -much. - - -[Sidenote: _Arrival at the Island Tres Marias._] - -_October 1._ Yesterday we made the main Land of _Mexico_; it bore N. E. -distant about 10 Leagues. We hoisted out our Yawl, and fetch’d aboard -Capt. _Cooke_, and his Lieutenant Mr. _Pope_, Capt. _Courtney_ and Capt. -_Dampier_; the latter says he knows this high Land; but the Latt. -directs us all to know it. Capt. _Dampier_, near this Place, five Years -past, met the _Manila_ Ship in the St. _George_, and had a Fight at a -Distance, but he says for want of Men could not board her, and after a -short Dispute, was forced to let her alone. We hall’d off the Shore, W. -N. W. not caring to be near enough to be seen from the Land, to allarm -the Coast too soon. We had often Showers of Rain, Wind at S.S.E. - - -_Octob. 2._ Most part of this 24 Hours we had Squalls and then little -Wind at S.S.E. intermixt with sultry hot Weather. Our Men begin to be -unhealthy again, two having lately dropt down on the Deck, but after -bleeding came pretty well to themselves. We agreed with our Consort to -lie by from 8 at Night till day break. At Noon it clear’d up, and we saw -the Land, at least 8 Leagues off, tho’ we seem’d just under it, it was -so very high. We made Cape _Corientes_ bearing N.E. about 8 Leagues, by -which we judge according to our Observation at Noon, that it lies in -Lat. 20°. 10´´. N. We know it to be Cape _Corientes_, because we could -see no Land to the Northward of it, and that it was a Head-land. Capt. -_Dampier_ has been here also, but it’s a long Time ago. We all agreed it -was the Cape, and that we had best hall off N. W. to look for the -Islands _Tres Marias_, which are not far from this Cape, but we are not -certain of their Situation. - - -_Octob. 4._ Yesterday Afternoon, at 4, the Cape bore E. N. E. about 10 -Leagues. We kept on under an easy Sail all Night. In the Morning we saw -2 Islands, being very clear Weather, at least 14 Leagues distant, one -bearing N. by W. and the other N. by E. At Noon we had a good -Observation. Lat. 20°. 45´´. N. - -Tho’ our Men have their Fill of Land and Sea Turtle, which keeps them -from the Scurvy, yet I find them weak, it being but a faintly Food, -except they had sufficient Bread or Flower with it, they having but a -Pound and a Quarter of Bread or Flower, for five Men a Day, to prolong -our Stock of Bread against we come to live wholly on our salt -Provisions, and then must be forced to allow more. - - -_Octob. 6._ In the Morning we sent Lieutenant _Frye_ in the Pinnace -ashore on the Eastermost Island, to try whether there was any good Road -or convenience for us to recruit there. At 9 they return’d, and told me -the Island had foul Ground near half a Mile from the Shore; bad -Anchoring, worse Landing, and no fresh Water; but Wood enough. A -melancholy Story, our Water growing short. We hall’d on a Wind, for the -middle Island, which Capt. _Dampier_, I do believe, can remember he was -at, when he belong’d to Captain _Swann_,[137] and found Water. Being -little Wind we sent our Boat towards the Island, to view it before we -could get thither with the Ship. - - -_Octob. 7._ The _Dutchess_’s People, and our Pinnace had been ashore at -several Places on the S. E. side of the Island, and found bitter Water -at every Place. Our Ship got soon to an Anchor near the _Dutchess_, in -11 Fathom Water and sandy Ground, about a Mile and a half off Shore. - - -_Octob. 8._ Those that had been on the Island saw no Sign of Peoples -being lately there, but found a human Skull above Ground, which we -suppose to have been one of the two _Indians_ Capt. _Dampier_ tells us -were left here by Capt. _Swann_, about 23 Years ago; for Victuals being -scarce with these _Buccaneers_, they would not carry the poor _Indians_ -any farther, but, after they had served their Turns, left them to make a -miserable End on a desolate Island. We kept a Light out all Night, and a -great Fire in the Island, that if the _Marquiss_ and Bark, who had left -Company, saw it, and had a Gale, they might come into Anchor Ground. But -having no sight of them at Day-break, I went on board our Consort, and -propos’d my going out to look after ’em; but they made Light of it and -thought it needless, believing they would be in after us, without any -Assistance. The Recruit of Cattle, Hogs, and Plantains, at _Tecames_, -held to the _Gallapagos_, and we have fed on the Turtle we got there -ever since, excepting these two last Days. This accidental Stock of -fresh Food has been some Refreshment to our Men, and prolongs our Stock -of _European_ Provisions. Now Bread or Flower will be the first thing -wanting. We had little Wind Northerly, and often calm. - - -_Octob. 9._ Yesterday I sent Lieut. _Glendall_ to view the other side of -the Island, and he brought me back word it was much better than this, -with sandy Bays, and signs of Turtle in the Sand, which he believed came -ashore the last Night. I sent back the Boat and Men to try to get -Turtle; and this Morning they came back with their Boats Load of very -good ones, and left another lading behind them ready turn’d; they also -had found indifferent good Water on the N. E. side of the Island, which -rejoiced us to be so unexpectedly supplied; for the other Water on this -side the Island, - -[Sidenote: _At Anchor at St. Marias Islands._] - -had purg’d those that drank it aboard the _Dutchess_ like Physick. We -had no sight yet of the Bark or _Marquiss_. ’Tis very hot, with an Air -of Wind Northerly, but almost calm. Our Consort has sent their Pinnace -in quest of the missing Ships. - - -_Octob. 10._ Lieut. _Connely_ of the _Dutchess_, that went in quest of -’em return’d without any News. And we having begun trimming our Ship, -and stripping the Rigging; the _Dutchess_ desired to go and look for -them, mean while we were to employ our People to cut Wood and get a -Stock of Turtle against their Return. We found an excellent Run of Water -on the other side of the Island, and sent our Pinnace to view the -Westermost Island, to see if either of the missing Ships had got into -Anchor here. - -Capt. _Dover_ being willing to remove aboard the _Dutchess_, I desired -our Officers to make the following _Memorandum_. - - -Tres S. Maria Islands. - -_We the under-written, appointed part of a Committee now present on -board the_ Duke, _do certify, that Capt._ Dover _requested to go on -board the_ Dutchess; _and desired us to take notice it was his own -Choice so to do. Witness our Hands, this 10th Day of_ October, 1709. - - Stephen Courtney, Robert Frye, - Woodes Rogers, Thomas Glendall, - William Dampier, Lanc. Appleby. - -At the same time the following Agreement was made where to meet with the -_Dutchess_, and they took a Copy with them. - - _In case we aboard the_ Duke _don’t see the_ Dutchess _return in 10 - Days, then to be ready to sail, and first look in the Latitude - 20°._ N. _in sight of the Land: If not to be found there, to run - off the Land farther into Sea, and then in sight again, but no - nearer than within 6 Leagues of the Land, to prevent Discovery. We - are to bring all full of Water and Turtle for a second Recruit, to - keep a continual Look-out for them, and leave a Signal at the South - End of this Island._ - - -_Octob. 11._ According to this Agreement Capt. _Dover_ went himself, and -sent his Servant with his Necessaries aboard the _Dutchess_. In the -Evening they came to sail, and carry’d above 100 large Turtle that we -brought to them in our Boats for victualling, to save Salt Provisions. -We hope the Current, that has hitherto run to Leeward, will quickly -shift, and facilitate their Return, that we may not be obliged to follow -them. I order’d 6 Yards of red and white Bays to be join’d together, to -spread it as a Signal on the Island for directing them to a Letter from -me in a Bottle by it, should we unexpectedly quit the Place in her -Absence. - - -_Octob. 12._ Last Night our Pinnace, which had been in quest of the -missing Ships, return’d from the Westermost Island, and saw no Sign of -the Ships. Our People tell us, they heard aboard the _Dutchess_, that -the Bark had not 2 Days Water when they left them, which made me very -uneasy lest she should go to the Main after Water, which would discover -us, and might prove the Occasion of losing her also. - -Yesterday we put Negroes ashore to cut Wood for the absent Ships, and -last Night our Boat came off, and brought but 3 out of 10, 7 having run -away into the Woods: Immediately we dispatch’d several Men round the -Island with Arms, to endeavour to catch ’em when they come down out of -the Woods to get Food at the Sea-side. These Negroes had an Antipathy -against _Michael Kendall_ the _Jamaica_ Negro, and design’d to have -kill’d him, had not one of those that came aboard given him timely -Notice of it. A Negro amongst the Runaways could write well, which made -me get our Ransomers to write 3 _Spanish_ Papers of Encouragement to -incline the Fugitives upon sight of ’em to return, promising that Negro -his Freedom and every thing else he or the rest of them could reasonably -desire. These Papers we nail’d up against Trees by the Brook side, where -they will be sure to see them. My Reason for so doing was to prevent -these Fellows from giving notice of us on the Coast, if they reach’d the -Main on Bark Logs, which they could make with the Hatchets they had to -cut Wood for us. If this Method fails of Success, ’tis in vain to hope -for finding them by searching the Island, every part of it being full of -thick Woods and Prickles, which make it unpassable. On the sandy Shore -we began to imploy our Rope-makers to spin Twine for the _Dutchess_ and -_Marquiss_, who complain their Stock is short. Our people found another -Spring of excellent Water on the other side of the Island. - - -[Sidenote: _At Anchor at St. Marias Islands._] - -_Octob. 13._ Yesterday Afternoon the _Dutchess_ came in sight, with the -Bark in Tow, and soon after we saw the _Marquiss_. We kept a Light out, -that they might the better find us. In the Morning we saw them at Anchor -between the 2 Islands. I weigh’d in their sight, and put out our Ensign -for ’em to follow us to the Watering Place on the other side of the -Island, which they did accordingly. The Wind continues Northerly, with a -Lee Current. - - -_Octob. 14._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we came to an Anchor in 16 -Fathom Water off the N. E. Side of the Island. I went immediately in our -Pinnace aboard the _Dutchess_, that was then under Sail with the Bark in -Tow, 2 Leagues from us. About 4 they and the _Marquiss_ came to an -Anchor; I told them of our Negroes deserting us, which had prevented our -getting a good Stock of Wood in their Absence, and we agreed to keep all -our Negroes on board the Ships, and narrowly watch ’em to prevent their -Desertion for the future. - -Mr. _Duck_, who was Master of the Bark, told me the Day they lost sight -of us their Water was expended, and two of the Bark’s Crew in a very -small Canoe left her almost out of sight of Land, and being smooth calm -Weather, fortunately got aboard the _Marquiss_ to acquaint Capt. _Cooke_ -they had no Water, upon which he bore down to them, and took her in -Towe. Had he not done this, the Bark must have run for the Main Land to -get Water, which might have alarm’d the Enemy, and endanger’d the Loss -of the Vessel and Men. They were not above 8 Leagues off the Island, but -it being hazey Weather, and having little Wind, and a Lee Current, they -could not get in, or see us. - - -_Octob. 15._ We could not get to the Watering Place near the N. W. -Corner of the Island, till 7 last Night, when we anchor’d in 7 Fathom -Water, clean sandy Ground, about half a Mile from the Shore; the -Westermost Point bore W. by N. about 3 Miles, and the Eastermost E. by -S. 6 Miles. The Body of the Westermost Island bore N. W. distant 4 -Leagues. This Morning we got our empty Casks ashore, and began filling -Water. Had we not very fair Weather at this Season, and little Wind, -this Place would be but an ordinary Road. - - -_Octob. 16._ Capt. _Courtney_ sent me word, that the _Marquiss_, who has -been again missing, was well moored at the S. E. Side of the Island, and -could not easily turn it hither; so we agreed she should lie there, and -we would water her from hence with our Boats. - - -_Octob. 18._ Lieutenant _Fry_ went in the Pinnace last Night to view the -Weather Island, and he returned this Morning, and told me there was a -Road, but not very good and that he could find no Water. - - -_Octob. 19._ We hal’d the Sain [Sein], and caught some Fish. This -Morning we found some Bail Goods damaged, which we believe they received -before we had ’em; we unpack’d and dry’d ’em, and sold what was most -damaged amongst the Ships Company, repacking and stowing away the rest. -Very hot Weather, and a little Air of Wind North. - - -_Octob. 23._ We began this Morning to take aboard our Turtle, and the -Remainder of our Wood and Water, designing in the Evening to return, and -anchor on the S. E. Side of the Island, to join the _Marquiss_, and -agree on a Station to cruize for the _Manila_ Ship. Our Men shot a Snake -ashore, and brought it aboard dead; I saw it measured 15 Inches round, -and near 10 Foot long; some of ’em are much larger; this was of a hazle -colour, and spotted, called by the _Spaniards_ here a Leopard Serpent. - - -_Octob. 24._ All the Officers met aboard the _Dutchess_, and sign’d a -Duplicate of every Conclusion in all Committees since we have been in -these Seas. Many of the Resolutions wrote on board this Ship were in my -Custody, and others wrote aboard the _Dutchess_ in Capt. _Courtney’s_; -but it was thought advisable that each of us should have all the Copies -signed alike. While we were together, we agreed on a Station to lie for -the _Manila_ Ship; but I lately proposed parting, and to meet again at -Cape _Corientes_, or any other appointed Station, and for us in the -_Duke_ to cruize off the same Place where Capt. _Dampier_ met the -_Manila_ Ship in the _St. George_, or else the _Marquiss_ and _Dutchess_ -to take that Station, and I would go to Cape _St. Lucas_; since by -either Method we should have 2 Chances for the Prize, and get -Provisions, which we begin to want very much. This Method might prove -much better than to be at one Place, where we could not be supply’d with -Provisions; but the Officers of the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_ seeming -unwilling to part Companies, and the Majority thinking Cape _St. Lucas_ -the properest Place to lie for the _Manila_ Ship bound for _Acapulco_, I -drew up our Resolution, which was signed by the whole Council, who on -this Occasion were altogether. - - At a Committee held on board the _Dutchess_ at the Islands _Tres - Marias, October 24. 1709_. - - [Sidenote: _Description of Tres Marias._] - - _We whose Names are hereunto subscribed, being Members of a - Committee appointed to manage the Affairs of the_ Duke, Dutchess - _and_ Marquiss, _having recruited our Ships at these Islands, and - being in a readiness to put to Sea again; We have examin’d the - Opinion of Capt._ Dampier, _appointed Pilot by the Owners of the - Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess _in_ Bristol, _and have been well - informed from all the Intelligences we have frequently had from - Prisoners since our being in the_ South Seas, _and do now finally - determine to cruize off Cape_ St. Lucas, _the Southermost Cape of_ - California, _in such Methods, and with such Signals to each other, - as shall be agreed on in our next Committee._ - - _We resolve with the utmost Care and Diligence to wait here the - coming of the_ Manila _Ship belonging to the_ Spaniards, _and bound - for_ Acapulco; _whose Wealth on board her we hope will prompt every - Man to use his utmost Conduct and Bravery to conquer. This is our - Opinion the Day above._ - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ John Connely, - Woodes Rogers, William Bath, - Stephen Courtney, Tho. Glendall, - Edw. Cooke, Geo. Milbourne, - William Dampier, Robert Knowlman, - Robert Frye, John Bridge, - William Stratton, John Ballett, - Cha. Pope, Lan. Appleby. - - - -Being all supply’d with Wood, Water, and Turtle, we came to sail at -Eleven this Forenoon, Wind at N. by W. a fine Gale; but e’er I proceed -with my Journal, I will give a short Description of these Islands. - -The Islands of _Tres Marias_ lie N. W. in a Range at equal Distances -from each other, about 4 Leagues asunder: The largest Island is the -Westermost, appears to be high double Land, and about 5 Leagues in -Length; the middle Island about 3 Leagues the longest way, and the -Eastermost scarce 2 Leagues; these are also middling high Lands, and -full of Trees. Near the least Island are 2 or 3 small broken white -Islands, one of the outermost of these appear’d so much like a Ship -under Sail at a distance, that we gave the usual Signal for a Chase, but -soon found our Mistake. - -These Islands have abundance of different sorts of Parrots, Pigeons, -Doves, and other Land Birds, of which we kill’d great Numbers, with -excellent Hares, but much less than ours. We saw abundance of Guanas, -and some Raccoons; the latter bark’d and snarl’d at us like Dogs, but -were easily beat off with Sticks. - -I think the Water more worthy of Remark than any thing we saw here, -because we found but two good Springs, which ran down in large Streams -near others, that were very bitter and disagreeable, which I suppose -might proceed from Shrubs and Roots that grow in the Water, or from some -Mineral. - -The Turtle here is very good, but of a different Shape from any I have -seen; and tho’ vulgarly there’s reckon’d but 3 sorts of Turtle, we have -seen 6 or 7 different sorts at several Times, and our People have eat of -them all, except the very large hooping or logger-head Turtle (as they -are call’d) found in _Brazil_ in great plenty, and some of them above -500 _l._ Weight. We did not eat of that sort, because then our -Provisions were plentiful, which made those Turtles to be slighted as -coarse and ordinary Food. Those at the _Gallapagos_ Islands, both He’s -and She’s, I observed came ashore in the Day-time, and not in the Night, -quite different from what I have seen or heard of the rest. - -All that we caught in this Island was by turning ’em in the Night, and -were She’s, which came ashore to lay their Eggs, and bury them in the -dry Sand: One of these had at least 800 Eggs in its Belly, 150 of which -were skin’d, and ready for laying at once. I could not imagine that -Turtle were 6 Weeks in hatching, as some Authors write, considering the -Sun makes the Sand so very hot wherever these Eggs are found, and -instead of a Shell they have nothing but a very thin Film. In order -therefore to be better informed, I order’d some of our Men ashore to -watch carefully for one, and suffer her to lay her Eggs without -disturbance, and to take good notice of the Time and Place. Accordingly -they did so, and assur’d me they found the Eggs addled in less than 12 -Hours, and in about 12 more they had young ones in ’em, compleatly -shap’d, and alive. Had we staid a little longer, I might have given my -self and others a thorough Satisfaction in this quick Production of -Nature. From hence I am inclinable to credit the Report of divers of our -Sailors, who assert, that where they have found Eggs in the Sand, and -look’d for ’em 3 Days after in the same place, they found nothing but -Films; this shews that the young ones are hatch’d within that time. They -assured me also, that they had observed oftener than once, that the -young Brood run out of the Sand every day directly for the Sea in great -Numbers, and quicker than the old ones. - -[Sidenote: _At Anchor at Tres Marias._] - -At this time here was little Fish about the Shores of this Island, and -of the same sorts mention’d at other Places in these Seas; but the -Plenty of Turtle at this time supplies that Defect. We the chief -Officers fed deliciously here, being scarce ever without Hares, Turtle -Doves, Pigeons, and Parrots of various Sizes and Colours, many had -white or red Heads, with Tufts of Feathers on their Crowns. I wish -’twould hold, but ’tis in vain to tantalize our selves; for we must soon -fare otherwise, and take to our old Food of almost decay’d Salt Pork and -Beef, which we must prize, and heartily wish we had more on’t. We found -good Anchor Ground about this middle Island, and gradual Soundings from -20 to 4 Fathom Water close by the Shore. Between this and the least -Island ’tis about the same Depth; where we were between them I found no -Shole, but what was visible, as a Rock off the S. W. Point, and a Shole -off the N. E. Point of the same, with another at a greater distance from -that Point off the least Island, but neither runs above half a Mile from -the Shore. I know no Danger about them, but what with Care might be -easily avoided. - -Where we rode we could see Spots of high Land, which I suppose was the -Continent join’d by low Land between it; the Northermost bore N. by E. -half E. about 16 Leagues distance: I take it to be the Starboard -Entrance into the Gulph or Strait of _California_; the nearest Land to -us bore E.N.E. about 12 Leagues, and the Southermost E. S. E. at least -17 Leagues, very high, which I believe is the next Headland to the -Northward of Cape _Corientes_. I had but two Opportunities to see it -just at Sun-rising, because ’twas very hazey during our Stay here, so -that I might err in the Distance; but the best Directions for these -Islands is thus: We account the nearest bears N.N.W. from Cape -_Corientes_ 28 Leagues, and that it lies in the Lat. 21°. 15´´. N. and -Longit. 111°. 40´´. West from _London_. I return to my Journal. - - -_Octob. 28._ At 6 this Evening the Westermost Island bore E.N.E. 15 -Leagues. The Wind has been very little, and veerable, with a great Swell -out of the N.W. I sent our Yawl with a Lieutenant aboard the _Dutchess_ -and _Marquiss_, with whom we agreed to spread as we ran to the -Northward, that the _Acapulco_ Ship might not pass us, if they should -arrive sooner than we expected: We agreed to be to the Leeward, the -_Marquiss_ to Windward, and the _Dutchess_ between us, and all to keep -in sight of each other. I order’d our Surgeons and Mr. _Vanbrugh_ to see -the Inside of the Physick Chest that Capt. _Dover_ left us, and take an -Inventory of what was in it. We saw no more of the Islands. - - -_Octob. 29._ Still easy Gales, and sometimes quite calm, and extream -hot. We can hardly keep our Ground against the Current, that runs strong -to the Southward. We are in the same Latitude, and I judge about the -same Place we were 2 Days ago. - - -_Octob. 30._ This Morning one of our Negro Women cry’d out, and was -deliver’d of a Girl of a tawny Colour; Mr. _Wasse_ our chief Surgeon was -forced to discharge the Office of a Midwife in a close Cabbin provided -for that Purpose; but what we most wanted was good Liquor, to keep up, -or imitate the Womens laudable Custom of a refreshing Cup, on such an -Occasion. I accidentally found a Bottle of thick strong _Peru_ Wine, a -good Part of which was given to the sick Woman, who desir’d more than we -could spare her. She had not been full 6 Months amongst us, so that the -Child could belong to none of our Company. But to prevent the other -she-Negro (call’d _Daphne_) from being debauch’d in our Ship, I gave her -a strict Charge to be modest, with Threats of severe Punishment, if she -was found otherwise. One of the _Dutchess_’s black Nymphs having -transgressed this Way, was lately whip’d at the Capston. This I mention -to satisfy the censorious, that we don’t countenance Lewdness, and that -we took those Women aboard, only because they spoke _English_, and -begg’d to be admitted for Landresses, Cooks and Semstresses. - - -_Nov. 1._ This Day we saw high Land, being the Point of _California_. By -Noon the Westermost in sight bore W. by N. 8 Leagues, and the -Northermost N. half W. about 10 Leagues. We had an Observation Lat. 22°. -55´´. Long. 113°. 38´´. W. from _London_. - - -_Nov. 2._ The Westermost Land we set yesterday Noon, we make to be Cape -St. _Lucas_, the Southermost Head-land of _California_. We agreed on -Signals and Stations; and to spread S.W. into the See, off of this Cape -that now bore N. by W. from us. - - -[Sidenote: _Cruising off Cape St. Lucas._] - -_Nov. 3._ Our Stations being concluded, I was to be the outermost Ship, -the _Dutchess_ in the middle, and the _Marquiss_ next the Land; with the -Bark to ply and carry Advice from Ship to Ship: The nearest Ship to be 6 -Leagues at least, and 9 at most from the Land: By this Agreement, we -could spread 15 Leagues, and see any thing that might pass us in the -Day, within 20 Leagues of the Shore. And to prevent the Ships passing in -the Night, we were to ply to Windward all Day, and drive at Night. -Whilst we were together, we at last settled the Form of our Agreement -for each Ship; that all the Ships Companies might sign it, for every one -to give an Account of all Plunder he has received, that he may be -charged with what’s more than his Share; and those (now or for the -future suspected or accus’d of Concealment) when demanded shall give -their Oaths before the Commanders, to the Truth of their Accounts, and -if any one was found to conceal above the Value of half a Piece of 8. he -is to be severely punished, and fined 20 Times its Value: This we did to -deter every one from fraudulent Practices, which if we should happily -take this Ship, might also prevent Disorders. - - -_Nov. 4._ I order’d a Sailor into Irons, for threatning the Cooper; and -one _Peter Clark_, an ill abusive Fellow, I order’d to have the like -Punishment, because he had wished himself aboard a Pirate, and said he -should be glad that an Enemy, who could over-power us, was a-long-side -of us. - - -_Nov. 5._ Yesterday in the Afternoon the _Dutchess_ being near, I sent -our Yawl aboard with Lieut. _Glendall_, to agree more exactly on some -remarkable Land, that each of us knowing the same Land Mark, might the -better keep our Stations. We agreed also, that the _Marquiss_ should now -be in the middle, and the _Dutchess_ next the Shore, as being the -properest Stations. This Morning we put all manner of Lumber and Chests -down, designing to keep all as clear as possible, that we might not be -in a Hurry if near the _Acapulco_ Ship. - - -_Nov. 6._ This Day ended our Stock of Turtle we had at the _Marias_; -being all Shes, with Eggs in them, they would not keep so long as those -we had at the _Gallapagos_ Islands: We have for some Days thrown more -dead Turtle overboard than we kill’d for eating. - - -_Nov. 7._ Yesterday I went aboard the _Marquiss_, and desir’d them to -tell Capt. _Courtney_, when he came off the Shore, that we would take -the inner Birth, and exchange again for the same Number of Days, that we -might have equal Chances for seeing the _Manila_ Ship; because I now -think the inner Birth the likeliest. Sir _Thomas Cavendish_, in Queen -_Elizabeth_’s Time, took the _Manila_ Ship in this Place on the 4th of -_November_. - - -_Nov. 12._ Yesterday Afternoon, all our Ships Company sign’d the -before-mention’d Agreement, finally to settle Plunder. At the same time -we sign’d another Agreement, to prevent gaming and wagering: some of our -Crews having already lost most of their Clothes, and what else they -could make away with. To prevent those loose and dissolute Courses, we -sign’d both Agreements as follows. - - _We the Officers, Seamen and Landmen belonging to the Ship_ Duke, - _having made several former Agreements concerning the equal sharing - of Plunder, do now desire and agree, That each Man give an exact - Account of all Clothes, Goods of Value, or Necessaries of any kind - he had, over and above his Dividend deliver’d him at_ Gorgona, _or - had purchased of others since, to be rightly charged to him in his - Account of Plunder, by the Agents appointed; and to restore - whatever he had taken without the Agents Knowledge, and to prevent - any Persons detaining and concealing any Goods or Riches of any - kind, now or for the future, more than their respective Shares, in - order to a right Distribution of Plunder, except Arms, Chests, - Knives_, Roman _Relicks, Scizzars, Tobacco, loose Books, Pictures, - and worthless Tools and Toys, and Bedding in use, which are not - included in this Agreement; and those that have already only things - of this kind, are not liable to a Penalty: We do voluntarily sign - this, and offer our selves to be obliged firmly by these Presents, - to be under the Penalty of 20 Shillings for every Shilling value - taken hid or conceal’d by any of us, or removed out of any Prize - without written Orders from the Commanders publickly; and that none - but the Agents already named, or to be named hereafter, shall - detain in Possession any Plunder; but whatever is found conceal’d - shall be valued, and the Persons that hid it to be fin’d as - aforesaid, which Penalty we acknowledge to be laid on us by our own - Desire, Consent, and Approbation, over and above the former Penalty - agreed on, That any Person shall loose his share of every Prize or - Purchase taken, whether Cargo or Plunder, that conceals of either - the Value of half a Piece of 8. and this to remain in Force, to the - End of the Voyage._ - - _And to encourage Discoveries of such Concealments, what-ever - Person discovers the Fraud of any, who shall be so imprudent as to - detain more than his due, in any Goods that has not been shar’d - before as Plunder, or purchas’d of the Owners Agent or Commanders; - the Informer of such Fraud shall have one Half given him gratis, - out of the Offenders Shares and Wages; the other Half for the use - of the Ships Company as Plunder; which Information shall be - encouraged by the Commanders of each Ship, in order to prevent - Frauds, as long as this Voyage holds; and that ever hereafter - Accounts shall be made up, and the Plunder immediately adjudg’d to - prevent Confusion._ - - [Sidenote: _Cruising off Cape St. Lucas._] - - _We likewise agree, That if any of us hereafter shall without - farther Proof be accus’d of concealing Plunder or Goods of Value, - belonging to any Prize, he shall, on request, before a Committee of - all or either of the Ships Commanders and chief Officers, - voluntarily make Affidavit to answer fully and satisfactorily to - such Questions as shall then and there be demanded of him, in - order to prevent fraudulent Concealments, and on his Refusal, - agrees to be punish’d or degraded, and to be subject to such - Penalty as a general Committee shall think fit to inflict on him or - them. Every one hereunto subscribed is within 3 Days from the Date - hereof to settle his Account of Plunder; after which time, this - Instrument is in full Force and not before._ - -Sign’d by the Officers and Men -of each Ship. - - - -The Agreement to prevent Gaming was as follows. - - _We the Ship’s Company belonging to the Ship_ Duke _now in the_ - South Seas, _being Adventurers so far to improve our Fortunes in a - private Man of War, under the Command of Capt._ Woodes Rogers, _who - has a lawful Commission from his Royal Highness Prince_ George _of_ - Denmark,[138] _and considering the apparent Hazard of our Lives in - these remote Parts; do mutually agree to prevent the growing Evil - now arising amongst us, occasion’d by frequent Gaming, Wagering, - and abetting at others Gaming, so that some by chance might thus - too slightly get Possession of what his Fellow-Adventurers have - dangerously and painfully earn’d. To prevent this intolerable - Abuse, we shall forbear and utterly detest all Practices of this - kind for the future during the whole Voyage, till our safe Arrival - in_ Great Britain, _where good Laws of this kind take place, and - designing effectually to confirm this our Desire and Agreement, We - do jointly remit all sorts of Notes of Hand, Contracts, Bills, or - Obligations of any kind whatsoever, that shall any ways pass, - directly or indirectly, sign’d by either of us after the Date - hereof, provided the Sum in each Note be for Gaming, Wagering, or - Abetting any way whatsoever by any of us; and to prevent our being - misled for the future, all manner of Obligations of this kind, and - for this Consideration, shall be wholly invalid, and unlawful here, - and in_ Great Britain _or_ Ireland; _And throughly to secure this - Method, we farther jointly agree, that no Debt from this Time - forward shall be lawfully contracted from Man to Man amongst us, - unless by the Commanders Attestation, and enter’d on the Ship’s - Book, it shall appear done publickly and justly to prevent each - others Frauds being conniv’d at amongst us; And that none of us may - fraudulently do ill things of this kind for the future, and make a - Pretence to Ignorance, We have all publickly and voluntarily set - our Hands, desiring the true Intent and Meaning hereof may take - place without the least Evasion, it being (as we very well know) - for our common Interest and publick good, that not one of us - employ’d on this dangerous and remote Undertaking, might be so - unhappy to arrive at his wish’d for Country and Habitation poor and - dejected: And being throughly sensible of the Necessity of this - Agreement, we have set our Hands._ - - Sign’d by all the Officers and Men in each Ship in sight of - _California_, Nov. 11. 1709. - - -_Nov. 13._ The Water being discolour’d, and we near the Shore, we hove -the Lead but found no Ground. - - -_Nov. 17._ Yesterday we sent the Bark to look for Water on the Main, and -this Morning they return’d, having seen wild _Indians_ who padled to -them on Bark Logs; they were fearful of coming near our People at first, -but were soon prevail’d with to accept of a Knife or two and some Bays, -for which they return’d 2 Bladders of Water, a Couple of live Foxes, and -a dear Skin. Till now we thought the _Spaniards_ had Missionaries among -those People, but they being quite naked, having no sign of _European_ -Commodities, nor the least Word of _Spanish_; we conclude they are quite -savage. We dispatch’d the Bark and Boat a second Time with odd Trifles, -in hopes to get some Refreshment from ’em. - - -_Nov. 19._ Before Sun set last Night we could perceive our Bark under -the Shore, and having little Wind she drove most part of the Night, that -she might be near us in the Morning. We sent our Pinnace, and brought -the Men aboard, who told us, that their new Acquaintance were grown very -familiar, but were the poorest Wretches in Nature, and had no manner of -Refreshment for us. They came freely aboard to eat some of our Victuals; -and by Signs invited our Men ashore; the _Indians_ swam a-shore in the -Water to guide the Bark Logs, that our Men were on, there being too much -Sea to land out of our Boat: After they got safe on Shore the _Indians_ -led each of our Men betwixt two of ’em, up the Bank, where there was an -old naked Gentleman with a Deer-skin spread on the Ground, on which they -kneeled before our People, who did the like, and wip’d the Water off -their Faces, without a Cloth; those that led them from the Water-side, -took the same Care of ’em for a quarter of a Mile, and led them very -slowly thro’ a narrow Path to their Hutts, where they found a dull -Musician rubbing two jagged Sticks a-cross each other, and humming to -it, to divert and welcome their new Guests. After the Ceremonies were -over, our People sat on the - -[Illustration: WOODES ROGERS LANDING ON THE COAST OF CALIFORNIA - -_From a print in the Macpherson Collection_.] - -[Sidenote: _Cruising off Cape St. Lucas._] - -Ground with them, eat broil’d Fish, and were attended back in the same -manner, with the _Indian_ Musick. The Savages brought a Sample of every -thing they had except their Women, Children, and Arms, which we find are -not common to Strangers: Their Knives made of Sharks Teeth, and a few -other of their Curiosities, our People brought aboard to me, which I -have preserved to shew what Shifts may be made. - - -_Nov. 21._ Last Night we saw a Fire ashore, which we interpreted to be a -Signal from the Inhabitants, that they had got something extraordinary -for us; and we wanting Refreshments, sent our Bark and Boat this Morning -with one of our Musicians, to shew that we could at least equal them in -Musick. - - -_Nov. 22._ Our Boat return’d and brought an Account, that they had found -a very good Bay, with a fresh Water River, and that they saw near 500 -_Indians_, who lived there in small Hutts, but had no Recruit for us, -besides a little Fish. They met them as customary, and pilotted the Bark -to that Place, which we suppose was the same that Sir _Thomas Cavendish_ -recruited at in Queen _Elizabeth’s_ Time, _Anno_ 1588. - - -_Nov. 23._ Our main Top-Gallant-Mast being broke, we got up another, but -the Rope breaking the Mast fell down upon the Deck, amongst the Men, but -by God’s Providence hurt no body. At 8 last Night our Ship sprung a -Leak; so that we were forced to keep one Pump a going. - - -_Nov. 25._ Capt. _Courtney_ came aboard in his Yawl, and complain’d his -Stock of Water was almost spent; I agreed with him to send in our -Pinnace, and a Bark, to supply them with Water. - - -_Nov. 26._ This Morning our Pinnace return’d from Shore, brought 3 -Barrels of Water, and 2 very large Fish from the _Indians_, which serv’d -most of the Ships Company. Those that came from the Shore observed the -_Indians_ were not so friendly to our Men as customary. - - -_Nov. 27._ They refus’d to let them come ashore after it was Night, -which could not be to prevent their thieving, because the miserable -Wretches had nothing to lose; yet they are jealous to keep what they -have; and though they make no Use of their Land, might be afraid of -Rivals. - - -_Nov. 28._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we heard the _Marquiss_ fire a -Gun, which was answer’d by the _Dutchess_, who had the middle Birth. We -tackt immediately, and made all possible Sail, supposing they had seen a -Stranger; the _Marquiss_ stood to us towards the Shore, and we soon met -her; by 4 a Clock I was aboard them, and enquiring into the Cause of the -Alarm, was surpriz’d to hear they took us for the _Manila_ Ship, and the -Gun they fired was to alarm the _Dutchess_ to give chase, as she had -done all the day, tho’ not regarded by us, who knew the _Marquiss_, and -admir’d they could mistake the _Duke_. Immediately each Ship return’d to -his Station; soon after our Main-tye gave way, and our Main-yard came -down at once, but did no other Damage. This Morning we saw the Bark -coming off Shore, where she had been becalm’d; being longer wanting than -usual, we were afraid they were cut off by the _Indians_. We got our -Bale Goods up from abaft to see for the Leak, but all to no purpose; we -found some of the Bales that had receiv’d old Damages, which we dry’d -and re-pack’d, and sold what was damaged among the Ship’s Company. - - -_Nov. 29._ Last Night our Lazareto[139] Door being broke open, and -losing Bread and Sugar, this Morning I order’d a Search, and found the -Thief; I blam’d the Steward for his Remisness; he told me he lay next -the Door, with the Key fastned to his Privy Parts, because he had it -once stoln out of his Pocket, I suppose by the same Thief, who was so -dextrous to get it now without disturbing him; but not being ingenious -enough to fasten it to the same Place, he was discover’d. His Mess-mate -was also guilty, but knowing his Friends in _Bristol_, I was unwilling -to punish him, tho’ Provisions being scarce, it makes the Crime the -greater, for we expect no Recruit till we get to the _East Indies_. I -order’d the first to be severely whipt at the Geers,[140] and the other -and a _Dutchman_ to be afterwards left with him in Irons. - - -_Dec. 9._ Mr. _Duck_ the Master of the Bark came aboard, and presented -me with some Dolphins he had from the _Indians_. I order’d our Master to -go with him, and endeavour, if possible, to discover the Shore along to -the Northward, to find out a better Harbour than that where the -_Indians_ lived, and if they met with the _Dutchess_, to tell Capt. -_Courtney_, I thought it convenient for one of the Ships to go into the -Bay we had already discover’d, and there to take in Water and Wood, -_&c._ so to fit our Ships by turns to save time, and consequently -Provisions, which begin to grow short with us. We were now something -dubious of seeing the _Manila_ Ship, - -[Sidenote: _Cruising off Cape St. Lucas._] - -because it’s near a Month after the time they generally fall in with -this Coast. - - -_Dec. 14._ Yesterday I went aboard the _Dutchess_, where ’twas agreed -the _Marquiss_ should go into the Harbour and refit with all manner of -Dispatch. In the mean time we to keep the outer Birth, and the -_Dutchess_ to be betwixt us and the Shore, and to cruize but 8 Days -longer, without we had a Prospect of the _Manila_ Ship, because our -Provisions grow short. - - -_Dec. 20._ Having compar’d our Stock of Bread, and of what would serve -to prolong it, we agreed that a Committee should be held, and that every -one should give his Opinion in Writing, whether we should attempt taking -a Town to victual us, and so continue the Cruize for some time longer; -or to make all possible Dispatch to refit, and sail hence for the Island -_Guam_, one of the _Ladrones_, and there if possible to get a fresh -Recruit. My Opinion was as follows. - - -On board the Ship _Duke_, cruising off Cape _St._ Lucas _in_ California, -this 19_th_ of _December_, 1709. - - _Eight Days ago I was with Capts._ Courtney _and_ Cooke, _and - computed what Bread there might be left aboard the 3 Ships; and we - all agreed there might be 64 Days Bread of all sorts for each Ship, - when equally divided_. - -_Since which Time there is 8 Days spent, } -so that there should be left no more } _56 Days Bread_, -than_ } - -_But on a Rumage of both Ships_ Duke } -_and_ Dutchess, _and strictly computing } -every thing that will help prolong } _14 Days more Bread_, -our Bread, we hope to make_ } - - _Which may be in all 70 Days Bread to come_, - -_We must expect before we can get fitted } -hence to spend at least 9 Days, and } -add to that our Passage to_ Guam, } _59 Days Bread_, -_which we can’t think will be less than } -50 Days, is_ } - ---- - 11 - - _By this Account, which is the utmost,--11 Days Bread will be left - when we come to_ Guam. - - _I am of opinion now we have search’d each others Ships to prevent - Frauds, that there can be no more than 11 Days Bread left when we - come to_ Guam, _as above, except we shorten our Allowance very - much, which we can’t do till driven to the last Extremity, our - Allowance being very small already; but if we should have an - unexpected long Passage from hence to_ Guam, _it will go hard with - us at the present Allowance, besides we are not certain of a - Recruit at_ Guam. - - * * * * * - - _By the foregoing Account it’s plain what Flower and Bread-kind we - have left, and the risque we must now run to get to the_ - East-Indies, _with so mean a Stock. This I doubt not will be full - Satisfaction to our Imployers, that we have prolonged our Cruize to - the utmost Extent, in hopes to meet the Rich_ Manila _Ship: But - since Fortune has not favour’d us, we must think of other Methods - to promote our Safety and Interest. Except we resolve to take a - Town here to victual us, ’tis evident we can’t cruize, and ’tis my - Opinion, that now our Time is so far spent, we ought to attempt - nothing more in these Seas, lest our too long Stay might be the - Loss of all, because the Worm has already entred our Sheathing, For - these and other Reasons, I think it highly necessary, that from - this Instant we make all manner of Dispatch to fit, and sail hence - for the Island of_ Guam, _one of the_ Ladrones _Islands, and there, - if possible, to get a fresh Recruit, and consult how farther to - proceed for the Interest of our Imployers, and our own Advantage - and Reputation. This I give as my Opinion aboard the_ Dutchess, - _this_ 20th _of_ December, 1709. - -Woodes Rogers. - - - -This my Opinion being perused with the rest, we came to the following -Resolve. - - _We the Officers present in a Committee on board the_ Dutchess, - _having farther considered our short Store of Bread and Bread-kind, - and finding it too little to continue our Cruize longer here for - the_ Manila _Ship, do therefore now agree to get a Harbour, and - there to recruit with the utmost dispatch, and sail for the Island - of_ Guam, _or any other Place where we can revictual. We design to - consult farther of our next Proceedings, when in Harbour. This is - our present Opinion. Witness our Hands this_ 20th _of_ December, - 1709. - -Signed by the Officers of the Committee. - - - -[Sidenote: _The Manilla Ship._] - -At signing this in the Committee we all looked very melancholy and -dispirited, because so low in Provisions, that if we should not reach -_Guam_ in the limited Time, or accidentally miss it, we shall not have -enough till we arrive at any other Place. - -Necessity forces us to design from hence to _Guam_, and thence to the -_East Indies_; for if we had Provisions to go back round Cape _Horne_, -and to stop in _Brazil_, and there to sell our _Europe_ Prize Goods, it -might be much more for our Advantage, and be sooner at _Great Britain_. - - -_Dec. 21._ Pursuant to Yesterday’s Agreement we made the best of our Way -into the Harbour call’d by Sir _Tho. Cavendish_ Port _Segura_, where the -_Marquiss_ was refitting; but having Calms most part of the Afternoon, -and a Current setting to Leeward, we rather lost than got ground. -Towards Morning there sprung up a Gale, and we found our selves to -Leeward of the Port, tho’ we took all Advantages of the Wind: But to our -great and joyful Surprize, about 9 a Clock the Man at Mast-head cry’d -out he saw a Sail besides the _Dutchess_ and Bark, bearing West half -South of us, distant about 7 Leagues. We immediately hoisted our Ensign, -and bore away after her, the _Dutchess_ soon did the same; but it -falling calm, I order’d the Pinnace to be mann’d and arm’d, and sent her -away to make what she was: Some were of opinion ’twas the _Marquiss_ -come out of the Harbour, and to confirm this, said they could discern -the Sail to have no Foretop mast; so the Boat being not out of call, -return’d back, and we put a Cap[141] in her for the _Marquiss_, then -sent her away again, by which time it was Noon. The Cape then bore -N.N.E. of us, distant about 5 Leagues. - - -_Dec. 22._ We had very little Wind all Yesterday Afternoon; so that we -near’d the Ship very slowly, and the Boat not returning kept us in a -languishing Condition, and occasion’d several Wagers, whether ’twas the -_Marquiss_ or the _Acapulco_ Ship. We kept sight of our Boat, and could -not perceive her to go aboard the Ship, but made towards the -_Dutchess_’s Pinnace, who was rowing to them; they lay together some -time, then the _Dutchess_’s Boat went back to their Ship again, and ours -kept dogging the Stranger, tho’ at a good distance, which gave us great -hopes that ’twas the _Manila_ Ship. I sent Mr. _Frye_ aboard the -_Dutchess_ in our Yawl, to know what News, and if the Ship was not the -_Marquiss_, to agree how to engage her. We then hoisted a _French_ -Ensign, and fired a Gun, which the Stranger answer’d. Mr. _Frye_ - -[Sidenote: _At Anchor on the Coast of California._] - -return’d with the joyful News that it was the Ship we had so impatiently -waited for, and despair’d of seeing her. We agreed the 2 Pinnaces should -tend her all Night, and keep showing false Fires, that we might know -whereabouts they and the Chase was; and if we were so fortunate to come -up with her together, agreed to board her at once. We made a clear Ship -before Night, had every thing in a Readiness to engage her at Day-break, -and kept a very good Look-out all Night for the Boat’s false Fires, -which we saw and answer’d frequently. At Day-break we saw the Chase upon -our Weather-Bow, about a League from us, the _Dutchess_ a-head of her to -Leeward near about half as far. Towards 6 our Boat came aboard, having -kept very near the Chase all Night, and receiv’d no Damage, but told us -the _Dutchess_ pass’d by her in the Night, and she fired 2 Shot at them, -but they return’d none. We had no Wind, but got out 8 of our Ships Oars, -and rowed above an Hour; then there sprung up a small Breeze. I order’d -a large Kettle of Chocolate to be made for our Ship’s Company (having no -spiritous Liquor to give them;) then we went to Prayers, and before we -had concluded were disturb’d by the Enemy’s firing at us. They had -Barrels hanging at each Yard-Arm, that look’d like Powder Barrels, to -deter us from boarding ’em. About 8 a Clock we began to engage her by -our selves, for the _Dutchess_ being to Leeward, and having little Wind, -did not come up. The Enemy fired her Stern Chase upon us first, which we -return’d with our Fore Chase several times, till we came nearer, and -when close aboard each other, we gave her several Broadsides, plying our -Small Arms very briskly, which they return’d as thick a while, but did -not ply their great Guns half so fast as we. After some time we shot a -little a-head of them, lay thwart her Hawse close aboard, and plyed them -so warmly, that she soon struck her Colours two thirds down. By this -time the _Dutchess_ came up, and fired about 5 Guns, with a Volley of -Small Shot, but the Enemy having submitted, made no Return. We sent our -Pinnace aboard, and brought the Captain with the Officers away, and -having examin’d ’em, found there was another Ship came out of _Manila_ -with them, of a bigger Burthen, having about 40 Brass Guns mounted, and -as many Patereroes; but they told us they lost her Company 3 Months ago, -and reckon’d she was got to _Acapulco_ before this time, she sailing -better than this Ship. This Prize was call’d by the long Name of _Nostra -Seniora de la Incarnacion Disenganio_, Sir _John Pichberty_ Commander; -she had 20 Guns, 20 Patereroes, and 193 Men aboard, whereof 9 were -kill’d, 10 wounded, and several blown up and burnt with Powder. We -engag’d ’em about 3 Glasses, in which time we had only my self and -another Man wounded. I was shot thro’ the Left Cheek, the Bullet struck -away great part of my upper Jaw, and several of my Teeth, part of which -dropt down upon the Deck, where I fell; the other, _Will._ _Powell_, an -_Irish_ Land-man, was slightly wounded in the Buttock. They did us no -great Damage in our Rigging, but a shot disabled our Mizen Mast. I was -forced to write what I would say, to prevent the Loss of Blood, and -because of the Pain I suffer’d by speaking. - - -_Dec. 23._ After we had put our Ships to rights again, we stood in for -the Harbour, which bore N.E. of us, distant about 7 Leagues. Our -Surgeons went aboard the Prize to dress the wounded Men. - - -_Dec. 24._ About 4 Yesterday Afternoon we got to an Anchor in Port -_Segura_ in 25 Fathom Water, found the _Marquiss_ in a sailing Posture, -and all the Company much overjoy’d at our unexpected good Fortune. In -the Night I felt something clog my Throat, which I swallow’d with much -Pain, and suppose it’s a part of my Jaw Bone, or the Shot, which we -can’t yet give an account of, I soon recover’d my self; but my Throat -and Head being very much swell’d, have much ado to swallow any sort of -Liquids for Sustenance. At 8 the Committee met aboard us, and agreed -that the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_ should immediately go out, and cruize -8 Days for the other Ship, being in hopes she had not pass’d us; in the -mean time we and the Prize to stay and refit, and dispatch the Prisoners -away in the Bark, and if we could get Security from the _Guiaquil_ -Hostages for the Payment of the Remainder of the Ransom, to let ’em go -likewise. We lie land-lockt from the E. by N. to the S. S. E. distant -from the Eastermost Point about 4 Mile, from the Southermost Rock about -half a Mile, and near the same Distance off Shore. The Committee we held -resolv’d as follows. - - On board the _Duke_ riding in Port _Segura_ on the Coast of - _California_, _Dec. 24. 1709_. - - _Having Information from the Prisoners taken on board the Prize the - 22d instant, bound from_ Manila _to_ Acapulco, _that they came out - in company with another Ship bound for the same Port from which - they parted in Lat. 35._ N. _It is resolved that Capt._ Courtney - _in the_ Dutchess, _and Capt._ Cooke _in the_ Marquiss, _do - forthwith go out upon a Cruise for 8 Days, to look after the said - Ship_. - -Signed by the Majority of the Council. - - - -Capt. _Courtney_, _Cooke_, and their Officers of the Council, would not -agree that the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_ should go out as I desir’d, with -most of the Men belonging to the _Marquiss_ divided between them, in -order to cruise for the biggest _Acapulco_ Ship, which we were in hopes -had not passed us; and by being thus well mann’d, might if they meet her -carry her by boarding at once, and that in the mean time the _Marquiss_ -with a very small number of Men might be sufficient to stay in the Port, -and send off the Bark with the Prisoners. - -But there having been some Reflections amongst the Sailors because the -_Dutchess_ did not engage this Prize before the _Duke_ came up, it made -them obstinate to cruize for her without us, and the Officers of our -Consorts being agreed, made the Majority of our Council; so that -according to the foregoing Committee we were obliged to stay in the -Harbour against our Will. - - -_Dec. 25._ Last Night the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_ went out: We put 10 -good Hands aboard the _Dutchess_, that if they should be so fortunate as -to see the Great Ship, they might be the better able to attack her. In -the Morning we began to put part of the Goods aboard the Bark into the -Prize, in order to send the Prisoners away. Capt. _Dover_ and Mr. -_Stretton_, who were aboard the Prize, came to me, and we all agreed to -send off the _Guiaquil_ Hostages, the Captain of the _Manila_ Ship (who -was a _French_ Chevalier) having given us 5 Bills of Exchange for the -same, payable in _London_ for 6000 Dollars, being 2000 more than the -Ransom Money, for which we allow’d him the Benefit of the Bark and -Cargo, the Captain and Hostages giving us Certificates, that it was a -Bargain concluded at their own Requests, and very much to their -advantage. Sir _John_ _Pichberty_ being, we hope, a Man of Honour, will -not suffer his Bills to be protested, since we have so generously -trusted him, tho’ a Prisoner, without a Hostage, which is always -demanded for less Sums. - - -_Dec. 25._ We plac’d two Centries to keep a good Lookout upon the Top of -a Hill, with Orders if they saw 3 Sail in the Offing, to make 3 -Waffs[142] with their Colours. - - -_Dec. 26._ Yesterday Afternoon the Centrys made 3 Waffs, - -[Sidenote: _Cruising off Cape St. Lucas._] - -and we immediately sent the Yawl to them for better Satisfaction, and -found there were 3 Sail out at Sea; upon which we immediately put all -the Prisoners aboard the Bark, taking away her Sails, and fetched our -Men aboard, leaving only 22 Hands belonging to us, aboard the Prize, to -help refit and look after her. The Prisoners, who were about 170, being -secur’d aboard our Bark, without Arms, Rudder, Sails, or a Boat, and -moar’d near a Mile from our Prize, a few more of our Men than was -sufficient to give them Victuals and Drink, might have guarded them very -safely; yet for the more Security, we left a Lieutenant of each Ship, -and the above Men well arm’d aboard our Prize, and immediately weigh’d -in order to go and assist our Consorts to attack the great Ship, which -then came in sight. Capt. _Dover_ thought fit to go on board the Prize, -and exchange Posts with one of the Lieutenants that guarded the -Prisoners, and sent him to us in his stead. I was in so weak a -Condition, and my Head and Throat so much swell’d, that I yet spoke in -great Pain, and not loud enough to be heard at any distance; so that all -the rest of the chief Officers, and our Surgeons, would have perswaded -me to stay in the Harbour in Safety aboard our Prize. We weigh’d our -Anchors, and got under Sail by 7 a Clock: We saw Lights several times in -the Night, which we took to be our Consorts Boats making false Fires. In -the Morning at Day-break we saw 3 Sail to Windward of us, but were so -far distant, that we could not make which were our Consorts, and which -the Chase, till about 9 a Clock, when we saw the _Dutchess_ and Chase -near together, and the _Marquiss_ standing to them with all the Sail she -could crowd. We made what Sail we could, but were to Leeward of them 3 -or 4 Leagues, and having a scant Wind, made little Way. At Noon they -bore S.E. of us, being right to Windward about 3 Leagues. - -[Sidenote: _Engaging the bigger Manila Ship._] - -In the Afternoon we saw the _Marquiss_ come up with the Chase, and -engage her pretty briskly; but soon fell to Leeward out of Cannon-shot, -and lay a considerable Time, which made us think she was some way or -other disabled. I order’d the Pinnace to be mann’d, and sent her away to -her, that if what we suspected prov’d true, and we had not Wind to get -up with them before Night, our Boat might dog the Chase with Signals -till the Morning, that she might not escape us and the other Ships; but -before the Boat could get up with them, the _Marquiss_ made sail and -came up with the Chase, and both went to it again briskly for 4 Glasses -and upwards: Then the Ship which we took to be the _Dutchess_ stretch’d -a-head to Windward of the Enemy, I suppose to fix her Rigging, or stop -her Leaks; mean while the other kept her in play till she bore down -again, and each firing a Broadside or two, left off, because ’twas dark: -They then bore South of us, which was right in the Wind’s Eye, distant -about 2 Leagues. By Midnight we were pretty well up with them, and our -Boat came aboard, having made false Fires, which we answer’d: They had -been on board the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_, and told me the former had -her Foremast much disabled, and the Ring of an Anchor shot away, with -several Men wounded, and one kill’d, having receiv’d a Shot in their -Powder Room, and several in their upper Works, but all stopt. They -engag’d the Ship by themselves the Night before, which was what we took -to be the Boats Lights, being out of the hearing of the Guns. At that -time they could perceive the Enemy was in disorder, her Guns not being -all mounted, and consequently their Netting-deck and Close Quarters -unprovided; so that had it been my good Fortune in the _Duke_ to -accompany the _Dutchess_, as I desired, we all believe we might then -have carried this great Ship; or if they in the _Dutchess_ had thought -of taking most of the Men out of the _Marquiss_, who did not sail well -enough to come up to their Assistance at first, they alone might very -probably have taken her by Boarding at once, before the _Spaniards_ had -experienc’d our Strength, being afterwards so well provided, as -encouraged them to lie driving, and give us all Opportunity to board -them when we pleas’d. Capt. _Cooke_ sent me word, that the _Marquiss_ -had fired near all her Shot and Powder, but had escap’d very well both -in Masts, Rigging and Men. I sent our Boat with 3 Barrels of Powder, and -Shot in proportion, and Lieut. _Frye_, to consult our Consorts how to -engage the Enemy to the best advantage at Break of Day. The Chase had -made Signals to our Ship all the Day and Night, because she took us for -her Consort, which we had in possession, and after ’twas dark had edg’d -away to us, else I should not have been up with her, having very little -Wind, and that against us. In the Morning as soon as ’twas Day, the Wind -veering at once, put our Ship about, and the Chase fired first upon the -_Dutchess_, who by means of the Wind’s veering was nearest the Enemy; -she return’d it smartly: we stood as near as possible, firing as our -Guns came to bear; but the _Dutchess_ being by this time thwart the -_Spaniards_ Hawse, and firing very fast, those Shot that miss’d the -Enemy flew from the _Dutchess_ over us, and betwixt our Masts, so that -we ran the risque of receiving more Damage from them than from the -Enemy, if we had lain on her Quarters and cross her Stern, as I -design’d, while the Enemy lay driving. This forced us to lie along side, -close aboard her, where we kept firing round Shot, and did not load with -any Bar or Partridge, because the Ship’s Sides were too thick to receive -any Damage by it, and no Men appearing in sight, it would only have been -a Clog to the Force of our Round Shot. We kept close aboard her, and -drove as she did as near as possible. The Enemy kept to their close -Quarters, so that we did not fire our Small Arms till we saw a Man -appear, or a Port open; then we fired as quick as possible. Thus we -continued for 4 Glasses, about which time we received a Shot in the Main -Mast, which much disabled it; soon after that the _Dutchess_ and we -firing together, we came both close under the Enemy and had like to have -been all aboard her, so that we could make little use of our Guns. Then -we fell a-stern in our Birth along side, where the Enemy threw a -Fire-ball out of one of her Tops, which lighting upon our Quarter-deck, -blew up a Chest of Arms and Cartouch Boxes[143] all loaded, and several -Cartridges of Powder in the Steerage by which means Mr. _Vanbrugh_, our -Agent, and a _Dutchman_, were very much burnt; it might have done more -Damage, had it not been quench’d as soon as possible. After we got clear -of each other, the _Dutchess_ stood in for the Shore where she lay -braced to, mending her Rigging, _&c._ The _Marquiss_ fired several Shot, -but to little purpose, her Guns being small. We were close aboard -several times afterwards, till at last we receiv’d a second Shot in the -Main Mast not far from the other, which rent it miserably, and the Mast -settl’d to it, so that we were afraid it would drop by the board, and -having our Rigging shatter’d very much, we sheer’d off, and brought to, -making a Signal to our Consorts to consult what to do; in the interim we -got ordinary Fishes[144] for a port[145] to the Main mast, and fasten’d -it as well as we could to secure it at present. Capt. _Courtney_ and -Capt. _Cooke_ came aboard with other Officers, where we consider’d the -Condition the 3 Ships were in, their Masts and Rigging being much -damnified in a Place where we could get no Recruit, that if we engag’d -her again, we could propose to do no more than what we had already -done, which was evident did her no great Hurt, because we could perceive -few of our Shot enter’d her Sides to any purpose, and our Small Arms -avail’d less, there being not a Man to be seen above-board; that the -least thing in the World would bring our Main-mast, and likewise the -_Dutchess_ Fore-mast by the board, either of which by its Fall might -carry away another Mast, and then we should lie a Battery for the Enemy, -having nothing to command our Ships with, so that by his heavy Guns he -might either sink or take us: That if we went to board her, we should -run a greater hazard in losing a great many Men with little Hopes of -Success, they having above treble the Number aboard to oppose us, and -there being now in all our 3 Ships not above 120 good Men fit for -boarding, and those but weak, having been very short of Provisions a -long time; besides we had the Disadvantage of a Netting-deck[146] to -enter upon, and a Ship every other way well provided; so that if we had -boarded her, and been forc’d off, or left any of our Men behind, the -Enemy by that means might have known our Strength, and then gone into -the Harbour and took possession of the Prize in spight of all we could -do to prevent it: Besides, our Ammunition was very short, having only -enough to engage a few Glasses longer. All this being seriously -consider’d, and knowing the Difficulty we should have to get Masts, and -the Time and Provisions we must spend before we could get ’em fitted, -’twas resolved to forbear attempting her further, since our battering -her signify’d little, and we had not Strength enough to board her: -Therefore we agreed to keep her company till Night, then to lose her, -and make the best of our way into the Harbour to secure the Prize we had -already took. We engag’d first and last about six or seven Hours, during -all which time we had aboard the _Duke_ but eleven Men wounded, 3 of -whom were scorch’d with Gun-powder. I was again unfortunately wounded in -the Left Foot with a Splinter just before we blew up on the -Quarter-deck, so that I could not stand, but lay on my Back in a great -deal of Misery, part of my Heel-bone being struck out, and all under my -Ankle cut above half thro’, which bled very much, and weaken’d me, -before it could be dressed and stopt. The _Dutchess_ had about 20 Men -killed and wounded, 3 of the latter and one of the former were my Men. -The _Marquiss_ had none kill’d or wounded, but 2 scorch’d with Powder. -The - -[Sidenote: _Engaging the bigger Manila Ship._] - -Enemy’s was a brave lofty new Ship, the Admiral of _Manila_, and this -the first Voyage she had made; she was call’d the _Bigonia_, of about -900 Tuns, and could carry 60 Guns, about 40 of which were mounted, with -as many Patereroes, all Brass; her Complement of Men on board, as we -were inform’d, was above 450, besides Passengers. They added, that 150 -of the Men on board this great Ship were _Europeans_, several of whom -had been formerly Pirates, and having now got all their Wealth aboard, -were resolved to defend it to the last. The Gunner, who had a good Post -in _Manila_, was an expert Man, and had provided the Ship extraordinary -well for Defence, which made them fight so desperately; they had filled -up all between the Guns with Bales to secure the Men. She kept a -_Spanish_ Flag at her Main-top mast Head all the time she fought us; we -shatter’d her Sails and Rigging very much, shot her Mizon-yard, kill’d -two Men out of her Tops, which was all the Damage we could see we did -’em; tho’ we could not place less than 500 Shot (6 Pounders) in her -Hull. These large Ships are built at _Manila_ with excellent Timber, -that will not splinter; they have very thick Sides, much stronger than -we build in _Europe_. Whilst the Officers were aboard us, Capt. -_Courtney_ and others desir’d that what we had agreed upon might be put -in Writing, and sign’d by as many as were present, to prevent false -Reflections hereafter, which was done as follows. - - At a Committee held on board the _Duke_, after we had engag’d the - bigger _Manila_ Ship, _December 27. 1709_. - - _We having consider’d the Condition of all our 3 Ships, and that - our Masts are much damnified in engaging the_ Manila _Ship, do - think it for the Interest of the whole to forbear any further - Attempts upon her, having no Probability of taking her, but to do - our endeavours to secure the Prize we have already took, which will - be much more for the Honour and Interest of our selves and Country. - This is our Opinion, in witness whereof we have set our Hands, the - Day and Year above-written._ - - Woodes Rogers, Lan. Appleby, - Stephen Courtney, Charles Pope, - William Dampier, Henry Oliphant, - Edw. Cooke, Alex. Selkirk, - Rob. Frye, John Kingston, - Tho. Glendall, Nath. Scotch, - John Connely, John Piller. - John Bridge, - - - -Thus ended our Attempt on the biggest _Manila_ Ship, which I have heard -related so many ways at home, that I thought it necessary to set down -every particular Circumstance of it, as it stood in my Journal. Had we -been together at first and boarded her, we might probably have taken -this great Prize; but after the Enemy had fixed her Netting-deck and -close Quarters, they valued us very little. I believe also we might have -burnt her with one of our Ships, but that was objected against by all -the Officers, because we had Goods of Value on board all our 3 Ships. -The Enemy was the better provided for us, because they heard at _Manila_ -from our _English_ Settlements in _India_, that there were 2 small Ships -fitted from _Bristol_, that design’d to attempt them in the _South -Seas_. This was told us by the Prisoners we took on board the other -Ship. - -When I proposed parting Companies at the _Tres Marias_, and to cruise -for the _Acapulco_ Ship from _Manila_ with our Ship and Bark at one -Station, and the _Dutchess_ and _Marquiss_ at another, we then expected -but one Ship from _Manila_, and she not so well provided as the least -Ship now was; tho’ as we have found it, we might probably have been -better asunder, for then I make little question but we should have got -some Recruit of Provisions, and consequently our Men had been stronger -and better in heart to have boarded this great Ship at once, before they -had been so well provided; but since Providence or Fate will have it as -it is, we must be content. - - -_Dec. 28._ The Enemy lay braced to all the time the Council held, and -run out 4 Guns of her lower Teer, expecting we would have the other -Brush with her; but when we made sail, she fil’d and made away, W.N.W. -and we betwixt the S.S.E. and the S. close upon a Wind. At 6 a Clock we -sent the Pinnace with some Men into the Harbour to secure the Prize, not -knowing what might happen before we could get in with our Ships. We -unrigg’d the Main-top-gallant Mast, and got it down, securing our -Main-mast with Runners and Tackles every way we could contrive, had -little Wind all the Afternoon and Night, but this Morning a fresh Breeze -sprung up at E.S.E. and soon after we saw nothing more of the great -Ship. - - -[Sidenote: _At Anchor in Port Segura on California._] - -_Jan. 1._ After we arriv’d again at Port _Segura_, we dispatch’d the -Prisoners away in the Bark, and likewise the _Guiaquil_ Hostages: having -got Security for the Money as aforesaid, we supplied them with Water and -Provisions enough to carry ’em to _Acapulco_; and gave Capt. -_Pichberty_ and his chief Officers, with a Padre, their Clothes, -Instruments, Books, _&c._ So that they parted very friendly, and -acknowledged we had been very civil to ’em, of which they desired me to -accept the following Testimony; - - _We, whose Names are hereto subscrib’d, do acknowledge, that ever - since we have been in the Hands of Capt._ Woodes Rogers, _and - Capt._ Stephen Courtney, _Commanders of the_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, - _two_ British _private Men of War, we have been by them very - civilly treated_; _and whatsoever we have transacted or done, had - been voluntary, and by our Consent, and particularly in passing - Bills, and Obligations, thro’ the Hands of Sir_ John Pichberty, - _for the Ransom of the Town of_ Guiaquil, _and other valuable - Considerations. Witness our Hands on the Coast of_ California. - - _Jan. 1. 1709._ - - _Don_ John Pichberty, Manuel de Punta. - _Don_ Antonio Guttera, Manuel Hemanes. - - - -I wrote a Letter to my Owners, to acquaint ’em with our good Success, -but could not be so full as I would, because I sent it by the Hand of an -Enemy. We spent our Time till the 7th, in refitting, wooding, and -watering; and were very glad to find as much Bread on board the Prize as -we hop’d might, with what we had left of our old Store, make enough to -subsist us in our next long Run. Capt. _Courtney_ and his Officers, with -those on board the _Marquiss_, are too willing to complement Capt. -_Dover_ with the chief Command of the Prize; which till now I thought he -would not have accepted, his Posts already being above a Commander of -any of our Prizes; but I and my Officers are against it; because we -believe Capt. _Frye_ or others, are fitter Persons to take Charge of -her, which we insisted on; and Capts. _Courtney_ and _Cooke_ came to me, -where they agreed to a Paper that was drawn up while we were all -together, in such a Manner as I thought would have satisfied every one. -Capt. _Courtney_ carried this Agreement to Capt. _Dover_ to sign it, not -doubting but all would be content with what we had concluded; yet to our -Surprize, they spent the Remainder of the Day, and instead of making -Capt. _Dover_ comply with it, undid all, and brought a Paper which -impower’d him to be sole Commander, without the least Restraint, of not -molesting those that should navigate the Ship, but to order every thing -as he should think fit. - - -_Jan. 9._ We fetch’d our 3 wounded Men from on board the _Dutchess_; -one of ’em was _Tho. Young_, a _Welchman_, who lost one of his Legs; the -other, _Tho. Evans_, a _Welchman_, whose Face was miserably torn; the -third, _John Gold_, wounded in the Thigh; and one died of his Wounds, -_viz. Emanuel Gonsalves_, a _Portuguese_: So that out of ten that went, -only 6 return’d safe. I sent a Letter to Capt. _Courtney_ this Morning, -to know what Measures were going forward; having heard nothing from him -since the 7th Instant, and desired that there might be no loss of time, -but that the Committee might meet once more, to try if they would make -use of their unbyass’d Reason. They were than all aboard the _Marquiss_, -where I heard they had, ever since our last Meeting, concerted how to -frame a Protest against me, and my Officers of the Committee, which was -immediately answer’d by a Protest from us, both which are as follows. - - _Know all Men, by these Presents, That We, the Commanders of the - Ships_ Dutchess _and_ Marquiss, _and other Officers, being the - major Part of a Committee appointed by the Owners, for the - regulating the Affairs of the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, _private - Men of War, till their Return to_ Great Britain, _as more largely - appears in their Orders and Instructions. Now, whereas we have - lately taken a rich Prize bound from_ Manila _to_ Acapulco, _and - the said Ship being safe at Anchor in a Bay near Cape_ St. Luke, - _on_ California, _We held a general Committee on board the_ Duke - _the 6th Day of_ January 1709-10. _for appointing a Commander and - other Officers for the said Prize, call’d by the_ Spaniards, _when - in their Possession_, Nostra Seniora del Incarnation de Singano, - _but now named by us_ The Batchelor Frigate, _wherein it was - carried by Majority of Votes for Capt._ Thomas Dover, _who came out - second Captain of the_ Duke, _and President of this Committee, and - Owner of a very considerable Part of both Ships_, Duke _and_ - Dutchess, _to command the said Prize, we thinking him the most - proper Person for the Interest of the Owners and Company; we - likewise proposing to put two of the best of our Officers on board, - to command under him, and manage the navigating Part of the said - Ship during the Voyage, with other substantial Officers and Men, - sufficient to work the Ship and take Care of her._ - - [Sidenote: _At Anchor in Port Segura._] - - _Now whereas Capt._ Woodes Rogers, _Commander of the_ Duke, _and - several of his Officers, Members of this Committee, did refuse to - sign to the Agreement of the said Committee (the Like never having - been refus’d by any before, when carried by Majority of Voices) to - acknowledge the said Capt._ Thomas Dover _Commander of the Ship_ - Batchelor Frigate; _we do hereby, in the behalf of the Owners of - the Ships_ Duke _and_ Dutchess, _our selves and Company, Protest - against the unadvis’d Proceedings and Practice of the said Capt._ - Woodes Rogers, _and the rest of the Officers of the Committee, that - refus’d to sign and agree to the same, it being directly contrary - to the Owners Orders and Instructions, (Reference being had - thereto) and the Union and Peace of the Ships Companies (by them - likewise recommended). And whatever Damage may ensue, either by - Loss of Time, Want of Provisions, or Men sufficient to manage the - said Ship, or any Mutiny or Disagreement that may arise from hence - between the Ships Companies, or any other Disaster whatsoever_, &c. - _we do likewise Protest against, in the behalf of the Owners, - ourselves, and Company, as aforesaid; expecting from the said - Captain_ Woodes Rogers, _and Officers of the Committee aforesaid, - full Satisfaction and Reparation of all Losses and Damages - whatsoever, that may happen to the said Ship during her Voyage to_ - Great Britain. - - _In witness whereof, we the Commanders and Officers, being the - major Part of the Committee, have set our Hands, this 9th Day of_ - January, 1709-10. _on board the_ Marquiss, _at Anchor near Cape - St._ Luke, _on_ California. - - -Sign’d by the Officers of the _Dutchess_ and -_Marquiss_. - - - - -Which Protest was answer’d by another from our Ship. - - _We the chief Officers in behalf of ourselves and the rest of the - Ship’s Company of the_ Duke, _having taken a rich_ Spanish _Prize, - in Consortship with the_ Dutchess _and_ Marquiss, _call’d_ Nostra - Seniora del Incarnacion de ingano, _and did design to use the - securest Methods to carry her to_ Great Britain, _both for our - Employers interest and our own Advantage. But being in a remote - part of the World, we offer’d and desired our Consorts to put one - or more able Officers in the principal charge of the aforesaid - Prize, it being so valuable that a Retaliation for all our Risques - and Hardships is in her Riches, which highly behoves us to be very - careful in preserving. But against all our Ships Company’s Consent, - (tho’ we are so nearly concern’d) our said Consorts Officers, - Capt._ Stephen Courtney, _Capt._ Edward Cooke, _Capt._ William - Dampier, _Mr._ William Stretton, _Mr._ Charles Pope, _Mr._ John - Connely, _Mr._ George Milbourne, _Mr._ Rob. Knowlman, _and Mr._ - John Ballett, _have sign’d an Instrument, and combin’d together, to - put Capt._ T. Dover _in Command of the said Ship._ - - _We therefore (being inclin’d to Peace and Quietness aboard and - not to use any Violence to remove the said Captain_ Dover _out of - the aforesaid forc’d Command, although he is utterly uncapable of - the Office) do hereby publickly Protest against the aforesaid - Commander, and every one of those that have already, or shall - hereafter combine to place him in. The Ship now being in safety, we - declare against all Damages that may arise or accrue to the said - Ship, or Cargo under his Command; and that the aforesaid Combiners, - who have put the Care of the said Ship under an uncapable Command, - we expect are accountable and liable to us for all Damages that may - happen. This is our publick Protest. Witness our Hands, aboard the - said Ship_ Duke, _riding at Anchor in a Port of_ California, _the - 9th of_ January, 1709-10. - -Sign’d by the Officers of the _Duke_. - - - -’Twas our great Unhappiness, after taking a rich Prize, to have a -Paper-War amongst our selves. I am sorry to trouble the Reader with -these Disputes, which continued for two Days about a proper Commander -for this Prize; because it highly concern’d us to take the utmost -Precautions for her Safety, having a long Run through dangerous unknown -Passages, into the _East Indies_, and most of the Recompence for our -great Risques and Hardships lay in her Riches. I had always desired that -Capt. _Dover_ might be aboard her, for being a considerable Owner, we -all agreed he was a very proper Person to take Care of her Cargo, and to -have all the Freedom and Accommodation that could be made for him in -that Ship, which was of such vast Consequence to us and our Employers, -that in their Instructions to me, they strictly charged me to use the -securest Methods to bring her safe home, in case we should be so -fortunate as we now are, to take one of the _Acapulco_ Ships: So that -after the Protests were over on both sides, I desired they might -assemble together, and finally determine what the Majority would agree -on, that no Time might be lost. So all the Council met again on board -the _Batchelor_, to endeavour an Accommodation. I being very weak, and -in much Pain, was not able to stir, therefore sent my Opinion in -Writing, as follows. - -[Sidenote: _At Anchor in Port Segura._] - - _My Opinion is, That ’tis not for the Safety of the rich_ Spanish - _Prize, that Capt._ Dover _command her, because his Temper is so - violent, that capable Men cannot well act under him, and himself is - uncapable. Our Owners directed me to use the securest Method to - bring the Ship home, if we should have the good Fortune to take - her; and ’tis not so, if an ignorant Person have the Command: And - tho’ it may be pretended that he’ll not command the sailing Part, - there are other Parts necessary for a Commander; so that whosoever - had the Charge of one, ought to act wholly in the rest, or else - Confusion follows a mix’d Command, that would be very pernicious in - this Case; and which it highly concerns us to beware of. I am - content, and desire Capt._ Dover _may be aboard, and have Power to - take Care of the Cargo, and all the Liberty and Freedom in her, he - can in reason otherwise desire, and that none may have the like - Power on board the Prize but himself. This is my Opinion._ Jan. 9. - 1709-10. - -Woodes Rogers. - - - -This Dispute is against my Desire already put in Print, from the publick -Notes of the Voyage, otherwise I had left it wholly out of my Journal, -as I had done several other of our Differences, being unwilling to -trouble the Reader with the Contests that too often happen’d in the -Government of our sailing Common-wealth. - -After a long Debate, they voted Mr. _Frye_ and Mr. _Stretton_, both to -act in equal Posts, to take Charge of the navigating the Ship, tho’ -under Capt. _Dover_, but they were to be no ways molested, hinder’d nor -contradicted in their Business by him, whose Duty ’twas to see that -nothing should be done contrary to the Interest of the Owners, and Ships -Companies, in the Nature of an Agent, almost in the same Manner I -proposed at first, only he had the Title of Chief Captain in that Ship, -which was so small a Difference, where Titles are so common, that we all -consented to it; and at the same time they chose Officers, agreeing that -we should put 30 Men aboard her, the _Dutchess_ 25, and the _Marquiss_ -13, which with 36 _Manila Indians_, call’d _Las-Carrs_, and other -Prisoners we have left, her Complement will be about 110 Men. The -Majority keeping to their first Agreement I was obliged to come into it, -according to my Instructions from our Owners; so that all our -Differences about this Affair were at an end, and we drank to our safe -Arrival in _Great Britain_. - -The Council agreed as follows. - - - At a Council held on board the _Batchelor Frigate_, at Anchor in - Port _Segura_, on _California_, Jan. 10. 1709/10. - - _It is agreed, by the Majority of this Council, that Capt._ Robert - Frye _and Capt._ William Stretton, _shall both act in equal Posts - in the sole Navigating, Sailing and Ingaging, if Occasion should - be, under Capt._ Tho. Dover, _on board the_ Batchelor Frigate, _and - that the said Capt._ Tho. Dover _shall not molest, hinder or - contradict ’em in their Business; and we do appoint_ Alexander - Selkirk _Master_, Joseph Smith _chief Mate_, Benj. Parsons _second - Mate_, Charles May _Surgeon_, John Jones _Carpenter_, Rob. - Hollinsby _Boatswain_, Rich. Beakhouse _Gunner_, Peirce Bray - _Cooper_, James Stretton _and_ Richard Hickman _Midshipmen_, Denis - Reading _Steward, and all other inferior Officers, as the - Commanders shall think fit._ - -Sign’d by the Majority of our Council. - - - -In the Morning we put 35 good Hands aboard her. The _Dutchess_ and -_Marquiss_ put no more than their Share. Mean while Capts. _Courtney_ -and _Cooke_, and 2 or 3 more of the Committee came to me, where we -sign’d a Paper for Capt. _Dover_ and the two Commanders, recommending -Peace and Tranquility amongst them. And that in case of Separation, the -Place of Rendezvous was to be _Guam_, one of the _Ladrones_ Islands, -where we design’d to touch at, God willing, to get Provisions: Every -thing being thus settled, and all in a Readiness to sail; before I -proceed with the Relation of our Voyage from hence, I shall give an -Account of _California_. - - -California _described_. - -[Sidenote: _California Described._] - -It is not yet certainly known whether it be an Island, or joins to the -Continent, nor did either our Time or Circumstances allow us to attempt -the Discovery. I heard from the _Spaniards_, that some of their Nation -had sail’d as far up betwixt _California_ and the Main, as Lat. 42 N. -where meeting with Shoal Water, and abundance of Islands, they durst not -venture any further: So that if this be true, in all Probability it -joins to the Continent, a little further to the Northward; for Shoal -Water and Islands is a general Sign of being near some main Land: but -the _Spaniards_ having more Territories in this Part of the World than -they know how to manage, they are not curious of further Discoveries. -The _Manila_ Ships bound to _Acapulco_ often make this Coast in the -Latitude of 40 North, and I never heard of any that discover’d it -farther to the Northward. Some old Draughts make it to join to the Land -of _Jesso_, but all this being yet undetermin’d, I shall not take upon -me to affirm whether it’s an Island, or joins to the Continent. The -_Dutch_ say, they formerly took a _Spanish_ Vessel in those Seas, which -had sail’d round _California_, and found it to be an Island; but this -Account can’t be depended on, and I choose to believe it joins to the -Continent. There is no certain Account of its Shape or Bigness, and -having seen so little of it, I shall refer the Reader to our common -Draughts for its Scituation. What I can say of it from my own Knowledge -is, That the Land where we were is for the most part mountainous, barren -and sandy, and had nothing but a few Shrubs and Bushes, which produce -Fruit and Berries of several Sorts. Our Men who went in our Bark to view -the Country about 15 Leagues to the Northward, say it was there cover’d -with tall Trees. The _Spaniards_ tell us of several good Harbours in -this Country, but we found none of them near this Cape. We frequently -saw Smoak in several Places, which makes us believe the Inhabitants are -pretty numerous. The Bay where we rode had but very indifferent -Anchoring Ground, in deep Water, and is the worst recruiting Place we -met with since I came out. The Wind at this Time of the Year generally -blowing over Land, makes it good Riding on the Starboard Side of the -Bay, where you ride on a Bank that has from 10 to 25 Fathom Water; but -the rest of that Bay is very deep, and near the Rocks on the -Larboard-side going in there’s no Ground. - -During the Time of our Stay the Air was serene, pleasant, and healthful, -and we had no strong Gales of Wind, very little Rain, but great Dews -fell by Night, when ’twas very cool. - -The Natives we saw here were about 300, they had large Limbs, were -straight, tall, and of a much blacker Complexion than any other People -that I had seen in the South Seas. Their Hair long, black, and straight, -which hung down to their Thighs. The Men stark naked, and the Women had -a Covering of Leaves over their Privities, or little Clouts made of Silk -Grass, or the Skins of Birds and Beasts. All of them that we saw were -old, and miserably wrinkled. We suppose they were afraid to let any of -their young ones come near us, but needed not; for besides the good -Order we kept among our Men in that respect, if we may judge by what we -saw, they could not be very tempting. The Language of the Natives was as -unpleasant to us as their Aspect, for it was very harsh and broad, and -they pronounc’d it so much in the Throat, as if their Words had been -ready to choak them. I design’d to have brought two of ’em away with me, -in order to have had some Account of the Country, when they had learn’d -so much of our Language as to enable them to give it; but being short of -Provisions, I durst not venture it. Some of them wear Pearl about their -Arms and Necks, having first notch’d it round, and fasten’d it with a -String of Silk Grass; for I suppose they knew not how to bore them. The -Pearls were mix’d with little red Berries, Sticks, and Bits of Shells, -which they look’d upon to be so fine an Ornament, that tho’ we had Glass -Beads of several Colours, and other Toys, they would accept none of -them. They coveted nothing we had but Knives, and other cutting -Instruments, and were so honest, that they did not meddle with our -Coopers or Carpenters Tools, so that whatever was left ashore at Night, -we found it untouch’d in the Morning. - -We saw nothing like _European_ Furniture or Utensils among ’em. Their -Huts were very low, and made of Branches of Trees and Reeds, but not -sufficiently cover’d to keep out Rain. They had nothing like Gardens or -Provisions about them. They subsisted chiefly on Fish while we were -here, which with the Miserableness of their Huts, that seem’d only to be -made for a time, made us conclude they had no fix’d Habitation here, -whatever they may have elsewhere, and that this was their Fishing -Season. We saw no Nets or Hooks, but wooden Instruments, with which they -strike the Fish very dextrously, and dive to admiration. Some of our -Sailors told me they saw one of ’em dive with his Instrument, and whilst -he was under Water put up his Striker with a Fish on the Point of it, -which was taken off by another that watch’d by him on a Bark Log. The -Reader may believe of this what he pleases, but I give it the more -credit, because I my self threw some rusty Knives overboard, on purpose -to try those Divers, who seldom miss’d catching a Knife before it could -sink about 3 or 4 Fathom, which I took to be an extraordinary Proof of -their Agility. - -[Sidenote: _California Described._] - -Instead of Bread they us’d a little black Seed, which they ground with -Stones, and eat it by Handfuls; some of our Men thicken’d their Broth -with it, and say it tastes somewhat like Coffee. They have some Roots -that eat like Yams, a sort of Seeds that grow in Cods, and taste like -green Pease, a Berry which resembles those of Ivy, and being dry’d at -the Fire, eats like parch’d Pease. They have another like a large -Currant, with a white tartish Pulp, a Stone and a Kernel; this sort of -Fruit they seem to value much. They have also a Fruit which grows on the -prickle Pear-tree, tastes like Gooseberries, and makes good Sawce. They -have many other Seeds and Plants unknown to us, but I was not in a -condition to view or describe them. - -They seem to have a Season of Hunting by the Skins of Deer, _&c._ we saw -among them: They paid a sort of Respect to one Man, whose Head was -adorn’d with Feathers made up in the Form of a Cap; in other respects -they seem’d to have all things in common; for when they exchang’d Fish -with us for old Knives, of which we had plenty, they gave the Knives to -any that stood next, and after they had enough, we could get no Fish -from them. They appear’d to be very idle, and seem to look after no more -than a present Subsistance. They stood and look’d upon our Men very -attentively, while they cut Wood and fill’d Water; but did not care to -lend us a Hand at either, or indeed to do any thing that requir’d hard -Labour. Their Arms are Bows and Arrows, with which they can shoot Birds -flying. Their Bows are about 7 Foot long, and of a tough pliant Wood -unknown to us, with Strings of Silk Grass; their Arrows about 4 Foot and -a half, made of Cane, and pointed with Fish Bones that they shape for -the purpose. Most of their Knives and other cutting Instruments are made -of Sharks Teeth. I saw 2 or 3 large Pearl in their Necklaces and -Bracelets, and the _Spaniards_ told me they had Store of them from the -inner part of the Gulph of _California_, where they have Missionaries -planted among them. Our Men told me they saw heavy shining Stones -ashore, which look’d as if they came from some Mineral, but they did not -inform me of this till we were at Sea, otherwise I would have brought -some of ’em to have try’d what Mettal could be extracted out of ’em. The -_Spaniards_ likewise inform’d me, that the Country in general within on -the main Land of _Mexico_, is pleasant and fruitful, and abounds with -Cattle and Provisions of all sorts. The Natives grew very familiar with -us, and came frequently aboard to view our Ships, which they mightily -admir’d. We saw no Boats or Canoes among them, nor any other Sailing -Craft, but Bark-Logs, which they steer’d with Paddles at each End. We -gave one of the Natives a Shirt, but he soon tore it in pieces, and gave -it to the rest of his Company to put the Seeds in which they us’d for -Bread. We saw no Utensils for Cookery about them, nor do I suppose they -have any; for they bury their Fish in a Heap of Sand, and make a Fire -over it, till they think it fit for eating. There were all the Fishes -usual in those Seas to be found in the Bay. The fresh Water here is -good, and they have abundance of Samphire. They make a Fire in the -middle of their Huts, which are very low and smoaky. We saw no -extraordinary Birds here. I am told by our People that have been ashore, -that they get Fire by rubbing two dry Sticks against each other, as -customary among the wild _Indians_. - -The Entrance into the Harbour may be known by four high Rocks, which -look like the Needles at the Isle of _Wight_, as you come from the -Westward; the two Westermost in form of Sugar-loves. The innermost has -an Arch like a Bridge, through which the Sea makes its way. You must -leave the outermost Rock about a Cable’s Length on the Larboard side, -and steer into the deepest part of the Bay, being all bold, where you -may anchor from 10 Fathom to 20 or 25 Fathom Water. Here you ride -land-lockt from E. by N. back to the S. E. by S. yet it is but an -ordinary Road, if the Wind should come strong out of the Sea, which it -never did while we lay there. - - -Mexico _describ’d_ - -I Shall next give a brief Account of _Mexico_ from the best Information -and Authors. This Country lies betwixt Lat. 8. and 50 or 55 North, but -it is little known or inhabited by the _Spaniards_ to the Northward of -35. ’Tis divided into Old and New, and the former is also called _New -Spain_, The Country in general includes all the West Side of Northern -_America_, as far as ’tis known. ’Tis divided into the _Audiences_, or -Jurisdictions of _St. Domingo_, _Mexico_ properly so call’d, -_Guadalajara_ or _New Gallicia_, and _Guatimala_; and these again are -subdivided into several Provinces, with which I shall not trouble the -Reader, since that is the Business of a Geographer, and not of a Sailor. -That part of it call’d _New Spain_ is the best and most famous Part of -all _North America_, and the Name is sometimes extended by the -_Spaniards_ to the whole. - -[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._] - -The Air in general is mild, temperate and healthful, and the Soil so -fertile, that in some places it produces 100 for one of Corn, and of -Maiz 200; but the great Rains in Summer hinder their having good Oil and -Wine. Their most remarkable Plant is that call’d _Maguey_, which abounds -in this Country, and some of it we found in the _Maria Islands_; of the -Juice the _Spaniards_ and Natives make a small Wine, Vinegar, and Honey; -and of the Leaves and other Parts they make Cordage, Thread, and Cloth -for Sacks and Shirts. They have great and small Cattle, and Fowl in such -plenty, that they frequently kill them only for the Skins and Feathers. -They have also excellent Horses of the best _Spanish_ Breed. There are -few Gold Mines in this Country, but abundance of Silver, and tho’ not so -rich as those of _Peru_, are much easier to be work’d, with less Expence -of Money, and far less Danger of Mens Lives. Their other chief -Commodities are Iron, Steel, Copper, but none of ’em much wrought, -Hides, Wool, Cotton, Sugar, Silk, Cochineal, Scarlet-Dy, Feathers, -Honey, Wax, Balm, Amber, Ambergrise, Salt, abundance of Medicinal Drugs, -Cocoa, Cassia, Gold in the Sands of their Rivers, Figs, Oranges, -Citrons, and other Fruit peculiar to the Climate, besides all those -common in _Europe_; wild Beasts, and Fowl of all sorts, Chrystal, -Turquoises, Emeralds, Marcasites, Bezoar Stones, and Pepper. This must -be understood of _Mexico_ in general; for all those Commodities are not -in one Province, but some have one sort and some another. Nor is the -Temper of the Climate every where the same, for those Places towards the -_South Sea_ are warm, but in and about the Mountains ’tis cold; and in -some places they have continu’d Rains almost for 8 or 9 months in a -Year, and are much infected with Serpents, Moskitto’s, and other -Insects, especially near the Torrid Zone. - -I shall not swell my Book with the fabulous Accounts of the Origin of -the antient _Mexicans_, which are shocking to common Sense, nor pretend -to give the Reader the History of their Kings, because ’tis not my -Business; besides ’twould puzzle the ablest Critick to distinguish -betwixt Truth and Falshood in those pretended Histories, preserv’d by -fanciful Hieroglyphicks, which will bear what Sense any Author pleases -to impose upon them. Therefore I shall only say in general, that the -_Spanish_ Authors who write of those Countrys say the Kings of _Mexico_ -were very potent, that they had 25 or 30 petty Kings their Tributaries, -that their ordinary Guards did usually consist of 2 or 3000 Men, and -that on occasion they could raise 2 or 300000; that their Palaces were -magnificent, their Temples sumptuous, and their Worship barbarous, it -being ordinary for them to sacrifice their Enemies, and sometimes their -own Subjects. The Natives of Old _Mexico_ say they are not of that Race -of People, but that their Ancestors came from divers Nations, who -inhabited the Northern parts of the Continent, and particularly that -call’d _New Mexico_; and by the Account their Historians give of their -Travels to settle here, ’twould seem those who compos’d the Story had -heard something of the Travels of the Children of _Israel_ in the -Wilderness, and design’d to write something like it; and by calling -their Leader _Mexi_, they would make his Name resemble that of _Moses_. -’Twas a long time before they united into one Monarchy; for _Montezuma_, -who reign’d when _Fernando Cortez_ invaded them, was only the 9_th_ in -their Catalogue. The Divisions among the Natives, and the Hatred which -the Neighbouring Princes bore to their Kings, made the Conquest of -_Mexico_ much easier to the _Spaniards_ than they expected; so that in -the Bishoprick of _Los Angeles_, &c. there are many thousands of -_Indians_ exempted from extraordinary Taxes, because their Ancestors -assisted the _Spaniards_ in the Conquest of the Country. - -[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._] - -The Natives of _Mexico_, properly so call’d, are the most civiliz’d, -industrious and ingenious; they are noted for admirable Colours in their -Paintings, tho’ their Figures are not proportionable; they draw ’em with -the Feathers of their Cincons, a small Bird, which they say lives only -upon Dew. They make use of certain Characters instead of the Letters of -the Alphabet, by which they have preserv’d some Fragments of their -History. The _Spanish_ Governour of _Mexico_, our Author says, with much -difficulty got it out of the Hands of the Natives, with an Explanation -in their own Language, and had it translated into _Spanish_. The Ship in -which ’twas sent to the Emperor _Charles_ V. being taken by a _French_ -Ship, the Manuscript fell into the Hands of _Andrew Thevet_ at _Paris_, -from whose Heirs our _Hackluyt_, being then Almoner to the _English_ -Ambassador, purchas’d it. Sir _Walter Raleigh_ got it translated into -_English_, and the Learned Sir _Henry Spelman_ prevail’d with _Purchas_ -to get the Figures engraven. They represent Princes and others in -several Postures, and bring down their History from the Year 1324. to -the Beginning or Middle of the 16_th_ Century, or thereabouts. This -History is divided into 3 Parts; the first contains little but an -Account of the Names and Conquests of their Princes, with a Summary of -their Vices and Virtues, so that it is not worth insisting upon. The -second has an Account of the Tributes paid by the People, which were -Proportions of the Product of the Country for Provisions, Clothes, Arms, -warlike Habits and Ornaments, Paper and Houshold Furniture. The third -gives an account of the Oeconomy, Customs and Discipline of the -_Mexicans_, which because they are odd enough, I shall give a short -Account of the most remarkable. - -Four Days after a Child was born, the Midwife carried it to the Yard of -the House, laid it upon Rushes, and after washing it, desir’d 3 Boys, -who were there at a sort of Feast, to name it how they pleas’d. If it -was a Boy, she put into its Hand the Tools belonging to its Father’s -Imployment; and if a Soldier, his Arms. If ’twas a Girl, she put a -Distaff or other Utensils of Women by it. If the Boy was design’d for -the Church, they carried it to a Temple with Presents, when of a -sufficient Age, and left it with the High Priest to be educated; and if -design’d for War, they carried him to an Officer to teach him the Use of -Arms. The Parents corrected them by Blows, or pricking them with Needles -made of the Maguey Tree: The Father prick’d the Boys, if unlucky, all -over their Body, and the Mother prick’d her Daughters only in the Fists. -When Boys were pretty well grown, they ty’d ’em Hand and Foot, and laid -’em in muddy Water naked a whole Day, and then their Mothers took ’em -out and clean’d ’em at Night. When a Maid was to be married, the -Marriage-maker carried her on his Back to the Bridegroom’s House, 4 -Women bearing Torches before her; the Bridegroom’s Friends receiv’d her -in the Yard or Court, carried her to a Room, and set her down by him on -a Mat, and ty’d the Skirts of their Garments together, offer’d Incense -to their Idols, and had 4 old Men and Women to be Witnesses; after a -Feast the Witnesses exhorted ’em to live well together, and so the -Ceremony concluded. - -The Priests train’d up their Novices in sweeping the Temples, carrying -Branches, _&c._ to adorn them, to make Seats of Cane, to bring Needles -or Thorns of Maguey to draw Blood for Sacrifices, and Shrubs to keep a -perpetual Fire; and if they fail’d in their Duty, return’d to their -Parents, or were catch’d with Women, they prick’d ’em with those -Needles. One of the chief Priests went by Night to a Mountain, where he -did Penance, carried Fire and Perfume to sacrifice to the Devil, and was -always attended by a Novice; others of the Priests play’d on Musical -Instruments by Night, and some of ’em observ’d the Stars, and told the -Hours. The Novices arriv’d to the chief Dignities of the Priesthood by -degrees, and some of ’em always attended the Armies to encourage the -Men, and perform their Rites. - -Those who train’d the Youth to War, punish’d their Scholars by throwing -burning Coals on their Heads, pricking them with Sticks of Pine -sharpen’d at one End, or by burning off their Hair. Their Kings rewarded -the Soldiers according to the Number of Prisoners they took, with -Military Habits of several Colours, or Posts in the Army, till they came -to the highest. Their Chief Priests were also Men of Arms, and capable -of all Military Preferments. - -Their capital Punishments were Strangling or Stoning to Death. If a -Caicque or petty Prince rebell’d, all his Subjects shar’d in his -Punishment, except they found some Method to appease the King. They -punish’d Drunkenness in young Men by Death, but allow’d it in old Men -and old Women of 70. Highway-men and Adulterers they ston’d to Death. -They had Assemblies for publick Affairs, wherein the Great Master of the -Emperor or King’s Houshold exhorted the Youth to avoid Idleness, Gaming, -Drunkenness, and other Vices. - -This is the Sum of what that Hieroglyphical History says of the antient -_Mexicans_. - -As to the present Natives, most of ’em are subject to the _Spaniards_; -but in some of the Mountains and Northern Parts they are not reduc’d; so -that they frequently attack the _Spaniards_, when they meet with a -favourable Opportunity. - -[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._] - -In that call’d _New Mexico_ some of the Natives are very barbarous, and -much given to Arms, the Men wear nothing but Skins, and the Women scarce -any other Covering than their Hair; they live for the most part on raw -Flesh, and go together in Troops, changing their Habitation as the -Season requires, or for the Conveniency of Pasturage. Their Oxen and -Cows are large, with small Horns, their Hair almost like Wooll, long -before, and short behind, with a Bunch on their Backs, great Beards like -Goats, and their Fore Legs short; they are of an ugly Aspect, but very -strong; they are the principal Riches of the Natives, their Flesh serves -them for Diet, their Skins for Clothes and Coverings to their Huts, they -make Thred of their Hair, Bow-strings of their Nerves, Utensils of their -Bones, Trumpets of their Horns, keep their Drink in their Bladders, and -use their Dung for Firing, because they are scarce of Wood. They have -Sheep as large as our Asses, and Dogs so strong, that they make ’em -carry their Baggage. This Country is inhabited by People of different -Languages and Manners; some of them live in Cities, of which ’tis said -there are several that contain from 30 to 50000 Inhabitants; others -wander about in Herds like the _Arabs_ or _Tartars_; but in short, this -Country is so little known, and Travellers differ so much in their -Accounts of it, that there’s not much to be depended upon. - -I think it proper here to say something of the peopling of it. There are -many Opinions about the peopling of _America_, but the most reasonable -to me is, that it was peopled from _Tartary_ by way of the North Pole, -where they suppose it to join with some part of _Asia_. This I think -very probable, because the _Spaniards_, who come yearly hither from -_Manila_ or _Luconia_, one of the _Philipine_ Islands in the _East -Indies_, are forced to keep in a high Latitude for the Benefit of -Westerly Winds, and have often sounded, finding Ground in Lat. 42. N. in -several Places of the Ocean betwixt the _East Indies_ and _America_, -which makes me conclude that there must be more Land, tho’ none of ’em, -as I have heard of, ever saw any Continent till they fall in with -_California_, in about 38 or 39°. N. Lat. I have often admir’d that no -considerable Discoveries have yet been made in South Latitude from -_America_ to the _East Indies_: I never heard the South Ocean has been -run over by above three or four Navigators, who varied little in their -Runs from their Course, and by consequence could not discover much. I -give this Hint to encourage our _South Sea Company_, or others, to go -upon some Discovery that way, where for ought we know they may find a -better Country than any yet discover’d, there being a vast Surface of -the Sea from the Equinox to the South Pole, of at least 2000 Leagues in -Longitude that has hitherto been little regarded, tho it be agreeable to -Reason, that there must be a Body of Land about the South Pole, to -counterpoise those vast Countries about the North Pole. This I suppose -to be the Reason why our antient Geographers mention’d a _Terra -Australis Incognita_, tho’ very little of it has been seen by any body. -The Land near the North Pole in the _South Sea_, from _California_ to -_Japan_, is wholly unknown, altho’ the old Maps describe the Streights -of _Anian_, and a large Continent, it is but imaginary; for the _Dutch_ -themselves, that now trade to _Japan_, say they do not yet know whether -it be an Island, or joins to the Continent. - -_Gemelli_[147] having been in this Country in 1697, who is the latest -Traveller that has publish’d any thing about it, and his Accounts being -in the main confirmed to me by our _Spanish_ Prisoners, I shall give a -brief Hint of what he says, especially of what relates to Trade and -Provisions. - -Their best Product is Gold and Silver, Pearl, Emeralds, and other -precious Stones: He saw the Silver Mines of _Pachma_, 11 Leagues from -the City of _Mexico_: One of ’em he says is 225 _English_ Yards deep, -the other 195: He adds, that in the Space of 6 Leagues there are about -1000 Mines, some laid aside, others still in use. There are many -thousands of People imploy’d to dig ’em, from some the Metal and the -Water is brought up by Engines, and from others the Metal is brought up -on Mens Backs to the great Danger of their Lives, besides Numbers that -are lost by the falling in of the Earth, and pestilential Damps: They go -down to them by notch’d Poles, which being wet and slippery, the poor -_Indian_ Slaves many times fall, and break their Necks. Our Author says -he was in danger of doing the like, when he went to see them. He adds, -the Workmen inform’d him, that from one of the Veins, where near 1000 -Men work’d _per diem_, they had in 10 Years Dug 40 Millions of Silver, -that 2 Millions had been laid out in Timber-work to support it, and that -it became so dangerous, as the Owner stop’d it up. I refer to him for -the Manner of separating the Metal from the Oar. Every Discoverer of a -Mine must pay the 5_th_ of the Product to the King, who allows him only -60 _Spanish_ Yards round from the Mouth, or all on one side, if he -pleases. _Gemelli_ says there’s 2 Millions of Marks, of 8 Ounces each, -entred at _Mexico_ in a Year from those Mines, besides what is stole, -and 700000 Marks of it are coin’d annually into Pieces of Eight there, -for which the King has a Ryal _per_ Mark. There being Gold mix’d with -the Silver, they make use of _Aqua Fortis_ to separate them. The -Officers of the Mint have very profitable Places, but I can’t insist -upon their Sallaries. - -’Tis needless to be particular in describing the Birds and Beasts of -this Country; they having been so often done by others, I shall only -say, they have enough for Provisions, - -[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._] - -and many of both sorts unknown to us. ’Tis the like as to their Fruits -and Plants, which serve them for Food and Physick; but I have not room -to be particular. - -_Mexico_ is the Capital City of this vast rich Country, and lies in N. -Lat. 19. 40. in the Middle of a Valley, which is 14 _Spanish_ Leagues -long, and 7 broad, encompass’d by a Ridge of Mountains. The City is -surrounded by a Lake, and is square, with long, wide, and well pav’d -Streets, cross one another. ’Tis 2 Leagues round, and the Diameter half -a League. There are 5 Causeys or Banks through the Lake into the City, -which vies with the best in _Italy_ for noble Structures and beautiful -Women, who prefer _Europeans_ to their own Country-men; this occasions -irreconcilable Prejudices betwixt them, so that an _European_ can scarce -pass the Streets without being insulted. The Inhabitants are about -100000, the major part Blacks, and Mulatto’s, because of the vast Number -of Slaves carried thither. _Europeans_ seldom marry there, because -finding no way to get real Estates, they generally become Clergymen, -which takes up most of those that come from _Old Spain_. There are 22 -Nunneries and 29 Friaries of several Orders within the City, and all -richer than they ought to be, says _Gemelli_. The Cathedral is exceeding -rich, maintains 10 Canons, 5 dignify’d Priests, 6 Demi-Canons, 6 half -Demi-Canons, 1 Chief Sacristain, 4 Curates, 12 Royal Chaplains, and 8 -others chosen by the Chapter, besides many others nam’d by the King. The -Revenue of the Cathedral is 300000 Pieces of Eight _per Annum_. The -Climate here is uncertain, as through all the Country, being for most -part both cold and hot at the same time, _viz._ cold in the Shade, and -hot in the Sun, but is never excessive either way; yet the Inhabitants -complain of the Cold in the Mornings, and of the Heat from _March_ till -_July_; from thence to _September_ the Rains cool the Air, and from that -time till _March_ the Rains are but small. The _Indians_ reckon those -Nights cold, but the _Europeans_ like the Climate well enough. Their -Water is very cool. The neighbouring Country produces 3 Harvests _per -Ann._ one in _June_, the 2_d_ in _October_, and the 3_d_ uncertain, as -the Weather proves. Maiz or _Indian_ Corn is their chief Grain, the -earliest being sow’d in _March_, the latest in _May_. It yields a -wonderful Increase, and other Provisions being plentiful, one may live -well here for half a Piece of Eight _per_ Day, and all the Year round -there’s Fruit and Flowers in the Market. There’s no Brass Money here, -and the least Piece of Silver is Three-pence; so that they buy Herbs and -small Fruit with Cocoa Nuts, 60 or 70 of which, as the Time goes, are -valu’d at 6_d._ I cannot insist on the particular Description of the -Churches and Monasteries. The Archbishop has 11 Suffragans under him, -whose Revenues in all amount to 5160000 Pieces of Eight. The Cathedral -founded by _Fernando Cortez_, who conquer’d this Country, was not -finished in 1697. ’tis carried on at the King’s Charge. They have -admirable Conveyances to let the Water run out of the Lake by Canals, to -prevent its overflowing the City, as sometimes it has done. The Expence -of these Canals is so prodigious, that it seems incredible; the Curious -may find it in _Gemelli_, as also an Account of the Royal Palace and -other Structures. I say nothing of the fabulous Accounts which the -Natives give of the Foundation of this City. - -The present Habit generally wore by the Natives of this Country is a -short Doublet and wide Breeches, a Cloak of several Colours on their -Shoulders, which they cross under the Right Arm, and tye on the Left -Shoulder by the 2 Ends in a great Knot: Some wear Sandals, the rest go -bare footed and bare-legg’d, and all wear their Hair long, which they -will by no means part with. The Women wear a fine white Cotton Cloth, -and under it a thing like a Sack; they wear another upon their Backs, -with which they cover their Heads when abroad or in Church. The Natives -adorn their narrow Coats with Figures of Beasts, Birds and Feathers. -Both Sexes are of a dark Colour, but endeavour to make themselves fair -with pounded Herbs. They daub their Heads with thin Clay, to refresh -them, and make their Hair black. The Mestizzo, Mullatto, and black -Women, are most in Number, but not being allow’d to wear Veils, or the -_Spanish_ Habit, and despising the _Indian_ Garb, they wear a thing like -a Petticoat a-cross their Shoulders, or on their Heads, which makes ’em -look like so many Devils. The Blacks and Mullattoes are very insolent, -and so much increas’d, that if it ben’t prevented, they may at one time -or other endanger the Country. The _Indians_ of most Parts of _Mexico_ -are nothing so industrious as formerly, and the _Spaniards_ say they are -cowardly, cruel, Thieves, Cheats, and so beastly, that they use Women in -common, without regard to the nearest Relations, lie on the bare Ground, -and are nasty in their Way of living, which perhaps may proceed from the -Slavery they are kept under, being worse treated than those - -[Illustration: CAPTURE OF THE ACAPULCO GALLEON OFF THE COAST OF -CALIFORNIA - -_From a copper-plate engraving._] - -[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._] - -in the Mines. He adds that there’s scarce one fair dealing Man to be -found among 100 Mullattoes. - -_Acapulco_ lies in Lat. 17. bating some few Minutes, he says it is -rather like a poor Village of Fishermen, than fit to be the chief Mart -of the _South Sea_, and Port for _China_. The Houses are mean, built of -Wood, Mud and Straw, it is cover’d by high Mountains on the East side, -and very subject to Distempers from _November_ till the End of _May_, -during which time they have no Rain, or very little. ’Tis as hot here in -_January_, as in our Dog-days; they are much pester’d with Gnats and -Earthquakes. He observes that it never rains in _New Spain_ in a -Morning. This Town is dirty, and ill furnish’d with Provisions, so that -a Man can scarce live for a Piece of Eight _per_ Day. Most of the -Inhabitants are Blacks and Mullattoes, for the _Spanish_ Merchants are -gone as soon as their Business is over at the Fair, for Goods brought -hither from _China_ and _Peru_. It has nothing good but the Harbour, -which is surrounded with High Mountains, and the Ships are moar’d to -Trees that grow on the Shore. It has two Mouths, the small one at N.W. -and the great at S.E. The Mouth is defended by 42 Brass Cannon. The -Castellan, who is chief Magistrate during the Fair, has 20000 Pieces of -8, from the Duties paid in the Harbour, and the Comptroller and other -Officers as much; the Curate has 14000 _per Ann._ tho’ the King allows -him but 180, but he exacts terribly on Baptisms and Burials, so that he -will scarce bury a rich Merchant under 1000. The Trade of this Place -being for many Millions, every one, in his Profession gets a great deal -in a short time; for a Black will scarce work for less than a Piece of 8 -_per diem_, All the Dependance of the Inhabitants is on the Port, which -also maintains the Hospitals, Monasteries and Missionaries. - -During the Fair, this Town resembles a populous City, because of the -great Concourse of Merchants from _Peru_ and _Mexico_; then the -miserable Huts, in which there was nothing before but a few nasty -Mullattoes, are fill’d with gay _Spaniards_, and rich Merchants, and the -very Porters do generally earn 3 Pieces of 8 _per Diem_, by loading and -unloading of Goods, _&c._ but when this Trade is over, the Porters make -a sort of a Funeral, carry one of their Number about upon a Bier, and -pretend to bewail his Death, because their Harvest for Gain is then at -an End, till the next Year. - -I shall not here say any thing further of the Seaports of _Mexico_, -because the Reader will find them in the Appendix, which gives a full -Account of all the noted Harbours in the South Sea, but shall add, that -the Trade of _Mexico_, on this Coast, is very little, compar’d with that -of _Peru_, because those of the former have their Goods brought to their -chief Ports in the N. Sea, directly from _Europe_; so that except when -the two Ships come yearly from _Manila_ to _Acapulco_, they have little -Commerce in this Sea. I must here observe, that the Ships which come -from _Manila_ use to be much richer than our Prize; for she waited a -long time for the _Chinese_ Junks to bring Silk, which not arriving, she -came away with a Cargo mix’d with abundance of coarse Goods. The -Prisoners told me, that the _Manila_ Ship did often return from -_Acapulco_, with 10 Millions of Dollars, and that the Officers never -clear’d less than from 20 to 30000 Dollars each in a Voyage; and the -Captain, whom they call General, seldom got less than 150 or 200000 -Pieces of 8; so that it would have been an extraordinary Prize, could we -have met with them at the Time. - -I think it proper to observe here, because it belongs to the Subject, -that when we arrived at the _Texel_ in _Holland_, there were two -_Spanish_ Ships there, bound for _Cadiz_, and on board of one of ’em a -Sailor, who told us he was aboard the large _Spanish_ Ship from -_Manila_, when she arriv’d at _Acapulco_, very much disabled by the -Engagement she had with us off of _California_; that ’twas the Gunner -who made them engage us so resolutely at first, and forced them to -continue the Fight by keeping in the Powder-Room himself, and having -taken the Sacrament to blow up the Ship in case we had boarded and -over-power’d her. I was the more apt to believe this Man had seen the -Ship, and this Story might be true, because he related almost every -Passage of the Fight, as I have given it before in my Journal. - -[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._] - -I shall also take Notice here that Capt. _Stradling_, who was taken -Prisoner in _America_, when his Ship stranded, and came off Prisoner in -a French Ship, some Months after we left the South Seas, inform’d me, -that the Corregidore of _Guiaquil_ sent an Express to _Lima_, upon the -first Notice of our being in those Parts, that they then apprehended us -to be part of a Squadron of Men of War, and therefore lay still until -they had certain Advice of our Strength, and in about 3 Weeks after we -took the Town, they fitted out 3 _Spanish_ Men of War, which was all -their South Sea Strength, against us; the biggest carried not above 32 -Guns, but they were join’d by 2 _French_ Ships, one of 50, and the -other of 36 Guns, and all well Mann’d. They stop’d at _Payta_, till Mr. -_Hatley_ and his 4 Men, who lost Company with us at the _Gallapagos_ -Islands, being in want of Provisions, and having had no Water for 14 -Days, stood in for the Main, and landed near Cape _Passao_, almost under -the Equinox, among a barbarous sort of People, who are a mix’d Breed of -_Negroes_ and _Indians_. They voluntarily surrendered themselves, being -in a starving Condition, yet those Brutish People, instead of giving -them Food, tied their Hands, then whipp’d them and hang’d them up, so -that they must unavoidably have lost their Lives, had not a Padre, who -liv’d in the Neighbourhood, came time enough by good Providence, to cut -’em down, and save them. There are several Letters from Mr. _Hatley_ -since, which signify that he is a Prisoner at _Lima_. Capt. _Stradling_ -likewise told me that the _French_ Ship, which brought him to _Europe_, -was the very Ship that we chas’d in sight of _Falkland_ Island, before -we passed Cape _Horn_. She had before attempted to sail round Cape -_Horn_, to the South Sea; but it being the wrong Season, she met with -bad Weather, and was forc’d to bear away to recruit at the River of _La -Plata_, and there wait for a more proper Season to go round _Terra del -Fuego_, into the South Sea. When we chas’d her, she had not above 100 -healthful Men on board, so that had we been able to come up with her, -she must certainly have been our Prize. - -Capt. _Stradling_ told me they ran their Ship on an Island, and -afterwards surrendered Prisoners to the _Spaniards_, to save their -Lives, she being ready to sink; so that the Report I formerly mention’d, -that part of their Crew was drown’d in the Ship, proves a Mistake. - -In _Mexico_, the Prisoners who are employ’d in cutting Logwood, have no -way to escape the Cruelty of the _Spaniards_, but to turn Papists, and -be baptized after their Manner; then they have the Liberty to chuse a -Godfather, who is generally a Man of Note, and they serve him as -Liverymen, _&c._ One _Boyse_, who fled to us at _Guiaquil_, was baptized -thus by an Abbot, in the Cathedral of _Mexico_, had Salt put in his -Mouth, and Oil poured upon his Head, and small parcells of Cotton, which -rub’d it off, were distributed as precious Relicks among the Penitents, -because taken off the Head of a converted Heretick, as they call them. -The native _Spaniards_ enjoy all the Posts in the Church and -Monasteries, and admit no _Indians_, nor any mix’d Breed, to those -Preferments; which they think a necessary Piece of Policy, that they -may the better keep the Country in Subjection to _Spain_. Some of these -Prisoners who are forced to be pretended Converts, do now and then make -their _Escape_, tho’ it be dangerous to attempt it, for if taken they -are generally confin’d to the Workhouses for Life. There are several -_Englishmen_ who were Prisoners in this Country, that, by Compliance, -have obtain’d their Liberty, with the Loss of their Religion in exchange -for Riches; particularly one _Thomas Bull_, who was born in _Dover_, and -taken in _Campeche_; he is a Clock-maker, has been 18 Years there, is -about 45 Years old, lives in the Province of _Tabasco_, and grown very -rich. One Capt. _James Thompson_, born in the Isle of _Wight_, has been -there about 20 Years, is about 50 Years old, grown rich, and commanded -the Mullattoes who took Capt. _Packe_, at the Beginning of the War. The -Person who told me this was a Comb-maker, and endeavour’d to escape from -_La Vera Crux_, but was taken, and sent Prisoner to _Mexico_, where he -came off to _Peru_, after he had his Liberty, by pretending he went to -buy Ivory to make Combs; he gave me a long Account of his Ramble amongst -the _Indians_, and says, he was at the Mouth of the River _Missisippi_, -which falls into the Gulph of _Mexico_, but could not pass it: He adds, -That the _Indians_, on the Bay of _Pillachi_, have murder’d several of -the Padres, out of an Aversion to the _Spaniards_, but show a great -Inclination to trade with the _English_. There are other _Englishmen_ -who now live near the Bay of _Campeche_, as I was inform’d; one of ’em -is _Tho. Falkner_, he was born at the Hen and Chickens in _Pall-mall_, -where his Friends kept an Alehouse. He is married to an _Indian_ Woman. -Such of them as won’t comply to turn Papists are kept in miserable -Slavery, either in the Mines or Workhouses at _Mexico_, which City he -says, is about as large as _Bristol_. Those that are put in Workhouses -are chain’d and imploy’d in carding Wool, rasping Logwood, _&c._ They -have more Manufactures of Woollen and Linnen in _Mexico_ than in _Peru_. -Abundance of raw Silk is brought from _China_, and of late Years worked -up into rich Brocades equal to any made in _Europe_. - -[Sidenote: _Mexico Described._] - -The _Mullattoes_ and _Indians_, on light Occasions, are put into the -Workhouses, and kept there, till they pay their Debts or Tribute; but no -_Spaniards_, except for the worst of Crimes: There are many -_Englishmen_, who were taken cutting Logwood in the Bay of _Campeche_, -in several of these Workhouses, kept at hard Labour, and will end their -Days in Slavery, unless their Liberty be demanded by her Majesty at the -general Peace. - -There’s abundance of Sheep in this Country, which yield excellent Wool, -of which, I am inform’d, the _English_ Prisoners have taught them to -make Cloth, worth about 15_s._ a Yard in _England_, which there yields 8 -Pieces of 8; They have also taught them to make Bays and other coarse -Woollen. - -At _Chopa_ in _Mexico_, about Lat. 12. N. there’s a great River which -sinks into the Earth at once, runs under the Mountains, and rises -_bigger_ about 15 Leagues from the Place where it sunk. ’Tis twice as -large as the _Thames_. This River afterwards joins that of _Tabasco_, -and falls into the North Sea, as most of the great Rivers of this vast -Continent do, he told me, about this Place. There are high Mountains, -with Plains on the Top, where the Air is very temperate, and all our -_European_ Fruits grow; whereas at the Bottom of these Mountains they -have none but the Fruits of hot Climates, tho’ ’tis not above 5 Leagues -asunder. - -There are also Woods of Pines, _&c._ on those Mountains, among which -there are Flocks of harmonious Birds, which sing together in an -agreeable Consort, that resembles a fine Organ, so that Strangers are -amaz’d to hear such Musick strike up of a sudden in the Woods. There’s -also a strange Creature in those Woods, call’d by the _Spaniards_ an -Ounce, much of the Form and Size of a Woolf-dog; but it has Talons, and -the Head is more like that of a Tyger: It kills Men and Beasts, which -makes travelling through the Woods dangerous; ’tis said to eat nothing -but the Heart of its Prey. - -I had many more Relations from this Man, who had been 7 Years a Prisoner -in this Country; but they being too tedious, I shall add nothing more -concerning _Mexico_, but that the Worm is larger, and eats the Bottoms -of the Ships more on its Sea-Coasts, than any other Place where we were. -All the Coast from _Guiaquil_ in _Peru_ to the Northward, as far as the -Latitude of 20 in _Mexico_, ’tis reckon’d unhealthful, but the contrary -from _Guiaquil_ to the Southward. - - -Peru _Described_. - -I Shall not trouble the Reader with the History of its Conquest by the -_Spaniards_, nor the fabulous Stories of its _Incas_ or Princes, the -Curious may find them in the _Spanish_ Writers, and for the Natives, -they are much the same as those I have described in other Parts. - - * * * * * - -_PERU_, properly so called, is about 1000 Leagues long, but the Breadth -various, from 100 to 300 Leagues. The best known Part of it lies on the -_South Sea_, and is divided into the 3 Audiences of _Quito_ in the -North, _Lima_ in the Middle, and _La Plata_ in the South. The Air of -_Quito_ is temperate enough, tho’ under the Line; the Soil is fruitful, -abounds with Cattle and Corn, and they have Mines of Gold, Silver, -Quick-silver and Copper; they have also Emeralds and Medicinal Drugs. -The Audience of _Lima_ is most noted, because of its Capital of the same -Name, being the Residence of the Viceroy of _Peru_. This Country abounds -with Mines of Gold, Silver, Quicksilver, Vermilion, and Salt. The -Audience of _La Plata_ I have already described in my Account of that -River. I shall only add, that tho’ the Silver Mines of _Potosi_ be much -decay’d, yet some say the King of _Spain_ has annually about 2 Millions -of Crowns _per Annum_ for his Fifth; and that those of _La Plata_ and -_Porco_, in the same Province, which were, upon discovery of the Mines -of _Potosi_, less used, may probably be open’d again to advantage; now -Goods are sold so cheap by the continual Supplies from _France_, that -the _Indians_, who were imploy’d in the Manufactures, must again work at -the Mines, their own coarse Goods being brought thither cheaper than -they can make ’em. - -[Sidenote: _Peru Described._] - -The _Spanish_ Writers in general say, that for 500 Leagues in Length, -from _Tumbez_ to _Chili_, it never thunders, lightens nor rains, which -agrees with the Informations that I had from our Prisoners, _viz._ that -from Cape _Blanco_ in S. Lat. 4. to _Coquimbo_, Lat. 30. it never rains, -but the Want of this is supply’d by great Dews, so that they have as -good Corn and Fruit, particularly Wheat, about _Truxillo_, as any in -_Europe_. In the Vallies near the Sea the Climate is hot, but temper’d -with Breezes from the Ocean and Mountains. In the Hilly part, far into -the Country, ’tis Winter, and very rainy, when ’tis Summer in the -Plains, though in the same Latitude. The Product, Beasts and Birds, -being much the same with other Parts of the _South Sea_ Coast, I shall -not insist upon ’em. - -They have their Cordage, Cotton, Cloth, Pitch and Tar from _Chili_ and -_Rio Lezo_ in _Mexico_, and tho’ the Country abounds with Provision, -’tis always dear near the Mines, because there Husbandry is neglected. -The Cordage they use is made of coarse Silk Grass, which is very tough, -draws small when strain’d, but grows twice as big when slack’d. - -Capt. _Stradling_ told me he travel’d the great Road from _Quito_ -towards _Cusco_, in his way to _Lima_, which has Piles of Stone on each -side for some hundreds of Miles. When he and his Men were brought -Prisoners to _Lima_, the _Spaniards_ put them in a close Dungeon, used -them very barbarously, and threaten’d to send them to the Mines, because -he attempted his Escape, and sail’d in a Canoe from _Lima_ towards -_Panama_, near 400 Leagues, intending to cross the Isthmus, and to get -to _Jamaica_ by some of our trading Sloops, but was taken and brought -back to _Lima_. Before he came thence he saw several of the _Spaniards_, -who had been our Prisoners, and said, they all own’d we had treated them -very civilly, which has in part taken off the bad Impression they had -conceiv’d of the _English_ in those Parts; for not being used to War, -they account all alike that come to cruize, because of the unheard of -Cruelties and Debaucheries which were committed about 25 Years ago by -the Buccaneers in those Parts, which their Priests did improve to give -them an ill Idea of all those they think fit to call Hereticks, not -considering that most of those Disorders were committed by _French_ -Buccaneers of their own Religion. - -Having said so much of _Peru_ in several Parts of my Journal, I need not -enlarge upon it here; the Spaniards extend it from _Panama_ to -_Coquimbo_, which is about 800 Leagues, but the Breadth various. The -Gold Mines are most of ’em in the North Parts, betwixt _Panama_ and the -Equinox. - -Before the _French_ traded hither round Cape _Horne_, there was a -considerable Commerce from _Panama_ to all the Ports of the _South Sea_, -as I noted before; but now they have supplied the Country so much with -_European_ Goods, and so cheap, that this Trade is in a manner sunk; so -that from hence forward there will be little sent over Land from -_Panama_ to the North Sea, but the King’s Revenue. The _Spaniards_ have -a great many Ships and small Vessels belonging to the several Ports of -_Peru_, which are chiefly imploy’d in carrying Timber, Salt, Salt-fish, -Wine, Brandy, Oil, and other Commodities, from one part of the Coast to -another, without which they could not well subsist; for this Country is -laid to be more populous and better inhabited than _Mexico_. They make -Woollen Cloth here of several sorts; I have seen some made at _Quito_ -worth about 8_s._ _per_ Yard, that is sold here for 5 Dollars. The -_Indians_ do likewise make a coarse sort of Cotton Cloth; but since the -_French_ furnish them better and cheaper, those Manufactures will come -to nothing, and the People must betake themselves to digging of Mines, -or what other Imployment they can get. - -The _Spanish_ Settlements in this Country, as well as in _Mexico_ and -_Chili_, are not so full of _Indians_ as formerly; for many of ’em are -gone to remote Parts, and live in Colonies by themselves, to avoid the -Slavery and Taxes impos’d on them by the _Spaniards_, for they were -oblig’d to pay from 8 to 14 Dollars _per Ann._ _per_ Head to the King, -which had it been duly collected and faithfully paid, would have -amounted to the greatest Poll Tax in the World; but ’tis now lessen’d by -the removal of so many Natives as abovemention’d, and the Impoverishment -of the rest, who are sensible enough of their Oppression, but are so -dispirited, that they can do nothing to assert their Liberty, and they -are besides kept under by the Artifices of the Priests. - -The _Spaniards_ here are very profuse in their Clothing and Equipage, -and affect to wear the most costly things that can be purchas’d; so that -those who trade hither with such Commodities as they want, may be sure -to have the greatest Share of their Wealth. - - -Chili _describ’d_. - -[Sidenote: _Chili Described._] - -I come next to the Kingdom of _Chili_, which lies nearest to those who -shall think fit to attempt a Trade from _England_ into the _South Sea_. -Father _Ovalle_, a Native of this Country, and Procurator for it at -_Rome_, agrees with our Maps, that it lies farthest South of any part of -_America_ on that call’d the _South_ or _Pacifick Sea_. He bounds it -with _Peru_ on the North, the Straits of _Magellan_ on the South, -_Paraguay_, _Tucuman_, and _Patagonia_ on the East, and the _South Sea_ -on the West. He begins it at S. Latitude 25, and extends it to Lat. 59, -which is near 500 Leagues. The Breadth of it varies, and the broadest -Place from East to West he makes about 150 Leagues, tho’ _Chili_ -properly so call’d is not above 20 or 30 Leagues broad, from the Chain -of Mountains named _Cordillera_ to the _South Sea_; but when the King of -_Spain_ divided _America_ into particular Governments, he added to -_Chili_ the vast Plains of _Cuio_, which are of an equal Length, and -twice as broad as _Chili_ it self. The Country in general _Ovalle_ -places in the 3_d_, 4_th_ and 5_th_ Climates; the longest Day in the -3_d_ is 13 Hours, and in the 5_th_ above 14. - -The first _European_ who took possession of it was _Don Diego -d’Almagro_, a _Spaniard_, in 1535. He is said to march hither from -_Peru_ by Order of the King of _Spain_, with a Body of _Spanish_ Troops -and 15000 _Indians_ and Blacks commanded by some _Indian_ Princes, who -had submitted to the _Spaniards_. I shall not trouble the Reader with -the particular History of the _Spanish_ Conquests till they reduced this -Country, which they may find at large in _Ovalle_, _Herrera_, and -others; but shall only say in general, that it was not totally in -subjection to the _Spaniards_ till the Year 1640, when the Inhabitants -submitted to the Crown of _Spain_, on Condition that they should not be -given in Property as Slaves. The _Spaniards_, who sufficiently -experienc’d the Valour of this People, treat them with more Civility -than they do the rest of the _Americans_, on purpose to keep them in -Obedience, and for the most part they have submitted to the Church of -_Rome_. - -The _Sansons_ say that _Chili_, in the Language of the Country, -signifies Cold, which is so excessive in the Mountains call’d _Sierra -Nevada_, a part of the _Cordillera_, that it freezes Men and Cattle to -Death, and keeps their Corps from Putrefaction; so that _Almagro_ lost a -great many of his Men and Horses as he past those Mountains. But the -Vallies toward the Sea are very healthful, the Climate temperate, and -the Soil excellent and fruitful, tho’ with some difference, according as -it lies nearer or further from the Equator; but the Coasts are subject -to strong Gales of Wind. - -The Country is divided into 3 Quarters, and those 3 into 13 -Jurisdictions. The Quarter of _Chili_ proper extends from the River -_Copiapo_ to that of _Maule_, and is hotter than _Spain_. The 2_d_ -Quarter call’d Imperial, reaches from the River _Maule_ to that of -_Gallegos_, and much resembles the Climate of _Spain_. The Proximity of -the Mountains on one side, and of the Sea on the other, makes it colder -than otherwise it would be; but it has Warmth enough to make it one of -the best Countries in _America_. The Valley of _Copiapo_ is so fruitful, -that it frequently yields 300 for one single Measure, those of _Guasco_ -and _Coquimbo_ fall very little short of it, and that of _Chili_ proper -is so excellent, that it gives Name to the whole Country by way of -Eminence. - -I come now to give a brief View of what _Ovalle_, a Native, says to it -in general. - -He tells us, that in _Chili_, properly so call’d, _viz._ the Country -betwixt the Mountains and the Sea, the Soil and Climate exceed those of -any part of _Europe_ in Goodness, by the Confession of the _Europeans_ -themselves: He says it is like the best part of _Europe_ in every thing, -except the Opposition of the Seasons, it being Spring and Summer in the -one, when it is Autumn and Winter in the other; but in the Vallies the -Heat and Cold are not so excessive as in _Europe_, especially from Lat. -36, or thereabouts to Lat. 45, so that neither the Heat of the Day nor -the Cold of the Night can be complain’d of, from whence it is that the -Inhabitants make no difference between the Summer and Winter in their -Bedding and Clothes. He adds, that they are not troubled here with -Lightning, and seldom hear Thunder, except at a great distance. They -have no Storms of Hail in the Spring, and seldom above 2 or 3 rainy Days -together in the Winter, after which the Sky is serene without the least -Cloud. The North Winds bring the Clouds and Rain, and the South Winds -speedily make all clear. They have no poysonous or ravenous Creatures, -except a small sort of Lions, which sometimes prey on their Flocks, but -always fly from Men; nor are these Lions numerous, there being only a -few of them in the Woods and Desarts. He observes as a peculiar Property -of the Air of _Chili_, that no Bugs will live in it, tho’ they swarm in -_Cuio_ on the other side of the Mountains. From the whole he infers, -that there is no Country in _America_ so agreeable to _European_ -Constitutions as _Chili_, and Air and Provisions are so like their own, -but rather better. - -[Sidenote: _Chili Described._] - -The Spring begins about the Middle of our _August_, and lasts till the -Middle of _November_; then the Summer holds to the Middle of _February_, -the Autumn continues to the Middle of _May_, and the Winter from thence -to the Middle of _August_. During this Season the Trees are depriv’d of -their Leaves, and the Ground is cover’d with white Frosts, which are -dissolved about 2 hours after the Sun rises. The Snow falls seldom in -the Vallies, but in great Quantity in the Mountains, from whence it is -melted in the Summer, and fructifies the Vallies and Plains with -Rivulets. In the Spring the Fields are adorn’d with beautiful Flowers of -all Colours and sorts, and of an admirable Scent, from whence they -distil a fine Liquid called Angels Water, which makes a noble Perfume. -The choicest Flowers and Plants that we cultivate grow wild there; they -have Groves of Mustard Trees higher than a Man on Horseback, and the -Birds build their Nests in them. They have many Physical Plants and -Herbs, with which their _Indian_ Physicians perform wonderful Cures, -when the Patients are despair’d of by our _European_ Doctors, but they -are very shy of communicating those Secrets. Fruits and Seeds brought -hither from _Europe_ thrive very well, but those of _Mexico_ and _Peru_ -don’t. They have all our sorts of Fruit in such abundance, that every -one may take what they please; so that none is sold, except a sort of -extraordinary large Strawberries, which they cultivate. They have Oats, -Wheat and Maiz in such plenty, that they are seldom troubled with Want -of Grain. Their Pastures are so rich, and their Cattle of all sorts so -numerous, that they don’t value the Flesh, but salt the Tongues and -Loins, and send ’em to _Peru_ with the Hides and Tallow, which is a -great Branch of their Trade. They have Store of noble and generous -Wines, both white and red; their Vines are larger, and their Clusters of -Grapes much bigger than any in _Europe_. They have also plenty of -Olives, Groves of Cocoa Trees of several Leagues long. Almond-trees, and -such Store of Silk grass, which they use instead of Hemp, that they -furnish all the Coasts of the _South Sea_ with Cordage for their Ships; -they have also great Quantities of Annise and Cummin-seed, Salt, Flax, -Wool, Leather, Timber, Pitch, Amber, _&c._ So that according to -_Ovalle_, Merchants may trade from hence to other Parts in the _South -Sea_, and especially to _Lima_, from 100 to 300 _per Cent._ Profit, of -which I have also been informed by our Prisoners. Though they have -abundance of Mulberry-trees, they breed no Silk-worms; so that the -Ladies, who are extravagant in their Apparel, impoverish the Country by -purchasing the richest Silks, tho’ they might easily have enough of -their own. They have plenty of Bees, yet have their Wax from _Europe_, -for want of Industry to improve their own, and they have Pepper and -other Spice from the _East Indies_, tho’ they have a kind of Spice of -their own, which might very well supply them. He adds, that the -Herbage, Fishing, Hunting, Wood for Fuel and Timber, and Salt Mines, are -here in common, so that every one may take what they please. They make -little use of their Mines of Lead and Quicksilver; for _Peru_ has enough -of the latter to purify their Silver. _Ovalle_ says the Gold Mines are -so many, that from the Confines of _Peru_ to the Straits of _Magellan_ -there is no part of the Country without ’em; but they are not so much -follow’d as in _Peru_, and they don’t so much apply themselves to the -Silver Mines, because those of Gold are wrought with less charge; their -Silver is dug from hard Rocks, ground to Powder in their Mills, and then -refin’d with Quicksilver, which is laborious as well as expensive; -whereas they have no other trouble with the Gold than to wash the Earth -from it; yet sometimes they follow the Veins of Gold through Rocks, when -they have hopes that they will grow larger, as they frequently do, and -one of these Veins is often enough to enrich the Discoverers. Gold is -not dug here in such Plenty, since the War betwixt the _Spaniards_ and -_Araucanos_; but the Natives wait for the Winter Rains, which wash it -down from the Mountains, into Rivers, Ponds, _&c._ when the Women go -into the Water, feel out the Grains with their Toes, and make up as much -as supplys their present Necessities, as our Author says, but to me this -appears a very odd Way to get Gold. He tells us that he sent one of -those Grains to _Seville_, where being touch’d, it was found to be 23 -Carats fine, without any manner of Purification. Most of the Bells and -great Guns us’d in _Peru_, are made of the Copper of this Country. - -[Sidenote: _Chili Described._] - -He comes next to give an Account of the Chain of Mountains, named -_Cordillera_, from his own Observation, and what he has read in Authors: -He says they run from N. to S. from the Province of _Quito_ to the -Straits of _Magellan_, which is above a Thousand Leagues, and accounts -them the highest Mountains in the World; they are generally 40 Leagues -broad, and intermix’d with Abundance of habitable Valleys: These -Mountains form 2 Ridges, the lowermost is cover’d with Woods and Groves, -but the higher barren, because of the excessive Cold and Snow on them. -The most remarkable Animals in these Mountains are, 1. that Species of -Hogs which have their Navels on their Backs, call’d Pecarys, these go in -great Herds, with each their Leader, and till he be kill’d, ’tis not -safe for Hunters to attack them, but when he falls, they immediately -disperse. 2. Wild Goats, whose Hair is as soft as Silk, and much us’d -for fine Hats. 4. Their Sheep call’d Guanacos, shap’d like Camels, but -of a far less Size, with Wool so fine that it is preferr’d to Silk for -Softness and Colour. He adds, that the ancient _Yncas_, or Princes, cut -two Roads through those Mountains, and if we may believe _Herrera_,[148] -one of them was pav’d for 900 Leagues from _Cusco_ to _Chili_, ’twas 25 -Foot broad, and at every 4 Leagues, there was a noble Structure, and at -each half League Couriers to relieve one another, in carrying Messages -from the State. He says, there are still a sort of Inns on this Road, -where Travellers find all Necessaries; but the Paths into the Mountains -are so narrow, that a single Mule can scarce pass them. The Ascent -begins at the very Shore of the Sea, but that which is properly call’d -the Mountains, requires three or four Days Journey to the Top of them, -where the Air is so very piercing and cold, that he found difficulty to -breath, when he pass’d them, so that he and his fellow Travellers were -obliged to breath quicker and stronger than ordinary and to apply their -Handkerchiefs to their Mouths, to break the extreme Coldness of the Air. -_Herrera_ says, That those who pass them from _Peru_ are troubled with -Reachings and Vomitings. _Ovalle_ adds, That there are Meteors upon -those Mountains sometimes so high in the Air, that they resemble Stars, -and at other times so low, that they frighten the Mules and buz about -their Ears and Feet. He says, on the Top of those Mountains they can’t -see the Country below for Clouds, tho’ the Sky over their Heads is clear -and bright, and the Sun shines with admirable Beauty. When he pass’d the -highest Part of that which is properly call’d the _Cordillera_, he found -no Snow, tho’ in the beginning of Winter, whereas, in the lower Parts, -’twas so deep, that the Mules could scarce travel. He supposes the -Reason why there was no Snow on the Top is, that it reaches above the -middle Region of the Air. There are 16 Vulcanos in this Chain of -Mountains, which sometimes break out with dreadful Effects, cleave the -Rocks, and issue great Quantities of Fire, with a Noise resembling -Thunder. I refer to our Author for the particular Names and Places of -those Vulcanos. He doubts not but there are many rich Mines among those -Mountains, tho’ the Natives industriously conceal them, and make it -Death to discover them, which has defeated several Attempts of that -Nature by the _Spaniards_. The Natives have no occasion for those Mines -themselves, because they have Plenty of Provisions, which is all they -desire, and they are afraid that such Discoveries will occasion the -_Spaniards_ to dispossess them, or to make them work in the Mines as -Slaves. He concludes this Head with an Account that very rich Mines were -discover’d at the Foot of those Mountains on the side of _Cuio_. - -Those Mountains of the _Cordillera_ are passable only in Summer, or in -the Beginning of the Winter. There are frightful Precipices, and deep -Rivers, at the sides of the narrow Passes, which frequently occasions -the Loss of Mules and Travellers. The Streams run with such Violence, -and so far below the Roads, that to look at them turns ones Head. The -Ascents and Descents are so steep, that they are difficult to pass on -Foot, but the Irksomeness of the Way is alleviated by the beautiful -Cascades which the Water naturally forms as it falls from the Rocks and -Mountains; and in some of the Valleys the Water springs up to a great -Height, like Fountains made by Art, amongst odoriferous Plants and -Flowers, which make an Agreeable Prospect. All these Streams and Springs -are so very cool, that a Man can’t drink above 2 or 3 Sips at once, nor -hold his Hand in them above a Minute. In some Places there are hot -Springs, good against many Distempers, and leave a green Tincture in the -Channels thro’ which they run. One of those Rivers, call’d _Mendoca_, -has a natural Bridge of Rock over it, from the Vault of which there -hangs several Pieces of Stone, resembling Salt, which congeal like -Icecles, as the Water drops from the Rock, and are form’d into several -Shapes and Colours. This Bridge is broad enough for 3 or 4 Carts to pass -a-breast. There’s another Bridge near this, call’d the _Yncas_, laid -over by Art, betwixt 2 Rocks, as some say, but our Author thinks it is -the Work of Nature: It is so very high from the River, that he could not -hear the Stream, which runs with great Rapidity, and though it be a -large River, it appear’d like a Brook when he look’d down from the -Bridge, which he could not do without being struck with Horror. - -[Sidenote: _Chili Described._] - -[Sidenote: _Chili Described._] - -He comes next to describe the particular Rivers which run from these -Mountains; but I shall only mention the chief of them; and tho’ most of -them don’t run above 30 Leagues, yet some of them, towards their Mouths, -are navigable by Ships of the greatest Burthen. The first is that which -rises in the Confines of _Peru_, about S. Lat. 25. ’tis call’d the -River of Salt, because ’tis so salt that it can’t be drank, and -petrifies what’s thrown into it. 2. _Copiapo_, which rises in Lat. 26. -runs 20 Leagues from E. to W. and forms a Bay and a Harbour, at its -Entrance into the Sea. 3. _Guasco_ rises in Lat. 28. and forms likewise -a Bay and Harbour. 4. The River of _Coquimbo_, which rises in Lat. 30, -forms a noble Bay and a Port, with beautiful Myrtles, and other Trees on -the Bank, that make a noble and a pleasant Grove. 5. _Aconcagua_, a -large deep River that rises about Lat. 33. runs thro’ several fruitful -Valleys. 6. _Maypo_ rises about Lat. 33 and a half. It is so rapid, that -it admits no Bridge but one made of Cables; it enters the Sea with so -much Force, that its Waters form a Circle, and are distinguished a great -Way. It is brackish, noted for excellent Trouts, and the Sheep which -feed on its Banks, afford Mutton of a curious Relish. There are several -other Rivers which fall into it; the first is, that of St. _Jago_, alias -_Mapocho_; ’tis divided into several Streams, to water the District of -St. _Jago_, which sometimes it over-flows: Not far from the City it -sinks under Ground, and rises again in a Grove, about 2 or 3 Leagues -distant. 2. The River _Poangue_, its Water is extraordinary clear and -sweet, and flowing thro’ Veins of Metal, very much helps Digestion. It -runs for several Leagues under Ground, fructifies the Valley which lies -over it, and produces excellent Corn and Melons. The Banks of this River -are adorn’d with beautiful Trees. 3. The Rivers _Decollina_ and _Lampa_, -which unite together within 10 or 12 Leagues off their Rise, and form -the noted Lake of _Cudagues_. It is so deep, that great Vessels may sail -in it, is about 2 Leagues long, and its Banks cover’d with Trees that -are verdant all the Year. It abounds with excellent Trouts and Smelts, -which are a great Conveniency to the City of St. _Jago_. 7. _Rapel_ is -nothing inferior to _Maypo_, enters the Sea about Lat. 34. and a half, -and receives several other rapid Streams. The adjacent Country has -excellent Pastures for fattening of Cattle. 8. _Delora_ rises in Lat. 34 -three quarters, and is exactly like the former. 9. _Maul_, a great -River, which rises in Lat. 35. and bounds the Jurisdiction of St. -_Jago_. The Natives call all the Country betwixt those Rivers, -_Promocaes, i.e._ a Place of Dancing and Delight, which our Author says -is very just, for he never saw a more pleasant Country, nor one better -furnish’d with Provisions of all sorts. The _Spaniards_ have many noble -Farms in these Parts. Near the Mouth of this River, there’s a Dock for -building of Ships, and a Ferry belonging to the King for the Conveniency -of Passengers. 10. _Itata_; ’tis 3 times as large and deep as the -_Maul_, and enters the Sea about Lat. 36. In most Places they pass it on -Rafts, and in some it is fordable. 11. _Andalien_, a River which runs -slow, and enters the spacious and pleasant Bay of _Conception_, at Lat. -36 three quarters. There’s another small River, which runs through the -middle of the City of _Conception_, a little above which it falls from a -high Rock, and gives the Inhabitants an Opportunity to form all sorts of -Water-works from it, among pleasant Groves of Lawrels, Myrtles, and -other odoriferous Plants. 12. _Biobio_, a famous River, which enters the -Sea, in Lat. 37. ’tis the largest in _Chili_, and is from 2 to 3 Mile -broad at its Mouth. Our Author says its Waters run thro’ Veins of Gold, -and Fields of Sarsaparilla, which make them very wholesom, and good -against several Distempers. This River is the Boundary betwixt the -_Indians_ who are Friends to the _Spaniards_, and those who are their -Enemies, and make frequent Incursions upon them. This obliges the -_Spaniards_ to keep many Garrisons in those Parts, but the Natives trust -to their Mountains. This River swells so much in the Winter, that it -becomes unpassable, and occasions a Cessation of Arms on both sides. -These People, says _Ovalle_, have given the _Spaniards_ more trouble -than all the other Natives of _America_; so that they are forced to -maintain 12 Forts, well provided with Men and Cannon, besides the City -of _Conception_ and _Chillam_, to over-aw the Natives. 13. _Imperial_, a -pleasant River, which falls into the Sea, about Lat. 39. after having -receiv’d many other Rivers, and among ’em two which run into the famous -Lake of _Buren_, where the _Indians_ have an impregnable Fortress. 24. -_Tolten_, about 30 Miles from the River _Imperial_, is deep enough for -great Ships, where it enters the Sea. 15. About 8 Leagues farther, the -River _Quenale_ enters the Sea, and is capable of small Barks. 16. -_Valdivia_, so called from _Pedro de Valdivia_, one of the Conquerors -and Governors of _Chili_, who built a Port and City, near the Mouth of -it, where great Ships may come up about 3 Leagues from the Sea. This -River opens to the North, and over-against the City lies the pleasant -Island of _Constantine_, with two others; the River is navigable on both -sides of the Island, but deepest on the South side. 17. _Chilo_, which -rises from a Lake at the Foot of the _Cordillera_, where there are Baths -good against the Leprosy and other Distempers. Our Author says so -little of the Rivers on the East side of the _Cordillera_, that we pass -them over. - -_Ovalle_ gives an Account of many remarkable Fountains, both hot and -cold, good against most Distempers; but I shall not insist on them. He -says, they have many Sea Lakes or Bays, which bring great Profit to the -Owners, because their Fisheries are more certain than those of the Sea; -and furnish most part of the Lenten Fair to the Inhabitants, and in the -hot Season abundance of Salt. - -He adds, that in the Valley of _Lampa_, near St. _Jago_, there’s an -Herb, about a Foot high, resembling Sweet _Basil_. In Summer it is -cover’d with Grains of Salt, like Pearl, which is more savoury, and has -a finer Flavour than any other Salt. Our Author comes next to treat of -the Fertility of the Coast, which, he says, among other Fish produces -Shell-Fish in greater Quantities, larger than any where else, and 1. -Oisters, valuable both for their Meat and Pearls. 2. Choros, a fine Sort -of Shell-fish, which also breed Pearl. 3. Manegues, which have 2 round -Shells, the inside of which resembles Mother of Pearl. In short, he -says, the Sea throws up Shell-fish, in such Quantities, upon some Parts -of the Coast, that Ships may be loaded with them, and their Shells are -of such Variety of Colours and Shapes, that our _European_ Virtusos -might from hence have a curious Collection, whereas the _Indians_ only -burn them for Chalk. There are other Sorts of Fish on these Coasts, some -of which they call Sea-Stars, others Suns and Moons, because they -resemble those Planets, as they are usually painted, which are common -elsewhere, but not so large as here. These Fish reduc’d into Powder, and -drank in Wine, are an infallible Remedy against Drunkenness, and -frequently us’d for that end, because it creates an Abhorrence of Wine -in those who drink it, says our Author. He adds, that great Quantities -of Amber are found on this Coast, particularly, the grey sort, which is -the best. They have all other sorts of Fish, common to us in _Europe_, -besides others, peculiar to themselves. - -He comes next to their Birds, and besides those which are common in -_Europe_, there are 1. Flamencos, bigger than Turkeys, their Feathers of -a white and scarlet Colour, of which the Natives make Ornaments, and -their Legs are so long that they walk thro’ Lakes and Ponds. 2. The -Child Bird, so call’d, because they look like a swadled Child, with its -Arms at Liberty: They are very good Meat. 3. Airones, so much valued -for the Feathers, to make Tufts, that formerly, they say, every Feather -upon their Heads cost 2 Reals. These Birds are rare. There are others -call’d Garcolos, whose Feathers are generally us’d by Soldiers. 4. -Voycas, from whose Notes the _Indians_ pretend to foretel Death, -Sickness, or other Misfortunes; the Feathers on their Breasts are of a -deep scarlet Colour, and the rest brown. 5. Pinguedas, their Body is of -the size of an Almond; they feed upon Flowers, and shine like polish’d -Gold, mix’d with green; the Males have a lively Orange Colour, like Fire -on their Heads, and the Tails of those Birds are a Foot long, and 2 -Inches broad. 6. Condores, which are white as Ermin; their Skins are -extreme soft and warm, and therefore us’d as Gloves. They have abundance -of Ostriches, and Variety of Hawks in this Country. - -_Ovalle_ comes next to treat of their Beasts. He says, they had no Cows, -Horses, Sheep, Hogs, House-Cats, nor common Dogs of any sort, Goats, -Asses, or Rabbits, till they were brought hither by the _Spaniards_, but -now all these are increas’d to a wonderful Degree by the Richness of -their Country and Pasture, so that one Cow frequently yields 150 lb -Weight of Tallow. _Herrera_ says, that when the _Spaniards_ came first -hither, a Horse was commonly sold for 1000 Crowns, but now they are so -plenty that they send them yearly to _Peru_. The most remarkable -Animals, which are not common with us, are, 1. Their Sheep, mention’d -before, shap’d like Camels, tho’ not so large: The Natives us’d them for -Ploughing and Carriage, before they had _European_ Cattle: Their upper -Lips are slit, with which they spit at those who vex them, and wherever -their Spittle falls, it causes a Scab. They govern’d them by a kind of -Bridle put thro’ their Ears, and they would kneel like Camels, to take -on their Burden. 2. Wild Goats, which very much resemble those Sheep, -but are all of a red clear Colour, so very swift that they out-run -Horses, and are never to be tamed. They feed in great Herds, and are -hunted by Dogs, which easily catch the young ones, that are excellent -Meat. The Flesh of the old ones, dried and smoaked, is reckon’d the best -of its kind. These Creatures, especially the oldest, have Bezoar Stones, -in a Bag under their Belly. Our Author says, he brought one of those -Stones to _Italy_, which weigh’d 32 Ounces, and was as perfect an Oval -as if it had been form’d by a Turner; he gave the _Indian_ who found it -70 Pieces of 8 for it. - -[Sidenote: _Chili Described._] - -Their most remarkable Trees, besides what are common to _Europe_, are 1. -The Cinnamon Tree, so call’d, because the Bark resembles Cinnamon, in -such Plenty, that they cover their Houses with them: They keep their -Leaves all the Year, and resemble the _Italian_ Lawrel Royal. 2. The -Guyac Tree grows in the _Cordillera_, is as hard and heavy as Iron: The -Decoction is good against many Diseases. 3. The Sandal Tree, that is -very odoriferous, a Preservative against infectious Distempers, and -therefore us’d by the Priests when they visit the Sick. 4. The Maguey, -whose Leaves are admirable against Burnings; the Fruit is like -Myrtle-Berries, and of an excellent Relish. 5. The Quelu, of whose Fruit -they make a very sweet Drink. 7. Iluigan, the _Spaniards_ call it -_Molde_, ’tis of the Shape and Colour of Pepper: It grows on a small -Tree, and makes an agreeable Liquor, coveted by those of Quality. 8. The -Myrtilla which grows on the Mountains, from Lat. 37. and upwards: -_Herrera_ says, its Fruit is a common Good to the Natives, not unlike a -Grape, and of this they make a Wine that exceeds all other Liquors. ’Tis -of a bright gold Colour, will bear more Water than any other Wine, -chears the Heart, and never offends the Stomach, but increases Appetite. -The Vinegar made of it exceeds all other sorts. Our Author adds, that -their Cypress, Cedar and Oak Trees are extraordinary good. - -He comes next to the Islands of _Chili_. The first are those of _Juan -Fernandez_, already describ’d. The second are the Islands of _Chiloe_, -which lie about Lat. 43, and form an Archipelago of 40 Islands. He says -the Nature of the Climate is such, that it rains almost all the Year, so -that only Maiz or such other Grain can ripen here, as need little Sun. -The chief Diet of the Inhabitants is the Root _Papas_, which is larger -here than any where else. They have excellent Shell-fish, very good -Poultry and Hogs, some Beeves and Sheep. The Capital of this Country is -the City of _Castra_, which lies in the chief Island, and is garrison’d -by the _Spaniards_. Here they have great Store of Honey and Wax, and -some Gold Mines on the Coast. Their chief Manufacture is Clothing for -the _Indians_, and they have vast Woods of Cedar Trees of a prodigious -size, with the Planks of which they drive a great Trade to _Chili_ and -_Peru_. 3. The Islands of _Chonos_, in Lat. 45. but of little Use, -because of the excessive Rains which drown the Soil. 4. The Fine Island, -which lies almost in the same Latitude with _Val Paraiso_ and _St. -Jugo_: It has a safe Harbour for Ships, where they may ride in 20 or 30 -Fathom Water. The _Spaniards_ say ’tis a very beautiful Island, abounds -with Trees, wild Boars, and other Game, and excellent Water; and there’s -Plenty of Fish on the Coast. 5. The Island of _Mocha_, where the -_Dutch_, under _Spilberg_, found a very generous Reception by the -Natives, who furnish’d them with Plenty of Sheep, and other Provisions, -in exchange for Clothes, Axes, _&c_. The North side of it is plain and -low, but the South side rocky. 6. The Island of _St. Maria_, 13 Leagues -S.W. from the City of _Conception_, and 3 from _Arauco_: It is very -fruitful and temperate, lies about Lat. 37, and is well inhabited. 7. -The Islands of _Pedro de Sarmiento_, so call’d, because he discover’d -them, when in Pursuit of Sir _Francis Drake_. They are about 80 in -Number, and lie about Lat. 50. so that we suppose them to be those now -call’d _The Duke of York’s Islands_, which lie a little to the Northward -of the Straits of _Magillan_. - -[Sidenote: _Sailing towards the Island of Guam._] - -Our Author comes next to _Guio_, the third Quarter of _Chili_, which -lies on the other side of the _Cordillera_, towards the East. ’Tis -divided into several Provinces, and quite differs in Temperature from -_Chili_. The Summer is excessive hot, and the Inhabitants so annoy’d -with Bugs and Muskettos, that they lie abroad in their Gardens and -Yards. They have almost perpetual Thunders and Lightnings, and are -mightily infested with poisonous Insects: These are the bad Qualities of -the Country, to compensate which, the Soil, in many places, if possible, -exceeds that of _Chili_ in Fruitfulness; the Crops are richer, the -Fruits larger, and of a better Taste, because of the greater Heats. They -have Store of Corn, Wine, Flesh, and all the Fruits, Roots, and Herbs of -_Europe_, with large Plantations of Olives and Almonds. The Cold is not -so sharp in Winter as that of _Chili_, and the Air much clearer, so that -the Season is then very temperate: they have great Quantities of large -excellent Trouts, and other River Fish. Their peculiar Fruits are, 1. -Algaroba, of which they make a Bread so sweet, that Strangers can’t eat -it. They supply _Tucuman_ and _Paraguay_ with Figs, Pomgranates, Apples, -dry’d Peaches and Grapes, and excellent Wine and Oil. _Ovalle_ says, -That in his time there were rich Mines of Gold and Silver discover’d -here, which were reckon’d to be better than those of _Potosi_, and that -in short it had all Necessaries for Life in as great abundance as any -other Country, and in general is very healthful. The Provinces of -_Tucuman_ and _Paraguay_, which bound this Country we have already -describ’d. - - -_Jan. 10._ I now go on with my Journal, being on our Departure from -_California_, and returning to _Great Britain_. I shall not trouble the -Reader with every Day’s particular Transactions in this long and tedious -Passage, but only take notice of such Occurrences as are worth remark, -and to satisfy the Curious, shall subjoin a particular Table of each -Day’s Run, with the Latitude, Longtitude and Variation betwixt Cape _St. -Lucas_ on _California_, and _Guam_, one of the _Ladrones_ Islands. We -resolved to keep an exact Account of the Distance and Variation not -being certainly known to us from any former Voyagers. - - -_Jan. 11._ We weigh’d from Port _Segura_ last Night, but were becalm’d -under the Shore till the 12_th_ in the Afternoon, when there sprung up a -Breeze, which soon run us out of sight of the Land. We took our -Departure from Cape _St. Lucas_, which bore N. by E. at 12 a Clock, -distant about 15 Leagues. We were forc’d to go away with little or no -Refreshment, having but 3 or 4 Fowls, and a very slender Stock of -Liquor, which we got out of the _Batchelor_. Several of our Men were in -a weak Condition, besides my self, Mr. _Vanbrugh_, and the rest that -were wounded. We were forc’d to allow but 1 Pound and half of Flower, -and 1 small Piece of Meat to 5 in a Mess, with 3 Pints of Water a Man -for 24 Hours, for Drink and Dressing their Victuals. We struck down 10 -of our Guns into the Hold, to ease the Ship; for being out of the way of -Enemies, they are altogether useless betwixt this and the _East Indies_. -On the 16_th_ the _Batchelor_ made a Signal to give us some Bread, they -having found a good Quantity of Bread and Sweet-meats aboard her, but -little of Flesh-kind: We had 1000 Weight of Bread for our Share, the -_Dutchess_ as much, and the _Marquiss_ 500 Weight; in lieu of which we -sent back to the Prize 2 Casks of Flower, one of _English_ Beef, and one -of Pork, they having but 45 Days Provision aboard in Flesh. This Morning -_Thomas Conner_, a Boy, fell overboard, but the Launch being a-stern, we -cut her Moarings, and took him up just as he was tired with Swimming, -and ready to sink. - -On the 26_th_ in the Morning the Water was very much discolour’d, at -which being surprized, we immediately sounded, but found no Ground. We -spoke with the _Dutchess_, and agreed to go away W.S.W. till we got into -the Lat. of 13°, because our _Spanish_ Pilot told us it was dangerous -going in 14, by reason of Islands and Shoals, where a _Spanish_ Vessel -was lost some time ago, ever since which the _Manila_ Ship, in her -Return from _Acapulco_, runs in Lat. 13. and keeps that Parallel till -they make the Island of _Guam_. - -On the 28_th_ the Steward missing some Pieces of Pork, we immediately -search’d, and found the Thieves, one of ’em had been guilty before, and -forgiven, on promise of Amendment, but was punish’d now, lest -Forbearance should encourage the rest to follow this bad Practice; -Provisions being so short, and our Run so long, may prove of ill -consequence. I order’d ’em to the Main Jeers, and every Man of the Watch -to give ’em a Blow with a Cat of Nine-tails, and their Messmates being -privy to the Theft, were put in Irons. - - -_Feb. 1._ We buried one _Boyce_, betwixt 40 and 50 Years of Age, whom we -brought from _Guiaquil_, where and in other Parts of _New Spain_ he had -been a Prisoner above 7 Years, since he was taken in the Bay of -_Campeachy_. - -On the 5_th_ a Negro we named _Deptford_ died, who being very much -addicted to stealing of Provisions, his Room was more acceptable than -his Company at this time. On the 6_th_ we spoke with the _Dutchess_; I -was for augmenting the Mens Allowance in Meat, since we had such a -favourable Gale, which was like to continue; but Capt. _Courtney_ -objected against it, alledging that if we miss’d _Guam_, we should all -be starved; so we deferr’d it a Week longer. We have had very bad luck -in fishing hitherto, having took only one Albicore since we came from -Cape _St. Lucas_. - -[Sidenote: _Arrival at the Island of Guam._] - -On the 11_th_ I agreed with Capt. _Courtney_ to continue a W. by S. -Course till we get clear of the Rocks call’d the _Bartholomews_, which -are laid down in 13° and a half; but the Distance of them being -variously computed, makes us the more cautious, and keep a constant good -Look-out. On the 13_th_ the _Spanish_ Pilot we took in the _Batchelor_ -died; we kept him, thinking he might be of use to us, if he recover’d of -his Wounds; but he was shot in the Throat with a Musket-ball, which -lodg’d so deep, the Doctors could not come at it. On the 14_th_ we -agreed with Capt. _Courtney_ to give half a Pound of Flower or Bread -more to a Mess. That same Day, in Commemoration of the ancient Custom in -_England_ of chusing _Valentines_, I drew up a List of the fair Ladies -in _Bristol_, that were any ways related to or concern’d in the Ships, -and sent for my Officers into the Cabbin, where every one drew, and -drank the Lady’s Health in a Cup of Punch, and to a happy Sight of ’em -all; this I did to put ’em in mind of Home. On the 17_th_ I was troubled -with a swelling in my Throat, which incommoded me very much, till this -Morning I got out a Piece of my Jaw Bone that lodg’d there since I was -wounded. Our Ship began to make more Water, so we clapt on a new Bonnet -where we took the old one off; but after many fruitless Attempts, were -forc’d to keep one Pump continually going, every two Men in the Watch -taking their Posts once an Hour; which Labour, with the want of -sufficient Food, make our People look miserably. - -On the 18_th_ we threw a Negro overboard, who died of a Consumption and -Want together. Our Men began to be very much out of order, and what adds -to their Weakness is our continual Pumping, nor can we pretend to make -any further Addition to their Allowance. - -On the 25_th_ _Tho. Williams_, a _Welch_ Taylor, died; he was shot in -the Leg at engaging the 2_d_ _Manila_ Ship, and being of a weak -Constitution, fell into a Dysentery, which kill’d him. On the 26_th_ we -caught a Couple of fine Dolphins, which were very acceptable to us, -having had but very indifferent Luck of Fish in this long Passage. - -On _March_ the 3_d_ we buried a Negro call’d _Augustine_, who died of -the Scurvy and Dropsy. We agree to give 6 Negroes the same Allowance as -five of our own Men, which will but just keep those that are in health -alive. - -On the 10_th_ we made Land, being the Island _Serpana_, which bore N.W. -distant about 8 Leagues. The _Dutchess_ made another Island to the -Westward, which bore W. by S. distant about 10 Leagues; the latter they -took to be the Island _Guam_, so we clapt upon a Wind, and stood for it. - - -_March 11._ This Morning we had sight of both Islands, the Northermost -bearing N.N.W. distant about 7 Leagues, and the Body of the Westermost -W.S.W. 5 Leagues. The _Spaniards_ say there is a great Shoal between -these Islands, but nearest to _Serpana_. We ran along the Shore, being -satisfied it was the Island of _Guam_, from whence there came several -flying Prows to look at the Ships; they run by us very swift, but none -would venture aboard. At Noon the Westermost part of the Island bore -West, and at the same time we made a small low Island joining to _Guam_, -with a Shoal between it and _Guam_; the Island appear’d green and very -pleasant, off of it there runs a Spit of Sand to the Southward, but -keeping it a good Birth from you as you near it, there’s no Danger, -being gradual Soundings to the Shoal. After we were clear of it we -sprung our Luff, and stood in for the Harbour, which lies mid-way -betwixt this and the North part of the Island. There came heavy Flaws of -Wind off Shore, sometimes for us, and at other times against us; but we -got to an Anchor in the Afternoon in 12 Fathom Water, about half a Mile -off Shore, where there was a little Village. The small Island to the -Southward bore South of us, distant about 3 Leagues, and another small -one to the Northward bore N. N. W. about 2 Leagues. The Necessity of our -stopping at these Islands to get a Refreshment of Provisions, was very -great, our Sea Store being almost exhausted, and what we had left was -very ordinary, especially our Bread and Flower, which was not enough for -14 Days at the shortest Allowance. In order to recruit quietly, we -endeavour’d to get some of the Natives aboard that were in the Prows, to -keep ’em as Hostages in case of sending any of our Men to the Governour: -One of ’em, as we were turning into the Harbour with _Spanish_ Colours, -came under our Stern. There were 2 _Spaniards_ in the Boat, who asked -what we were, and from whence we came? Being answer’d in _Spanish_, that -we were Friends, and came from _New Spain_, they willingly came aboard, -and ask’d if we had any Letter to the Governour? We had one ready, but -before we could get it signed by all the Commanders, there came a -Messenger from the Governour, who demanded the same Account of us. We -immediately sent him away with 2 of our Linguists, detaining one of the -_Spaniards_ till they return’d. The Letter was thus: - - _S I R_, - - [Sidenote: _At the Island of Guam._] - - _We being Servants to Her Majesty of_ Great Britain, _and stopping - at these Islands in our Way to the_ East Indies, _will not molest - the Settlement, provided you deal friendly by us. We will pay for - whatever Provisions and Refreshments you have to spare, in such - manner as best agrees with your Conveniency, either in Money, or - any Necessaries you want. But if after this civil Request you deny - us, and do not act like a Man of Honour, you may immediately expect - such Military Treatment, as we are with ease able to give you. This - we thought fit to confirm under our Hands, recommending to you our - Friendship and kind Treatment, which we hope you’ll esteem, and - assure your self we then shall be with the strictest Honour_, - -_Your Friends and humble Servants_, - - To the Honourable Governour of the Island of _Guam, March 23. 1709_ - - W. Rogers. - S. Courtney. - E. Cooke. - - - -_March 11._ In the Morning we and the _Dutchess_ mann’d our Pinnace, and -sent her ashore with a Flag of Truce, where they were entertained -curteously by the Natives, who promis’d to supply us with such -Provisions as they could spare, provided the Governour would give ’em -leave. About Noon our Linguist return’d, and brought with him 3 -_Spanish_ Gentlemen from the Governour, who in answer to our Letter sent -another, expressing all Readiness imaginable to accommodate us with what -the Island afforded, and that he had sent those Gentlemen to treat with -us. I immediately sent for Capt. _Dover_, _Courtney_, and _Cooke_, &c. -being not able to stir out of the Ship, and desir’d they would come and -consult with me how to act. - - -_March 13._ This Morning we had 4 Bullocks, 1 for each Ship, with some -Limes, Oranges, and Cocoa Nuts. Our Misunderstandings at _California_ -have been very much augmented since by our Want of Provisions, one -Ship’s Company being jealous the other had most and best; but now being -arriv’d at a Place of Plenty, we are all indifferently well reconciled, -and an Entertainment was provided aboard the _Batchelor_ for the -_Spanish_ Gentlemen, where most of our Officers appointed to meet. I -being not able to move my self, was hoisted in a Chair out of the Ship, -and also out of the Boat into the _Batchelor_; there we had a good -Entertainment, and agreed, that on Thursday next a Representative for -each Ship should wait upon the Governour, and make him a handsome -Present for his Civility and Readiness to supply us. - - -_March 15._ This Morning we had another Entertainment aboard the -_Marquiss_, where I likewise went in the same manner as before. - - -_March 16._ This Morning our Pinnace went with several of our Officers -to accept of the Governour’s Invitation ashore, who received them with -all imaginable Friendship and Respect, having near 200 Men drawn up in -Arms at their Landing, and the Officers and Clergy of the Island to -conduct them to the Governour’s House, which was a very handsome Seat, -considering where we are: They entertain’d them with at least sixty -Dishes of several sorts, the best could be got on the Island, and when -they took their Leaves, each fired a Volley of Small Arms. They -presented the Governour, according as we had agreed, with 2 Negro Boys -dress’d in Liveries, 20 Yards of Scarlet Cloth-Serge, and 6 Pieces of -Cambrick, which he seem’d wonderfully pleas’d with, and promis’d to -assist us in whatever lay in his Power. - - -_March 17._ This Day we got our Dividend, being about 60 Hogs, 99 Fowls, -24 Baskets of _Indian_ Corn, and 14 Bags of Rice, 44 Baskets of Yams, -and 800 Cocoa Nuts. - - -_March 18._ There was an Entertainment aboard us to day, where we had -most of our Officers, and 4 _Spanish_ Gentlemen from the Governour. I -made ’em as welcome as Time and Place would afford, diverting ’em with -Musick, and our Sailors Dancing till Night, when we parted very -friendly. We got some more Bullocks on board, being small lean Cattle, -but what we gladly accepted of; each Ship had 14 in all. - - -_March 20._ This Morning each Ship had 2 Cows and Calves more, being the -last we are like to get. We had a Meeting on board the _Marquiss_, where -’twas agreed to make a handsome Present to the Governour’s Deputy, who -had the Fatigue to get our Provisions together, wherein he us’d all -possible dispatch. We gave him and the rest of the Gentlemen what they -esteem’d double the Value of what we received of them, which they -certify’d under their Hands, and that we had been very civil to them. We -also gave them the like Certificate, sign’d by all our Officers, to shew -to any _English_ that might have occasion to recruit there, and parted -very friendly. Having finish’d that Affair, it was agreed, that we -should steer from hence a West and by South Course to go clear of some -Islands that lie in our way, and then thought it proper to steer -directly for the South East part of _Mindanao_, and from thence the -clearest Way to _Ternate_. It was also agreed, that our Ship being very -leaky, I should deliver to Capt. _Courtney_ one Chest of Plate and -Money, to be put on board the _Dutchess_. - - -[Sidenote: _The Island of Guam Described._] - -_March 21._ At Break of Day we hoisted our Colours, and fired a Gun for -our Consorts to unmoar. In the meantime, with the Consent of the other -Officers I put an old _Spaniard_ ashore, call’d _Ant. Gomes Figuero_, -whom we took in the 1_st_ Bark in the _South Seas_, and design’d to -carry him to _Great Britain_, to condemn all our Prizes took there; but -he being now in all appearance not likely to live, we agreed to dismiss -him, he giving us a Certificate that he saw us attack and take several -Prizes, all Subjects to _Philip_ V. King of _Spain_, &c. I gave him some -Clothes and other odd things to help him in his Sickness, then put him -ashore to the Deputy Governour, and the rest of the _Spanish_ Officers, -who gave us a Certificate, that they receiv’d such a Person. - -I shall here give a Description of the Isle of _Guam_. - - -_The Island of_ Guam _Describ’d_ - -This Island is about 40 Leagues round; the Anchoring Place is on the W. -Side, and about the Middle there’s a large Cove, with several Houses -built after the _Spanish_ Mode, with Accommodations for the Officers and -Crew of the _Acapulco_ Ship, the Settlement being made here on purpose -for that Ship to recruit at, in her Way to _Manila_. There are about 300 -_Spaniards_ on this and the Neighbouring Islands; most of the Natives -are their Converts. They told us they have 8 Fathers, 6 of whom teach -School, besides performing their Offices as Clergymen. They have also -Schools taught by _Mullattoes_ and _Indians_, who have learn’d the -Language, so that most of the Natives understand _Spanish_. The -_Spaniards_ inform me, that there’s a Range of Islands from hence to -_Japan_. Among which there are several abound with Gold, and they were -now building a small Vessel to discover them, in order to get a Trade. - -The Island of _Guam_ it self abounds with Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Musk -and Water Melons, which were brought hither by the _Spaniards_. The -Orange Trees thrive very well here. The Island is full of Hills and -Dales, and Streams of good Water. They have Plenty of Cattle, but small, -poor, and generally white. The _Indico_ Plant grows wild in such -Abundance, that were they industrious, and had Coppers to boil it up, -they might have great Quantities of that Commodity; but being so remote -and out of the Way of Trade, they make no Use of it, nor do they improve -any thing but what contributes to their present Subsistance; and having -that, they are easie. Money is of so little Use, and so scarce among -them, that they could not raise 1000 Dollars in the whole Island to -purchase Commodities from us, which they would gladly have done. Here -are about 200 Soldiers, who receive their Pay from _Manila_ by a small -Ship once _per Ann._ This Ship brings them Cloaths, Sugar, Rice, and -Liquor, for which she carries back most of the Money again. This has -made them of late sow Rice in their Valleys, and make other -Improvements. They abound with Hogs, which are the best Pork in the -World, because they feed altogether on Cocoa-Nutts, and Bread-Fruit, -which are plentiful here; and were not the _Spaniards_ slothful, they -might have most Necessaries of their own Growth for the Maintenance of -Life. - -Their Bread Fruit I thought the most remarkable Thing on the Island. I -saw some of it which was as large as Oranges, and much resembled them. -They tell me, that when ripe they are three Times as large, and grow in -many other Places near the Equinox in the _East Indies_. The Leaves are -almost as large as those of Figs, something like them, but of a brown -Colour. The Tree is large, and they have such Plenty of this Fruit in -the Season, that they fatten their Hogs with them. The Fruit has no -Stone, and by the Account they gave, the Inside resembles a dry Potato -or Yam, with which they likewise abound. - -The Wind blows constantly a S. E. Trade here, except during the Westerly -Monsoons, which last from the Middle of _June_ to the Middle of -_August_. - -The Governour lives on the N. side of the Island, where there’s a small -Village, and a Convent, being the chief Habitation of the _Spaniards_. -They marry with the Natives, and had not above four _Spanish_ Women on -the Island. The _Indians_ are tall and strong, of a dark olive Colour, -go all naked, except a Clout about their Posteriors, and the Women have -little Petticoats. The Men are dextrous at flinging of Stones, which -they make of Clay, of an oval Form, burning them, till as hard as -Marble, and are so good Marks-men, that the _Spaniards_ say, they seldom -miss hitting any Mark, and throw it with such a Force, as to kill a Man -at a considerable Distance. I heard of no other Weapons that they used, -but a Stick or Lance made of the heaviest Wood in the Island. - -[Sidenote: _At the Island of Guam_.] - -The Governour presented us with one of their flying Prows, which I shall -describe here because of the Odness of it. The _Spaniards_ told me -’twould run 20 Leagues _per_ Hour, which I think too large; but by what -I saw, I verily believe, they may run 20 Miles or more in the Time, for -when they viewed our Ships, they passed by us like a Bird flying. These -Prows are about 30 Foot long, not above 2 broad, and about 3 deep; they -have but one Mast which stands in the Middle, with a Mat Sail, made in -the Form of a Ship’s Mizen. The Yard is slung in the Middle, and a Man -sits at each End with a Paddle to steer her, so that when they go about, -they don’t turn the Boat as we do to bring the Wind on the other side, -but only change the Sail, so that the Tack and Sheet of the Sail are -used alike, and the Boat’s Head and Stern are the same, only they change -them, as Occasion requires, to sail either Way; for they are so narrow -that they could not bear any Sail, were it not for Booms, that run out -from the Windward Side, fasten’d to a large Log shap’d like a Boat, and -near half as long, which becomes contiguous to the Boat. On these Booms -a Stage is made above the Water, on a Level with the Side of the Boat, -upon which they carry Goods or Passengers. The greatest inconveniency in -sailing these Boats is before the Wind, for by the Out-layer, which is -built out on one Side, if the Wind presses any thing heavy on the -contrary Side, the Boat is over-set, which often happens; having brought -one of these Boats to _London_, it might be worth fitting up to put in -the Canal in St. _James_’s Park for a Curiosity, since we have none like -it in this Part of the World. - -As soon as the Boat return’d from landing Senior _Figuro_, we put under -Sail, having a fine Breeze of Wind at E.N.E. We had generally fair -Weather here in the Day Time, and Showers commonly in the Night, but -very sultry. The Wind always off Shoar betwixt the E. and N.E. Our Decks -are filled with Cattle and Provender. - - * * * * * - -According to Promise, I have here inserted my Run from _California_ to -_Guam_. - - -_A Table of each Days Run between Cape_ St. Lucas _in_ California, _and -the Island of_ Guam. - -[Sidenote: _A Table of Runs._] - -----------+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - | | | | _Lat. by |_Long. W.|_Diff. Lon.|_Variation -1709/10 | | _Course._ |_Dist._| Reck. & | from_ | from Cape_|Easterly._ -_January_ | | | |Observat._| London. | S. Lucas. | - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - | | | | N. | W. | W. | - 12 | E | S. 22 30 W. | 45 | 22 16 | 114 09 | 00 09 | 03 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 13 | F | S. 28 00 W. | 66 | 21 18 | 114 42 | 00 42 | 02 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 14 | G | S. 33 45 W. | 54 | 20 24 | 115 15 | 01 15 | 02 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 15 | A | S. 33 45 W. | 52 | 19 25 | 115 45 | 01 45 | 02 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 16 | B | S. 33 45 W. | 68 | 18 56 | 116 24 | 02 24 | 02 45 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 17 | C | S. 33 45 W. | 72 | 18 00 | 117 06 | 03 06 | 02 45 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 18 | D | S. 35 10 W. | 41 | 17 11 | 117 30 | 03 30 | 02 15 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 19 | E | S. 33 45 W. | 62 | 16 32 | 118 05 | 04 05 | 02 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 20 | F | S. 43 40 W. | 68 | 15 44 | 118 54 | 04 54 | 01 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 21 | G | S. 68 00 W. | 83 | 15 00 | 120 15 | 06 15 | 01 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 22 | A | W. 06 48 S. | 94 | 14 49 | 122 05 | 08 05 | 01 10 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 23 | B | W. 05 20 S. | 152 | 14 36 | 124 25 | 10 25 | 00 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 24 | C | W. 04 00 S. | 142 | 14 24 | 126 45 | 12 45 | 00 40 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 25 | D | W. 04 10 S. | 151 | 13 14 | 129 05 | 15 05 | 00 45 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 26 | E | W. 05 25 S. | 147 | 13 50 | 131 23 | 17 25 | 00 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 27 | F | W. 18 50 S. | 97 | 13 29 | 132 58 | 18 58 | 01 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 28 | G | W. | 88 | 13 29 | 134 41 | 20 41 | 01 10 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 29 | A | W. 03 00 S. | 122 | 13 22 | 136 48 | 22 48 | 01 15 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 30 | B | W. 04 00 N. | 146 | 13 27 | 139 21 | 25 21 | 01 25 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 31 | C | W. 04 00 N. | 160 | 13 32 | 142 07 | 28 07 | 01 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- -_Feb._ 1 | D | W. | 143 | 13 32 | 144 37 | 30 37 | 01 40 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 2 | E | W. 04 00 N. | 168 | 13 36 | 147 32 | 33 32 | 01 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 3 | F | W. 06 00 S. | 160 | 13 26 | 150 18 | 36 18 | 02 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 4 | G | W. | 156 | 13 26 | 153 02 | 39 02 | 02 10 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 5 | A | W. | 130 | 13 26 | 155 19 | 41 19 | 02 25 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 6 | B | W. | 137 | 13 26 | 157 43 | 43 43 | 02 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 7 | C | W. 02 00 S. | 161 | 13 25 | 160 31 | 46 31 | 02 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 8 | D | W. 08 00 N. | 144 | 13 41 | 163 00 | 49 00 | 03 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 9 | E | W. | 130 | 13 41 | 165 18 | 51 18 | 03 20 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 10 | F | W. 01 00 N. | 124 | 13 44 | 167 26 | 53 26 | 03 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 11 | G | W. 03 00 S. | 146 | 13 36 | 169 56 | 55 56 | 03 45 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 12 | A | W. 01 00 S. | 146 | 13 33 | 172 27 | 58 27 | 04 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 13 | B | W. 01 00 N. | 148 | 13 36 | 175 00 | 61 00 | 04 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 14 | C | W. 02 00 S. | 136 | 13 32 | 177 21 | 63 21 | 05 20 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 15 | D | W. 04 00 N. | 125 | 13 40 | 179 28 | 65 28 | 06 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 16 | E | W. 04 00 N. | 112 | 13 47 | 181 24 | 67 24 | 07 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 17 | F | W. 04 00 N. | 114 | 13 54 | 183 22 | 69 22 | 07 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 18 | G | W. 01 00 S. | 130 | 13 52 | 185 37 | 71 37 | 09 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 19 | A | W. 07 00 S. | 122 | 13 40 | 187 42 | 73 42 | 10 15 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 20 | B | W. 07 00 S. | 124 | 13 28 | 189 49 | 75 49 | 11 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 21 | C | W. 04 00 S. | 98 | 13 21 | 191 30 | 77 30 | 11 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 22 | D | W. 05 00 S. | 113 | 13 12 | 193 25 | 79 25 | 12 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 23 | E | W. 04 00 S. | 70 | 13 07 | 194 37 | 80 37 | 11 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 24 | F | W. 01 30 N. | 72 | 13 10 | 195 51 | 81 51 | 11 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 25 | G | W. 04 00 S. | 118 | 13 03 | 197 51 | 83 51 | 10 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 26 | A | W. 01 30 S. | 70 | 13 00 | 199 03 | 85 03 | 9 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 27 | B | W. 02 00 S. | 71 | 12 57 | 200 16 | 86 16 | 9 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 28 | C | W. 02 00 S. | 120 | 12 54 | 202 20 | 88 20 | 9 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- -_Mar._ 1 | D | W. 02 00 N. | 108 | 12 58 | 204 12 | 90 12 | 8 40 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 2 | E | W. 03 00 N. | 110 | 13 04 | 206 06 | 92 06 | 8 20 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 3 | F | W. 01 00 N. | 84 | 13 05 | 207 33 | 93 33 | 8 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 4 | G | W. | 88 | 13 05 | 209 04 | 95 94 | 7 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 5 | A | W. 02 00 S. | 106 | 13 02 | 211 54 | 96 54 | 7 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 6 | B | W. 02 48 N. | 105 | 13 07 | 212 42 | 98 42 | 7 10 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 7 | C | W. | 82 | 13 07 | 214 07 | 100 07 | 7 00 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 8 | D | W. 03 00 S. | 78 | 13 03 | 215 28 | 101 28 | 6 50 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 9 | E | W. 03 00 N. | 100 | 13 08 | 217 11 | 103 11 | 6 30 - ---+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - 10 | F | W. 06 00 N. | 74 | 13 16 | 218 27 | 104 27 | 5 40 -----------+---+-------------+-------+----------+---------+-----------+---------- - -At 3 a Clock in the Afternoon the Island of _Guam_ bore W. by S. distant -10 Leagues. - -[Sidenote: _From the Island of Guam towards Ternate._] - - -_1710 March 22._ At 6 last Night, the Body of the Island _Guam_ bore E. -N. E. Dist. 8 Leagues, from whence we took our Departure, designing for -_Ternate_, one of the _Melucca_ Islands belonging to the _Dutch_, and -distant from _Guam_, about 400 Leagues. We had a fresh Gale of Wind at -N. E. and N. E. by E. with fair Weather, but very sultry. Lat. 12. 45. -Var. 5. 30. E. - - -_April 11._ Nothing remarkable has occurr’d worth noting, but that we -have generally had a strong Current setting to the Northward. At Two -Yesterday Afternoon we made Land, bearing S. E. distant about 5 Leagues, -being a low flat Island, all green, and full of Trees. Lat. 2. 54. N. -This Island is not laid down in any Sea Chart; our Ship continues very -leaky. - - -_April 14._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we saw Land, bearing W. S. W. 12 -Leagues, being very high. The Current has set to the Northward this 24 -Hours very strong. Lat. 1. 54. - - -_April 15._ Yesterday in the Afternoon we made other Land, which bore W. -N. W. distant about 10 Leagues, and suppos’d it to be the N. E. Part of -_Celebes_. We saw 3 Water-Spouts; one of which had like to have broke on -the _Marquiss_, but the _Dutchess_ by firing two Shot, broke it before -it reach’d her. We saw a very large Tree a-float, with a Multitude of -Fish about it; and 2 large Islands, the Southermost bearing S. W. -distant about 8 Leagues, and the Northermost W. N. W. 7 Leagues, both -being the same Land we saw Yesterday; and the latter we now suppose to -be the S. E. Part of _Moratay_ [Mortai] and the other the N. Part of -_Gilolo_. At Noon the Southermost Land bore S. W. by S. 10 Leagues, and -the Westermost 5 Leagues. N. Lat. 02. 13. - - -_April 17._ We having a Westerly Gale, and the Current setting against -us, we gained little Ground in turning to get about _Moratay_. We had -indifferent fair Weather all Night and Morning, but standing pretty much -to the Southward, lost Sight of the Land, a strong Current setting to -the Northward. - - -_April 23._ We had very stormy Weather for most Part since the 17_th_, -the _Marquiss_ and we suffer’d both in our Rigging. So that we begin to -despair of getting to Windward of this Island _Moratay_, to reach -_Ternate_, which is now near us; but we are obliged to keep Company with -the _Marquiss_ and _Batchelor_, who sail but very indifferent upon a -Wind; and it’s the hardest upon our Ship’s Company, who are wearied -almost to Death with continual Pumping, the Leak having encreas’d upon -us since we came out of _Guam_, so that it is as much as 4 Men are able -to keep her free Half an Hour, all the Watch being oblig’d to come to it -once in 4 Hours. - - -_April 29._ We got 292 _Lib._ Weight of Bread from the _Batchelor_ -Yesterday Afternoon, in Exchange for Meat we sent ’em, which with what -we had before, will last us about 20 Days, and not much longer. We begin -to be very much disheartned, because Captain _Dampier_, who has been -twice here, tells us, that if we can’t get _Ternate_, or find the Island -_Tyla_ [Tulur], we can reach no Port or Place to recruit at, and that it -will be impossible to get Provisions for us on the Coast of _New -Guinea_, should we be forc’d to go thither; upon which I sent my Opinion -aboard of our Consorts, and desir’d they would call a Committee, and -agree how to proceed next; which they did as follows. - - * * * * * - - At a Committee held on Board the _Batchelor_ Frigat, _April 29, - 1710_. - -_It is agreed to make the best of our Way to the Island of_ Tula, _where -we are in Expectation of supplying our selves with Wood, Water and -Provisions, to cruize_ 10 _or_ 12 _Days for this Island, being uncertain -of its Scituation; and in Case the Wind should present sooner, that we -can fetch_ Ternate, _then to make the best of our Way for it; but if the -Wind should not present for_ Ternate, _nor the Island_ Tula, _then, if -we see Occasion, to make the best of our Way to some Port in_ Mindanao. -_And for all Opportunities in going about and carrying a Light, we leave -it to Captain_ Courtney _in the_ Dutchess. - - -_May 2._ We shaped our Course for _Ternate_ a second Time, being in all -Probability to the Westward of _Gillolo_, having made by our Reckoning 3 -Degrees of Longitude to the Westward of _Moratay_. - - -_May 3._ About 8 this Morning we made Land, which we took to be some of -the Islands lying off the N. East Part of _Celebes_. It bore W. S. W. of -us, distant about 15 Leagues. - -_May 7._ Fair Weather till 4 this Morning, when there came up a violent -Shower, with great Flashes of Lightning. At Break of Day we saw Land -trending from S. E. by S. to S. S. W. which at first appear’d like 5 -Islands, but after it clear’d up, we plainly perceiv’d it was one -continued Land; we also saw other Lands to the Westward of that, which -bore W. by S. distant about 10 Leagues, and were of Opinion, that we -were got to the Eastward of _Gillolo_ a second Time. We were the more -inclinable to believe this, because whenever we try’d the Current, we -generally found it set to the Eastward very strong, tho’ we little -thought it could have driven us so far back. - -[Sidenote: _Sailing towards Gillolo, etc._] - - -_May 9._ Yesterday in the Afternoon all the Officers met aboard us to -consult about the Land, and what Course to take; but being divided in -Opinions, we defer’d coming to a Resolution, till such Time as we were -better satisfy’d. We try’d the Current at 4 a Clock, when it set N. N. -W. after the Rate of 20 Miles in 24 Hours. We made no other Land all Day -than that we first saw, so stood on and off all Night, expecting a Gale -to run in with it in the Morning, but having Calms for the most Part, -and a Current setting against us, we still lost Ground, and made another -round high Hummock about Noon, which bore S. E. by E. distant 8 Leagues; -the Southermost Land bearing at the same Time S. by E. 7 Leagues, and -the Westermost W. by S. 8 Leagues. - - -_May 10._ I sent the Pinnace aboard the _Marquiss_ with 12 Hogsheads and -a Barrel of Water, their Stock being almost spent, and in their Way -order’d ’em to speak with the _Batchelor_ and _Dutchess_, to be -satisfy’d what Allowance of _Pady_ (being Rice in the Husk) their Men -were at; because ours had a Notion they had more than we, I having -order’d ’em but a Pound and a Quarter for 5 Men, whereas before they had -two Pound. Upon Enquiry I found the Ship’s Companies far’d all alike; -but to make ’em easie, agreed with Capt. _Courtney_ and the rest to make -it 2 Pound again; at which Allowance we have not above 12 Days at most, -being all the Bread Kind we have in the Ship. - - -_May 12._ We were satisfied that the many Islands and Land that we saw -for these several Days was the Straights of _New Guinea_; we spoke with -the _Dutchess_, who had been near that Land where we perceived the -greatest Opening, and they told us the Reason of their keeping in with -the Shore was with a Design to have anchored, but meeting with irregular -Soundings, did not think fit to adventure it. They sent their Boat -ashore to the Eastermost small Island, to see what they could meet with. -We stood within a Mile and half of the Shore, when the Water began to -discolour. We sounded and had 30 Fathom Water, and presently after but -6; so we went about, and stood off till the _Dutchess’s_ Boat return’d, -who gave us an account that they had seen the Tracks of Turtle, and Mens -Feet, with Fire-places lately made. These Islands are in the same -Climate with the Spice Islands, and no doubt would produce Spice, if -planted. I went on board the _Dutchess_, and agreed with Capt. -_Courtney_ to send the Pinnace ashore, standing on and off with our -Ships all Night. Lat. 00. 24. S. Long. 236. 25. West from _London_. - - -_May 13._ We kept turning to Windward this 24 Hours, betwixt the -Southermost long Track of Land we made first of all, and the Islands to -the Eastward of it, where we expected to find the Passage betwixt -_Gillolo_ and _New Guinea_. - - -_May 15._ We being jealous of each other, who had the most Provisions, -we this Day met aboard the _Batchelor_, and carried an Account with us -of what each Ship had left, and on making a strict Rummage there, we -found more Rice than we expected; so that with the shortest Allowance we -may subsist at Sea above 3 Weeks longer. Each Ship’s Proportion of the -Provisions we had left being weigh’d, we then return’d to our Ships in a -better state than we expected. - - -_May 18._ We have passed several Islands, and are now in sight of what -we account the Point or Cape of _New Guinea_, and the South End of -_Gillolo_, which appears about 8 Leagues asunder, with some Islands near -each side; we have commonly little Wind, and very verable. This being -the Time that the S. East Monsoon begins, which made the Weather and -Wind very uncertain. Lat. 2. S. - - -_May 20._ The _Dutchess_ generally kept a-head in the Night, with her -Pinnace a-head of her, because the Currents are so very uncertain, and -being in an unknown Track, we cannot be too careful in the Night. We are -still in sight of the High Lands of _New Guinea_, and several Islands to -the Northward, which we find laid down in no Draught, so we noted them -as we past by. This Way into _India_ would not be half so dangerous as -it is imagined, were it well known. While we had any Breeze of Wind, in -the Day we towed our Prize. We made another long high Island trending -from S. by E. to W.S.W. distant about 12 Leagues, and crowded along -Shore to make what it was, judging it to be the Island _Ceram_. We -likewise made another Island to the Northward, which bore N. by W. -distant about 7 Leagues. S. Lat. 03. - - -_May 21._ Being close under it, I sent the Pinnace aboard the _Dutchess_ -yesterday Afternoon to know what they made of the Land, and what they -design’d to do; their Boat met ours, and told ’em Capt. _Dampier_ was of -the same Opinion with us, that it is the Island _Ceram_. - -[Sidenote: _Sailing towards the Island of Bouton._] - - -_May 22._ Had an ugly Gale of Wind, which drove us clear off the Island -we took to be _Ceram_. Since the 18_th_ that we past the Streights of -_New Guinea_, we have had a Westerly Current, but before the Current -generally set to the Eastward. We have now dark gloomy Weather, with a -strong Gale of Wind at S. E. and S. E. by E. runs us out of sight of all -the Land. Our Ship is still very leaky, and we begin to be in the utmost -want of all manner of Refreshments and Necessaries, and doubtful where -to harbour or refit, the Land being unknown to us for want of good -Drafts, or an experienc’d Pilot. Lat. 3. 40. S. Long. 237. 21. W. from -_London_. - - -_May 24._ We were in expectation of making Land this Morning, being in -the Latitude of the Island _Bouro_, which is about 20 Leagues to the -S.W. of _Ceram_, and near the same Distance in a parallel with -_Amboyna_; the latter of which we design’d to have touch’d at, had the -Wind been favourable; but the S. E. Monsoon being now set in, we are -almost out of hopes of fetching it, and still doubtful what Islands we -pass’d by last, not agreeing whether it was _Ceram_ or _Bouro_. We found -by our Observation at Noon, that we were in the Latitude of the -Southermost part of _Bouro_, and the Reason of our not seeing of it we -impute to the Current’s setting us to the Westward of it. S. Lat. 04. -30. Long. 237. 29. West from _Lond._ - - -_May 25._ I spared the _Dutchess_ a But of Water, they having little or -none but what they catch when it rains. We came to a Resolution to spend -no more Time in search of _Bouro_, nor to wait for a Wind to carry us to -_Amboyna_, but to make the best of our way for the Straights of -_Bouton_, where if we arrived safe, we might get Provisions enough to -carry us to _Batavia_; pursuant to which Agreement we hall’d away S.W. -by S. for ’em, having a fresh Gale of Wind at East; but by 2 in the -Morning we fell in with a parcel of Islands to the Eastward of _Bouton_, -and had infallibly been ashore upon one of ’em, had not the Weather -cleared up at once. We made a Shift, and wore the Ships, then stood off -N. E. from the Land till Day-break, when we saw it trenting from S. by -E. to S. W. by S. about 6 Leagues distant, which made like a fine large -Bay, but as we stood in perceived an Opening, and that there were 2 -Islands, with 3 lying thwart the Out-let to the Southward of both. We -hoisted out our Pinnace, and sent her ashore, the _Dutchess_ did the -same; from whence they brought off some Cocoa Nuts, which were very -plentiful here, and told us there were _Malayan_ Inhabitants, who seem’d -to be very friendly. We kept turning in with our Ships, and our Boats -sounding a-head, designing to anchor, if we could find any Ground, but -found none with 60 and 80 Fathom Line. We saw Land to the N.W. of us, -which we took to be the Island _Bouton_, being pretty high, and distant -8 or 10 Leagues. S. Lat. 05. 00. Long. 237. 51. - - -_May 26._ We could get no Anchor Ground all Yesterday Afternoon, tho’ we -run our Boltsprit almost ashore, and having the Current setting against -us, made it a tiresome Piece of work to fetch within the reach of the -Houses. At last some of the Inhabitants came off in a Canoe to our -Boats, as they were sounding a-head; they brought ’em aboard, and by -Signs we understood there was plenty of Provisions ashore. So I sent the -Pinnace and Yawl to see what they could meet with. In the mean time came -several Canoes full of _Malayans_, with Cocoa Nuts, Pumpkins, _Indian_ -Corn, Fowls, _&c._ to truck with our People. Ashore they had Sheep and -Black Cattle in plenty. The Officers I sent were admitted into the -Presence of their King and Nobles, who were all bare-foot, and most -naked, save a Clout about their Posteriors; they seem’d to be very -courteous, and ready to supply us with what we wanted. We lay by and -drove till Morning (having little Wind) that we might be nearer the -other Ships, and resolve what to do. We found no Anchor-ground, but too -near the Shore, and the Current setting strong to the S. W. and driving -us out; which together with our having no Anchor-ground, if the Wind -should take us out of the Sea, made us desist to attempt any farther -here. We agreed to stand over for the Land to the Westward of us, the -Northermost part of which bore W. N. W. distant 9 Leagues, and the -Westermost W. by S. 10 Leagues. The Inhabitants call’d the Eastermost of -these Islands _Vanseat_, the other next to it _Capota_, and the -Westermost _Cambaver_. S. Lat. 05. 13. Long. 238. 11. W. - - -_May 27._ We stood from these Islands to the Westward, and ran along -Shore as near as we durst, to weather the Westermost Point of Land, -where we expected to find a Harbour, but as we near’d it, found a long -Tract of High Land, trending to the Southward, as far as S.W. by S. - -[Sidenote: _At the Island of Bouton._] - - -We agreed in Opinion that ’twas the Island _Bouton_, but that we had -over-shot the Straights. We made Sail to see if we could discover any -Land further to the Southward; but finding none, we jogg’d on, keeping -the Wind as near as possible, because of the Current, which sets strong -to the S.W. By 2 a Clock in the Morning we were hors’d near a small -Island, that bore S. S. W. of us about 2 Leagues; but having clear -Weather, we stood from it till Day-break, there being no other Land near -it that we saw, except that we came from, which we had open’d 5 Points -farther to the Westward. I was unwilling to act any farther without the -Consent of the Committee; so the major part of us met aboard the -_Dutchess_, where we agreed to stand back and make the Land plain, so as -to be fully satisfied what it was, and withal to find a Recruit of Water -and Wood before we proceed any farther, being in want of every thing. S. -Lat. 05. 50. Long. W. from _London_, 238. 38. - - -_May 28._ According to Agreement we stood back, and having a fresh -Breeze of Wind at East, came up with the Land, which trended from N. E. -by E. to N. We stood away with the Northermost, and by 6 a Clock brought -it to bear E. by N. distant about 2 Leagues, having open’d Land farther -to the Northward, which made like a Bay, and trimming to the Westward as -far as W. N. W. distant about 10 Leagues. We made little or no Sail all -Night, because the _Batchelor_ and _Marquiss_ were a-stern, and we were -not willing to run too far in with the Land in the Night. In the Morning -’twas calm, and being clear Weather, we made all the Land very plain -from W. S. W. to the E. S. E. making high double Land, with Islands -under it. Most of it look’d as if it was inhabited, being pretty thick -of Wood, and promised fair for other Refreshments, but we could find no -Anchor-ground hitherto. - - -_May 29._ A Breeze sprung up, and we ran farther in, keeping nearest the -Southern Shore, where we open’d a sandy Spit, off which we could -perceive blue Water like Shold-ground running a-cross the Bay near half -a League. A little to the Westward of this we got Ground in betwixt 30 -and 40 Fathom Water, with good gradual Soundings, where we let go our -Anchor. The _Dutchess_ and the rest standing over to the other side of -the Bay, could meet with no Ground, so they came back, and anchored by -us. S. Lat. 05. 41. Long. 238. 34. W. from _London_. A little before -this, our Boat we had sent returned from the Shore, having by Presents -engag’d a Canoe with some _Malayans_ to come aboard with them, but for -want of a _Linguist_ we were little the better. I sent to the -_Batchelor_, who had one, but Capt. _Dover_ refus’d to let him come to -me, altho’ he had no use for him; then I sent a second time, that I -might know the best anchoring Place for our Ships, and treated the -People (who were impatient to be gone) with Sweet-meats and other things -they fancy’d, but could not keep ’em, or send them aboard the -_Batchelor_ to secure her, seeing white Shole Water near us. But they -pass’d by us in danger of running on the Sholes, not knowing the best -anchoring Place, for want of the Linguist I so earnestly desir’d, to -understand the _Malayans_ that had now left us. At parting they made -Signs, and pointed to the Land to the Northward, which they call’d -_Booloo_. Our Pilot, Capt. _Dampier_, says he has been formerly thro’ -the Streights, and in his Book tells us of a Town near the South part of -’em, where the King resided, but he knew nothing of it now, except the -bare Story. Upon this we agreed to send one of the Pinnaces along with -him and the Linguist to find out the Town, being willing to venture him -to wait on his Majesty the King of _Bouton_ to solicit for a Supply of -Provisions, which we would gladly pay for; and to make the better -Appearance, we sent Mr. _Vanbrugh_ and Mr. _Connely_ along with him. The -Water flows here above 15 Foot; there are Places near to the Town which -lie to the Northward about 6 Leagues, from whence we rode where a Ship -might, on Occasion, be laid a-shoar to refit; and we should have carry’d -the _Duke_ there to stop her Leak, but were not willing to loose Time, -since we found it did not encrease more than one Pump could vent, which -we had Men enough to keep continually going. - -The King of _Bouton_ has several Galleys built after a peculiar Form, -and other small Imbarkations, on which, they say, he can imbark eight -Thousand Men on any Expedition; our People that were upon the Island -tell me, all their Towns are built on Precipices, and hard to get at, -and that the Chief City was built on the Top of a Hill, to which there -was only one Passage very steep. We found a watering Place from a Spring -out of the Rocks, but difficult to fill out of, because of its Ebbing -and Flowing here, almost 3 Fathom, which dries the Rock near the Shoar. - - -[Sidenote: _At Anchor at the Island of Bouton._] - -_May 30._ This Morning a Messenger came from the King, with a Letter -from our Officers that went to wait upon him, who were receiv’d very -courteously, and promis’d a Supply of Provisions, in Case we could come -to an Agreement. We show’d the Gentlemen Samples of what we had to -dispose of, which they seem’d very well pleas’d with, and having made -’em a Present of some odd Things, and entertain’d ’em as well as we -could, we dispatch’d ’em with a Letter of Directions to our Officers -what to do, and at their going off saluted ’em with 5 Guns and 3 Huzza’s -from each Ship. We made a Present to the King of a Bishop’s Cap, being -of little or no Value to us, but what he highly esteem’d and gratefully -accepted of. The Inhabitants began to come off fast enough with _Indian_ -Corn, Cocoa-Nutts, Pumpkins, Fowles, _&c._ to truck with our People, but -they were very dear, compar’d with the other Islands we had been at. - - -_June 1._ We supply’d our selves indifferent well with Wood and Water, -and our Pinnace return’d from the Town, with a mysterious Account of -their Proceedings, and presently after Captain _Dampier_ came with a -small Quantity of Provisions, as a Present to the Commanders, having -left our other two Officers to dispatch away what they could agree for. - - -_June 2._ This Morning there came 3 or 4 of the better Sort from the -Town, with a _Portuguese_ Linguist that belong’d to _Batavia_, under -Pretence of looking upon Goods, and carrying Samples of ’em to their -King, but by their Trifling, we are afraid we shall get nothing of ’em -at last. We made much of the _Portuguese_, and gave him a small Present, -hoping he would influence the People to dispatch our Business. We sent -the _Dutchess_ Pinnace with a Letter to our Officers, to hurry away as -fast as possible with what Provisions they had got, and to agree if they -could with the _Portuguese_ Linguist for a Pilot, if they should give -him 10 or 20 Dollars or more for a Present. - - -_June 3_ and _4_. Our Ships have done Watering and Wooding, and the -Country People have brought off much Provisions: so we conclude we are -pretty well supplied for a Fortnight or Three Weeks; which, with what we -had before, may carry us to _Batavia_, without any further Recruit from -the Town; so that if we had our Boat and Men, it would be much more for -our Interest to be gone, than to lie here, and spend time to no Purpose. -An Officer aboard our Ship, and other Officers and Men aboard Capt. -_Courtney_, began to be mutinous, and form a Conspiracy against us; but -we prevented it, by chastising their Leaders, whom we put in Irons, on -board different Ships, to break the Knot, which might otherwise have -ruin’d the Voyage. - - -_June 5._ The _Dutchess’s_ Pinnace return’d with Mr. _Connely_, who -acquainted us with the dilatory Proceedings of the King of _Bouton_, who -having got a Quantity of Provisions together, would have oblig’d us to -take it at an extravagant Price, and detain’d Mr. _Vanbrugh_, till such -time as the Money was paid. In the Morning, there came some of his -Nobility, with about 4 Last of Rice, which (for Dispatch-sake) we -immediately agreed for, and a Cask of Rack, and after we had entertain’d -’em as well as Time and Place would afford, we sent ’em off in our -Pinnance. This Morning, the _Portugueze_ Linguist came with some -Provisions of his own, to sell, without any News from our People, which -made us suspect they had some ill Design upon us, therefore we design’d -to keep him till the Boat return’d, but he got out of the Ship, before -we were aware, (he being jealous by his cold Reception, that we were -uneasy) and rowed away as fast as possible. I sent the Yawl after him, -which overtaking his Canoe, the Men all jumpt over board, but the -_Dutchess’s_ Pinnace took ’em up, and our Boat brought the _Portugueze_ -Linguist aboard us, where seeing he was likely to be confin’d, he sent -the Boat with the Men up to the Town, to desire our People might be -dismiss’d as soon as possible. - - -_June 7._ This Morning our Pinnace return’d with Mr. _Vanbrugh_, and all -our Men, having parted very friendly with his Majesty, but could not get -a Pilot for Money; however we resolv’d to stay no longer, and to trust -wholly to Almighty Providence for our future Preservation. We dismiss’d -the _Portugueze_ Linguist, and began to unmoor our Ships. - -We weigh’d on the 8th, about 4 in the Afternoon, and by six a Clock the -Westermost Land in sight bore W. N. W. 9 Leagues, and the Southermost -S.W. by S. distant 5 Leagues. - - - - -Bouton _Describ’d_. - - -[Sidenote: _Sailing from Bouton to Batavia._] - -The Island of _Bouton_ is in Lat. 05. 20. S. and near about 30 Leagues -long; the King, they say, can raise fifty Thousand Men, and has all the -adjacent Islands under him; they boast of not valuing the _Dutch_, but I -am satisfied, their Poverty is their greatest Security; they speak the -_Malayan_ Language, which is universal amongst all the Islands of -_India_. They are a well-set People, of a middle Stature, or rather -small, of a dark Olive Colour, with the most indifferent Features of any -People, that ever I saw; they profess the _Mahometan_ Religion, but know -little of it, save Bathing; a few other Ceremonies, as Forbearance of -Hogs Flesh, keeping many Wives, _&c._ Here were several _Mahometan_ -Missionaries that came from _Arabia_ and _Persia_ to propagate their -Doctrine; the _Dutch_ have no Settlement here, but trade for Slaves and -a little Gold, the Climate being near the same with the _Dutch_ Spice -Islands, I admire, they don’t raise Quantities of Spice, but no Sort of -it grows here, save a few Nutmegs. - - -_June 9._ In the Morning we made Land, from S. W. to N. W. by W. distant -about 8 Leagues, which we took to be the Islands of _Zalayer_ [Salayer], -S. Lat. 5. 45. Long. W from _Lond._ 240°. 21´´. We likewise saw a Sail -to Windward of us, and taking it to be a _Dutch_ Vessel, we hall’d -nearer the Wind, till 8 a Clock, then the _Dutchess_ and we made Sail at -once, to speak with her, but the Wind abating soon after, and she making -the best of her Way from us, we mann’d our Pinnace, and sent it after -her. We made 3 Islands to the Northward of _Zalayer_, and the Looming of -other Land to the Westward of all, which we took to be the Southermost -part of _Celebes_. - - -_June 10._ Our Pinnaces came up with this small Vessel, who told them -they were bound for _Macassar_, a _Dutch_ Factory on the South Part of -_Celebes_: The Pinnace took the Master of her aboard, (being a -_Malayan_) who promis’d to pilot us not only through the Streights of -_Zalayer_, but to _Batavia_, if we would keep it secret, for fear of the -_Dutch_. He sent his Vessel to lie in the narrow Passage, between the -Islands, till such Time as our Ships came up. About 4 a Clock we enter’d -the Streight, and came betwixt the Islands that are next to _Zalayer_. -And another little one to the Northward of that being the middlemost of -the three; where we found a good Passage, 3 Leagues over, all deep -Water, steering through N. W. by W. to give the Larboard Islands a good -Birth; then we made the Southermost Part of _Celebes_. - - -_June 11._ The Pilot promis’d to carry us thro’ the Channel the great -_Dutch_ Ships generally went for _Batavia_, and by that Means avoid the -Shoals call’d the _Brill_ and _Bunker_ Ground; the _Brill_ has very -uneven Soundings, and in many Places but 3 Fathom Water and less, so we -hall’d away to the Northward, keeping the Islands _Celebes_ aboard, the -S. W. Part of which trents away in low Land, with high Mountains at the -back of it; and off the Point their lies a Rock pretty high and -remarkable; at 4 a Clock we came into Soundings, and had 10 Fathom the -first Cast; the Rock off the S. W. Point bore then N. distant about 6 -Leagues, and we had an Island a head of us, from N. W. by W. to N. N. W. -being low and level, about 3 Leagues long, and near the same Distance -from the main as we enter’d betwixt ’em, it grew narrower. We stem’d -with the North Part of the Island, till we came within a League and half -of it, then steer’d North a little to weather a Spit of Sand, lying off -the Island, by which Means we open’d 3 small Keys; after we were clear -of the Shoal, we hall’d up N.W. about 7, and came to an Anchor under the -Island, behind the Spit of Sand, in 10 Fathom Water, very good clean -Ground. The Rock of _Celebes_ then bore N. E. by N. 4 Leagues; the -Northermost of the Keys, W. 2 Leagues; and the middlemost W. S. W. 3 -Leagues: The other being shut in with the long Island. We kept the Lead -going all the way constantly through, and had never less than 6 Fathom, -nor more than 10. As soon as it was Day we weigh’d, and went betwixt the -two small Keys, keeping nearest the Northernmost, sounding all the Way, -and had no more than 10 Fathom. The Water still deepning, being clear of -them, we hall’d away West, and then S. W. having a fresh Gale of Wind at -S. E. and S. E. by E. no Land in sight at Noon but Part of the high Land -of _Celebes_, which bore East, distant about 12 Leagues. It is well for -us, that we met with this Pilot, for having no good Charts, nor any one -acquainted with those Seas, we had run greater Hazards. - - -_June 13._ We made Land a second time, which bore S. W. by W. distant 6 -Leagues. - - -_June 14._ We ran by the Island _Madura_, which is about 40 Leagues -long, lying East and West, on the N. Side of _Java_, the Land we made in -the Morning, being the N. E. part of it, which agreeing with the Pilot’s -Knowledge made us the more certain. - - -[Sidenote: _Sailing from Bouton towards Batavia._] - -_June 15_. In the Morning we fell in with the Coast of _Java_, near the -high Land of _Japara_, which bore W. by S. distant about 5 Leagues. We -had Soundings betwixt 10 and 20 Fathom good easy Ground, and saw -abundance of Fishing-boats, but all kept at a Distance. We got our Guns -out of the Hold, and scal’d them, in order to be in a Readiness against -we come to _Batavia_, where in all Probability we shall get in 2 or 3 -Days more, it being not above 90 Leagues from this Place: By Noon we -brought the Land of _Japara_ to bear S. by E. distant 4 Leagues, having -open’d a large deep Bay, with other high Land, further to the Westward, -which bore W. N. W. distant 9 Leagues, Lat. 6°. 19´´. S. Long. 248°. -47´´. W. from _London_. - - -_June 16._ We made a small high Hummock to the Westward of the high Land -we set yesterday Noon, which, at 6 a Clock bore W. by S. distant 5 -Leagues. We hall’d off N. W. by W. and W. N. W. and in the Morning made -the Islands of _Caraman Java_ [Crimon Java], which bore N. E. by N. -distant 3 Leagues, as also a ragged Island to the Eastward of it, -bearing E. N. E. 5 Leagues, and 5 small Keys to the Westward, which are -all call’d _Caraman Java_ [Crimon Java]. We had Soundings most part of -this 24 Hours, betwixt 20 and 30 Fathom ouzy Ground. Lat. 6. 7. S. Long. -250. 14. W. from _London_. - - -_June 17._ We made the high Land of _Cheribon_, which bore S. W. In the -Morning we saw a great Ship right a head, and being very eager to hear -News, I sent our Pinnace aboard to know what she was. She prov’d a -_Dutch_ Ship, about 600 Tuns, and 50 Guns, belonging to _Batavia_, and -was plying to some of the _Dutch_ Factories for Timber. They told us of -Prince _George’s_ Death, which we heard of in the _South Seas_, but gave -no Credit to it then; That the Wars continued in _Europe_; and that we -had good Success in _Flanders_, and but little else where. They likewise -told us, that ’twas about 30 _Dutch_ Leagues from hence to Batavia; but -no Danger. We borrowed a large Draft, which was very useful to us, and -left ’em at Anchor. Towards Noon we made the Land, being very low, but -had gradual Soundings, by which we was satisfied in the Night how to -sail by the Sand. - - -_June 20._ In the Afternoon we saw the Ships in the Road of _Batavia_, -betwixt 30 and 40 Sail, great and small, and got happily to Anchor just -after Sun set, betwixt 6 and 7 Fathom Water, at the long desired Port of -_Batavia_. Lat. 6. 10 S. Long. 252. 51. W. from _London_. By our -Reckoning here, we alter’d our Account of Time, having, as customary, -lost almost one Day in running West so far round the Globe. - - -_June 22._ We waited on his Excellency the Governour-General, whom we -acquainted with the Necessity we lay under to refit our Ships. He was -pleased to see and approve of our Commissions, as Private Men of War, -and promis’d he would meet the Council, and soon resolve us how far he -could afford such Assistance as we desired. - - -_June 30._ I am still very weak and thin, but I hope to get Time and -Leisure to recover my Health. During these 10 Days, I was not able to go -much on board, and whenever I went, found, that till then I was a -Stranger to the Humours of our Ship’s Company. Some of them were hugging -each other, others blessing themselves that they were come to such a -glorious Place for Punch, where they could have Arack for 8 Pence _per_ -Gallon, and Sugar for 1 Peny a Pound; others quarrelling who should make -the next Bowl, for now the Labour was worth more than the Liquor, -whereas a few Weeks past, a Bowl of Punch to them was worth half the -Voyage. 8 Days ago the Doctor cut a large Musket Shot out of my Mouth, -which had been there near 6 Months, ever since I was first wounded; we -reckon’d it a Piece of my Jaw-bone, the upper and lower Jaw being much -broken, and almost closed together, so that the Doctor had much ado to -come at the Shot, to get it out. I had also several Pieces of my Foot -and Heel-bone taken out, but God be thanked, am now in a fair way to -have the Use of my Foot, and to recover my Health. The Hole the Shot -made in my Face is now scarce discernable. I propos’d the calling of a -Committee to regulate our Affairs, wherein we agreed as follows. - - -At a Committee, held on board the _Batchelor_ Frigat, _June 30. 1710._ -in the Road of _Batavia_. - - Impr. _It is agreed to pack and repack all Goods that appear - damag’d, and to let other Bails, that are not, nor have not been - apparently damag’d, to be only new cover’d with Wax cloth, or - Tarpawlins, if necessary, in every Ship, and that Mr._ Vanbrugh - _and Mr._ Goodall _be at every Place, and the rest of the Agents be - accountable to ’em, and they to leave a Duplicate of the whole with - the other two, and be always ready to give an Account to a general - Committee._ - - [Sidenote: _Transactions in Batavia Road._] - - 2dly, _That Capt._ Courtney _do provide the Ships with all manner - of Necessaries, as fast an wanting; and as soon as Captain_ Rogers - _is in Health, that he assist in it, and that every one give a List - to ’em of what they want from time to time; that Mr._ Charles Pope - _do continue a-shore, and send off Provisions for all the Ships, - and keep a Book of the whole. Let every Ship take their daily turn - to divide the Meat, and send it off as early as possible, in a - Country Boat, and as near at he can no more nor less than_ 350 lb - _weight; every other Day, or as often as he can conveniently. Let - him send off Greens, Carrots, Eggs, or any other small Refreshment, - more than the common Allowance, to be equally divided with the - Meat._ - - 3dly, _That a suitable Quantity of Rack and Sugar be sent aboard - each Ship, to give a Quart a Mess to the Ships Companies, but - whilst on the careen, the Allowance may be enlarg’d as the - commanding Officers think convenient._ - - 4thly, _If any thing not included is necessary to the Dispatch and - Out-set of our Ships, considering the Trouble and Loss of Time, to - meet in a whole Committee, we to prevent dilatory Proceedings, - unanimously leave such things to Capt._ Thomas Dover, _Capt._ - Woodes Rogers, _Capt._ Stephen Courtney, _and Capt._ Edward Cooke, - _who are to agree on a Time and Place to meet, and have the same - Power in this Affair as a whole Committee. That if any thing - required such Dispatch that the four cannot be present at a time, - then any three of them together, agreeing and signing what they - have done for the Satisfaction of the rest shall be sufficient; but - otherwise we desire them to act in conjunction._ - - 5thly, _We agree to continue Mr._ Carleton Vanbrugh _Agent of the_ - Duke. _Mr._ James Goodall _Agent of the_ Dutchess, _to make Mr._ - John Viger _Agent of the_ Batchelor, _and Mr._ Joseph Parker _Agent - of the_ Marquiss, _to keep a strict Account of what they can in - each Ship, and to preserve and take Care of the general Interest, - to the utmost of their Power._ - - 6thly, _We likewise agree to divide the Plunder on board the_ - Batchelor, _and in order thereto, we appoint Capt._ William - Dampier, _and Mr._ Thomas Glendall, _to be Judges what ought to be - divided as Plunder, who are to govern themselves as near as - possible by our Resolutions, in a Committee of the 9th of_ July, - 1709. _And in order to dispatch Matters quietly without loss of - time, we appoint Mr._ John Ballett, _Mr._ Lancelot Appleby, _Mr._ - Alexander Selkirk, _and Mr._ Joseph Smith, _to act for the - Officers, in apprising and dividing the said Plunder, and we allow - the Sailors to agree on a Man from each Ship, who is to act in - conjunction with them, and in the whole to promote the general Good - with the utmost Sincerity and Dispatch. We also appoint Mr._ - Carleton Vanbrugh, _and Mr._ James Goodall _to be in the Place when - the Plunder is open’d or divided, and to receive what belongs to - the Cargo._ - - 7thly, _It’s farther resolved for our general Safety that all - trading be prohibited by any of us with the Inhabitants of this - City of_ Batavia, _or this Island of_ Java, _or any part of_ India. - _And to the End that no Person may plead Ignorance, a Protest shall - be drawn up and published at the Mast of each Ship, prohibiting the - aforesaid Commerce, and protesting against all Damages arising - through the same, and the Person found guilty of it._ - - 8thly, _It is also agreed, That a Reward of 100 Rix-Dollars shall - be given to the Pilot we made use of from the Streights of_ Zelaya - _to this Port._ - - 9thly, _It is further agreed, That the_ Marquiss _shall go first - upon the careen; and then to be next followed by the_ Duke; _the_ - Dutchess _to be the last._ - - 10thly, _We have consider’d the Charge and Method of our Out-sett, - and do agree, in order to promote Dispatch, that 10000 Pieces of 8 - be deliver’d to Capts._ Dover, Rogers, Courtney, _and_ Cooke, _to - morrow being the 1st of_ July, 1710. - - Sign’d by the Majority of our Council. - -The Committee did likewise resolve on a Supply of Money to the Officers, -as follows. - - -At a Committee held in _Batavia_ Road, _July 1. 1710_. - - _We have resolved to supply these Officers of the_ Duke, Dutchess, - Marquiss, _and_ Batchelor, _with the following Sums, to provide - themselves with Necessaries in our long Passage to_ Europe. - - Pieces of Eight. - -[Sidenote: _Transactions at Batavia._] - -$To Captain_ Thomas Dover 2000 -_Captain_ Rogers, _and Captain_ Courtney, _for their_ } - _present Expences_ } 400 -_Captain_ Cook 800 -_Mr._ Fry _and Mr._ Stretton 1000 -_Captain_ Dampier 200 -_Mr._ Pope 350 -_Mr._ Glendall, _and Mr._ Connely 700 -_Mr._ Vanbrugh 250 -_Mr._ Tho. Bridge, _and Mr._ Milbourne 100 -_Mr._ Knowlman, _and Mr._ Selkirk 80 -_To the Three Doctors of the_ Duke, Dutchess, _and_ } - Marquiss } 90 -_To the Doctor of the_ Batchelor 20 -_To Mr._ Goodall, _and Mr._ Appleby 80 - ---- - Total 6070 - ==== - - _All these Sums we order’d Mr._ Vanbrugh _and Mr._ Goodall _to - discharge out of the Money on Board the_ Duke _or_ Dutchess, _as - either Commanders shall think convenient, whenever the - above-mentioned Officers shall demand it, and the Receipts to Mr._ - Vanbrugh _and Mr._ Goodall, _so far as is here order’d, shall be - sufficient. Witness our Hands_, July 1, 1710. - -Signed by the -Majority of -our Council. - - - - -_July 2._ From the _22d_ of the last Month we lay leaky and in a very -ordinary Condition, not knowing when and how the General would please to -order us Assistance, according to our present Necessities, which were -then laid open to him; and this Day, to shew that we could sufficiently -vindicate and justifie all our Proceedings like honest Men, we gave in -an Abstract of our Voyage, from the Day we set sail out of _King_ Road, -to the Day we arrived in _Batavia_, which they desir’d to see, before -they would assist us; so we gave it ’em as short as possible. - - -_July 7._ To Day our Men finished appraising and dividing the -Plunder-Cloth in the _Batchelor_; which being tolerable good, amounts to -about 400 _l._ _Sterling_. - - -_July 8._ This Day, after a great many dilatory Answers, we were at last -permitted to make Preparations for careening at _Horn_ Island, which is -about 2 or 3 Leagues to the Northward of the Road, (but were by no Means -suffer’d to go to the Island _Unrest_, where all the _Dutch_ Ships are -clean’d) being only allow’d 8 or 10 _Malayan_ Caulkers and small Vessels -to put our Goods in. The _Marquiss_ began to careen aboard her; but the -Carpenters having view’d her betwixt Wind and Water, finding her very -bad, and that she had but a single Bottom, eat to a Honey-comb by the -Worms, they judg’d her altogether unfit to go to _Europe_; whereupon I -desir’d the Committee to meet and agree to dispose of her, as follows. - - _It is agreed, that having now discharged the_ Marquiss _of her - Cargoe brought from the_ South _Sea, and finding great Part thereof - perish’d thro’ the Weakness of the Ship, and Damage of the Worms, - which had eaten thro’ her Bends, and good Part of her Bottom like a - perfect Honey-Comb; we have consider’d our present Condition, with - the great Charge and Lost of Time to repair her here, and judging - our 3 Ships sufficient, and capable to carry the remaining Part of - her Cargoe: We, according to the best of our Judgment and - Information from a View made by the Carpenters, do believe it for - our Safety and Benefit for the Concern’d, to sell she said Ship - the_ Marquiss _here, as soon as possible, for the most she will - yield; and we do appoint Capt._ Woodes Rogers, _Capt._ Steph. - Courtney, _Capt._ Edw. Cook, _and Capt._ Tho. Dover, _to treat of - and conclude the Sale, letting the Purchaser have sufficient Power - (as far as we are capable) to condemn her._ - -Sign’d by the Officers of the Committee. - - - - -_July 20._ The _Marquiss_ being condemned to Sale, we had the Caulkers -aboard us to make all Manner of Dispatch for careening. Our Ship being -very leaky, we thought it high Time to wait on the Governour with the -following Representation, which we got put into _Dutch_, but could not -get the _Sabandar_ to introduce us, as the Custom is here, therefore we -went our selves, and gave Presents to the _Dutch_ Guards to let us in to -see the General; after an Hours waiting we were admitted, and deliver’d -him a Copy of our Commissions, and were promis’d Assistance, but find -it’s no more than what he can’t have a Pretence to deny us. - -Our Memorial was as follows. - - To His Excellency the Governour-General and Council of the _Dutch - East-India_ Company. - - _About four Weeks ago we arriv’d here, and waited upon your - Excellency, acquainting you with our Circumstances, which according - to your Order we delivered the same Day in Writing to your_ - Sabandar, _and have daily waited upon him for your Resolution - thereupon. He has since visited our several Ships, and we question - not but all Things appear’d to him agreeable to our - Representation._ - - _We have lain some time ready with leaky Ships to go to the Place - appointed us to careen at, only waiting for a careening Vessel to - heave down by. Which we humbly crave you will be pleas’d to order - us._ - - _Delays are very prejudicial to our Ships, that have been long - without the Benefit of a Friend’s Port. Which we earnestly request, - you’ll please to consider._ - - _We have deferr’d troubling you, in daily Hopes of an Order for our - Assistance by the proper Officer, till we can no longer account for - our Loss of Time, without a direct Application._ - - _We hope for a Continuance of the common Benefits and Refreshments, - and on our Parts shall persevere to behave our selves with all due - Regard and Respect to the Government and Customs of this City._ - - Batavia, _July 20. 1710_. - -Woodes Rogers. -Steph. Courtney. - - - -The Governour immediately order’d us a Vessel to careen, and we took our -Leaves. - - -_July 23._ We went over to _Horn_ Island, having a Pilot to direct us, -and a Sampan[149] ready to heave down by, and take in our Guns, -Carriages, _&c._ anchor’d on the South side of the Island, in 5 Fathom -Water, about a Stone’s Cast off Shore, where we careen’d. - -We continued refitting our Ships, and re-packing our Goods, with a great -deal of difficulty, till the 13_th_ of _September_, during which time -nothing remarkable happen’d, but that, after I had refitted as well as I -could on _Horn_ Island, I return’d to the Road of _Batavia_. Many of our -Men fell ill of Fevers and Fluxes, occasion’d, as I was inform’d, by -their drinking the Water upon the Island. We buried here _John Bridge_ -our Master, as also the Gunner of the _Dutchess_, with another of her -Crew, and one belonging to the _Batchelor_. The Season being so far -spent, and the Wind blowing fresh on _Horn_ Island, I could not go again -thither to careen my Ship, tho’ she needed it much; therefore we try’d -to get an Order to careen at _Unrest_, where the _Dutch_ careen their -own, as we might have done ours, in a few Days, and with little Trouble. -I wrote from hence on the 21_st_ of _August_ to my Owners by the -_Nathanael_, an _English E. India_ Ship bound directly for _England_, to -let them know of our safe Arrival here with our Effects, and that we -hoped to be with them in a very short time. - -On the 15_th_ we called a Committee, and came to the following -Resolutions. - - Batavia, Sept. 15. 1710. - - _At a Committee held then, it it agreed to divide the Money - received for a Quantity of Plate sold amongst the several Ships - Company, being what had been adjudged Plunder. Also that we should - make out a Request, and deliver it the first Opportunity to the - General, to the following Purpose_, viz. _to gain Leave, if - possible, to careen the_ Duke _at_ Unrest, &c. _Also for Leave to - set up the_ Marquiss _for Sale here, and for a Supply of 10 - Hogsheads of_ Dutch _Beef and Pork, with a Permission to buy and - carry aboard some Rack and Sugar for the 3 Ships Stores for our - Company, &c._ - - _It is also agreed to allow the following Particulars for the use - of the Officers in the Great Cabbin of each Ship_, viz. - - _To each Ship as followeth._ - - _Two Firkins of Butter._ - _Two Gallons of Sweet Oil._ - _400 Cask of Bread or Rusk._ - _100 Pound Weight of Flower._ - _400 Pound Weight of_ Tamarinds. - _Half a Leaguer_[150] _of_ Spelman’_s_ Neep, _or the best sort of - Arrack._[151] - _3 Cheeses._ - _The Third part of a Leaguer of Cape Wine._ - _3 Peckel of fine Sugar._ - _Also 60 Dollars of_ Spanish _Money to buy small Necessaries._ - - _Signed_, - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ William Dampier, - Woodes Rogers, Cha. Pope, - Steph. Courtney, William Stretton, - Edw. Cooke, John Connely. - - - -Rummaging to day in the Powder room, we found a Leak 3 or 4 Foot under -Water, which we did our best to stop. - -All _English_ Ships are allowed by the Government here half a Leaguer of -Arrack a Man for the Ships Use, and ’tis counted as part of the -Provisions, but our Boats are not suffer’d to bring the least thing off -Shore, without being first severely searched. This, tho’ we pay more, -will likewise hinder all manner of Traffick with any one here. Our chief - -[Sidenote: _Transactions at Batavia._] - -Officers have also prevented it aboard, and narrowly watch our Crews; so -that I doubt they’ll want several Necessaries that this Place affords. -This we do to avoid giving the _India_ Company in _England_ any Pretence -to clamour against us at home, on account of our trading here without -their Permission. We requested the Governour to have Liberty to sell the -_Marquiss_ by Inventory to the highest Bidder at a publick Sale; but the -Sabandar, or chief Custom-house Officer for Foreigners, told us it was -the Governour and Council’s Resolution to publish at the Sale, that if -any _Dutch_ Freeman should purchase the Ship, they must either rip her -up or burn her. This we thought another great Hardship, that we could -not get _Dutch_ Carpenters at Liberty to careen and refit her at -_Unrest_, nor get Freedom of Sale; so we drew up a Request, and got it -put in _Dutch_, resolving to wait on the General, to set forth the -Hardships we were under; and likewise requested to careen the _Duke_ at -_Unrest_, where we might have _Dutch_ Carpenters, that being the only -fit Place; now the Weather and Wind was changeable, and we could not do -it at any other Island: But when Capt. _Courtney_ and I came to the -Castle, to wait on the General, the Guards told us, They had Orders, -that no _Englishman_ should be admitted without the _Sabandar_, and that -they durst carry no Paper or Message from us to the Governour-General. -We waited till past the middle of the Day, and then address’d our selves -to one of the Rads of _India_, who us’d to listen to the _English_, when -any was impos’d on: He treated us very handsomly, with our Linguists, -Mr. _Vanbrugh_ and Mr. _Swart_, at his House, and said, He believed we -had not Justice done us; but the _Sabandar_ being the General’s near -Relation, he should make Enemies, if he appear’d in our Affair, and -could advise us no better than to try what we could do again with the -_Sabandar_, who we knew was inflexible; so we were forced to be silent -and let this drop, that we might dispatch for the Cape of _Good Hope_, -as fast as possible; the best Season for our Passage being now at hand. - - -_July 30._ The Plunder-Money was shar’d on the 24th Instant, which -amounted to 26 _Shillings_ a-share, being what was adjudg’d as Plunder, -when at the Island _Gorgona_, to which I refer. - - -_Octob. 7._ This Week we made all Preparation for sailing, having got -most of our Stores aboard, and discharged the _Marquiss_, which was so -leaky that we sold her to Capt. _John Opey_, Commander of the _Oley_ -Frigate, lately arriv’d from _London_, for 575 _Dutch_ Dollars, being an -extraordinary Bargain; we had been offer’d much more before by another -Person, but then I could not prevail with the Majority of our Council to -consent to the Sale. - - -_Octob. 12._ At Day-break this Morning, we, our Consort and Prize, -weigh’d out of the Road, taking the first of the Land Breeze: About Noon -came too again, in 11 Fathom Water, about a Mile to the Northward of -_Horn_ Island. We had several _English_ Gentlemen a-board our Ships, who -favour’d us with their Company out of the Road, there being several that -arriv’d during our Stay here. - -English _Ships that arriv’d and sail’d hence during our Stay_. - - _Frederick_, Capt. _Phrip_, arriv’d _June 23._ sail’d _July 29._ - from _Bencouli_, bound to _ditto_. - - _Rochester_, Capt. _Stains_, arriv’d _July 6._ sail’d the _21st_, - from _England_, bound to _China_. - - _Nathanael_, Capt. _Neagers_, arriv’d _July 27._ sail’d _Aug. 27._ - from _Bencouli_, bound to _England_. - - _Stringer_, Capt. _Pike_, arriv’d _Aug. 30._ from _England_, bound - to _China_. We left her there, she having lost her Passage for - _China_. - - _Oley_, Capt. _Opie_, arriv’d _Sept. 9._ from _England_, left there - behind us. - -Here follows, - - * * * * * - -_A Description of_ Batavia. - -[Sidenote: _A Description of Batavia._] - -[Sidenote: _A Description of Batavia._] - -[Sidenote: _Sailing from Batavia._] - -Altho’ this Place is well known, and has been so frequently describ’d, -yet being such a noble Settlement, and a Proof of the Industry of the -_Dutch_ in these Parts; I can’t omit giving the following Account of it. -The Town lies on the N. W. side of the Island of _Java_, Lat. 5°. 50´´. -S. The Time we were here it was not very healthy. The East and West -Winds blow all the Year along the Shore, besides the ordinary Land and -Sea Winds, which qualifie the Air, and makes it pleasant, otherwise it -would be excessive hot. Their Summer begins in _May_, with continual -Breezes from the East, and a very clear Sky till the latter End of -_October_, or Beginning of _November_, when the Winter begins with hard -Rains, which holds sometimes 3 or 4 Days without Intermission. In -_December_ the West Winds blow very violently, so that then there’s -little Trade on the Coast of _Java_. In _February_ ’tis changeable -Weather, with sudden Thunderstorms. In _March_ they begin to sow: _June_ -is their pleasantest Month; in _September_ they gather in their Sugar -and Rice; and in _October_ they have Plenty of Fruit and Flowers, Plants -and Herbs of most Sorts: There’s a large fenny plain Country before the -City, but it’s well improv’d by the _Dutch_, and to the Eastward, ’tis -very full of Woods and Morasses. The City is four square, with a River -running through it, and fortified by a Stone Wall and 22 Bastions. About -10 Years past there was an Earthquake, which broke down part of the -Mountains, in the Country, and alter’d the Course of the River, so that -the Canals in and about _Batavia_, are not near so commodious as they -have been, nor the Entrance into the River so deep, and for want of a -strong Current of Water, to keep it open, they are forced to employ a -large Engine work’d with Horses, to preserve the Entrance of the River -navigable for small Vessels to come into the Canals of the City. It lies -on a Bay in and about which there are 17 or 18 Islands, which so break -off the Sea, that tho’ the Road is very large, yet it is safe. The Banks -of the Canals through the City are fac’d with Stone on both Sides, as -far as the Boom, which is shut up every Night, at 9 a Clock, and guarded -by Soldiers; there’s Channels cut out of the main River for smaller -Vessels, and every one that passes the Boom pays Custom. All the Streets -run in a streight Line, most of them being above 30 Foot broad, on each -side clear of the Canals, and pav’d next the Houses with Bricks. All the -Streets are very well built and inhabited, 15 of which have Canals, and -they reckon 56 Bridges on them, most of them made of Stone. The Country -Seats and Buildings round the City, are generally neat and well -contriv’d with handsom Gardens for Fruit and Flowers, and adorn’d with -Springs, Fountains, Statues, _&c._ The vast Quantity of Coco nut Trees, -every where afford delightful and profitable Groves. They have fine -Structures here, particularly the Cross Church, built of Stone, and the -inside very neat. There are 2 other Churches for the _Dutch_, and 2 for -the _Portugueze_ Protestants; who are a mixed Breed of People. There is -one Church also for the Protestant _Malayans_. The Town-house is built -of Brick, in a Square, about the Center of the City; ’tis two lofty -Stories high, and very finely built, where all Courts of Advice are -held, and all Matters relating to the Civil Government of the City are -determin’d, and the Senators and Directors of military Affairs meet. -There’s an inner Court inclos’d with a high Wall, and a double Row of -Stone Pillars, where the Officers of Justice live. Here are Hospitals, -Spin-houses, and Rasp-houses, the same as in _Amsterdam_, with all other -publick Buildings, equal to most Cities in _Europe_. The _Chinese_ have -also a large Hospital in this City for their Aged and Sick Persons, and -manage their Charity so well, that you never see a _Chinese_ look -despicable in the street. The _Dutch_ Women have greater Privileges in -_India_ than in _Holland_, or any where else; for on slight Occasions -they are often divorc’d from their Husbands, and share the Estate -betwixt them. A Lawyer told me at _Batavia_, he has known out of 58 -Causes, all depending in the Council-Chamber, 52 of them were Divorces. -Great Numbers of the Natives, who are Criminals, and not executed after -Condemnation, are chain’d by Pairs, and kept at hard Labour under a -Guard, perpetually clearing the Canals and Moats round the City, or any -other Labour for the publick. Three Leagues West from the Town, is the -Island _Unrest_, where all the Company’s Ships are refitted. There are -great Magazines of Naval Stores, defended by Platforms of Guns; and the -Castle at _Batavia_ is Quadrangular, lies in a Level, and has 4 Bastions -and Courtins, fac’d with white Stones, and provided with Watch-houses. -In this Castle, or rather Citadel, the _Dutch_ Governour-General, and -most of the Members of the Council of _India_, with the other Officers -of _Batavia_, have their Residence. The Governour’s Pallace is of Brick, -large and well built. In this Pallace is the Council-Chamber, the -Secretary’s Office and Chamber of Accounts. The great Hall is hung with -bright Armour, Ensigns, Flags, _&c._ taken by the _Dutch_ here. The -Governour gives Audience to Strangers who are introduc’d to him by the -_Sabandar_, who is chief Custom-master. Here is also a Church within the -Castle, and an Armory with Apartments for all the Artificers belonging -to the Castle, which has 4 Gates, and all the Avenues well defended, the -whole being surrounded with Ditches and the Works well mounted with -Brass Cannon, as are the Bastions of the Town with Block-houses within -the Walls, so that they can fire upon Mutineers within, as well as upon -an Enemy without. The Out-works of the Town, of which there are several -every way at 4 Leagues Distance, are made of Earth, surrounded with -Ditches and Quick-set Hedges, which render them Arbours for Beauty, and -some of them fac’d with Brick. The Garrison on Duty is generally about -1000 strong, and all the Out-works are said to be furnish’d with a good -Stock of Provisions as well as the Castle; but the Soldiers are kept -much under, except the Governour’s Guards, who have large Privileges, -and make a fine Appearance. The Governour-General lives in as great -Splendor as a King; he has a Train and Guards, having a Troop of Horse, -and a Company of Foot, with Halberds, in Liveries of yellow Satin, -richly adorn’d with Silver Laces and Fringes, to attend his Coach when -he goes abroad. The Guards are as well equipp’d as most Princes in -_Europe_: His Lady has also her Guards and Train. He is chosen but for 3 -Years, out of the 24 Counsellors call’d Rads of _India_, 12 of whom must -always reside in the City. The _Chinese_ have the greatest Trade here, -farm most of the Excise and Customs, live according to their own Laws -and idolatrous Worship, and have a Chief that manages their Affairs with -the Company, who allow them great Privileges, and particularly a -Representative in Council, who has a Vote when any _Chinese_ is tried -for Life: But these Privileges are allow’d only to such _Chinese_ as -inhabit here, for others are not admitted to stay above 6 Months in the -Town, or on the Island _Java_. The other Strangers, who inhabit here, -besides _Europeans_, are _Malayans_, with some People from most part of -_India_. The _Javanese_, or ancient Natives are numerous, and said to be -barbarous and proud, of a dark Colour, with flat Faces, thin short black -Hair, large Eye-brows and Cheeks. The Men are strong limb’d, but the -Women small; the former have a Wrapper of Callicoe, 3 or 4 times round -their Bodies, and the latter from their Arm-pits to their Knees. The Men -have 2 or 3 Wives besides Concubines, and the _Dutch_ say, they are much -addicted to lying and stealing: Those on the Coast are generally -_Mahometans_, but the others _Pagans_. The Women are not so tawny as the -Men, and many of them handsom, but in general amorous, and unfaithful to -their Husbands or others, being very apt to give Poison, which they do -very cunningly. It would be too tedious for me to describe all the -remarkable Things I saw at _Batavia_. In short, I was perfectly -surpriz’d, when I came hither, to see such a noble City, and _Europeans_ -so well settled in the _Indies_. The Town is very populous, but not one -Sixth of them _Dutch_. The _Chineze_ here go all bare-headed, with their -Hair roul’d up, and long Gowns, carrying Fans in their Hands. The -_Dutch_ say they are more industrious and acute in Trade than -themselves. The Discipline and Order of the _Dutch_ here, both in Civil -and Military Affairs, is admirable. They have all Necessaries for -Building and Careening Ships, as well as in _Europe_, and their Officers -as regular as in her Majesty’s Yards; whereas we have nothing like it in -_India_. They keep the Natives very much in Awe, being perfectly -despotical in their Government over them, because they say the Natives -are naturally so treacherous that they are obliged to punish them -severely, for small Faults; but they are favourable to the _Chineze_, -because of the great Trade they have by their Means, and that they pay -great Rents for their Shops, besides large Taxes, and from 16 to 30 _per -Cent._ for Money, which they frequently borrow of the _Dutch_. I was -told, there are about 80000 on the Island, who pay the _Dutch_ a Dollar -a head, each Month, for Liberty to wear their Hair, which they are not -allow’d to do at home, since they were conquer’d by the _Tartars_. There -comes hither from _China_ 14 or 16 large Junks yearly, being flat -bottom’d Vessels, from 3 to 500 Tuns a-piece. The Merchants come along -with their Goods, which are lodg’d in different Partitions in the -Vessel, like Ware-houses, for which they pay a certain Price, and not -for the Weight or Measure of their Cargo, as we do; so that they fill -them with what they please. They come in with an Easterly Monsoon, and -generally arrive in _November_ or _December_, and return the Beginning -of _June_, so that the _Dutch_ have all _Chineze_ Commodities brought to -them cheaper than they can fetch them; and being conveniently situated -for the Spice Trade, they have all in their own Hands. _Batavia_ wants -no Commodities that _India_ affords. ’Tis Pity our _East India_ Company -has no Settlement to which the _Chineze_ might resort; which I presume -would turn to a much better Account than our going to _China_ does, -where our Traders are but indifferently us’d. ’Tis about 5 Years since -we quitted _Benjar_, in the Island of _Borneo_, which, by all the -Accounts I had here, might, if well improv’d, have been as serviceable -to our _East India_ Company as _Batavia_ is to the _Dutch_, who have -seldom less than 20 Sail of Ships at the Isle of _Java_, from 30 to 50 -and 60 Guns each, with Men enough for them on all Occasions, so that -they might easily drive us out of most Parts, if not all _India_, should -we ever have an unfortunate War with them. Their Soldiers are very well -train’d, and there’s a Company always on Duty at every Gate of the City -and Citadel; and they have 7 or 8000 disciplin’d _Europeans_ in and -about the City, who can be ready for Action, at a very short Warning: -’Tis the Metropolis of their _Indian_ Settlements, and sends Governours -and Officers to all the rest: The late General, before we came hither, -had War with the _Indians_, which, I was inform’d, had like to have -spoil’d their Settlements; but at last, they divided the Natives amongst -themselves, brought them to a Peace on advantageous Conditions, and are -now pretty secure of the Sea-Coasts. There are many pleasant Seats about -the City, and the adjacent Country abounds with Rice, Sugar-Cane-fields, -Gardens and Orchards, Mills for Sugar, Corn, and Gun-powder; so that -this City is one of the pleasantest in the World. I don’t think it so -large as _Bristol_, but ’tis more populous: They have Schools for -_Latin_, _Greek_, _&c._ and a Printing House. They have lately begun to -plant Coffee here, which thrives very well, so that in a little time -they may be able to load a Ship or two; but I am told it is not so good -as that of _Arabia_. - - -_Octob._ 12. We, according to Order from our Owners to keep our Ships -full mann’d, if the War continued till our Return, ship’t here seventeen -Men, most of them _Dutch_; the _Dutchess_ and _Batchelor_ near the same -Number, so that we are all well mann’d; and tho’ we look’d upon our -Hardships to be over, several ran from us here that came out of -_England_ with us, being stragling Fellows that can’t leave their old -Trade of Deserting, tho’ now they have a good Sum due to each of them, -so that their Shares are by Contract due to those that continu’d. - - -_Octob._ 17. We got to the watering Place on the Main, within _Princes_ -Island to _Java_ Head. The Chief of our Business here, was to get Water -and Wood for our Passage to the Cape of _Good Hope_, which we compleated -in 4 Days Time: But in the Interim a Misfortune befel us, which -occasion’d our Stay longer on Account of a Boat lent us by Capt. _Pike_, -Commander of the _Stringer_ Gally, who followed us hither from -_Batavia_, after a Servant of his who was brought away by Captain -_Dover_ in the _Batchelor_. - - -_Octob._ 23. The Boat was missing, but came back with all the Men safe, -and we return’d her to Captain _Pike_, who had his Servant, and took his -Leave of us. - -We held the following Council just before we came to sail. - - In a Committee on Board the _Duke_, _Octob._ 23. 1710. at _Java_ - Head. - - _It is agreed, that we make the best of our Way from hence to the - Cape of_ Good Hope _; and if through Misfortune any Ship should loose - or part Company, either by bad Weather or otherwise, they are to go - to the Cape of_ Good Hope, _and if they don’t find the other Ships, - to stay there 20 Days: But if within that Time the missing Ship or - Ships don’t appear, then to make their utmost Dispatch for the - Island St._ Hellena _; and if not there, to proceed thence according - to the Owners Orders for_ Great Britain _._ - -Signed by the Majority of our Council. - - - - -_Octob._ 24. At 4 in the Afternoon _Java_ Head bore N. E. by E. distant -10 or 12 Leagues, which being the last Sight we had of it, from that we -took our Departure. - - -_Octob._ 25. A fresh Gale of Wind at S. E. with fair Weather, but an -ugly swelling Sea. This Morning in Stowing our best Anchor, _Joseph -Long_, a Sailor, fell over Board, and being no Swimmer, before we could -get the Boat out to his Assistance, was lost. - -Nothing remarkable happen’d till the 27th of _December_, but that my -Ship prov’d so leaky, that on the 31st of _October_ she had near 3 Foot -Water in the Hold, and our Pumps being choak’d, we were in such Danger, -that we made Signals, and fir’d Guns for our Consorts to come to our -Relief, but had just suck’d her as the _Dutchess_ came up. The 10th of -_October_, she sprung a new Leak, which we could not fully stop, tho’ we -us’d all our Endeavours, and at the same time I had been for the most -Part confin’d to my Cabbin by Illness, ever since I left _Batavia_. The -28th of _December_, Mr. _James Wase_ our chief Surgeon died, and we -buried him decently next Day, with our Naval Ceremonies as usual, being -a very honest useful Man, a good Surgeon, and bred up at _Leyden_, in -the Study of Physick as well as Surgery. We made Land the 15th of -_December_, came in with the Shoar the 18th, and had Soundings in 60 and -70 Fathom, the Ground grey Grett, with small Stones and Shells; had a -strong Southerly Current, S. Lat. 34. 2. Lon. W. from _London_ 334. 34. - - -[Sidenote: At the Cape of Good Hope.] - -The 27th of _December_, we came up with Cape _Falso_, betwixt which and -the Cape of _Good Hope_, there’s a deep Bay, and about a 3d over from -the Cape, there’s a Shold which breaks for a good Distance, but plain -enough to be seen. By Noon we were a-breast of the Cape, and saw the -Table-Land S. Lat. 34. 14. - -The 28th We had very hard Flaws of Wind off the High Land, till we came -within Sight of the _Lions Head_ and _Rump_, two Hills over the Cape -_Toun_. This Day we arriv’d in the Harbour of the Cape, saluted the -_Dutch_ Fort with 9 Guns, and were answer’d by 7. We anchor’d in 6 -Fathom Water, about a Mile off Shoar, and found only one _English_ Ship, -call’d the _Donegal_, Capt. _Cliff_ Commander, homeward bound from -_Mocha_, and 2 _Middleburgers_ outward bound for _Batavia_ in the -Harbour, besides the Guard-Ship, and 2 or 3 Galliots. - -The 29th. We moor’d our Ship, and got down our Yards and Topmasts to -guard against the hard Flaws of Wind off the Table-Land, which -frequently blow very fresh betwixt E. S. E. and S. E. We sent 16 sick -Men a-shoar. We spent till the 18th of _January_, 1710-11. in watering -and re-fiting, and then held the following Committee. - -On the 18th the Committee met a-shoar, and agreed as follows. - - * * * * * - -_The Three Ships wanting several Necessaries and Provisions, we agree, -that Captain_ Rogers _and Captain_ Courtney _do bring 100 Weight of Plate -a-shoar from either_ Duke _or_ Dutchess _, and 60 Ounces of unwrought Gold, -with all the coined Gold or Silver that is in both Ships. We likewise -empower them, in Conjunction with Captains_ Dover _and_ Cook _, to purchase -what Necessaries are wanting for the Whole, and to sell what Goods are -fit to be dispos’d of here, if not too much to our Disadvantage, rather -than exchange more Gold or Silver. We also desir’d they would agree for -a Cable and Anchor, now wanting for the_ Duke _, in Place of her Sheet -Anchor and Cable, lately put aboard the_ Batchelor _for her Security._ - - Tho. Dover, _Pres._ - Woodes Rogers, - Steph. Courtney, - Wm. Dampier, - Robert Fry, - John Connely, - Lan. Appleby. - -On the 1st of _February_, I offer’d some Proposals in Writing to -Captains _Dover_ and _Courtney_, with the rest of the Committee, wherein -I told them ’twas my Opinion we should loose too much Time to stay for -the _Dutch_ Fleet, in order to have the Benefit of their Convoy to -_Holland_, which would not only be out of our Way, but very tedious and -chargeable; and we having large Quantities of decaying Goods on Board, -the Time we should loose by waiting for the _Dutch_, might be -advantagiously imploy’d in _Brazile_, where we could lie in very little -Danger of the Enemy, and vend them at great Rates, and thence get to -_Bristol_ through the _North_ Channel, having the Summer before us. -Continuing in the Lat. of 55 or 56 Degrees, 2 or 300 Leagues, before we -get the Length of the North of _Ireland_, and by that Means might avoid -the Track of the Enemy. I earnestly press’d, that if they could not -agree to this, one of our Privateers might take this Run alone, and the -other keep with the _Batchelor_ and _Dutch_ Fleet, but the Majority was -against any Thing, but going Home with the _Dutch_ Fleet altogether, so -that all I could do more was to remind them of examining the Goods -aboard the _Batchelor_, and to take out of her so much Goods in safe -Package, as would lie in the like Room of _European_ Goods on Board the -_Dutchess_, That if any Accident should happen to the _Batchelor_, we -might have Part of her Value in another Bottom. I desir’d, if any -amongst them were not of this Opinion, they would give their Reasons to -the contrary in Writing; but we could agree to nothing. So I was forced -to yield to the Majority of a Committee to go home with the _Dutch_ -Fleet, and having a good Conveyance by two Ships to advise our Owners, I -wrote ’em a full Account of all our Transactions since we left _Grande_, -and other Matters relating to the Voyage. And also sent what we had -agreed in the Committee to our Owners, which was as follows. - -Gentlemen, - -[Sidenote: _At the Cape of Good Hope._] - - _This is to acquaint you of our safe Arrival at the Cape of_ Good - Hope, _December, 29, 1710. with our Prize the_ Acapulco _Ship, call’d - _Nuestra Señora de’l Incarnation y Disengano _, commanded by Monsieur - _John Pechberty _, and now call’d by us the_ Batchelor _Frigat, mounted - with 20 Great Guns, and 20 Brass Pattereroes, and mann’d with 116 - Men, a firm Ship, and each of our Ships are mann’d with 120 Men - each, in Company with 3_ English East-India _Ships, and do expect 3 - Sail more every Day. The_ Dutch _Ships from_ Batavia _(which are 12 - Sail of stout Ships) are expected here every Hour, and six Sail - more from_ Ceilon _, which Fleet we are resolved in Council to - accompany to_ Holland _, except we have an Account of Peace, or - happen to meet with an_ English _Convoy in crossing our Latitudes. - Our Ships are all fitted with every thing necessary, and only wait - for the Fleet, which we expect will sail by the last of_ March _. - Hoping God will so direct us, that we shall come with Speed and - Safety to yourselves, and the rest of our Friends, to whom we - render all due Respects, and remain,_ Gentlemen _,_ - - Your most humble and most obedient Servants, - - Tho. Dover, _Pres_. - Woodes Rogers, - Steph. Courtney, - Edward Cook, - Wm. Dampier, - Robert Fry, - William Stretton, - Charles Pope, - Tho. Glendall, - John Connely, - John Ballett. - - - -We being now likely to spend so much Time here, and the _Duke_ having -been very leaky all the way betwixt _Batavia_ and this Place, and -considering the long Passage we had to _England_, I moved to the Council -that we might go to _Sardinia_ Bay to careen. ’Twas debated some time -before betwixt me and Capt. _Courtney_ _pro_ and _con_; and to be -farther satisfy’d, on the 13_th_ Capts. _Cook_, _Fry_ and _Stretton_ -were appointed to come aboard, and we had a Survey of Carpenters -concerning the Leak. After some Rummage, they agreed ’twould be very -dangerous to attempt any thing within-board, and no other way but -Careening would do, which Capt. _Dover_ and the Majority would not -consent to; so that we are forc’d to lie in as bad a condition as ever, -only now and then mitigate the Leak with a Bonnet,[152] which is of no -long continuance in the Harbour, much less when we come to Sea. This Day -about Noon the _Batavia_ Fleet came in, being 11 Sail. The Fort saluted -the Flag with 21 Guns, and all the _English_ Ships saluted likewise, -except mine, which being upon the Heel,[153] could not do it. - - -_Feb._ 26. Having been very weak, and kept my Chamber for several Days, -but now something better, I sent for most of my Officers ashore, that I -might be thoroughly satisfied what was wanting aboard, in order to go -home with the _Dutch_ Fleet; and being too weak, and made uncapable of -assisting to get any thing, I deliver’d in the said Account to Capts. -_Dover_, _Courtney_ and _Cooke_, with the rest of the Committee, that -we might not be hurried to Sea without Necessaries for Subsistance. - -On the 27_th_ we made a Rummage for Bale Goods to dispose of ashore, -having Leave of the Governour, and provided a Store-house, where Capt. -_Courtney_, with the Owners Agent took their turns weekly during the -Sale of them. - -Nothing remarkable happen’d till the 3_d_ of _April_, but that on the -13_th_ of _March_ 4 _Dutch_ Ships came in from _Ceylon_, 3 of them -having lost their Main Masts, and being otherwise much damaged by a -violent Storm they met with in Lat. 18. S. - -I took in more Water and Provisions, sent more Goods ashore to the -Storehouse, and disposed of 12 Negroes. - -On the 28_th_ of _March_ a _Portuguese_ Ship from _Brasile_ came in with -advice, that 5 Stout _French_ Ships attempted _Rio Janiero_, but were -repuls’d, and had a great Number of Men kill’d, and 400 taken Prisoners -by the _Portuguese_. - - -_April_ 3. Being in a readiness to sail, the Flag came off Shore, was -saluted first by the _Dutch_, and then by all the _English_ Ships; but a -contrary Wind prevented our sailing. Most of the Goods sold at the Cape -were taken out of the _Duke_, being in much worse Package than those -aboard the _Dutchess_ and _Batchelor_; so that most of our Bales that -could be come at, have been open’d, and we find abundance of Damage, our -Ship having been so long leaky, that we have not a tight Place in the -Ship fit to secure dry Goods. - - -_April_ 5. At Day-break this Morning the Flag hoisted a blue Ensign, -loos’d his Fore-top-sail, and fired a Gun as a Signal to unmoor: As we -were heaving in our Cable, it rubb’d against the Oakham, which had got -into the Leak, and occasion’d the Ship to be as leaky again as ever, she -having been indifferent tight for some time, and we were in hopes it -would have continu’d. About Noon I came aboard very thin, and in no -better Health than I was when I went first ashore at our Arrival here. -Presently after I went aboard the Flag, there being a Signal made for -all the _English_ Commanders. We had before received our Orders, which -were very particular, and as obligatory to be punctually observed. About -4 in the Afternoon the Flag, Vice and Rear Admirals weigh’d, with part -of the Fleet, and fell down to _Robins_ or _Penguin_ Island, where they -lay for the rest of the Ships. - - -_April_ 6. In the Afternoon we all weigh’d from _Penguin_ Island, 16 -_Dutch_ and 9 _English_ Ships, having a fresh Breeze at S. S. E. - -[Sidenote: _At the Cape of Good Hope._] - -We buried ashore here, _George Russel_, a Foremast-man, _Dec._ 30. 1710. -_John Glasson_, d^o. 5 _Jan._ Mr. _Carleton Vanbrugh_, Owners Agent, 3 -_Feb._ Mr. _Lancelot Appleby_, 2_d_ Mate, 21 d^o. and four deserted. - -Here follows a List of the Ships that arrived during our Stay at the -Cape; all those homeward bound are now in company with us, except Capt. -_Opie_ in the _Olie_, and a _Dane_ that sailed in _February_, designed -home before us. - - _The Ships that arriv’d at the Cape while we were there._ - - _Donnegall_, Capt. _Cliff_, found here, from _Mocha_ bound to - _England_. - - A _Dutch_ Ship, arriv’d _Jan._ 6, from _Batavia_, and bound - thither. - - _Loyal Bliss_, Capt. _Rob. Hudson_, arriv’d _Jan._ 10. from - _Bengall_, bound to _England_. - - A _Dane_, arriv’d _Jan._ 15. from _Trincombar_, bound to _Denmark_. - - A _Dutch_ Ship, arriv’d _Jan._ 16. from _Zealand_, bound for - _Batavia_. - - _Blenheim_, Capt. _Parrot_, _Jan._ 22. arriv’d from _Mocha_, bound - to _England_. - - _Oley_, Capt. _Opie_, arrived _Jan._ 25. from _Batavia_, bound for - _England_. - - A _Dutch_ Ship, arrived _Feb._ 4. from _Holland_, bound to - _Batavia_. - - The _Batavia_ Fleet, 11 Ships, arrived _Feb._ 22. bound to - _Holland_. - - The _Ceilon_ Fleet, 4 Ships, arrived _March_ 7. bound for - _Holland_. - - _Loyal Cook_, Capt. _Clark_, arrived _March_ 12. from _China_, - bound for _England_. - - _Carleton_, Capt. _Litton_, arrived _March_ 17. from _Batavia_, - bound for _England_. - - King _William_, Capt. _Winter_, arrived _March_ 26. from _Bengall_, - bound to _England_. - - - - -_A Short Description of the Cape of_ Good Hope. - - -I Shall not trouble the Reader with what has been writ by others -concerning this noted Place: And since I had neither Time, Health, nor -Permission to ramble the Country, I can relate no Adventures that we had -with Bears, Tygers or _Hottentots_; but what I shall say is from my own -Observation. - -[Sidenote: _A Description of the Cape of Good Hope._] - -The _Dutch_ have here a well built small Town, containing about two -hundred and fifty Houses, with a Church, and several fine Gardens and -small Vineyards near it. There are divers Villages in the Country, from -10 to 30 Miles distance, and scattering Plantations near a hundred Miles -from the Cape; so that from the whole they are supposed to be capable of -raising 3000 well armed Horse and Foot at a short warning. The Climate -being in about 35 S. Lat. is excellent and healthful, and the Soil very -fruitful. They have many pleasant Seats in the Neighbourhood, with -Gardens, Vineyards, and Plantations of young Oaks, and other Trees -raised by themselves; there being no large Timber nearer than 50 Miles -off the Cape. I was inform’d that these Farms and Plantations bring in -their _East India_ Company a considerable Sum _per Annum_, besides -Maintenance for the Garrison. They let the Land so cheap, for -Encouragement of Planters, and it produces such a large Increase of -Corn, Wine and Cattle, that it enables the People to pay a great Excise -for their Commodities, which are also continually exported for the -_Dutch_ Settlements in _India_, and spent in recruiting their Fleets -that stop here; so that in a few Years they hope this Place will be so -considerable, as to afford them Recruits on any Occasion for their -Garrisons in _India_; and if they be pressed by a War there, they may -always lodge such a Number of Men at this noble Settlement, which they -esteem a second Fatherland, as may arrive at _India_ in so good a -Condition, that no _European_ Power can be so capable of holding the -_India_ Trade as themselves. This makes me think it to have been a great -Omission in our _East India Company_ to quit this Settlement for _St. -Hellena_, which is no way comparable to it, nor able to answer the same -End. Amongst other Advantages, the _Dutch_ have here a noble Hospital, -furnished with Physicians and Surgeons as regularly as any in _Europe_; -and this Hospital is capable of entertaining 6 or 700 sick Men at one -time; so that as soon as the _Dutch_ Ships arrive here, their -distemper’d Men are put ashore, and they are supplied with fresh Men in -their stead. They have all sorts of Naval Stores here, with proper -Officers to attend on all Occasions, which is a mighty Addition to their -Strength, and enables them to preserve their _India_ Trade. An Express -comes hither annually from _Holland_ by a small Ship, to meet their -homeward bound _E. India_ Fleet, which is generally from 17 to 20 great -Ships. The Express brings a private Order to the Commander in chief, who -is appointed by the Government in _India_; so that none knows where they -are to meet their Convoy in the North Seas, but himself; and he gives it -sealed up to each Ship, to be open’d in a proper Latitude near home. By -this Method their Fleets have for many Years escaped the Enemy, and -arrived safe in _Holland_. Their Form of Government, their Industry and -Neatness abroad, is justly to be admired, and worthy to be imitated. I -saw nothing I could blame, unless it be their Severity, for which no -doubt they have very good reason, tho’ it seemed harsh to me, who was -born with _English_ Liberty. They have an Island call’d _Robin_, which -lies at the Entrance of the Cape Bay, about 3 Leagues from the Town, -where they confine Mutineers, or other heinous Offenders, to hard Labour -during Life, by Sentence of the Fiscal. - -The _Dutch_ generally send a Ship every Year from hence to _Madagascar_ -for Slaves, to supply their Plantations; for the _Hotentots_, who are -very numerous, and love their Liberty and Ease so much, that they cannot -be brought to work, even tho they should starve. - -I spoke with an _English_ and an _Irish_-man, who had been several Years -with the _Madagascar_ Pirates, but were now pardoned, and allowed to -settle here: They told me, that those miserable Wretches, who had made -such a Noise in the World, were now dwindled to between 60 or 70, most -of them very poor and despicable, even to the Natives, among whom they -had married. They added, that they had no Embarkations, but one Ship, -and a Sloop that lay sunk; so that those Pirates are so inconsiderable, -that they scarce deserve to be mentioned; yet if Care be not taken after -a Peace to clear that Island of them, and hinder others from joining -them, it may be a Temptation for loose stragling Fellows to resort -thither, and make it once more a troublesome Nest of Free-booters.[154] - -The _Dutch_ have seldom less than 500 Soldiers in the Cape Castle, which -is very large, built with Stone, and has 70 Guns well mounted on its -Ramparts, with convenient Dwellings for the Officers and Soldiers; but -it lies too deep in the Bay to protect the Ships in the Road; therefore -they talk of erecting a Battery on the Starboard sandy Point, as you -enter the Bay. The Road is so much exposed to the sea, that in the -Winter Months, when the Wind blows strong from thence, it is unsafe -Riding, and Ships are very often lost here; so that whoever comes hither -in that Season, ought to be well provided with Cables and Anchors to -ride out a Storm: But in the Summer it seldom blows from the Sea; yet -scarce a Day passes without very strong Flaws at S. E. which come down -from the Table Mountains that lie over the Fort, so violently, that -Boats cannot go to or from the Ships, but in the Morning and Evening, -when it is generally very moderate and calm. - -The _Dutch_ have found out a noble hot Spring of Water above 100 Miles -up in the Country, which is of excellent virtue against all Distempers -contracted in _India_; so that few have been carried thither, tho’ in a -desperate Condition, but they have recover’d to admiration by drinking -and bathing in that Water. - -This Place having been so frequently describ’d by others, I shall only -add, that I found the Character of the _Hotentots_ to be very true, and -that they scarce deserve to be reckon’d of the Human Kind, they are such -ill look’d stinking nasty People: Their Apparel is the Skins of Beasts, -their chief Ornament is to be very greasy and black, so that they -besmear themselves with stinking Oil, or Tallow and Soot, and the Women -twist the Guts of Beasts or Thongs of Hides round their Legs, which -resembles a Tobacco-roll. Here’s plenty of all sorts of Beasts and Fowl, -wild and tame; and in short, there’s nothing wanting at the Cape of -_Good Hope_, for a good Subsistence; nor is there any Place more -commodious for a Retirement to such as would be out of the Noise of the -World, than the adjacent Country in possession of the _Dutch_. - -Nothing remarkable happen’d till the _1st_ of _May_, only I continued -very ill, as my Ship did leaky, and sometimes we - -[Sidenote: _Sailing from the Cape towards Europe._] - -had Thunder, Lightning, Rain, and Squalls of Wind. Yesterday Afternoon -we had sight of the Island _St. Hellena_, bearing N. W. by N. about 6 -Leagues, lying in S. Lat. 16. - -On the _7th_ we made the Island of _Ascension_, S. Lat. 8. 2. Longit. W. -from _London_ 13. 20. - -On the _14th_ at Noon we found we had just cross’d the Equator, being -the _8th_ time we had done so in our Course round the World. There was a -strong Current setting to the Northward, after the rate of about 1 Mile -an Hour, Longit. W. from _London_. 21. 11. So that we have run much -continually to the Westward, over and above the Circumference of the -Globe. - -The _17th_ in Lat. 3. 13. we found the Current still continuing to set -to the N.W. 20 Miles in 24 Hours. The _Dutch_ Commadore was very civil -to us, and because our Prize sailed heavy, he allow’d her to keep a-head -in the Night, which he did not to any other Ship. We and the _Dutchess_ -often tow’d her in the Day, to keep her up with the Fleet. - -_June 7._ In the Lat. of 24°. 55´´. The 3 Admirals hall’d down their -Flags, and hoisted Pennants at their Main topmast Heads, to appear more -like Ships of War, every _Dutch_ Ship doing the same. Now we draw near -home, they scrape and clean their Ships, bending new Sails, so that they -look as if newly come out of _Holland_. - -_June 13._ Yesterday Afternoon the Flag made a Signal for all the -_Dutch_ Commanders to go aboard with their Latitude and Longitude. We -took the _Batchelor_ in towe this Morning, having a fine moderate Gale -at E. by N. with smooth pleasant Weather. - -_June 14._ We cast the _Batchelor_ off about 5 Yesterday Afternoon, I -being unwilling to run too far a head with her, now we are got so far to -the Northward, where we may expect not only the Danger of the Enemy, but -also veerable Winds and thick Weather, by which means she may loose the -Fleet. I advis’d Capt. _Courtney_ the same in the Evening by a Letter. -This Morning we rummaged our Hold, and found very little new Damage -amongst the Bails, but all in general much decay’d by lying so long in -ordinary Package. - -_June 15._ The Admiral made a Signal this Morning for all the _English_ -Commanders, and some of the _Dutch_ Skippers to come aboard him, where -we found an excellent Entertainment, and the good Humour of the _Dutch_ -Admiral soon made all the Company understand each other without a -Linguist, tho’ we had much ado to get one at first Meeting. We parted -before the Sun set, and had a fine Day. - - -_June 28._ Being got into the Latitude of 51 N. we had thick foggy -Weather, so that the Flag fired two Guns every half hour; each Ship -answer’d with one. This continu’d several Days, which consumed a great -deal of Powder, but by the Noise of the Guns it was easy to keep -Company, tho’ sometimes so thick for several Hours, that we could not -see three Ships Lengths. - - -_July 14._ This Morning we fancied we saw Land, and some of the _Dutch_ -Ships made the concerted Signal, but none was positive, having sounded, -and found no Ground with above 100 Fathom of Line. - - -_July 15._ We saw 2 Ships Yesterday Afternoon, one of which we spoke -with, being a _Dane_ bound for _Ireland_. She told us the Wars still -continued, but gave a very imperfect Account of any other News: She -informed us of the _Dutch_ Men of War, that were cruizing for us off -_Shetland_ (being 10 Sail) whom she saw 4 or 5 Days ago, and reckon’d -her self now about 40 Leagues from the Land. We had Soundings then in 70 -Fathom Water, brown gravelly Ground. I just had time to send the Owners -a Copy of my Letters from the Cape of _Good Hope_, and to let ’em know -we were now got so far safe towards the Conclusion of a fatiguing -Voyage. In the Morning we made _Fair Island_ and _Foul Island_ lying off -of _Shetland_, presently after we saw the Men of War; but having little -Wind, and they a good way distant from each other, we could join but one -of them by Noon. _Fair Island_ then bore S.S.E. distant about 2 Leagues. - - -_July 16._ All the Men of War join’d us Yesterday Afternoon, but one or -two with the fishing Doggers, who were cruizing off to the North East of -_Shetland_. After mutual Salutations both by the _Dutch_ and _English_ -Ships, one of the Men of War was sent out to see for the missing Ships. -Mean while the Fleet lay by, and having little Wind, the Boats came to -and fro all Night, and supply’d us with what we wanted. The Inhabitants -of those Islands came aboard with what Provisions they had, being very -poor People, who subsist most by Fishing. - - -[Sidenote: _Arrival at the Texel._] - -_July 17._ In the Morning we had a small Breeze, with which the Men of -War got into the Fleet again, having met with the other. About Noon we -all made Sail, steering away betwixt the S.S.E. and S.E. and the Wind at -S.W. and S.W. by S. I wrote a single Letter to the Owners in general, -by a _Scots_ Fishing Boat belonging to _Shetland_, advising them of our -joining the Men of War, who are order’d with the Fleet to the _Texel_, -where I hope we shall soon meet an _English_ Convoy. The _Dutch India_ -Admiral, tho’ but a Company’s Ship, wears his Flag, and gives Signals -and Orders to the _Dutch_ Men of War, which is not suffer’d among the -_English_, and in the whole Run from the Cape have kept an exact -Discipline in the Fleet, not suffering any of the Commanders to go out -of the Ships to visit each other at Sea without his Signal or Leave. - -_July 21._ This Morning one of the Men of War was order’d away for the -_Texel_, to give notice of the Fleet’s coming; I again wrote to the -Owners, for fear of any Miscarriage by the former Conveyances. - - -_July 23._ The Weather being close, the Commadore made a Signal about 10 -a Clock for seeing Land; presently after all the Fleet answer’d him with -their Colours. The Pilot-Boats coming off aboard the Ships, we had 2 -aboard, who told us the _Texel_ bore about S.E. by E. distant 15 or 16 -Miles. Presently after Noon we parted with the _Rotterdam_ and -_Middleburgh_ Ships, most of the Men of War going with ’em to see ’em -safe in. The Flag and all the _English_ Ships saluted the Commadore, and -afterwards we saluted the Flag himself to welcome him in sight of -_Holland_; and as soon as they got over the Bar, the _Dutch-men_ fir’d -all their Guns for joy of their safe Arrival in their own Country, which -they very affectionately call _Father-land_. All the Ships bound into -the _Texel_ lay by from 2 till 5 a Clock, waiting for the Flood to carry -us up. About 8 at Night we all came safe to an Anchor in 6 Fathom Water -about 2 Miles off Shore. - -On the _24th_ in the Morning the _Dutch_ Flag weigh’d, in order to go up -to the unlivering Place. As he pass’d by us, we gave him 3 Huzza’s and 9 -Guns. In the Afternoon I went up to _Amsterdam_, where we had Letters -from our Owners, to direct us how to act and proceed from hence. On the -_28th_ the _English East India_ Ships had Orders to be in a readiness -for sailing with the first _Dutch_ Convoy for _London_. We got some -Provisions aboard from _Amsterdam_ on the _30th_. When I came aboard, on -the 1st of _August_, by Consent of our Council, we discharg’d what Men -we ship’t at _Batavia_ and the _Cape_, and afterwards went away from -_Amsterdam_. On the 4th the _Dutchess_ and _Batchelor_ went up to the -Road, call’d the _Vlicter_, being a better Road than the _Texel_. In -the Evening we had News of some of our Owners being at the _Helder_: Mr. -_Pope_ went to wait upon ’em, and in the Morning came aboard with them. -After a short Stay they went for the _Dutchess_ and _Batchelor_, -designing thence for _Amsterdam_; we welcom’d ’em with 15 Guns at their -coming and going; the _English East-India_ Ships and others bound for -_England_ weigh’d with the _Dutch_ Convoy to Day, having a fine Gale at -N. E. On the 6th we weigh’d from the _Texel_, and went up to our -Consorts, it being by a particular Order from the Owners for our better -Security; we being oblig’d to wait there, fearing the _India_ Company -would be troublesome, altho’ we had dealt for nothing but Necessaries in -_India_. - -On the 10th in the Afternoon, the Owners with the Chief Officers came -down, and the next Day went a-shoar to the _Texel_, where having an -Abstract of our Voyage ready drawn up, we went before a Notary Publick, -and took our Affidavits, that what was therein contain’d was true to the -best of our Knowledge, and that we had been at no other Places than -therein mention’d. This was desir’d of us by _James Hollidge_, Esq; one -of our Owners, to justifie our Proceedings to the Queen and Council, in -Answer to what the _East-India_ Company had to alledge against us, they -being, as we were inform’d, resolved to trouble us, on Pretence we had -encroached upon their Liberties in _India_. On the 12th, we return’d -aboard again; and to keep up a Form of Government, tho’ the Owners were -here, we held a Committee, where ’twas agreed to carry a Quantity of -Gold to _Amsterdam_, to exchange for a Supply of our Men and Ships, -_viz._ 20 Guilders to a Sailor, 10 to a Land-man, and to every Officer -in Proportion as his Occasions requir’d. On the 13th we went away for -_Amsterdam_, but did not carry any Gold out of our Ships, upon -Consideration it might be prejudicial to the Insurance made on our -Ships, if we took any Value out, and an Accident should afterwards -happen, so we agreed again, ’twould be better to take up the Money at -_Amsterdam_. - -We had several Stores and Provisions from _Amsterdam_ this Week, and -likewise Money for the Officers and Men, which was paid ’em, and they -had Liberty to go a-shoar by turns. - -[Sidenote: _Transactions in Holland._] - -On the 23d in the Afternoon, the Owners came down from _Amsterdam_, and -the next Day examin’d the Prisoners aboard Us and the _Batchelor_, about -taking the said Ship and other Prizes, having Notice of our going over -for _England_, and that a Convoy was appointed to come for us. - -We got all the Men off Shoar, who had been very troublesome to the -Owners at _Amsterdam_, and every thing in Readiness for Sailing. On the -31st Mr. _Hollidge_ came aboard (the rest of the Owners being gone over -for _England_) and took Account of what Plate, Gold, Pearl, _&c_. was in -the Ship. The same being done aboard the _Dutchess_, he likewise took a -List of our Men to get Protections for them, from being impress’d after -our Arrival in the River of _Thames_. The next Day he went to the -_Texel_ to discharge the Custom due from our Ships, and on the 5th in -the Morning he took his Leave of us. - -On the 19th in the Afternoon, we had News of our Convoys lying without -the _Texel_, which was very acceptable to the Crews of each Ship, who -were in the utmost Uneasiness at our long Stay, being just at Home, so -that we had much ado to keep the Companies aboard till now. We got every -thing in Readiness, in order for falling down to them. - -On the 20th, about 5 in the Afternoon, we got down to the _Texel_, where -we found our Convoy at Anchor, being the _Essex_, _Canterbury_, -_Medway_, and _Dunwich_ Men of War. - -On the 22d in the Morning, the Wind being at N. E. we weigh’d from the -_Texel_, and by 10 of the Clock got clear of the Channel. In the -Afternoon the _Commodore_ took the _Batchelor_ in Towe, and next Morning -the Wind being against us, we bore away again for the Harbour, as did -likewise 4 _Dutch_ Men of War that came out with us, bound for _London_; -after seeing us safe in, he stood off to the Northward with the -_Canterbury_ and _Medway_, but came in the next Morning. - -On the 25th our Officers met, where consulting that our 3 Ships wanted -several Necessaries to keep the Sea, in case we should meet with bad -Weather, we requested Captain _Roffey_ our Commodore, that he would -please to stay, should the Wind be fair, till such Time as we could be -provided with the said Necessaries from _Amsterdam_, which was granted. - -On the 13th the Wind continuing at S. E. by S. and S. E. at Break of Day -we weigh’d, as did likewise 4 _Dutch_ Men of War. - -On the 1st of _October_, about 11 of the Clock we came to an Anchor in -the _Downs_, where several of our Owners came aboard, and after they had -visited every Ship, went a-shoar with some Prisoners to examine ’em -about our Capture, _&c_. - -At 3 this Morning the _Essex_ made a Signal to unmoar, and betwixt 9 -and 10 weigh’d, he being order’d up to the _Buoy in the Noar_, and we to -make the best of our Way to the _Hope_. - - -_Octob. 14._ This Day at 11 of the Clock, we and our Consort and Prize -got up to _Eriff_ [Erith], where we came to an Anchor, which ends our -long and fatiguing Voyage. - - -_FINIS._ - - - - -INDEX - - -Acapulco, 110, 241 - -Acapulco galleon, _see_ Manila galleon - -Addison, Joseph, xxvi, xxvii - -Albacore, a fish, 151 - -Alcatros, a large bird, 74 - -Alexander, Joseph, 19, 21 - -Algaroba bread, 260 - -Amazons, River of the, 43 _et seq._ - -Amsterdam, 311 - -Andirova tree, 52 - -Angre de Reys, 28, 31 _et seq._ - -Annete, Peru, 52 - -Anson, Admiral Lord, xx _n_, xxv, 98 _n_. - -Appleby, Lancelot, 5, 103, 104, 158, 288, 305 - -Arrack, 292 _n_. - -_Arundel_, man-of-war, 3 - -Assumption, Paraguay, 55 - -Athul Island, Oronoco, 74 - -Augur, John, a pirate, xxx - -Australis, Terra, 237 - - -Bahama Islands, xxvi _et seq._, xl _et seq._ - -Balboa, Vasco Nuñes de, 80 - -Ballet, John, 5, 9, 17, 25, 34, 35, 104, 174 - -Bands, the ships’, 31 - -Batavia, 285, 294 _et seq._ - -Batchelor, Alderman, 8 - -_Batchelor_, the Acapulco prize, 224 - -Bath, William, 6, 16, 17, 34, 35, 75, 102, 104 - -_Beecher_, galley, 2, 3 - -_Beginning_, privateer, 107, 110, 111, 117, 139 - -_Berkely_, galley, 2, 3 - -Bezoar stones, 258 - -_Bigonia_, Acapulco galleon, 221 - -Bilboes, 25 _n_. - -Biobio River, 256 - -Bishop of Chokeaqua, 111, 116 - -_Blenheim_, 305 - -Bonnet, 303 _n_. - -Bouton Island, 277 _et seq._ - -Bowden, John, 6 - -Boyse, an English prisoner, 243, 262 - -Brazil, 26, 38 _et seq._ - -Bread, inventory of, 195, 211 - -Bread Fruit, 268 - -Bridge, John, 5, 9, 17, 118, 159, 291 - -Bristol, vii, ix, xxvi - -_Bristol_, galley, 2, 3 - -Buccaneers, 150, 196 - -Buenos-Ayres, 55, 57 - -Bull, Thomas, 244 - -Bulls, Papal, 167 - -Burnes, Bartholomew, 6 - - -Cabbage Trees, 99 - -Cabot, Sebastian, 54, 83 - -Cadiz, xxxviii - -Calchaquin Indians, 73 - -California, 204, 228 _et seq._ - -Callao, 106 - -Camalaha, 74 - -Canary Islands, 11 _et seq._ - -Canes, as Spanish insignia, 132 - -Cantons, in S. America, 62 - -Cap, on the mast, 213 _n_. - -Cape Horn, 80 - -Cape of Good Hope, 300, 306 _et seq._ - -Cape Verd Islands, 18 _et seq._ - -Caraman Java, 285 - -Cardonnel, Adam, xxviii, xxxii - -Cardoso, Don Juan, 156, 164 - -Careening, 158 _n_. - -Caribbe cannibals, 74 - -_Carleton_, 305 - -Cash, Giles, 6, 10, 11 - -Cassado bread, 38 - -Cavendish, Thomas, 82, 205, 209 - -Celebes Islands, 273, 274, 284 - -Ceram Island, 276 - -Cessares, of Tierra del Fuego, 85 - -Cheribon Island, 285 - -Child-birth, on board ship, 204 - -Chili, 248 _et seq._ - -Chiloe, Islands, 259 - -Chinese, at Batavia, 297 - -Chopa, Mexico, 245 - -Cincon, a bird, 234 - -_Cinque-ports_ (Dampier’s ship), 91, 106 - -Clark, Captain, 305 - -Cliff, Captain, 305 - -Clothing, scarcity of, 78 - -Cloves, 53 - -Clovet, Charles, 6 - -Cocoa, 145, 150 - -Cohorn mortar, 130 _n_. - -Colebrooke, John, xliii - -Committees, minutes of, 8, 16, 22, 34, 101, 103, 112, - 113, 158, 162, 170, 174, 177, 186, 197, 200, 206, 212, - 215, 221, 224, 227, 274, 286, 292, 300 - -Connely, John, 6, 34, 35, 104, 129, 131, 141, 159, 171, 178, - 197, 280, 282, 288 - -Cooke, Captain Edward, x, xxv, 6, 9, 16, 17, 25, 28, 34, 35, - 89, 103, 104, 107, 117, 118, 138, 157, 159, 168, 174, - 180, 186, 190, 194, 216, 218, 219, 223, 263, 288, 303 - -Cordilleras of Chili, 252 - -Cordova, La Plata, 65 - -Corientes, Cape, 195 - -Cork, Ireland, 3 _et seq._ - -Courtney, Capt. Stephen, x, 2, 6, 7, 9, 12 et seq., 16, 17, - 20, 21, 25, 28, 31, 33, 34, 35, 89, 103, 104, 113, 118, - 121, 127, 129, 132, 139, 140, 141, 151, 155, 157, 159, - 180, 186, 187, 190, 194, 197, 209, 216, 219, 221, 223, - 262, 263, 286, 288, 301 - -Couvade, a curious custom, 42 _n_. - -Crosse, J., 13, 15 - -_Crown_ galley, 8, 11 - - -D’Acugna, a Jesuit, 52 - -D’Almagro, Diego, 249 - -Dampier, William, viii, x, 5, 9, 17, 27, 28, 34, 35, 79, - 91, 95, 97, 103, 104, 106, 113, 120, 121, 123, 128, - 141, 159, 179, 183, 186, 190, 194, 197, 201, 274, - 280, 281, 288 - -Darien, 80 - -Davies, William, 46 - -Davis, Captain Edward, 155, 194 - -Davis, John, 83 - -Defoe, Daniel, xvi - -_Delicia_, man-of-war, xxviii, xxxviii - -De Solis, Juan Dias, 54 - -_Diamond_, sloop, 2, 3 - -Dispute between Captain Rogers and Captain Dover, 224 - -_Donnegall_, 305 - -Dover, Captain Thomas, x, 5, 7, 16, 21, 29, 33, 34, - 90, 91, 97, 103, 104, 112, 113, 118, 122, 123, - 127, 129, 140, 141, 151, 156, 159, 162, 186, 197, - 216, 217, 223, 224, 263, 280, 288, 301, 303 - -Downs, The, 313 - -Drake, Sir Francis, 82, 190 - -_Duke_, privateer, x, 2 _et seq._ - -Dutch: Africa, 306 _et seq._ - East Indies, 290 _et seq._ - S. America, 39 - -_Dutchess_, privateer, x, 2 _et seq._ - -Dutch Fleet convoy, 301 - - -Edwards, Captain, 7 - -Edwards, Richard, 5 - -Effigy, a miraculous, 169 - -El Pongo, straits on Amazon, 53 - -English prisoners of Spain, 165, 243 - -Equator, crossing the, 17, 309 - -Erith, 314 - -_Essex_, man-of-war, 313 - - -Falkland Islands, 76 - -Falkner, Thomas, a prisoner, 244 - -Festivities, on board and ashore, 11, 31, 32, 262, 265 - -Figuero, Ant. Gomes, 266 - -Finch, John, 6 - -Fish, on mast, 219 _n._ - -Flamingoes, 257 - -Flip, 5 _n._ - -_Frederick_, 294 - -Fry, Robert, 5, 9, 17, 28, 34, 35, - 104, 111, 112, 116, 117, - 118, 138, 159, 162, 171, - 186, 191, 195, 197, 199, - 213, 218, 223, 227, 288, 303 - - -Gabriel, John, a Dutchman, 135 - -Gallapagos Islands, 190 - -Gallo Island, 156 - -Gaming, rules against, 205, 207 - -Gardner, Mr., 133 - -George, Prince of Denmark, 182, 207, 285 - -Giants, in Patagonia, 81 - -Gillolo Island, 274, 275, 276 - -Glendall, Thomas, 5, 9, 17, 104, - 113, 123, 128, 159, 178, 186, 196, 197, 205, 288 - -Goats, on Juan Fernandez, 93, 94, 96, 98 - -_Golden Sun_, prize, 156 - -Gold mines, 29, 252 - -Goodall, James, 6, 139, 286, 288 - -Gorgona Island, 156 _et seq._, 178 _et seq._ - -Gouin, de Beauchesne, viii, 86 - -Granadillo flower, 71 - -Grande, Brazil, 26, 27 _et seq._ - -Guaicurean Indians, 72 - -Guaira, Paraguay, 71 - -Guam, 211, 212, 228, 263 _et seq._, 267 - -Guembe fruit, 71 - -Guiaquil, 112 _et seq._, 119 _et seq._, 143 _et seq._ - -Guio, Chili, 260 - -Guzman, Ferdinando de, 51 - - -Harris, Dr. John, 54 n. - -_Hastings_, man-of-war, 3, 6 - -Hattley, Simon, 6, 104, 137, 151, 152, 153, 192, 243 - -_Havre de Grace_ (_Marquis_), 116 _et seq._, 273 - -_Hey Boys up we Go_, song, 31 _n._ - -Hilo, 88 - -Hollidge, James, 312, 313 - -Homagues, of the Amazon, 45 - -Hopkins, Samuel, 5, 112, 151, 158 - -Hopkins, William, 6 - -Horn Island, 289, 291 - -Hosier, Vice-admiral, xxxviii - -Hotentots, 308 - -Hudson, Captain Robert, 305 - - -_Increase_, privateer, 108 - -Indians: Amazon, 45 _et seq._ - Brazil, 41 - California, 208, 229 - Frontones, 70 - La Plata, 60 - Mexico, 236 - Tecames, 184, 188 - -Indigo, 267 - -Inquisition, the, 147 - - -_Jamaica_, privateer, 164 - -Japan, 238 - -Japara Island, 284 - -Jears, 25 _n._ - -Jesuit Missionaries in S. America, 58 _et seq._ - -Johnson, John, 6 - -Jones, John, 6 - -Juan Fernandez, xvi, 90 _et seq._ - -Justice, Spanish methods of, 146 - - -Kendall, Michael, a free negro, 165, 181, 198 - -Kingroad, Bristol, 2 - -_King William_, 305 - -Kinsale, 3 - -Knethel, Howel, 5 - -Knowlesman, Robert, 6, 118, 158, 174 - - -Ladies searched at Guiaquil, 131 - -Ladrones Islands, 81, 212 - -Lancy, John, 6 - -La Plata, river, 54 _et seq._ - -Lazaretto, 210 _n._ - -Le Maire, straits, 85, 88 - -Liboya serpent, 38 - -Lieutenancy at Guiaquil, 148 - -Lima, 147, 169, 243, 247 - -Litton, Captain, 305 - -Llamas, 258 - -Lobos de la Mar, island, 101, 107, 108 - -London, Chili, 70 - -Louis le Grand Island, 87 - -_Loyal Bliss_, 305 - -_Loyal Cook_, 305 - - -Macaqua birds, 71 - -Machiparo, Amazons, 47 - -Madagascar, xxxviii, 307 - -Madura Island, 284 - -Magaillans, Ferdinando, 81 - -Magellan, straits of, 80 _et seq._ - -Maguey, a S. American tree, 233, 259 - -Malaga Island, 157 - -Malagita pepper, 93 - -Manila galleon, xix, 200, 203, 213, 216, 217, 228, 242, 262, 267 - -Magarita Island, 50, 51 - -Maria wood, 161 - -_Marquis_, see _Havre de Grace_ - -Masts, timber for, 160, 161 - -Maurice, Prince, in Brazil, 41 - -May, Charles, 6 - -Maypo River, Chili, 255 - -Melo, Leus de, 50 - -Mendoca, Chili, 254 - -Mendoza, Don Pedro, 54 - -Mexican customs, curious, 235 - -Mexico, 232 _et seq._ - -Mexico City, 239 - -Military men, Spanish, 147 - -Minehead, 2 - -Mocha Island, 260 - -Money paid to officers, 288 - -Monk’s Rock, St. Vincent, 18, 19 - -Morel, Señor, 110, 111, 119, 139, - 141, 142, 154, 157, 163, 164, 166, 168, 174, 177 - -Mortal Island, 273 - -Mosquitoes, 122 - -Mullattoes, 149 - -Mustees, 149 - -Mutinies and threats, 9, 10, 28, 155, 172, 281 - - -Narborough, Sir John, 84 - -Nassau, Bahamas, xxviii, xxx - -_Nathanael_, 294 - -Navarro, Juan, 155, 164, 166, 167, 171, 177 - -Neagers, Captain, 294 - -Negroes, in crew, 181, 198, 204 - -New Guinea, 275 - -Newhoff (Nieuhof), Jan, 38 _et seq._ - -Newkirk, Henry, 6 - -New Providence, Bahamas, xlii - -New Year’s Day at sea, 78 - -_Nostra Seniora de la Incarnacion Disenganio_, 214 - - -_Oley_, 294, 305 - -Oliphant, Henry, 6 - -Opey, Captain John, 294 - -Orellana, Francisco de, 46, 47 _et seq._ - -Oronoco, river, 73 - -Orotava, 12 _et seq._ - -Orsua, Pedro de, 50 - -Ounce, a Mexican beast, 245 - - -Pachma silver mines, 238 - -Page, William, 6, 25, 26, 174 - -Palacios, Juan de, 51 - -Palma Maria tree, 178 - -Panama, 182, 247 - -Paraguay, 68 - -Paraguay (Maté) herb, 69 - -Paraguay, river, 55, 68 - -Paranapan River, 71 - -Parker, John, 5 - -Parrot, Captain, 305 - -Parsons, Benjamin, 5 - -Partridge-shot, 117 _n._ - -Patagonia, 81, 85, 90 - -Patterero, a gun, 105 - -Paul, Captain John, xii _n_, 7 - -Payta, 110 _et seq._ - -Pecaries, of Chili, 252 - -Penguin Island, 304 - -Peru, 106, 246 _et seq._ - -Peterborough, Lord, 156 - -_Peterborough_, frigate, 2 - -Phenney, George, xxxvii, xl, xlii - -Phrip, Captain, 294 - -Pichberty, Sir John, 214, 216, 223 - -Pike, Captain, 294, 299 - -Piemento tree, 84, 93, 94 - -Pillar, John, 6 - -Pirates, xxvii _et seq._, 307 - -Pizarro, Francisco, 81 - -Plunder, from prizes, xxv, 21, 103, - 114, 135, 168, 170, 172, 176, - 205, 206, 293 - -Poangue River, Chili, 255 - -_Pompey_, galley, 2 - -Poole, Dorset, vii - -Pope, Charles, 5, 9, 17, 28, 34, 35, - 104, 168, 171, 174, 186, 194, 286, - 288, 312 - -Porcupine, S. American, 29 - -Porpoises, black, 75 - -Port Famine, Tierra del Fuego, 86 - -Port Galand, 87 - -Potosi, 67, 246 - -_Prince Eugene_, privateer, 2, 3 - -Pritchard, Mrs., xxxii - -Prizes on the high seas, 9, 11, 21, 76, - 101, 103, 106, 108, 116, 138, 155, - 156, 182, 214, 217 - -Procession at Angre de Reys, 31 - -Provisions, shortage of, 261, 274 _et seq._, 292 - -Prow, a boat of Guam, 268 - -Puna Island, 119 _et seq._, 140, 145 - -Punishments on board, 25, 28, 205, 210 - -Punt’ Arena, 119, 138, 140 - - -Quito, 52 - - -Raccoons, 201 - -Reformado, 5 _n._ - -Relics, prayer-books, etc., capture of, 169 - -Rica, 88 - -Ringrose, Basil, 95 - -Rio Janeiro, 28, 36 - -Rio Negro, 44 - -Roads cut by Incas, 233 - -Roberts, Captain Edward, 165 - -“Robinson Crusoe,” xvi - -_Rochester_, 294 - -Rogers, John, 6, 34, 35, 104, 116, 158 - -Rogers, Noblett, xi, 4, 5 - -Rogers, Captain Woodes, vii _et seq._, xxvii _et seq._, xlv, - 5, 8, 9, 12, 14, 17, 25, 31, 33, 36, 77, 90, 113, - 116 _et seq._, 153, 157, 159, 172, 175, 180, 181, - 194, 197, 204, 205, 211, 214, 215, 217 _et seq._, - 223, 224 _et seq._, 262, 263, 275, 286, 291, 293, - 301, 307, 311 - -Roove, 29 _n._ - -Rounsivell, George, xxxi - -Runs, table of, 270. - - -Sabandar at Batavia, 290, 293 - -St. Antonio, Cape Verd Islds., 19, 20 - -St. Elizabeth Island, 86 - -Santa-Fe, La Plata, 66 - -St. Jago Island, 23, 24 - -St. Jago de l’Istero, La Plata, 66 - -_Santa Josepha_ (_Increase_), a prize, 108 - -St. Lucas, Cape, 204 _et seq._ - -St. Magdalen’s Island, 87 - -St. Maria de l’Aquada Island, 193 - -St. Mary Island, Chili, 90 - -_St. Thomas de Villa Nova_, prize, 155 - -St. Vincent, Cape Verd Islds., 18 - -Sal, Island of, 18 - -Salvages Island, 11 - -Sampan, 291 _n._ - -Sansome, John, xxxiii - -Sanson maps, 43 - -Saunders, Sir George, 4 - -_Scipio_, privateer, 2, 7 - -Scorch, Nathaniel, 6 - -Sea Lions on Juan Fernandez, 100 - -Seals on Juan Fernandez, etc., 100, 108, 109, 194 - -Sebald de Wert Island, 88 - -Segura, 213, 215, 222, 261 - -Selkirk, Alexander, xvi, 91 _et seq._, 108, 131, 152, 181, 228, 287, 288 - -Sepp, a Jesuit, 55, 58 - -Serpana Island, 263 - -Sham fight, 182 - -Shares, difficulties over, 173 - -Shepard, John, 6 - -_Sherstone_, galley, 2, 3, 6 - -Shetland, 310 - -_Shoreham_, man-of-war, 4 - -Sickness at sea, 79, 80, 89, 90, 99, 108, 150, 153, 195, 263 - -Signals between vessels, 101 - -Silver mines, 238, 246 - -Sinfuegos, Don Pedro, 142 - -Sloane, Sir Hans, xxvi, xli - -Sloth, found at Gorgona, 179 - -Snakes, 38, 64, 68, 166, 200 - -South Sea, discovery of, 80 _et seq._, 237 - -Spain, war with, xxxviii - -Sparrey, Francis, 73 - -Spilberg, Dutch navigator, 84 - -Stains, Captain, 294 - -Stays, 75 _n._ - -Steele, Sir Richard, xxviii, xxxi - -Stradling, Captain, 91, 106, 242, 247 - -Stretton, William, 6, 16, 17, 34, 35, 104, - 108, 133, 138, 162, 170, 171, 186, 192, - 216, 227, 288, 303 - -_Stringer_, 294 - -Sucking Fish, 32 - -Swann, Captain, 196 - - -Tapoyars of Brazil, 42 - -Teach, Captain (Blackbeard), xxix - -Tecames, 183 _et seq._, 188 e_t seq._ - -Teneriff, 11, 16 - -Terceroons, 149 - -Ternate, 273 - -Texeira, Portuguese explorer, 52 - -Texel, 311 - -Theft on board, 210, 262 - -Thompson, Captain James, 244 - -Tierra del Fuego, 85, 86 - -Tres Marias Islands, 195, 201 _et seq._ - -Trestle-tree, 28 _n._ - -Tucuman, Brazil, 69 - -Turtle, 191, 193, 197, 202, 205 - - -Underhill, George, 103, 154 - -Unrest Isle, Batavia, 289, 293 - -Uruguay River, 60 - - -Valentine’s Day on board, 262 - -Valparaiso, 259 - -Vanbrugh, Carleton, 5, 7, 9, 12 _et seq._, 17, - 21, 29, 33, 34, 35, 75, 102, 104, 112, - 173, 203, 219, 261, 280, 282, 286, 288, - 293, 305 - -Vandenhende, Peter, 6 - -Vane, Charles, a pirate, xxix - -Vaughan, Alexander, 5 - -Veale, John, 79 - -Vigor, John, 5 - -Virgin Mary, image of, 169 - -Vultures, 109 - - -Warden, Samuel, 103, 104 - -Wasse, James, Surgeon, 6, 204, 300 - -Watling, Captain John, 95 - -Whetstone, Sir William, viii - -White, Mr., the linguist, 55, 127, 157, 184, 185, 190 - -White Indians on Amazon, 48 - -Whitney, Captain, xxxiii - -William, a Moskito Indian, 95 - -Wilson, David, 103 - -Winter, Captain, 305 - -Withrington, Captain, 50, 54 - -Women prisoners, 178 - - -Young, Thomas, 6 - - -Zalayer Island, 283 - - -Printed in Great Britain by Butler & Tanner Ltd., Frome and London -F. 20. 128. - - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1] This information is derived principally from “Notes and Queries,” - vol. 149 (28 Nov. 1925), pp. 388-89. Robert Rogers was Mayor of Poole - in 1550; John Rogers in 1572 and 1583. - - [2] Dampier, “Voyages,” 1699, vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 104; pt. 3, p. 20, pp. - 108-12. This supposition is supported by the fact that Dampier sailed - under Rogers in 1708. If the supposition is correct, Rogers may have - been born prior to 1679. - - [3] On 24 January, 1704/5, a marriage licence was issued from the - Faculty Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury for:--“Woodes Rogers, - of the City of Bristol, Merchant, bachelor, about 25, and Mrs. - Sarah Whetstone, spinster, 18, with consent of her father the Hon. - Rear-Admiral William Whetstone ... at St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish - Street, London” (Harleian Soc, xxiv, 247). - - [4] “Notes and Queries,” Ser. ix, vol. i, 69. - - [5] 6 Anne, cap. 13, 26 March, 1708. - - [6] Stark, “Abolition of Privateering,” p. 69. - - [7] Nixon, “Thomas Dover,” 1909, p. 2. - - [8] Born 1662. He appears to have been of a very quarrelsome nature, - and was afterwards transferred to the _Dutchess_. He died in 1742. - - [9] Cooke like Rogers possessed literary ability. In 1712 he published - an account of the expedition, “A Voyage to the South Sea and Round the - World.” The book is inferior to the account given by Rogers. - - [10] Born 1652, a famous navigator and hydrographer. Served in the - R.N. 1673, and joined the Buccaneers six years later. Returned to - England in 1691, and in 1699-1700 conducted a voyage of discovery to - the South Seas. In 1703 appointed to command two privateers, and it - was during this voyage that Selkirk was marooned on Juan Fernandez by - Capt. Stradling. Dampier returned to England in 1707. A good pilot but - a bad commander. He died in London, 1715. - - [11] John Paul, 3rd Lieutenant of the _Chichester_, 1696. Captain, - 1706, and promoted to the _Hastings_. Employed on the Irish station - for many years, and among other duties convoyed the outward bound - merchant ships to the westward. Died 1720. - - [12] During the voyage Rogers paid particular attention to the - religious requirements of the men. Even his prisoners were “allowed - liberty of conscience,” and they had “the Great Cabbin for their - Mass, whilst we used the Church of England service over them on the - Quarter-deck,” and in consequence he humorously remarks that “the - Papists were the Low Church men.” - - [13] Over thirty years later Anson experienced the same difficulty, - and he records that not finding the island “in the position in which - the charts had taught us to expect it” they feared they had gone too - far to the westward. - - [14] Rogers’s account of Selkirk created an appetite that was speedily - fed by other writers. In the same year Captain Edward Cooke (who - sailed with Rogers) brought out his “Voyage to the South Sea,” in - which he included an account of Selkirk. In 1712 there also appeared a - tract entitled “Providence Displayed; or a surprising account of one - Alexander Selkirk,” which is practically a verbatim transcript from - Rogers. In “The Englishman” for the 3rd December, 1713, Sir Richard - Steele, who was a friend of Rogers, and had met Selkirk, published - an account of Selkirk which follows in the main the story given by - Rogers. Before the publication of the first part of Defoe’s “Robinson - Crusoe” in 1719, two editions of Rogers’s book had been published. - It is possible that the introduction of the character of Friday into - “Robinson Crusoe” was inspired by the incident of the Mosquito Indian - mentioned on p. 95 of Rogers’s book. Selkirk returned to his native - Largs in Fifeshire in the spring of 1712, and eventually went to sea - again. In 1720 he was Master’s Mate of H.M.S. _Weymouth_. He died in - the following year. - - [15] A piece-of-eight was equivalent in value to 4_s._ 6_d._ - - [16] Anson emulated Rogers by capturing the galleon in 1743. - - [17] She was named _Nuestra Señora de la Incarnacion Disenganio_, and - was of 400 tons burden. Her Commander was Don John Pichberty, by birth - a Frenchman, and brother-in-law of the French Governor in Hispaniola. - - [18] The Spanish prisoners were released, including the Commander, - Pichberty, and after providing them with provisions, they were - despatched to Acapulco, and “parted very friendly.” - - [19] The actual value of the plunder is stated in a contemporary - petition to have amounted to £800,000 (Mariner’s “Mirror,” 1924, p. - 377). Two large silver candlesticks taken during the cruise are now in - Bristol Cathedral. - - [20] Cooke, “Voyage to the S. Sea,” i, 345, and Introduction to - vol. i. The shares were apportioned as follows: Captain 24 shares, - Second Captain 20, First Lieutenant 16, Master and Surgeon 10, - Pilot 8, Boatswain, Gunner and Carpenter 6, Cooper 5, Midshipmen 4, - Quartermasters 3, Sailors 2-1/2, Landsmen 1-1/2. - - [21] It is interesting to note that the South Sea Company was - incorporated in 1711, under the title of “The Governor & Company of - the Merchants of Great Britain, trading to the South Seas & other - parts of America.” - - [22] Rogers’s original log book was, in 1828, in the possession of - Gabriel Goldney, Mayor of Bristol, whose ancestor helped to fit out - the expedition. - - [23] B.M. Sloane MSS. 4044, fol. 155. See also his “Voyage,” p. 307. - - [24] “Polit. State of Gt. Britain,” xiv, 1717, p. 295. - - [25] Public Record Office: C.O. 23, 12. - - [26] C.O. 23, 2. - - [27] C.O. 23, 2. - - [28] Addison, “Works,” 1856, vi, 496. Anson in 1740 complained - bitterly that his land forces consisted of pensioners from Chelsea. - - [29] Ibid., 500. - - [30] Aitken, “Life of Steele,” ii, 162. - - [31] “Polit. State,” xv, 447. - - [32] For a copy of this proclamation, see Dow; “Pirates of New - England,” pp. 381-2. - - [33] Johnson, C., “General History of the Pirates,” 1726, ii, p. 274. - - [34] Johnson, “Pirates,” 1726, ii, 363. - - [35] In February of the following year Vane was shipwrecked near the - Bay of Honduras. He was captured soon after, taken to Jamaica, tried, - convicted and executed. - - [36] Polit. State, xvi, 551. - - [37] Ibid., 551. - - [38] Johnson, “Pirates,” 1726, ii, pp. 273-7. - - [39] Johnson, 1726, ii, p. 336. - - [40] Following on his reprieve Rounsivell worked for some time ashore, - but afterwards served in a Privateer. Here he distinguished himself - by refusing to escape in a small boat, when the ship was wrecked, and - remained with his captain to the last (Johnson, ii, 308-9). - - [41] Public Record Office, C.O. 23, 13. - - [42] C.O., 23, 1. - - [43] B.M. Add. MSS. 5145, C. ff. 123-6. - - [44] Adam Cardonnel, one of the proprietors of the Bahama Islands. - - [45] A reference evidently to the ducking-stool. - - [46] John Sansome, a schoolfellow of Steele, and his assistant in the - Fish Pool Scheme. Rogers had met him at the Tennis Coffee House in - November, 1717. - - [47] C.O. 23, 13. - - [48] C.O. 23, 1. - - [49] I.e. Charles Vane. See _ante_ p. xxix. - - [50] Edward Thaitch or Teach, a famous pirate known as “Blackbeard.” - Killed in action with Robert Maynard of H.M.S. _Pearl_ eighteen days - after this letter. See also page xxix. - - [51] C.O. 23, 1. - - [52] Cal. Treasury Papers, Vol. 228, No. 24. - - [53] C.O. 23, 13. - - [54] C.O. 23, 1. - - [55] This “Memorial” is printed in J. Ker’s “Memoirs,” pt. 3, 1726, - pp. 22-34. - - [56] _London Magazine_, 12 Aug., 1721. - - [57] Cal. Treasury Papers, vol. 235, No. 49. - - [58] “Notes and Queries,” Ser. 9, vol. 1, p. 68. - - [59] “D.N. Biog.,” article “Hosier.” - - [60] Probably the same Captain Dennis who in 1718 conducted an - expedition to Havana, the Proceedings of which are in the P.R.O. (C.O. - 137, 13). - - [61] B.M. Add. MSS. 33748, ff. 317-18. - - [62] Runners, i.e. fast ships which risk every impediment as to - privateers or blockade (Smyth, “Sailor’s Word Book,” p. 586). This is - a very early use of the term. - - [63] C.O. 23, 13. - - [64] C.O. 23, 2. - - [65] C.O. 23, 14. - - [66] B.M. Add. MSS. 4459, ff. 101-2. - - [67] B.M. Add. MSS. 4459, f. 102. - - [68] B.M. Add. MSS. 36128, ff. 177-85. - - [69] Cal. Treasury Books, 1729-30, pp. 57, 304. - - [70] The picture is reproduced in this volume. In the will of Sarah - Rogers, who died 1743, she bequeathed to “Mr. Sergeant Eyre, the - picture of her father, brother, and herself, in one frame.” The - painting afterwards came into the possession of Samuel Ireland, and - was bought at his sale in 1801 by “Mr. Vernon.” Its present repository - is unknown. It was engraved in 1799. - - [71] Cal. of Treasury Books, 1729-30, p. 61. - - [72] C.O. 23, 2. - - [73] C.O. 23, 2. - - [74] C.O. 24, 1. - - [75] C.O. 23, 2. - - [76] Just a year after his death, an Order in Council directed the - Treasury to complete the bargain for the purchase of the Proprietors - and Lessees’ rights (C.O. 23, 3). - - [77] C.O. 23, 3. - - [78] Ibid. - - [79] Ibid. - - [80] About this time Rogers transmitted to the Lords Commissioners - of Trade “A general account and description of the Bahamas,” a most - important document, occupying 14 folio pages, which is still preserved - among the Colonial Records in the Public Record Office (C.O. 23, 3). - - [81] CO. 23, 3. - - [82] The population comprised 256 men, 190 women, 489 white children, - 275 able negroes, and 178 negro children. - - [83] The landfall of Columbus is known to have been one of the Bahama - Islands. Opinion is divided between Watling Island and Cat Island. - Rogers’s letter lends support to the latter. - - [84] In the following year he was chosen as one of the Council of the - Bahamas. He was afterwards one of the three chief merchants of the - Royal African Company, and died in 1735 “at Whydah, on the coast of - Africa.” - - [85] The Sovereigns; two remarkable rocky islets eastward of Kinsale - Harbour; Big Sovereign (92 ft. high) and Little Sovereign. - - [86] It appears from the will of Francis Rogers, part owner of the - _Duke_ and _Dutchess_, that Noblett Rogers was his brother. They were - sons of Robert Rogers of Cork. The relationship to Woodes Rogers is - uncertain. (“Notes & Queries,” Ser. X, vol. 9, p. 456.) - - [87] Rear-Admiral Sir George Saunders, born about 1671. Entered R.N. - 1689. Present at the Battle of La Hogue. With Rooke at Cadiz & Vigo. - Appointed to the _Shoreham_ in 1705 and continued in her till 1710, - cruising in the Irish Sea. Captain of the _Barfleur_ in defeat of - the Spanish fleet off Cape Passaro. Knighted 1720 and afterwards a - Commissioner of the Navy. Died 5 Dec. 1734. - - [88] A mixture of beer and spirit, sweetened with sugar and heated. - - [89] An officer who has been deprived of a command but retains his - rank and pay. The term was also occasionally employed to designate a - volunteer. - - [90] i.e. Yawl; a boat usually rowed with 4 or 6 oars. - - [91] The Archduke Charles of Austria, whom the Allies in 1703 proposed - to make King of Spain, as Charles III. - - [92] For a similar ceremony on entering the Mediterranean, see Teonge - _Diary_, 1927, p. 264. - - [93] From now onward Woodes Rogers employs the contraction L. for - “league.” - - [94] Long bars or bolts of iron, with shackles sliding on them, and a - lock at the end, used to confine the feet of prisoners. - - [95] Jears; the tackles by which the lower yards of a ship are hoisted - or lowered. - - [96] i.e. Trestle-trees; two strong bars of timber fixed horizontally - on the opposite sides of the lower mast head, to support the frame of - the top, and the weight of the top-mast. - - [97] Roove or Rove; a weight of about 30 lb. used in the seventeenth - and eighteenth centuries. - - [98] A favourite song during the Commonwealth, which describes in a - humorous way the tastes of the Puritans. The words and the tune are to - be found in D’Urfey’s “Pills to Purge Melancholy” (1719) ii, 286-7. - - [99] Jan Nieuhof, a Dutch traveller of the middle of the seventeenth - century. His “Voyages and Travels into Brasil” were reprinted in - Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages”, Vol. II. - - [100] Count John Maurice of Nassau Siegen was sent by the Dutch as - governor of their Brazilian colonies in 1636. His attempts to found an - empire in S. America were thwarted by the cupidity of the merchants, - and he resigned his post in 1644. - - [101] An interesting example of the widespread custom of the _couvade_. - - [102] Probably the “Description de tout l’Univers en plusiers cartes, - etc.” By Nicolas & Guillaume Sanson, an edition of which appeared in - 1700. - - [103] Pedro Texeira was the first to ascend the Amazon, in 1638. He - made his way to Quito by the River Napo. - - [104] Davies (William) Barber-Surgeon of London. His “Description, - etc., of the River Amazon” is printed in Purchas “Pilgrimes,” 1625, - vol. IV. - - [105] Francisco de Orellana. For his “Voyage down the Amazons”, - 1540-1, see Hakluyt Soc., vol. XXIV. - - [106] Robert Harcourt. On 23 March, 1609, he and a company of - adventurers sailed for Guiana. He published an account of his - adventures in “A relation of a voyage to Guiana,” 1613. It is - reprinted in Purchas. - - [107] Robert Withrington and Christopher Lister left the Thames in - June, 1586, for a voyage to the South Sea. In January, 1587, they - arrived off the coast of Brazil, and among their captures was a - Portugese vessel, on board of which was Lopez Vaz, the author of a - “Hist. of the W. Indies and the S. Sea.” Both he and the MS. of his - book fell into the hands of the English. A translation of it was - published in Hakluyt’s “Voyages.” - - [108] _Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca; or a Compleat - Collection of Voyages and Travels_, by Dr. John Harris, 1705; a most - interesting narrative of over 400 voyages. - - [109] “The Remarkable and Strange Adventures of A. Knivet,” 1591, is - printed in Purchas. - - [110] Gouin de Beauchesne, a captain in the French merchant service. - His celebrated voyage occupied nearly three years. - - [111] His account of a “Voyage from Spain to Paraquaria” is reprinted - in Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages,” vol. IV. - - [112] J. F. Gemelli Careri’s “Voyage Round the World” is printed in - Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages,” vol. IV. - - [113] F. N. del Techo’s “Hist. of the Provinces of Paraguay, Rio de La - Plata, etc.,” is included in Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages,” vol. - IV. - - [114] Francis Sparrey, servant to one of Ralegh’s captains, was left - in Guiana in 1595. Eventually captured by the Spaniards, he escaped to - England in 1602, Ralegh spoke of him as a man who “could describe a - country with a pen,” and his description of Guiana is included in Vol. - IV of Purchas “Pilgrimes” 1625. - - [115] In Stays; i.e. in the act of going about from one tack to the - other. If a ship misses stays her head she pays off again on the old - tack. - - [116] The lowest sail on each of the three masts was reefed. - - [117] A popular error; Thomas Cavendish, the second Englishman to - circumnavigate the globe, was never knighted. - - [118] Edward Fenton, the famous Elizabethan sea captain, commanded the - _Mary Rose_ against the Armada. - - [119] John Davys or Davis of Sandridge, a famous Elizabethan - navigator, and discoverer of Davis Strait. - - [120] Sir John Narbrough, a famous Admiral and friend of Pepys, who - passed through the Straits of Magellan in Nov., 1670. - - [121] Ovalle (Alonso de). His “Hist. relation of the kingdom of Chili” - is reprinted in Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages,” vol. III. - - [122] Sudden bursts or squalls of wind. - - [123] Basil Ringrose, a friend of Dampier, joined the Buccaneers in - the Gulf of Darien, 1680. His “Journal,” the MS. of which is in the - British Museum, was published in the second volume of the “Hist. of - the Buccaneers,” 1685. He was killed in action in Feb., 1686. - - [124] John Watling “an old privateer and a stout seaman,” was - appointed to command the Buccaneers in Jan., 1681, at Juan Fernandez. - Quitting the island in a hurry a Mosquito Indian, named William, was - left behind. Watling was killed in action at the end of the month. - Dampier visited the island March 22, 1684, and rescued the Indian. - - [125] Anson, who visited the island in 1741, records that “the first - goat that was killed at their landing had its ears slit, whence we - concluded that he had doubtless been formerly under the power of - Selkirk. This was indeed an animal of most venerable aspect, dignified - with an exceeding majestic beard.” - - [126] Perriers, commonly known as Pattereras or Pedereros; a small - breach-loading swivel-gun. - - [127] Thomas Stradling, formerly Lieutenant of this vessel. - - [128] A charge consisting of a number of missiles (pieces of iron, - stones, etc.) fired together; similar to case shot. - - [129] Grapling or Grapnel; a sort of small anchor fitted with four or - five flukes, or claws. - - [130] A small kind of mortar invented by the celebrated engineer, - Baron Coehorn, to throw small shells or grenades. - - [131] A large species of Tunny fish, similar to the Bonito or striped - Tunney. - - [132] It was not until Rogers returned to England that he learnt that - Simon Hatley, after losing company of the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_, - sailed to the coast of Peru, and after great privations, surrendered - to the Spaniards. He afterwards returned to England, and served as - Shelvocke’s second Captain in his “Voyage round the World,” 1719-22. - An incident in this voyage--the shooting of a black Albatross by - Hatley--has been immortalized in Coleridge’s “Ancient Mariner.” - - [133] Edward Davis, chosen to command the Buccaneers in the South Sea - in 1684. - - [134] The operation of heaving a ship down on one side by strong - purchase on the masts, so that the bottom may be cleaned. - - [135] Cut-water or Knee of the Head; the foremost part of a ship’s - prow. - - [136] He died October 28, 1708. - - [137] Captain Swann, one of the most redoubtable pirates of the - Pacific, with whom Dampier served, 1685-86. In the latter year Dampier - took advantage of a mutiny to abandon Swann and thirty-six of his crew - at Mindanao, in the Philippines. - - [138] He had been appointed Lord High Admiral of England on Anne’s - accession. - - [139] In merchant ships the lazaretto was the fore part of the lower - deck, parted off for the storage of provisions and stores. - - [140] See note page 25. - - [141] A strong thick block of wood, with two large holes through it - (one square, the other round) to confine two masts together. (Smyth, - “Sailor’s Word Book”). - - [142] Used in this sense to mean a waving movement. - - [143] Boxes containing cartridges for muskets. - - [144] Two long pieces of hard wood, convex on one side and concave on - the other, bound opposite to each other to strengthen the masts. - - [145] Evidently a misprint for support. - - [146] A netting extending fore and aft to prevent an enemy from - boarding. - - [147] J. F. Gemelli Careri. His “Voyage round the World” was included - in Churchill’s Collection of Voyages, vol. IV. - - [148] Herrara (Antonio de), “General history of the Continent and - Islands of America”; originally written in Spanish. - - [149] A small vessel used in Far Eastern waters, propelled by an oar - over the stern, and having a mat shed or hut in which the owner and - his family live. - - [150] Leaguer; a kind of cask, the exact nature and size of which is - doubtful. - - [151] A name applied in Eastern countries to any spirituous liquor of - native manufacture. (N.E.D.) - - [152] The Bonnet was an additional part made to fasten to the foot of - other sails. In the case of difficult leaks, the bonnet was brought up - over the keel and so laced over the leak. - - [153] While still heeled over, or careened for cleaning. - - [154] Some years later Rogers proposed a settlement on Madagascar; see - Introduction, page xxxviii. - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Cruising Voyage Around the World, by -Woodes Rogers - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A CRUISING VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD *** - -***** This file should be named 55538-0.txt or 55538-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/5/3/55538/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif, Greg Weeks, Kim and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: A Cruising Voyage Around the World - -Author: Woodes Rogers - -Release Date: September 13, 2017 [EBook #55538] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A CRUISING VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD *** - - - - -Produced by Chuck Greif, Greg Weeks, Kim and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<hr class="full" /> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/cover.jpg" width="316" height="500" class="nn" alt="[Image -of the book's cover unavailable.]" /> -</div> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="10" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="border:6px outset gray;"> -<tr><td class="c"><a href="#INDEX"><b>Index</b></a> -<a href="#A">A</a>, -<a href="#B">B</a>, -<a href="#C">C</a>, -<a href="#D">D</a>, -<a href="#E">E</a>, -<a href="#F">F</a>, -<a href="#G">G</a>, -<a href="#H">H</a>, -<a href="#I">I</a>, -<a href="#J">J</a>, -<a href="#K">K</a>, -<a href="#L">L</a>, -<a href="#M">M</a>, -<a href="#N">N</a>, -<a href="#O">O</a>, -<a href="#P">P</a>, -<a href="#Q">Q</a>, -<a href="#R">R</a>, -<a href="#S">S</a>, -<a href="#T">T</a>, -<a href="#U">U</a>, -<a href="#V">V</a>, -<a href="#W">W</a>, -<a href="#Y">Y</a>, -<a href="#Z">Z</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<p class="c">A CRUISING VOYAGE ROUND<br /> -THE WORLD</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_i" id="page_i"></a>{i}</span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_ii" id="page_ii"></a>{ii}</span></p> - -<p><a name="ill_001" id="ill_001"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_003_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_003_sml.jpg" width="409" height="500" alt="Image unavailable: CAPTAIN WILLIAM DAMPIER - -From the painting by Thomas Murray, in the National Portrait -Gallery." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">CAPTAIN WILLIAM DAMPIER -<br /> -From the painting by Thomas Murray, in the National Portrait -Gallery.</span> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_iii" id="page_iii"></a>{iii}</span></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="8" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="border:8px double black;"> -<tr><td class="cb"><i><span class="bluee">T H E S E A F A R E R S’ L I B R A R Y</span></i><br /> -<i>General Editor: G.E. MANWARING, F.R.Hist.S.</i></td></tr> -</table> - -<h1><span class="bluee">A<br /> -C<span class="sml">RUISING</span> V<span class="sml">OYAGE</span><br /> -R<span class="sml">OUND THE</span> W<span class="sml">ORLD</span></span></h1> - -<div class="blk"><div class="blkk"> -Captain <big><i>WOODES ROGERS</i></big><br /> -<br /> - With Introduction and Notes<br /> - by <span class="smcap">G.E.Manwaring</span>, <small>F.R.Hist.S.</small><br /> -<br /> - WITH 8 HALF-TONE PLATES</div> -</div> - -<p class="c"> <br /> -<img src="images/colophon.jpg" -class="nn" -width="85" -alt="" -/><br /> -<br /><br /> -<span class="bluee"><i>CASSELL AND COMPANY L<sup>TD.</sup></i><br /> -<i>LONDON, TORONTO, MELBOURNE & SYDNEY</i></span><br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_iv" id="page_iv"></a>{iv}</span></p> - -<p class="c"><small><i>First Published in 1712<br /> -Reprinted in The Seafarers’ Library, 1928</i></small> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_v" id="page_v"></a>{v}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS" id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS"></a>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> -<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary=""> - -<tr><td> </td><td class="rt"><small>FACE<br /> -PAGE</small></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_001">Captain William Dampier <span style="margin-left: 40%;"><i>Frontispiece</i></span></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_001">1</a></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_002">Crossing the Tropic; sailors being ducked at the yard-arm</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_007">7</a></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_003">The track of the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> round the world</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_048">48</a></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_004">The Island of Juan Fernandez, where Alexander Selkirk was found</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_096">96</a></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_005">Searching the ladies of Guiaquil</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_128">128</a></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_006">Captain Woodes Rogers, with his son and daughter, 1729</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_160">160</a></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_007">Woodes Rogers landing on the coast of California</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_208">208</a></td></tr> -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#ill_008">Capture of the Acapulco Galleon off the coast of California</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_240">240</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_vi" id="page_vi"></a>{vi}</span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_vii" id="page_vii"></a>{vii}</span> </p> - -<h2><a name="INTRODUCTION" id="INTRODUCTION"></a>INTRODUCTION</h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE sea has always been the cradle of the English race, and over six -hundred years ago an old chronicler wrote of our great sea tradition -that “English ships visited every coast,” and that “English sailors -excelled all others both in the arts of navigation and in fighting.” In -this respect, the west of England has probably played a greater part in -our maritime development than any other portion of the United Kingdom, -and the names of her most famous seamen—Drake, Raleigh, and Hawkins -among others—are now almost household words. There are, however, many -other nautical celebrities among her sons, whose names deserve a more -prominent place in our naval annals, and such an one is Captain Woodes -Rogers. Not only does he rank as a splendid navigator and magnificent -seaman, but he also filled an important rôle as a colonial administrator -and governor, and was one of the pioneers in the development of our -colonial empire. He is, indeed, one of the most picturesque and romantic -figures of the first half of the eighteenth century, and his rescue and -account of Alexander Selkirk’s privations on the uninhabited island of -Juan Fernandez undoubtedly provided Defoe with materials for “Robinson -Crusoe.” It is not too much to assume that had there been no Woodes -Rogers, Defoe’s charming and immortal romance, which has delighted -millions of readers, might never have been written.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, Rogers is rather an elusive personage, and the writer of -the appreciative article on him in the “Dictionary of National -Biography” was unable to glean any particulars of his birth, parentage, -or marriage. Thanks to recent research it is now possible to supply some -of these details. It is certain that his ancestors had been settled at -the old seaport of Poole, Dorset, since the beginning of the sixteenth -century, and among the mayors of Poole the name is prominent during the -reign of Elizabeth. His great-grandfather, John Rogers of Poole, married -Ann Woods, and from this union the name of Woods (afterwards spelt -Woodes) Rogers was perpetuated for at least three generations, until the -death of Woodes Rogers’s infant son in 1713. Woodes Rogers the second, -the father of the subject of this book, was a sea-captain, born at Poole -in 1650. He eventually removed to Bristol, where his family consisted of -two daughters and two sons, the eldest[Pg ] of whom, Captain Woodes Rogers, -was probably born there in 1679, but the precise date is uncertain.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> -All that we know is that Rogers, like his father, followed a sea career, -and in the records of Bristol he is described as a “mariner,” from which -we may assume that he was connected with the Merchant Venturers of that -Port. He is probably to be identified with the Captain Rogers whom the -famous navigator Captain William Dampier mentions in his “Voyages” -published in 1699, as “my worthy friend,” and from whom he included -three contributions in his book:<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> (i) A long letter on the African -hippopotamus as he (Rogers) had seen them in the “River Natal”; (ii) A -description of the trade winds from the Cape of Good Hope to the Red -Sea; (iii) An account of “Natal in Africk as I received it from my -ingenious friend Captain Rogers, who is lately gone to that place, and -hath been there several times before.” This gives a lively account of -the manners and customs of the natives, and the natural history of the -country.</p> - -<p>It is evident that at this period the Rogers family occupied a prominent -position both in the industrial and social life of Bristol, and in -January, 1705, the marriage of Woodes Rogers to the daughter of Admiral -Sir William Whetstone, of Bristol, the Commander-in-Chief in the West -Indies, took place at St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish Street, London.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> -This marriage proved a stepping stone to Rogers’s future career, and in -consequence of the union between these two old families Rogers was made -a freeman of his native place, as the following entry from the city -records, under the date of 16th March, 1704/5, shows:—“Woodes Rogers -junior, Mariner, is admitted to the liberties of this city for that he -married Sarah, daughter of Sir William Whettstone, knight.”<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> - -<p>We now come to the year 1708, in many respects the most eventful of -Woodes Rogers’s career. He had long been impressed by the way in which -both France and Spain monopolised the whole of the trade to the South -Sea, and he determined, if possible, to remedy the evil. In 1698 M. de -Beauchesne Gouin, a captain in the French navy, went[Pg ] there with two -ships for the purpose of establishing trade, and an account of that -voyage, in the shape of the commander’s “Journal” coming into the hands -of Rogers, he eagerly perused and digested it. Elated by the success of -Beauchesne Gouin, the French had carried on a vast trade ever since, and -in one year, Rogers informs us, no less than seventeen warships and -merchantmen had been sent to the South Sea. In the first year it was -estimated that their ships carried home above 100 millions of dollars, -or nearly 25 millions sterling, besides which they convoyed the Spanish -galleons and treasure ships to and from the West Indies. By this means -they had become absolute masters of all the valuable trade in those -parts, and the riches thus amassed had enabled them, according to -Rogers, “to carry on the war against most of the Potentates of Europe.”</p> - -<p>This war, known as the War of the Spanish Succession, in which the -forces of Great Britain, Austria, and Holland were allied against those -of France and Spain, lasted from 1702 till 1713, and Rogers, as befitted -a seaman of sound knowledge and wisdom, realised the truth of the old -saying that he who commands the sea commands the trade. Not only did he -wish to see the English take a share in this vast trade of the South -Sea, but he realised that it would be a fitting opportunity to attack -the enemies’ commerce there, and so by cutting off her resources it -would help to shorten the war, and enrich his own country. To quote his -own words “necessity has frequently put private men on noble takings.” -This was indeed a noble undertaking, and in the belief that it was both -necessary and profitable to undertake such an expedition, he drew up a -scheme which he presented to his friends, the merchants of his native -Bristol. The time was particularly opportune for such a venture, for an -Act<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> had recently been passed by Parliament which marks a crucial and -important point in the history of privateering. In this Act an effort -was made to restore to privateering all the old spirit of adventure -which permeated our sea story in the reign of Elizabeth. Previously the -Crown had reserved to itself one fifth of all prizes taken by -privateers; now the whole interest was transferred to the owner and -crew. This Act marks the close of the period of decline, and the opening -of a period of great activity. The Crown now sanctioned privateering -solely for the benefit which it was hoped to derive from injury -inflicted on the enemy.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> - -<p>Under these circumstances it was only natural that the scheme which -Rogers propounded should have been looked on in a most favourable light, -and the expedition was duly financed and fitted out. Rogers dedicates -his book to his “surviving owners,” and among them it is of particular -interest to note the following:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_x" id="page_x"></a>{x}</span></p> - -<p>Sir John Hawkins, Mayor of Bristol in 1701; Christopher Shuter, Mayor in -1711; James Hollidge, Mayor in 1709; Captain Freake and Thomas Clements, -Sheriffs of Bristol; John Romsey, Town Clerk of Bristol, and Thomas -Goldney, a leading Quaker of Bristol.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It will be seen from this that -during the voyage (1708-11) the whole of the Corporation at one time or -another were interested in the venture.</p> - -<p>The money being forthcoming, two merchant ships, or “private Men of War” -were fitted out. These were the <i>Duke</i> of 320 tons, with a crew of 117 -men and mounting 30 guns, and the <i>Dutchess</i>, a slightly smaller ship of -260 tons, with a crew of 108 men, and 26 guns. How these two small ships -(the equivalent of a 6th-rate ship of the Royal Navy of the day, with a -keel length of about 80 ft. and a breadth of about 25 ft.) helped to -make history, the readers of Woodes Rogers’s “Cruising Voyage” will be -able to judge. Each ship had a commission from the Lord High Admiral to -wage war against the French and the Spaniards, and in order that those -who sailed with him should not be forgotten Rogers has left us the names -of all the officers in the two ships, and among them may be noted the -following:—Captain Stephen Courtney, Commander of the <i>Dutchess</i>, “a -man of birth, fortune, and of very amiable qualities,” who contributed -to the expense of the voyage; Thomas Dover, second Captain of the -<i>Duke</i>, President of the Council, and Captain of the Marines, whose -appointment appears to have been due to his financial interest in the -voyage. By profession “a Doctor of Physick,” he is remembered to -posterity as the inventor of “Dover’s Powder”<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>; Captain Edward -Cooke,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> who was second to Captain Courtney, had been twice taken -prisoner by the French.</p> - -<p>The most noteworthy was undoubtedly Captain William Dampier,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> then in -his fifty-sixth year, who sailed under Rogers as “Pilot for the South -Seas.” The choice was a wise one, for probably no man living had a wider -experience in those waters, having been there three times before, and -twice round the world. To the Spaniards his name was second only to that -of Drake, a formidable asset in a voyage of this kind. That he should -have consented to serve under a much younger<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xi" id="page_xi"></a>{xi}</span> man is sufficient -testimony of the regard and esteem in which he held Woodes Rogers.</p> - -<p>Among the officers of the <i>Duke</i> were three lieutenants and three mates. -Of the latter, John Ballet, third mate, was designated surgeon if -occasion arose, he having been “Captain Dampier’s Doctor in his last -unfortunate voyage round the world.” This department was further -strengthened by the inclusion of Dover’s kinsman, Samuel Hopkins, an -Apothecary, who was to act as Dover’s lieutenant “if we landed a party.” -In addition two young lawyers, George Underhill and John Parker, were -borne upon the ship’s books, “designed to act as midshipmen.” Among the -officers of the <i>Dutchess</i> under Captain Courtney, was Rogers’s young -brother, John, who sailed as second-lieutenant.</p> - -<p>The instructions given by the owners were embodied in a document, which -Rogers solemnly calls the “Constitution,” which was signed and sealed at -Bristol on the 14th of July, 1708. This document not only stipulated the -exact powers of the various officers, but laid down a definite rule that -“all attempts, attacks, and designs upon the enemy” should at first be -debated by a general council of the officers, and the same applied to -all “discontents, differences, or misbehaviour.” The wisdom of this -procedure was apparent from the first, and Rogers states that without -this method “we could never have performed the voyage.”</p> - -<p>And so, within three weeks of the signing of the Constitution, Rogers -and his merry men sailed from the King Road, near Bristol, on August the -2nd, on what proved to be one of the most successful voyages that ever -left the shores of Great Britain. His crew consisted for the most part -of “Tinkers, Taylors, Hay-makers, Pedlers, Fiddlers, etc.,” not -forgetting John Finch “late wholesale oilman of London,” as ship’s -steward, and the ship’s mascot, a fine specimen of an English bull-dog. -Though the composition of the crew was Gilbertian in the extreme, its -spirit, as we shall see, was in the main, Elizabethan.</p> - -<p>“Most of us, the chief officers,” says Rogers, “embraced this trip of -privateering round the world, to retrieve the losses we had sustained by -the enemy,” and the opportunity soon offered itself. Proceeding down the -Bristol Channel with a fair wind and bound for Cork, they saw a large -ship, but after three hours’ chase lost sight of her. This was probably -fortunate for Rogers, for he records that his ships were “out of trim,” -and that in his own ship there were “not twenty sailors.” After several -minor adventures Cork was reached on the 6th, where the provisioning of -the ships was completed by Mr. Noblett Rogers, brother of one of the -owners. Here Rogers succeeded in shipping some good sailors, and -clearing out the useless ones, “being ordinary fellows, and not fit for -our employment.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xii" id="page_xii"></a>{xii}</span> The defects in the rigging of the ships were now made -good, and they were also careened and cleaned. During this enforced stay -in Cork Harbour, we get a glimpse of the lighter side of a sailor’s -life. Though they expected to sail immediately, the crew we are informed -“were continually marrying.” Among others, Rogers tells an amusing story -of a Danish seaman who married an Irish woman, “without understanding a -word of each other’s language, so that they were forced to use an -interpreter.” While the rest “drank their Cans of flip till the last -minute” and “parted unconcerned,” the Dane “continued melancholy for -several days” after the ships sailed. Sweethearts and wives were finally -left behind on September 1st, when the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> in company -with about 20 merchant ships, and escorted by the <i>Hastings</i> man-of-war, -under the command of Captain Paul,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> shaped their course for the -Canary Islands.</p> - -<p>And now having left British waters, with a “mixed gang,” as Rogers -dubbed his crew, “we hope to be well manned, as soon as they have learnt -the use of arms, and got their sea legs, which we doubted not soon to -teach them, and bring them to discipline.” The holds of both the <i>Duke</i> -and <i>Dutchess</i> were full of provisions; the between decks were crowded -with cables, bread, and water-casks, and whereas on leaving Bristol they -had only a crew of 225 all told, they now had a total of 334, so we can -quite agree with Rogers when he says they were “very much crowded and -pestered ships.” Under such circumstances Rogers was no doubt glad to -sail under the protection of a man-of-war.</p> - -<p>Strange as it may seem things were not so bad as Rogers thought, and -after chasing a small vessel he records with evident satisfaction, that -the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> “sailed as well as any in the fleet, not -excepting the man-of-war.” Prior to parting company with Captain Paul -the crews were mustered in order to acquaint them with the design of the -expedition, and to give an opportunity of sending home any “malcontents” -in the <i>Hastings</i>. All professed themselves satisfied, excepting one -poor fellow on the <i>Duke</i>, who expected to have been “the Tything-man -that year in his parish,” and whose lament was that his wife “would be -obliged to pay forty shillings in his absence.” However, when he saw all -the rest willing, and knew the prospect of plunder, he became “easily -quieted,” and in common with the others drank heartily to the success of -the voyage.</p> - -<p>Six days after leaving Cork the ships parted company with the -<i>Hastings</i>, and as a farewell gift Captain Paul gave them “Scrubbers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xiii" id="page_xiii"></a>{xiii}</span> -Iron Scrapers for our ship’s bottom, a speaking trumpet, and other -things that we wanted.” By this time Rogers was beginning to get his -ships into trim and all provisions, etc., properly stowed, they hitherto -“having been in some confusion, as is usual in Privateers at first -setting out.” Taking into consideration the length of the voyage, the -different climates they would pass, and the excessive cold “going about -Cape Horne,” it was resolved to stop at Madeira to replenish their -slender stock of “liquor.” It was Pepys who wrote that “seamen love -their bellies above anything else,” and Rogers was of the opinion that -“good liquor to sailors is preferable to clothing.”</p> - -<p>In spite of the assurances of his crew a few days earlier, a mutiny now -occurred on board his ship. He and his consort had chased and overhauled -a vessel flying Swedish colours, believed to be carrying contraband -goods. Nothing however was found to prove her a prize, and Rogers let -her go “without the least embezzlement,” for which courtesy the master -gave him “two hams, and some ruff-dryed beef,” and the compliment was -returned with “a dozen bottles of red-streak Cyder.” This much incensed -the crews of the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> who had no idea of the perils of -privateering without the sweets of plunder, and under the leadership of -the boatswain of the <i>Duke</i> several of them mutinied. The situation -looked ugly, but Rogers, who was a born commander, quickly quelled it, -putting ten of the mutineers in irons, while the boatswain, “the most -dangerous fellow,” was shipped in the <i>Crown</i> galley, then in company, -to be carried to Madeira in irons. Five days later the prisoners were -“discharged from their irons,” upon their humble submission and strict -promises for their future good behaviour.</p> - -<p>Contrary to arrangements it was decided to pass by Madeira, there being -“little wind,” and to “cruise a little among the Canary Islands for -liquor.” On the 18th of September they chased and captured a small -Spanish bark with forty-five passengers on board, who were relieved when -they found that their captors were English and not Turks. Among them -were four friars, one of whom, “a good honest fellow,” Rogers and his -officers made “heartily merry, drinking King Charles III’s health”: the -rest he tersely records “were of the wrong sort.”</p> - -<p>The prize was carried into Oratava, where after some delay, and a -threatened bombardment of the town, the Spaniards eventually ransomed -her. The transaction, however, seemed to have ended to Rogers’s -satisfaction, and his ships sailed away “well stocked with liquor, the -better able to endure the cold when we get the length of Cape Horn.” On -the 25th of September the ships passed the “tropick,” when according to -the ritual of the sea, the fresh-water sailors were ducked from the -yard-arm, or forced to pay a fine of half a crown.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xiv" id="page_xiv"></a>{xiv}</span></p> - -<p>The next place of call was the Cape Verde Islands and on the last day of -September the two ships dropped anchor in the harbour of St. Vincent. -Here they wooded and watered, and their casks, which had been oil casks, -were hauled ashore, burnt and cleaned—the water in them having “stunk -insufferably.” By bartering with the inhabitants they were also able to -obtain fresh provisions in the shape of “Cattel, Goats, Hogs, Fowls, -Melons, Potatoes, Limes, Brandy, Tobacco, Indian Corn, etc.” Here Rogers -had the misfortune to lose one of his crew, Joseph Alexander “a good -linguist,” who had been sent ashore with a respectful letter to the -Governor. This man seems to have found life more attractive on the -island than the uncertainties and hardships of life aboard a privateer. -After waiting a week for him Rogers reluctantly came to the conclusion -that he had deserted, and “it was unanimously agreed, that we had better -leave him behind, than to wait with two ships for one man that had not -followed his orders.”</p> - -<p>Rogers was extremely scrupulous in all his undertakings; everything -relating to the proceedings of his squadron and the affairs of both -officers and men was carefully recorded in his journal. On the eve of -sailing from the Bay of St. Vincent a council was held on board the -<i>Dutchess</i> “to prevent embezzlement in prizes, and to hinder feuds and -disorders amongst our officers and men for the future.” An agreement was -arrived at whereby each man was to have the following shares in the -plunder. A sailor or landsman, £10; any officer below the Carpenter, -£20; a Mate, Gunner, Boatswain, and Carpenter, £40; a Lieutenant or -Master, £80; And the Captains £100 over and above the gratuity promised -by the owners to such as shall signalise themselves.” It was also agreed -that both Rogers and Courtney should have 5 per cent. over and above -their respective shares, and that a reward of twenty pieces-of-eight -would be given “to him that first sees a prize of good value, or -exceeding 50 tons in burden.” This was signed by the officers and men of -both ships on the 8th of October.</p> - -<p>On the same day the ships weighed and steered for the coast of Brazil. -By this time the men had found their sea legs and were more amenable to -discipline, and only one act of insubordination is recorded on the -voyage to Brazil.</p> - -<p>The spiritual needs of the men were not neglected, and it is pleasing to -note that from the 28th of October, when the ships crossed the line, -“prayers were read in both ships, morning or evening, as opportunity -would permit, according to the Church of England.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> On the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xv" id="page_xv"></a>{xv}</span> 19th of -November they made the coast of Brazil, anchoring off the Island of -Grande. The opportunity was now taken to replenish the water casks, and -careen the ships. The depredations of the French corsairs had made the -Brazilians suspicious of strangers, and Rogers states that his boat was -fired on several times when trying to land “with a present for the -Governor of Angre de Reys.” On learning that they were English, Rogers -and his men were welcomed by the Friars and the Governor, who treated -them “very handsomely.” Rogers’s account of a religious procession in -which he and his men, assisted by the ships’ band, took part, is one of -the most amusing episodes in his book. Another amusing incident was an -attempt by two Irish sailors to desert, but they were so frightened by -the monkeys and baboons in the woods, that they were glad to return to -the ship. In the afternoon of December 3rd, the ships bade adieu to the -hospitalities of the island of Grande, and commenced their long and -arduous voyage to Juan Fernandez, a distance of nearly 6,000 miles.</p> - -<p>A succession of gales now followed and on the 13th of December the -<i>Dutchess</i> was forced to reef her mainsail for the first time since -leaving England. In spite of “strong gales, with squalls from the south -to the west,” when nearing Cape Horn, the new year was fitly ushered in. -According to the custom of the sea there was “a large tub of punch hot -upon the Quarter Deck, where every man in the ship had above a pint to -his share, and drank our owners and our friends healths in Great -Britain.” After which, Rogers records, “we bore down to our Consort, and -gave him three Huzza’s, wishing them the like.” In anticipation of the -excessive cold in “going about Cape Horn” six tailors were hard at work -for several weeks making warm clothing for the men, and every officer -handed over such items as he could spare from his own kit. The actual -passage of the Horn is vividly described by Rogers, and although the -<i>Dutchess</i> was for some hours in considerable danger, good seamanship -brought her and her consort safely through. Having got as far south as -latitude 61°53´, “the furthest for aught we know that anyone as yet has -been to Southward, we now account ourselves in the South Sea,” says -Rogers.</p> - -<p>In fact Dampier as pilot had carried them so far south that many of the -men in both ships were nearly frozen to death, and some were down with -the scurvy. The pressing need was to find a harbour in order that the -sick might be recruited ashore, and for this purpose the Island of Juan -Fernandez was decided upon. Unfortunately all the charts differed, and -for a time grave doubts were entertained of “striking it.” Thanks to the -skill of Dampier, who had been there before, the island was sighted on -the last day of January, but by that time they had slightly overshot it, -for it bore “W.S.W. distant about<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xvi" id="page_xvi"></a>{xvi}</span> 7 leagues.”<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> With this famous -landfall lay not only the destinies of the crews of the <i>Duke</i> and -<i>Dutchess</i>, but also of the solitary inhabitant of the island who was -anxiously scanning the horizon.</p> - -<p>That same afternoon the pinnace was hoisted out and a boat’s crew under -the command of Dover went in her to go ashore. When the pinnace was -about a league from the island, it being then nightfall, Rogers, from -the deck of the <i>Duke</i>, suddenly saw a light blaze up from the shore. -The pinnace immediately made haste to return, and believing that a -French squadron was lying at anchor, Rogers ordered the decks to be -cleared for action. At daybreak on the following day the ships stood in -to engage, but not a single sail was to be seen. A yawl, with two -officers and six men all armed, was sent forward to reconnoitre, and as -it neared the shore a man “clothed in goat-skins” was seen gesticulating -wildly to them. This was Alexander Selkirk, late master of the <i>Cinque -Ports</i>, who through some quarrel with his captain had been on the island -four years and four months. This was the first time that an English ship -had called at the island since, and his joy at seeing the English flag -again and hearing the voices of his own countryman can better be -imagined than described. Though his actions reflected his gratitude, his -speech “for want of use” failed him, “he seemed to speak his words by -halves.” His adventures and privations are vividly described by Rogers, -and it is not proposed to dwell on them here. Suffice it to say that -Selkirk’s story was first communicated to the world in the pages of -Woodes Rogers’s “Cruising Voyage,” and that his adventures formed the -basis of the romance of Robinson Crusoe.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> - -<p>Two days after their arrival at the island all was bustle and -excitement. A ship’s forge was set up ashore; sail-makers were busy -repairing the sails; coopers were hard at work on the casks; and tents -were pitched to receive the sick men. In the words of Rogers “we have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xvii" id="page_xvii"></a>{xvii}</span> a -little town of our own here, and every body is employed.” The time was -indeed precious, for while at the Canaries they had heard that five -large French ships were coming to search for them, and Rogers was -anxious to get away as soon as possible. Thanks to the “goodness of the -air” and the “help of the greens,” and to the fact that the “Governour,” -as Rogers dubbed Selkirk, caught two or three goats every day for them, -the crew soon recovered from their distemper, and only two died. The -ships were quickly wooded and watered, and about eighty gallons of -sea-lions’ oil was boiled down to be used as oil for the lamps in order -to save the candles. By the 12th of February the sick men were -re-embarked, and two days later the little squadron weighed with “a fair -pleasant gale,” with Selkirk duly installed as second mate of the -<i>Duke</i>. The voyage was continued to the northward off the coasts of -Chile and Peru with the intention of getting across the track of the -great Spanish galleons from Manila to Acapulco. On the 16th of March -they captured a little vessel of about 16 tons belonging to Payta, and -on the following day arrived with their prize at the Island of Lobos. -Here it was resolved to fit out the prize as a privateer, “she being -well built for sailing.” This was carried out with the greatest -expedition, and with a crew of 32 men and four swivel guns, she was -renamed the <i>Beginning</i> and placed under the command of Captain Cooke.</p> - -<p>While the <i>Duke</i> was being cleaned and tallowed, the <i>Beginning</i> in -company with the <i>Dutchess</i> was sent a-cruising, and on the morning of -the 26th they captured another Spanish vessel. Among other things they -found a store of tobacco on board, a very welcome article which was -distributed among the men. After being cleaned and refitted she was -christened the <i>Increase</i> and Selkirk was appointed to command her. The -ships continued cruising on this station till the 5th of April, and -among other prizes they took the Spanish galleon <i>Ascension</i> of 500 -tons, bound from Panama to Lima.</p> - -<p>So far the financial results of the expedition had been disappointing, -but spurred on by the glowing accounts given by their prisoners of -richly laden ships that were expected with the “widow of the Viceroy of -Peru with her family and riches,” and the wealth of the Spanish South -American cities, they resolved to attack the city of Guiaquil, and exact -a ransom. This resolution was arrived at on the morning of April 12th -and a council was held on board the <i>Duke</i> to discuss the project, when -regulations were drawn up regarding the landing parties and other -details. In order that his “mixed gang of most European nations,” should -have “good discipline” and “needful encouragement,” minute regulations -were drawn up by Rogers and his officers concerning what was to be -termed plunder. Although everything portable seems to have been -considered as such, it is amusing to learn<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xviii" id="page_xviii"></a>{xviii}</span> that Rogers with his -customary civility to the fair sex, resolved “that money and women’s -ear-rings, with loose diamonds, pearls, and precious stones” should “be -excepted.” The plunder of Guiaquil being thus comfortably and amicably -arranged beforehand, the ships headed for the Island of Puna, at the -entrance to Guiaquil River.</p> - -<p>On the 15th of April, when nearing their intended anchorage, an -unfortunate incident occurred. In an attack on a French-built ship -belonging to Lima, Rogers’s younger brother John was killed in -attempting to board her. Though we must sympathise with Rogers when he -speaks of his “unspeakable sorrow” on this occasion, we cannot but -admire his pluck when he philosophically adds that “the greatest -misfortune or obstacle shall not deter” him from the object that he had -in view. Within twenty-four hours Rogers had captured the ship, -eventually naming her the <i>Marquis</i>, and increasing her armament from 12 -to 20 guns.</p> - -<p>On the 19th a landing was effected on the Island of Puna, and at -midnight on the 22nd, the ships’ boats with 110 men arrived in sight of -the town of Guiaquil. On the top of an adjoining hill a blazing beacon -showed that an alarum had been raised. Bells were violently rung, and -muskets and guns were discharged to awake the inhabitants. A hurried -consultation was now held between Rogers and his chief officers, and -both Dampier and Dover were against proceeding with the attack. Cautious -counsels prevailed, and the plan for taking the town by surprise having -failed, negotiations were opened with the governor for its ransom. A sum -of 50,000 pieces-of-eight<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> was demanded, but the town could only -raise 30,000. Rogers thereupon broke off the negotiations and while the -ships bombarded the town he landed a force of 70 men and guns. Rogers -has minutely described the attack, and space forbids dwelling on it -here; suffice it to say that within an hour the enemy were in full -retreat and the English were masters of the city. Other reinforcements -were now landed and strategic points in the city occupied, while parties -were told off to plunder. An agreement was eventually drawn up for the -payment of 30,000 pieces-of-eight as ransom, to be paid within six days. -On the 27th of April Rogers and his men marched down to the boats with -colours flying, and the plunder was safely stowed aboard. At 8 o’clock -the next morning they sailed with “drums beating, trumpets sounding, and -guns booming,” and thus took leave of the Spaniards “very cheerfully.”</p> - -<p>It was now decided to make the “utmost despatch” for the Galapagos -Islands off the coast of Peru. In the passage there a malignant fever -contracted at Guiaquil, broke out among the crews of both ships, and on -the morning of the 17th when in sight of the Galapagos no<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xix" id="page_xix"></a>{xix}</span> less than 60 -were down on the <i>Duke</i>, and upwards of 80 on the <i>Dutchess</i>.</p> - -<p>On arrival at the island it was agreed to separate in order to search -for fresh water, but none was discovered. Finding that punch preserved -his own health, Rogers records that he “prescribed it freely among such -of the ship’s company as were well.” Though it was thought when setting -out from Bristol that they had sufficient medicines aboard, Rogers now -laments that with so many sick in both ships the supplies were -inadequate.</p> - -<p>Owing to the absence of water it was decided to steer for the island of -Gorgona, near the mainland. Here a supply of fresh water was available, -and the sick were brought ashore and placed in tents to recruit their -health. The opportunity was now taken to caulk and careen the ships and -examine the prizes. In discharging the cargo of the galleon, which -Rogers had named the <i>Marquis</i>, he found in her, to his amazement, “500 -Bales of Pope’s Bulls, 16 reams in a Bale,” and a quantity of bones in -small boxes “ticketed with the names of Romish Saints, some of which had -been dead 7 or 800 years.” A more inconvenient cargo for a privateer -would be difficult to imagine, and as they took up such a lot of room in -the ship, Rogers records that he threw most of them overboard “to make -room for better goods,” except some of the Papal Bulls which he used “to -burn the pitch off our ships’ bottoms when we careened them.” In -extenuation for what may seem an impious act, Rogers states that it was -impossible to read them as the print “looked worse than any of our old -ballads.”</p> - -<p>After two months’ stay at Gorgona the crew had sufficiently recuperated -to continue the cruise, and on the 7th of August the ships sailed from -the island, bound southward. On board the <i>Duke</i> were 35 negroes, “lusty -fellows,” selected from some of the Spanish prizes. Rogers called them -together, and explained his plan of campaign, telling them that if they -fought and behaved themselves well in the face of an enemy they should -be free men, upon which “32 of them immediately promised to stand to it -as long as the best Englishman, and desired they might be improved in -the use of arms.” To confirm the contract, Rogers gave them a suit of -“Bays,” and “made them drink a dram all round” to the success of the -voyage. In order that nothing should be wanting he staged a sham fight -to exercise them “in the use of our great guns and small arms,” and in -the heat of the engagement “to imitate business,” red-lead mixed with -water, was liberally sprinkled over them; “a very agreeable diversion,” -comments Rogers.</p> - -<p>And so for the real business, the capture of the Manila ship. All the -romance of buccaneering and privateering hangs round these great -treasure galleons, the annual ships from Manila to Acapulco, and the -sister ships from Acapulco to Manila. It was the golden dream<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xx" id="page_xx"></a>{xx}</span> of every -sailor who sailed these seas to capture one of them, but although many -had made the attempt, only one prior to this, that famous Elizabethan -seaman Thomas Cavendish, had actually done so, in 1587.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Here was a -feat worthy of emulation, and so, in the November of 1709, we find -Rogers and his little squadron cruising off Cape St. Lucas waiting and -watching in the “very place” and in the same month where Cavendish “took -the Manila ship” one hundred and twenty-two years earlier. It was a long -and weary watch which tested both the temper and the mettle of the men -to the extreme. Through the whole of November no sign of the treasure -ship was to be seen; several of the men mutinied and were confined in -irons, and two others broke open the store room and stole from the fast -diminishing stock of victuals. By the 20th of December provisions were -at such a low ebb that Rogers records “we all looked very melancholy and -dispirited,” and after consultation with his officers it was agreed to -make for the Island of Guam “with the utmost dispatch” in order to -revictual. All hope of falling in with the Manila ship had been -practically abandoned, when at 9 o’clock on the following morning a man -at the masthead of the <i>Duke</i> cried out that he saw a sail distant about -7 leagues “bearing West half south of us.”</p> - -<p>At this “great and joyful surprize” the English ensign was immediately -hoisted, and both the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> “bore away after her.” The -weather had now “fallen calm,” and all through that day and the next -Rogers hung on to his prey, with his two pinnaces tending her “all -night,” and showing “false fires” that they might keep in touch. Before -nightfall on the 22nd, both the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> cleared for -action, and everything was made ready to engage the ship at daybreak. As -day dawned the chase was observed upon the <i>Duke’s</i> weather bow, about a -league away, while the <i>Dutchess</i> was ahead of her “to leeward near -about half as far.” The ships were now becalmed, and Rogers was forced -to get “out 8 of our ships oars, and rowed above an hour.” A light -breeze then sprang up and carried them gently towards the enemy. There -was no time to be lost; not a dram of liquor was in the ship to fortify -the spirits of the men, so a large kettle of chocolate was boiled and -served out to the crew, who when they had emptied their pannikins, went -to prayers like true British sailors. Ere long their devotions were -disturbed by the enemy’s gunfire, and about eight o’clock the <i>Duke</i> -began to engage the Spaniard single-handed; the <i>Dutchess</i> “being to -leeward, and having little wind, could not get up in time.” The enemy -presented a most formidable aspect with powder barrels hanging at each -yard-arm, “to deter us from boarding.”</p> - -<p>As the <i>Duke</i> approached she received the fire of the enemy’s -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxi" id="page_xxi"></a>{xxi}</span>stern-chasers, to which she was only able to reply with her -fore-chasers. Holding on her course she soon ranged alongside the great -galleon, and gave her several broadsides. The precision and rapidity of -the English gunners was apparent from the first, and after a little -while the <i>Duke</i> “shot a little ahead” and placing herself across the -bows of the galleon, plied her guns with such good effect that the -Spaniard hauled her colours “two thirds down” and surrendered.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> The -fight, which was hotly contested, according to Rogers, lasted “about -three glasses,” and on board the Spaniard 9 men were killed and several -wounded. On the English side only two were wounded, Rogers and an Irish -landsman. Rogers’s wound was a serious one; he was shot in the left -cheek, the bullet carrying away part of his upper jaw. As he lay on the -deck writhing in agony, he pluckily delivered his orders in writing.</p> - -<p>Two days later, although he had “much ado to swallow any sort of -liquids,” and was obviously very ill, it was decided to cruise for a -larger ship which the prisoners stated had sailed from Manila at the -same time. On Christmas eve the <i>Dutchess</i> and the <i>Marquis</i> sailed out -of the harbour of Port Segura to search for the larger ship. The -inability of the former to engage the other Spanish ship in time had -caused “some reflections amongst the sailors,” and it was decided by a -majority of the Council that Rogers with the <i>Duke</i> and the prize should -wait in harbour to refit—much “against our will.” However, Rogers was -not to be put aside. He placed two men on an adjoining hilltop to signal -as soon as the Spanish ship was sighted, and on the 26th he stood out to -sea to join his consorts. By 9 o’clock in the morning the <i>Dutchess</i> was -observed engaging the Spaniard, and the <i>Marquis</i> “standing to them with -all the sail she could crowd.” Unfortunately at this moment the <i>Duke</i> -was some twelve miles to leeward, and as the wind was light she made -little way. By the afternoon the <i>Dutchess</i> was joined in the attack by -the <i>Marquis</i>, but the latter soon fell to leeward out of cannon shot, -being apparently temporarily disabled. Fortunately she soon recovered, -and renewed the attack with great vigour “for 4 glasses and upwards.” -The brunt of the fighting having fallen on the <i>Dutchess</i> she now -“stretched ahead to windward” of the enemy, to repair her rigging and -stop a leak. In the meantime the <i>Marquis</i> kept firing several -broadsides until the <i>Dutchess</i> “bore down again,” when the fight was -renewed until nightfall. All this time Rogers in the <i>Duke</i> was crowding -on all sail to come to his consorts’ assistance. At daybreak the wind -shifted, and Rogers was able to bring his guns to bear. The <i>Dutchess</i> -being now “thwart the Spaniards hawse,” and plying her guns very fast, -those that missed their target, exposed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxii" id="page_xxii"></a>{xxii}</span> the <i>Duke</i> to a serious risk -“if we had lain on her quarters and across her stem, as I had designed.” -Rogers now ranged his ship alongside the Spaniard, and for 4 glasses -continued pouring broadsides into her. The <i>Duke</i> now received two shots -in her mainmast, which disabled her, and a fire ball lighting on her -quarter-deck blew up a chest of gunpowder, and nearly fired the ship. -The <i>Dutchess</i> was in much the same plight, and “having our rigging -shattered very much,” Rogers records, “we sheered off, and brought to.”</p> - -<p>A Council was now held on board the <i>Duke</i>, and taking into -consideration the damage that the ships had received, coupled with the -fact that their ammunition was nearly exhausted, it was unanimously -agreed “to forbear any further attempts” on the Spaniard. The loss of -such a valuable prize caused great disappointment, and it was Rogers’s -opinion, that had the <i>Duke</i> been allowed to accompany the <i>Dutchess</i> -and <i>Marquis</i> on their first setting out “we all believe we might then -have carried this great ship.” However, Rogers had reason to be proud of -the way in which his ships had acquitted themselves. The lofty Spaniard -was the Admiral of Manila, named <i>Bigonia</i>, a new ship of 900 tons, with -a crew of 450 and mounting 60 brass guns. It was estimated that the -English fired no less than 500 shot (6 pounders) into her hull. From -first to last the English had fought her for seven hours, and the -casualties on the <i>Duke</i> were 11 wounded, while the <i>Dutchess</i> had about -20 killed and wounded, and the <i>Marquis</i> 2 scorched with powder. Among -the wounded was Rogers, who had part of his ankle carried away when the -Spaniards’ fireball blew up on the quarter-deck. To the end of the -action he lay on his back where he fell, encouraging the men, and -refusing to be carried below.</p> - -<p>It was now resolved to return to Port Segura on the Californian coast to -look after the prize already taken, and on the 1st day of January they -were again in harbour. The Acapulco galleon was now named the -<i>Batchelor</i> in honour of Alderman Batchelor of Bristol, one of the -financiers of the expedition.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> By a majority the Council decided to -appoint Dover to command her, and Rogers, ill as he was, strongly -protested against the appointment. Dover was not a seaman; he was -absolutely incapable of commanding and navigating the prize to England. -Moreover his temper was such that most of the seamen refused to serve -under him. Finally a compromise was arrived at, and Captains Frye and -Stretton were entrusted with the “navigation, sailing, and engaging” of -the ship, and Selkirk was appointed Master. Dover, though nominally in -command, was not to “molest, hinder, or contradict them in their -business.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxiii" id="page_xxiii"></a>{xxiii}</span></p> - -<p>During the evening of the 10th of January, 1710, the four ships <i>Duke</i>, -<i>Dutchess</i>, <i>Marquis</i> and <i>Batchelor</i>, all heavily laden, left the coast -of California for the Island of Guam, one of the Ladrones, that being -the first stage on their journey home to Great Britain. Provisions were -now extremely short, and 5 men were forced to subsist on 1-1/2 lb. of -flour, and 1 small piece of meat between them per day, with 3 pints of -water each “for drink and dressing their victuals.” Stern measures were -therefore necessary, and a seaman who stole several pieces of pork was -punished with the cat-o’-nine tails by his mess-mates. During this -extreme scarcity, Rogers was forced to adopt a measure which is perhaps -rather a humiliating episode in his career. To his Negro sailors, whom -he had promised to treat as Englishmen, and who had behaved themselves -well, he could only allow 6 in a mess to have “the same allowance as 5 -of our own men, which will but just keep those that are in health -alive.”</p> - -<p>The long voyage to Guam, a distance of over 6,000 miles, occupied two -months, during which the best day’s run was 168 miles, and the worst 41. -Nothing of importance occurred until the 14th of February, when “in -commemoration of the ancient custom of chusing Valentines,” Rogers drew -up a list of all “the fair ladies in Bristol” who were in any way -related or known to them. Assembling his officers in the cabin of the -<i>Duke</i> “every one drew, and drank the lady’s health in a cup of Punch, -and to a happy sight of them all.” Three days later Rogers was troubled -with a swelling in his throat “which incommoded” him very much, and he -succeeded in getting out a piece of his jaw-bone that had lodged there -“since I was wounded.” On March the 11th they arrived at Guam, where -Rogers after a little diplomatic dealing with the Spanish governor -succeeded in getting such provisions as he wanted for his depleted -stores. In return the governor and others were entertained on board the -<i>Duke</i>, the crew “diverting them with musick, and our sailors dancing -till night.” On the 21st of March they sailed from Guam for the -Moluccas, encountering very stormy weather, and owing to the unseaworthy -nature of the <i>Duke</i>, the crew were “wearied almost to death with -continual pumping.” By the 15th of May provisions had again reached a -low ebb, and “with the shortest allowance” it was estimated that they -could only “subsist at sea 3 weeks longer.” A fortnight later the four -ships were safely anchored at the island of Bouton, by which time the -<i>Dutchess</i> was using her last butt of water. Here the King of Bouton -supplied them with various commodities, all of which “were very dear.” -Nevertheless, as some return for the hospitality received Rogers made -the King a present of a “Bishop’s Cap,” which it is of interest to note -“he highly esteemed and gratefully accepted.” Being now “pretty well -supplied” with provisions “for a fortnight or<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxiv" id="page_xxiv"></a>{xxiv}</span> three weeks,” the ships -left the island on the 8th of June <i>en route</i> for Batavia, having taken -on board a pilot who promised to carry them “through the Channel the -great Dutch ships generally went.”</p> - -<p>On the 17th, near the north coast of Java, they met a Dutch ship of 600 -tons—the first eastward-bound merchantman they had seen for nearly two -years. From her they had their first items of home news, the death of -Prince George of Denmark, the Consort of Queen Anne, and the -continuation of the wars in Europe. Three days later they anchored -safely in the roadstead of Batavia “betwixt 30 and 40 sail, great and -small.”</p> - -<p>After such a long and perilous voyage the crew were naturally overjoyed -at being in port. To them Batavia was a perfect paradise. They hugged -each other, and thanked their lucky stars that they had found “such a -glorious place for Punch, where they could have Arrack for 8d. per -gallon, and sugar for 1 penny a pound.” In spite of the humours of his -ship’s company Rogers was still very ill, the doctor having recently cut -a large musket shot out of his mouth, and while at Batavia several -pieces of his heel bone were also removed. As the <i>Marquis</i> was found -unfit to proceed to Europe, she was sold for 575 Dutch dollars, “an -extraordinary bargain,” remarks Rogers.</p> - -<p>On October the 12th, after a stay of nearly four months, they sailed -from Batavia and proceeded direct to the Cape of Good Hope. The <i>Duke</i> -was in such a leaky condition that she was kept afloat with the greatest -difficulty. By the end of October she had 3 feet of water in the hold, -“and our pumps being choaked,” says Rogers, “we were in such danger, -that we made signals, and fired guns for our consorts to come to our -relief, but had just sucked her (i.e. pumped her dry) as the <i>Dutchess</i> -came up.” On the 28th of December the three ships arrived at the Cape, -and 16 sick men were sent ashore. Several days were now spent in -watering and re-fitting, and on the 18th of January, 1711, it was agreed -that some of the plate and gold from the ships should be sold to buy -“several necessaries and provisions.”</p> - -<p>On account of his valuable cargo Rogers deferred his departure until a -number of homeward-bound ships collected, and it was not before April -the 6th that the combined fleet, numbering 16 Dutch and 9 English ships, -sailed for Europe. On the 14th of May the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> crossed -the line for the eighth time. A course was now steered to the westward -of the Azores, and from thence north-eastward round the Shetlands to the -Texel, where the whole fleet anchored on the 23rd of July. Here Rogers -remained some little while, having received orders from the owners that -the East India Company resolved to trouble us, “on pretence we had -encroached upon their liberties in India.” Finally all difficulties were -amicably settled, and at the end of September the <i>Duke</i>, <i>Dutchess</i>, -and <i>Marquis</i> sailed from Holland,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxv" id="page_xxv"></a>{xxv}</span> convoyed by four English men-of-war. -On the 1st of October they arrived in the Downs, and on the 14th came to -an anchor at Erith, which finished their “long and fatiguing voyage” of -over three years.</p> - -<p>Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions that ever left the -shores of Great Britain. The cost of fitting it out was less than -£14,000 and the net profits amounted to at least £170,000.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Of this -sum, two-thirds went to the owners, and the other third was divided, -according to their rating, among the officers and men. The prizes taken, -including the ships and barks ransomed at Guiaquil, amounted to twenty -sail.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> - -<p>A rousing welcome must have been accorded Rogers and his plucky crew -when they arrived home in Bristol. By their daring and skill they had -ranged the seas in defiance of the enemy, and by their superb seamanship -and courage they had added a brilliant page to our naval history. Their -voyage was epoch making. In the words of a contemporary writer “there -never was any voyage of this nature so happily adjusted.” Once and for -all it stripped distant and tedious navigations of those terrors which -haunted them through the incapacity of their commanders, and it opened a -door to the great South Sea which was never to be closed again.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> -Rogers was a born leader, besides being a magnificent seaman. He had a -way of maintaining authority over his men, which Dampier and others -before him sadly lacked, and whenever the occasion arose he had a happy -knack of ingratiating himself with the various authorities ashore. -Whether friend or foe he invariably parted with them cheerfully.</p> - -<p>In many respects the voyage of Woodes Rogers is more noteworthy than -that of Anson thirty years later. Rogers had only two small merchant -ships fitted out by private enterprise, whereas Anson’s squadron was -fitted, manned, and armed, by the Admiralty. It comprised six ships of -the Royal Navy (with 236 guns and 2,000 men), in addition to two -victualling ships of the size of the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i>. Rogers was -able to bring both his ships safely home, but fate was not so kind to -Anson, and only one, his flagship the <i>Centurion</i>, succeeded in reaching -England.</p> - -<p>The success of the expedition naturally stimulated public interest,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxvi" id="page_xxvi"></a>{xxvi}</span> and -at the request of his many friends, Rogers agreed to publish his -“journal,”<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> which appeared in the following year under the title of -“A Cruising Voyage round the World.” It is written, as its author -informs us, in “the language of the sea,” and as such it is a -picturesque human document, enlivened with a quaint humour which makes -it delightful reading. During the eighteenth century the book was widely -read; three editions appeared within the space of fourteen years, and it -was also translated into French and German. It was used as a model by -later voyagers, and it is interesting to note that when Anson sailed on -a similar expedition thirty years later a copy of the “Cruising Voyage,” -found a prominent place in his cabin.</p> - -<p>On returning to England Rogers took up his residence at a house in Queen -Square, Bristol, which had been built for him about 1708. His share of -the plunder taken by the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> must have amounted to -about £14,000, and he was thus able to live in ease and retirement -during the next few years. At this period of his life he formed some -important and influential friendships, and among his correspondents we -find such well-known names as Addison, Steele, and Sir Hans Sloane.</p> - -<p>To a man of Rogers’s disposition an inactive life must have been -particularly irksome, and his ever restless nature was continually -looking for some outlet where the spirit of adventure was combined with -service to the state. In the years following his expedition round the -world the Government had under consideration various schemes for the -settlements of Madagascar and the Bahama Islands, both of which had -become strongholds for the pirates and were a dangerous menace to the -trade and navigation in those waters. That Rogers had his own ideas on -the matter is shown in the following letter to Sir Hans Sloane, dated -7th May, 1716, which in its way is a model of brevity<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,<br /> -</p> - -<p>I being ambitious to promote a settlement on Madagascar, beg you’ll -(be) pleased to send me what accounts you have of that island, -which will be a particular favour done</p> - -<p class="r"> -Your most obliged humble servant, <br /> -<span class="smcap">Woodes Rogers</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>For some reason or other the proposed settlement never matured, and -nothing further is heard of it. There remained, however, the question of -the Bahamas, and it was not long before Rogers was called from the -seclusion of his Bristol home to take command of an important expedition -against the pirates of New Providence in the Bahamas, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxvii" id="page_xxvii"></a>{xxvii}</span> which he was -to become a pioneer in the settlement and administration of our West -Indian Empire.</p> - -<p>The story of this expedition, and Rogers’s subsequent career as Governor -of the Bahama Islands, the most northerly of our West Indian -possessions, has never been told in full before. It may be taken as a -typical example of the pluck and enterprise shown by our early colonial -governors against overwhelming odds and difficulties, and as such it -fills an important chapter in colonial history. Although the islands had -nominally belonged to Great Britain since 1670, they had been left -without any systematic government or settlement for over half a century, -and in consequence the House of Lords in an address to the Queen<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> -during the early part of 1716, set forth the desirability of placing the -Bahamas under the Crown, for the better security and advantage of the -trade of this kingdom. They pointed out that twice within living memory -the French and Spaniards had plundered the colony, and driven out the -few English settlers, and that it was now necessary to establish a -stable form of government there. Owing to their geographical position, -the Bahamas were a favourite haunt of the pirates, whose headquarters -were at New Providence, the principal island. Nothing however was done -in the matter until the following year, when Rogers submitted a careful -and considered proposal for their settlement to the Lords Commissioners -of Trade, in the summer of 1717. He emphasised the importance of those -islands to British trade and navigation, and the necessity of driving -out the pirates and fortifying and settling the islands for the better -protection of that trade. His endeavours were stoutly supported by some -of the “most considerable merchants of London and Bristol,” who declared -that Rogers was in “every way qualified for such an undertaking.”<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> In -the meantime the Lords Proprietors of the Bahamas surrendered the civil -and military government of the islands to the Crown with the reservation -of quit rents and royalties. These they leased under an agreement dated -28th of October, 1717, to Rogers, who is described in the original lease -as “of London, Mariner,” for a term of twenty-one years. For the first -seven years Rogers was to pay fifty pounds a year; for the second seven -years one hundred pounds a year; and for the remaining period two -hundred pounds a year.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<p>Accordingly, Rogers’s suggestion, backed by the recommendation of -Addison, then Secretary of State, was agreed to, and he was duly -appointed “Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over our Bahama -Islands in America,” the King “reposing especial trust” in his -“Prudence, Courage and Loyalty.” On his appointment he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxviii" id="page_xxviii"></a>{xxviii}</span> assigned his -lease to W. Chetwynd, Adam Cardonnel, and Thomas Pitt, with the proviso -that the lessee was to have the right to grant lands “for not less than -1<i>d.</i> sterling per acre.”<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> - -<p>Among other things Rogers had represented to the Crown the necessity of -taking out a number of soldiers to protect the colony, and on the 14th -of October, 1717, Addison wrote to the Secretary of War stating that the -company should consist “of a hundred men at least,” and that as the -season was too far advanced to procure these forces from any part of -America, he proposed that they should be “draughted out of the Guards, -or any other regiments now on foot, or out of His Majesty’s Hospital at -Chelsea.”<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> This garrison Rogers had proposed to victual at the rate -of 6<i>d.</i> per head per diem, and the Treasury were asked to provide the -sum of £912 10<i>s.</i>—the cost of a year’s victualling—“provided your -Lordships shall find the same to be a cheap and reasonable -proposal.”<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> - -<p>On the 6th of November Rogers duly received his commission as “Captain -of that Independent Company of Foot which we have appointed to do duty -in our Bahama Islands in America.”</p> - -<p>While in London Rogers had an opportunity of renewing his friendship -with Steele, whom he met in the Tennis Coffee House in the Cockpit, -Whitehall, on which occasions we are told the conversation “turned upon -the subject of trade and navigation,” a subject which we may be sure was -eagerly discussed, for Steele at the time was full of his idea for the -“Fish Pool,” a scheme for bringing fish alive to London.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> - -<p>On Friday the 11th of April, Rogers sailed from England to take up his -appointment.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> His commission gave him full power to employ whatever -means he thought fit for the suppression of piracy, and he also carried -with him the royal proclamation of pardon, dated 5th of September, 1717, -to any pirates who surrendered before the 5th of September, 1718.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> At -the same time a determined effort was made by the Government to stamp -out piracy in the whole of the West Indian Islands, and several ships -were despatched to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leeward Islands for that -purpose.</p> - -<p>After a voyage of three and a half months Rogers arrived at his -destination, and on the 25th of July the <i>Delicia</i>, with the Governor -and his retinue on board, escorted by H.M. ships <i>Rose</i> and <i>Milford</i>, -anchored off Nassau, the principal town of New Providence, and the seat -of government of the Bahamas. Owing to the lateness of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxix" id="page_xxix"></a>{xxix}</span> evening the -pilot of the <i>Delicia</i> decided that it was unsafe to venture over the -bar that night, and in consequence it was resolved to wait till the -morning.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> From information received it was learnt that nearly all the -pirates are anxious to avail themselves of the royal clemency. Two -notable exceptions, however, were Teach, the famous “Blackbeard,” and -Charles Vane. The latter swore that “he would suffer no other governor -than himself” except on his own terms, and these he embodied in the -following letter to Rogers:—“Your excellency may please to understand -that we are willing to accept His Majesty’s most gracious pardon on the -following terms, viz.—That you will suffer us to dispose of all our -goods now in our possesion. Likewise, to act as we think fit with -everything belonging to us.... If your Excellency shall please to comply -with this, we shall, with all readiness, accept of His Majesty’s Act of -Grace. If not, we are obliged to stand on our defence. We wait a speedy -answer.”<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> - -<p>Rogers promptly replied by sending in the <i>Rose</i> and the <i>Shark</i> sloop, -and after a desultory cannonade—Vane set fire to a French prize of 22 -guns—and during the confusion and danger which followed he and about 90 -of his crew succeeded in escaping to sea.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> - -<p>The morning following Vane’s escape Rogers went on shore and was -enthusiastically received by the principal inhabitants. The pirates who -had availed themselves of the royal pardon, were not to be eclipsed in -their desire to show their loyalty to the new governor, and on the way -from the beach to the Fort, Rogers passed between two lines of reformed -pirates, who fired their muskets in his honour. On arriving at the Fort -the royal commission was opened and read, and Rogers was solemnly sworn -in as Governor of the Bahamas. The next procedure was to form a Council, -and for this purpose Rogers nominated six of the principal persons he -had brought with him from England, and six of the inhabitants “who had -not been pirates, and were of good repute.”<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Within a week of landing -Rogers assembled this Council, and among other business the following -appointments were made:—Judge of the Admiralty Court, Collector of -Customs, Chief Justice, Provost Marshal, Secretary to the Governor, and -Chief Naval Officer.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> Having appointed his Council and administrative -officers, Rogers next turned his attention to the inhabitants and the -condition of the islands generally. It was a task which required a man -of strong and fearless disposition, and Rogers did not shrink from the -responsibility. The secret of his success was that he found and made -work for all. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxx" id="page_xxx"></a>{xxx}</span> fort of Nassau, in ruins and dismantled, was repaired -and garrisoned. A number of guns were also mounted, and a strong -pallisade constructed round it. All about the town the roads were -overgrown with brushwood and shrubs and rendered almost impassable. A -proportion of the inhabitants were therefore mustered and employed in -clearing the ground and cleansing the streets, while overseers and -constables were employed to see the work carried out in an efficient -manner. Those not employed on cleansing and scouring were formed into -three companies of Militia whose duty it was to keep guard in the town -every night, to prevent surprise attacks. The neighbouring islands were -not forgotten, and various members of the Council were appointed Deputy -Governors of them. A militia company was also formed in each of the -principal ones, and a fort constructed and provided with powder and -shot. As an extra method of precaution the <i>Delicia</i> was retained as the -Governor’s guardship and stationed off the harbour of Nassau. A scheme -of settlement was also devised, and in order to attract settlers to New -Providence and the other islands, a plot of ground 120 foot square was -offered to each settler, provided he would clear the ground and build a -house within a certain time. As there was abundance of timber on the -island which was free to be taken, this stipulation was not difficult to -fulfil.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -<p>Unfortunately the difficulties which Rogers had to contend with bid fair -to wreck his almost Utopian scheme. Before many months had elapsed the -pirates found this new mode of life less remunerative and much more -irksome to their roving dispositions. As Captain Charles Johnson, their -historian, tersely puts it, “it did not much suit the inclinations of -the Pirates to be set to work.” As a result many of them escaped to sea -at the first opportunity and resumed their former trade. One of their -number, John Augur by name, who had accepted the royal pardon, was -appointed by Rogers to command a sloop despatched to get provisions for -the island. Captain John, however, soon forgot his oath of allegiance, -and meeting with two trading vessels <i>en route</i>, he promptly boarded and -rifled them. With booty estimated at £500, he steered a course for -Hispaniola, little knowing that he had played his last card. -Encountering a severe storm he and his comrades were wrecked on one of -the uninhabited Bahamas, where Rogers, hearing of their fate, despatched -a ship to bring them back to Nassau. Here they were quickly dealt with -by the Court of Admiralty, and ten out of eleven of them were convicted -and hanged “in the sight of their former companions.” A contemporary -records that these trials were marked by “Rogers’s prudence and -resolution, and that in the condemnation and execution of the pirates he -had a just regard of the public good, and was not to be deterred from -vigorously pursuing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxi" id="page_xxxi"></a>{xxxi}</span> it in circumstances which would have intimidated -many brave men.”<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<p>Whenever the occasion offered, Rogers tempered justice with mercy, and -the human side of his character comes out well in the case of the man -who was pardoned. His name, Rogers informs us, was George -Rounsivell,<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> and “I reprieved him under the gallows,” he wrote in a -letter to the Secretary of State, “through a desire to respite him for -his future repentance. He is the son of loyal and good parents at -Weymouth in Dorsetshire. I hope this unhappy young man will deserve his -life, and I beg the honour of your intercession with his Majesty for me -on his behalf.”<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> - -<p>One of the greatest difficulties which Rogers had to encounter was the -smallness of the force at his disposal for the preservation of law and -order. The discovery of a conspiracy among the settlers to desert the -island, and their friendship with the pirates, were matters of urgent -importance which he brought to the notice of the home Government. From -first to last his great ambition was to make the colony worthy in all -respects of the British Empire, and amidst frequent disorders we find -him busy about this time with plans for the development of the whale -fishery, and for supplying Newfoundland and North America with salt.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - -<p>The failure of the Admiralty to send out ships for the protection of the -colony against the swarms of pirates who still infested the West Indian -seas caused Rogers to complain bitterly, and in a very interesting -letter to his friend Sir Richard Steele, he regrets that several of his -letters have fallen into the hands of the pirates.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> In it he also -gives an amusing account of a lady whose fluency of speech caused him -considerable annoyance.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>“To the Hon. Sir Richard Steele; to be left at Bartram’s -Coffee-House in Church Court, opposite Hungerford Market in the -Strand, London. Via Carolina.</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Nassau, on New Providence</span>,<br /> -<i>Jan. 30, 1718/9</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,—<br /> -</p> - -<p>Having writ to you by several former opportunities, and not hearing -from you, I have the greater cause to inveigh against the malice of -the pirates who took Captain Smyter, lately come from London, from -whom I have since heard that there were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxii" id="page_xxxii"></a>{xxxii}</span> several letters directed -to me and Mr. Beauchamp, which the pirates after reading tore.</p> - -<p>Every capture made by the pirates aggravates the apparent -inclinations of the Commanders of our men-of-war; who having openly -avowed that the greater number of pirates makes their suitable -advantage in trade; for the Merchants of necessity are forced to -send their effects in the King’s bottoms, when they from every part -hear of the ravages committed by the pirates.</p> - -<p>There is no Governor in these American parts who has not justly -complained of this grand negligence; and I am in hopes the several -representations will induce the Board of Admiralty to be more -strict in their orders. There has not been one here almost these -five months past; and, as if they wished us offered as a sacrifice -both to the threatening Spaniards and Pirates, I have not had -influence enough to make our danger prevail with any of them to -come to our assistance because of their greater occupations in -trade. I, however, expect to be sufficiently provided, if the -Spaniards, as believed, defer their coming till April.</p> - -<p>At my first arrival I received a formal visit from a woman called -Pritchard, who by her voluble tongue, and mentioning some of our -first quality with some freedom, and, withal, saying that she was -known to you, Mr. Cardonnel,<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> and Sir William Scawen, next to -whom she lived, near the Storey’s Westminster, that I gave her a -patient hearing. She dressed well, and had charms enough to tempt -the pirates; and, when she pleased, could assume an air of -haughtiness which indeed she showed to me, when I misdoubted her -birth, education, or acquaintance with those Noblemen and others, -whom she could without hesitation call over, and indeed some very -particular private passages. She had often a loose way of speaking, -which made me conjecture she endeavoured to win the hearts of her -admirers to the Pretender’s interest, and made me grow weary of -seeing her.</p> - -<p>This my indifference, and a little confinement, provoked her to -depart hence for Jamaica, saying that she would take passage for -England to do herself justice, and did not come abroad without -money to support her. She talked much of Sir Ambrose Crawley and -his son, from whom she intends to provide a good quantity of -iron-work; and, with a suitable cargo of other goods, she says she -will soon make another turn this way; and seldom serious in her -talk. I thought fit to say thus much of a woman who pretends to -such a general knowledge of men, particularly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxiii" id="page_xxxiii"></a>{xxxiii}</span> of you and Mr. -Addison. If our carpenters had not otherwise been employed, and I -could have spared them, I should have been glad to have made her -first Lady of the Stool.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> She went hence, as I thought, with -resentments enough; but I have heard since from Jamaica, that she -has not only forgot her passion, but sent her friendly service to -me; and, as I expect, she now is on her way home, designs to do me -all the good offices that she can with all the numerous gentlemen -of her acquaintance. But I can’t believe it; and I beg if you see -her soliciting in my behalf, be pleased to let her know I don’t -expect her company here, and she can’t oblige me more than to let -me and my character alone.</p> - -<p>Captain Whitney, Commander of his Majesty’s ship the <i>Rose</i>, -man-of-war, being one of the three that saw me into this place, and -left me in an utmost danger so long ago—he also pretends to a -knowledge of you, and several of my friends in London: but he has -behaved so ill, that I design to forget him as much as I can; and -if he is acquainted with you, and sees you in London before me, I -desire he might know his character from the several accounts I have -sent hence, which, with what goes from other ports, may serve to -convince all his friends that he is not the man that he may have -appeared to be at home.</p> - -<p>I hope Mrs. Ker and Roach who I sent hence has been often with you, -and that this will keep your hands in perfect health and that you -have thrown away your great cane, and can dance a minuet, and will -honour me with the continuance of your friendship, for I am, good -Sir,</p> - -<p class="r"> -Your most sincere humble servant,<br /> -<span class="smcap">Woodes Rogers</span>.<br /> -</p> - -<p>Be pleased to excuse my writing to you in such a hurry, as obliged -me to write this letter in two different hands. My humble service -to Mr. Addison and to Mr. Sansom.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> This comes enclosed to Mr. G. -with whom I hope you will be acquainted.</p> - -<p class="r"> -W. R.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>In a subsequent letter he writes regretting that his Majesty’s ships of -war have “so little regard for this infant colony,”<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> and he certainly -had just cause to complain. His statement about the Admiralty, and the -representations of other colonial governors, is borne out by the -following letter from the Governor of South Carolina, written<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxiv" id="page_xxxiv"></a>{xxxiv}</span> on the -4th of November, 1718<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>:—“<span class="lftspc">’</span>Tis not long since I did myself the honour -to write to you from this place (S. Carolina) which I hope you’ll -receive, but having fresh occasion grounded upon advice received by a -Brig; since that arrived from Providence I thought it my duty, after -having so far engaged myself in that settlement once more to offer you -my opinion concerning it. My last, if I forget not, gave you account of -the mortality that had been amongst the Soldiers and others that came -over with Governor Rogers and the ill state of that place both in regard -to Pirates and Spaniards, unless speedily supported by a greater force -than are yet upon the place; and especially the necessity that there is -of cruising ships and Snows and Sloops of war to be stationed there, -without which I do assure you it will at any time be in the power of -either Pirates or Spaniards at their pleasure to make ’emselves masters -of the Island, or at least to prevent provisions or other necessaries -being carried to it from the Main, and without that it’s not possible -for the King’s garrison or inhabitants to subsist. The Pirates yet -accounted to be out are near 2,000 men and of those Vain,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> -Thaitch,<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> and others promise themselves to be repossessed of -Providence in a short time. How the loss of that place may affect the -Ministry, I cannot tell, but the consequence of it seems to be not only -a general destruction of the trade to the West Indies, and the Main of -America, but the settling and establishing a nest of Pirates who already -esteem themselves a Community and to have one common interest; and -indeed they may in time become so, and make that Island another Sally -but much more formidable unless speedy care be taken to subdue them.... -I should humbly propose that two ships of 24 or 30 guns and 2 sloops of -10 or 12 guns should be stationed there, one ship and sloop to be always -in harbour as guard.”</p> - -<p>In these days of rapid transit and wireless communications, it is -difficult to realise what this isolation meant to a colonial Governor, -with the perpetual menace of the enemy within his gates, and the risk of -invasion from outside. The existence of the settlement depended entirely -on his initiative and resource, and at times the suspense and despair in -these far-flung outposts of empire must have been terrible in the -extreme.</p> - -<p>The difficulties which Rogers had to contend with are vividly shown in -the following letter from him to the Lords Commissioners of -Trade<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>:—<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxv" id="page_xxxv"></a>{xxxv}</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Nassau on Providence</span>,<br /> -<i>May 29, 1719</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<span class="smcap">My Lords</span>,—<br /> -</p> - -<p>We have never been free from apprehension of danger from Pirates -and Spaniards, and I can only impute these causes to the want of a -stationed ship of war, till we really can be strong enough to -defend ourselves.... I hope your Lordships will pardon my troubling -you, but a few instances of those people I have to govern, who, -though they expect the enemy that has surprised them these fifteen -years thirty-four times, yet these wre(t)ches can’t be kept to -watch at night, and when they do they come very seldom sober, and -rarely awake all night, though our officers or soldiers very often -surprise their guard and carry off their arms, and I punish, fine, -or confine them almost every day.</p> - -<p>Then for work they mortally hate it, for when they have cleared a -patch that will supply them with potatoes and yams and very little -else, fish being so plentiful.... They thus live, poorly and -indolently, with a seeming content, and pray for wrecks or pirates; -and few of them have an(y) opinion of a regular orderly life under -any sort of government, and would rather spend all they have at a -Punch house than pay me one-tenth to save their families and all -that’s dear to them.... Had I not took another method of eating, -drinking, and working with them myself, officers, soldiers, sailors -and passengers, and watch at the same time, whilst they were drunk -and drowsy, I could never have got the Fort in any posture of -defence, neither would they [have] willingly kept themselves or me -from the pirates, if the expectation of a war with Spain had not -been perpetually kept up. It was as bad as treason is in England to -declare our design of fortifying was to keep out the pirates if -they were willing to come in and say they would be honest and live -under government as we called it even then. I ask your Lordships’ -pardon if I am too prolix, but the anxiety I am in, and it being my -duty to inform your honourable Board as fully as I can, I hope will -plead for me till I can be more concise.</p> - -<p>I am, with the utmost ambition and zeal<br /> Your Lordships’ most -obedient and most humble servant,</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Woodes Rogers</span>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>An interesting sidelight on the Spanish attack which Rogers mentioned in -his letter to Steele, is to be found among the Treasury papers in the -form of a claim for provisions supplied to Woodes Rogers “Captain -General, Governor and Vice-Admiral of the Bahama Islands, during the -invasion from the Spaniards against the Island of Providence,”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxvi" id="page_xxxvi"></a>{xxxvi}</span> when the -inhabitants and others of that place were forced to continue under arms -for a considerable time and the Governor was obliged to be at an -extraordinary charge to support near 500 men, exclusive of His Majesty’s -garrison.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> - -<p>Though he had been sent out to the Bahamas as the representative of the -Crown, his position was more like that of a shipwrecked mariner, so -completely was he cut off from the outside world. On the 20th of -November, 1720, the Council wrote to the Secretary of State the -following letter which reveals an amazing situation.</p> - -<p>“Governor Rogers having received no letter from you dated since July, -1719, and none from the Board of Trade since his arrival, gives him and -us great uneasiness least this poor colony should be no more accounted -as part of His Britannick Majesty’s dominions.”<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> - -<p>The intolerable position thus created, and the utter impossibility of -getting either help or guidance from the home Government, at last forced -Rogers to return. The strain of the last two years had told severely on -his health, and he decided to make the journey to England, and -personally plead the cause of the colony. In a letter written on the eve -of his departure, dated from Nassau, 25th of February, 1720/1, he -writes<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>:—“It is impossible that I can subsist here any longer on the -foot I have been left ever since my arrival.” He had been left, he -stated, with “a few sick men to encounter five hundred of the pirates,” -and that he had no support in men, supplies or warships. He had also -contracted large debts through having to purchase clothing and supplies -at extravagant rates. “This place,” he wrote, “so secured by my -industry; indefatigable pains, and the forfeiture of my health, has -since been sold for forty thousand pounds and myself by a manager at -home, and Co-partners’ factotem here. All the unworthy usage a man can -have,” he added, “has been given me, and all the expenses designed to be -thrown on me.”</p> - -<p>Leaving the government of the island in the hands of “Mr. Fairfax” he -left for England, carrying with him a remarkable “Memorial”<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> drawn up -and signed by the Council, principal inhabitants and traders of the -Bahama Islands, dated 21 March, 1720/1, setting forth the services he -had rendered to the colony. In this document they expressed the belief -that “too many of these neglects of, and misfortunes attending us, are -owing to the want of a power to call an Assembly, and that the colony -being in the hands of Proprietors, and Co-partners, who we are sensible -have it not in their power to support and defend their settlements, in -such a manner as is necessary, more<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxvii" id="page_xxxvii"></a>{xxxvii}</span> especially in young colonies: and -this place being left on so uncertain a foundation, and so long -abandoned, has discouraged all men of substance coming to us. We hope,” -they added, “his Majesty, and the wisdom of the nation will not suffer -this colony to be any longer so neglected and lost to the Crown, as it -inevitably must, and will be soon abandoned to the pirates, if effectual -care is not taken without any farther loss of time. We thought it a duty -incumbent on us, as well to the Country, as to his Excellency the -Governor, and his Majesty’s garrison here to put these things in a full -and true a light ... that we might as much as in us lies, do our -Governor justice, and prevent any farther ungrateful usage being offered -him at home, to frustrate his good endeavours when please God he arrives -there, for the service of his country, to preserve this settlement; for -next to the Divine protection, it is owing to him, who has acted amongst -us without the least regard for his private advantage or separate -interest, in a scene of continual fatigues and hardships. These motives -led us to offer the truth under our hands, of the almost insurmountable -difficulty, that he and this colony has struggled with for the space of -two years and eight months past.” With these assurances of good will and -support Rogers left for England, calling <i>en route</i> at South Carolina, -where he ordered provisions to be despatched to New Providence -sufficient to last the company till Christmas. During the second week in -August he landed at Bristol, and then proceeded to London.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> - -<p>On arrival in London Rogers met with as many difficulties as he had -encountered in the Colony, and he does not appear to have succeeded to -any extent in the objects of his mission. That he strongly objected to -return for a further tenure of office under the same conditions is -apparent, and in the same year George Phenney was appointed to succeed -him as Governor. Within two months of his arrival in England, he -addressed a petition to the Lords of the Treasury setting forth his -services and impoverished condition, stating that in preserving the -islands “from destruction by the Spaniards, or from again being -possessed by the pirates, he had disbursed his whole fortune, and -credit, and stood engaged for large sums. He prayed that he might be -granted an allowance of victualling for the last three years.”<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> - -<p>Those who have had occasion to search into the records of the 18th -century know the difficulties which confront the searcher, especially in -writing for the first time the life of a man like Woodes Rogers. There -must inevitably be some missing links in the biographical chain, and -such a missing link occurs in the years immediately following his return -to England. For some reason or other he seems to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxviii" id="page_xxxviii"></a>{xxxviii}</span> been in bad odour -with the Government—possibly on account of his pugnacity and outspoken -nature—and there is no record of his petition being answered. On -slender authority he is said to have gone in 1724, in the <i>Delicia</i> of -40 guns, to Madagascar for the purpose of buying slaves for the Dutch -Colony at Batavia, during which voyage he narrowly escaped capture by -the pirates who had settled there from the Bahamas. This, however, seems -an unlikely procedure for a man of Rogers’s attainments, and the story -is not corroborated by any authoritative source.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> - -<p>The next mention of Rogers occurs in connection with the operations -against Spain. In March, 1726, Vice-Admiral Hosier was appointed to -command a squadron which was despatched to the West Indies for the -purpose of intercepting the Spanish treasure ships lying at Porto Bello. -On hearing of Hosier’s expedition and its object the ships were -dismantled and the treasure sent back to Panama. Hosier, however, in -spite of a virulent epidemic among the crew of his ships, kept up a -strict blockade of Porto Bello. In the spring and summer of 1727, while -his ships were blockading Havana and Vera Cruz, the epidemic continued, -and Hosier himself fell a victim to the disease, dying at Jamaica on the -25th of August.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> The Government did all in their power to prevent the -Spanish treasure ships reaching Europe, and Rogers, who was in London at -the time, was consulted by the Government as to the probable means and -route the Spaniards would adopt to get their treasure home. The -situation was rendered more difficult by a despatch from William Cayley, -our Consul at Cadiz, informing the Government of the sailing of a -squadron from Cadiz to assist in bringing the treasure home. From past -experience Rogers probably knew more than any other person then in -England of the difficulties of the voyage and the report which he -delivered, in conjunction with Jonathan Denniss,<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> to Lord Townshend -the Secretary of State, is of considerable interest and is now printed -for the first time.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p><span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,—</p> - -<p>According to what your Lordship was pleased to command us, we have -considered the account given by Mr. Cayley from Cadiz to his Grace -the Duke of Newcastle of three men-of-war and a ship of ten guns -being sent under the command of Admiral Castañetta from that port -in the month of May last, with canon and land forces which, your -Lordship apprehends, may be ordered<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xxxix" id="page_xxxix"></a>{xxxix}</span> round Cape Horn, in order to -bring to Spain the Bullion now detained at Panama, and we give it -your Lordship as our opinion, that it is not only improbable, but -almost impracticable, for the following reasons:—</p> - -<p>First, because of the time of the year in which those ships sailed -from Cadiz, which is at least three months too soon to attempt -getting round Cape Horn, or through the Straits of Magellan, -especially if the nature of the ships be considered, and their -being deeply laden, and having canon and land forces on board.</p> - -<p>Secondly, because their can be no need of canon in Peru or Chile, -those provinces abounding in metal for casting them, and the -Spaniards being able to do it (as they always have done) cheaper -and full as well as in Spain, and as to the Soldiers, the -transporting them that way seems altogether improbable because of -the many better methods there are of doing it.</p> - -<p>Thirdly, my Lord, as the Bullion is now at or near Panama, the -embarking it thence to Lyma, and so to be brought round Cape Horn, -will require so prodigious an expence both of time and money, that -renders the doing of it extremely improbable.</p> - -<p>’Tis true, my Lord, were the money now at Potosi or Lyma ’twould be -easy enough to bring it round Cape Horn, or rather overland to -Buenos Ayres, where Castañetta might be gone to receive it, but as -it is not, the bringing of it from Panama to Lyma will require too -long a time, because of the difficulty of the Navigation from the -former to the latter place, being against both winds and currents, -so that the Spanish ships are commonly from six to eight or ten -months performing the voyage, and though the French formerly often -came with their money round the Cape to France, yet your Lordship -will consider their tract of trade was never to Leeward, or to the -Northward of the coasts of Peru, by which means the greatest -fatigue of the voyage was avoided.</p> - -<p>But, my Lord, what seems to us the most likely is that Castañetta -after refreshing at the Havana, may go to La Vera Cruz, and there -wait for the Bullion from Panama (from whence it may be sent to La -Vera Cruz under a notion of its being re-shipt for Peru) and so -bring it to Havana there to join in the Flota, and so come for -Spain (or send it home in <i>running</i><a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> ships) and our reason for -this suggestion is not only for the above difficulties that must<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xl" id="page_xl"></a>{xl}</span> -and will attend bringing the Bullion now at Panama to Spain, round -Cape Horn, or by the way of Buenos Ayres; but because of the -facility and dispatch, with which it may be transported from Panama -to Acapulco, and so by land to La Vera Cruz, which is what has been -often practised by the Spaniards, even when there was no blockade -at Porto Bello nor fear of enemies (as a conveniency for Spain has -offered) for the navigation from Panama to Acapulco is very safe -and easy, and the carriage from thence to La Vera Cruz is neither -so difficult nor expensive as that between Lyma and Buenos Ayres.</p> - -<p>This, my Lord, is what occurs to us worthy your Lordship’s notice. -We are, with the uttermost respect and submission</p> - -<p class="indd">My Lord,</p> - -<p>Your Lordship’s most devoted and most obedient humble servants,</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Woodes Rogers</span>.<br /> -<span class="smcap">Jonath: Denniss</span>.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="hang"> -<span class="smcap">Rt. Honble. Lord Townshend</span>,<br /> -</p> - -<p><i>London, 10 of Nov. 1726</i>.</p></div> - -<p>In the meanwhile things were going from bad to worse in the Bahamas. -Phenney, Rogers’s successor, had failed in his efforts to bring about a -stable form of government, and he appears to have been without the -commanding and organising abilities of his predecessor. At the beginning -of 1726, he wrote complaining of the difficulties of government, stating -that he had been unable to get sufficient of his Council together to -form a quorum, and that many of them were “very illiterate.”<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Phenney -himself was not above reproach. It was reported that he and his wife had -grossly abused their office. The governor’s wife and her husband -monopolised “all the trade,” so that the inhabitants could not have any -provisions “without paying her own exhorbitant prices,” and it was -reported that she sold “rum by the pint and biscuits by the half -ryal.”<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> Added to this she had “frequently browbeated juries and -insulted even the justice on the bench,” while Phenney himself was -stated to have dismantled the fort, and sold the iron for his own -benefit.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> If half the misdemeanours attributed to Phenney and his -wife are true, it is not to be wondered at that his recall was demanded -by the principal inhabitants, and that a strong desire was shown by the -Council and others to have Rogers re-instated, as the following petition -and its annexed paper dated 28 February, 1727/8, clearly shows<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>:—</p> - -<div class="sidenote">INTRODUCTION</div> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p> -To the King’s most Excellent Majesty.<br /> -</p> - -<p>The humble Petition of Captain Woodes Rogers, late Governor<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xli" id="page_xli"></a>{xli}</span> of the -Bahama Islands in America, and Captain of the Independent Company -there,</p> - -<p>Sheweth:—The Petitioner had the honour to be employed by your -royal Father to drive the Pirates from the Bahama Islands, and he -succeeded therein. He afterwards established a settlement and -defended it against an attack of the Spaniards. On your Majesty’s -happy accession he humbly represented the state of his great losses -and sufferings in this service, praying, that you would be -graciously pleased to grant him such compensation for the same as -might enable him to exert himself more effectually in your -Majesty’s services having nothing more than the subsistence of half -pay as Captain of Foot, given him, on a report of the Board of -General Officers appointed to inquire into his conduct; who farther -recommended him to his late Majesty’s bounty and favour.</p> - -<p>The Petitioner not having the happiness to know your royal -pleasure, humbly begs leave to represent that the Bahama Islands -are of very great importance to the commerce of these Kingdoms, as -is well known to all concerned in the American trade; and the weak -condition they now are in renders them an easy prey to the -Spaniards, if a rupture should happen; but if effectually secured, -they will soon contribute very much to distress any power which may -attempt to molest the British Dominions or trade in the West -Indies.</p> - -<p>Your Petitioner therefore humbly prays that your most sacred -Majesty would be graciously pleased to restore him to his former -station of Governor, and Captain of an independent Company of these -Islands, in which he hopes to give farther proofs of zeal for your -Majesty’s service. Or if it is your royal pleasure his successor be -continued there, he most humbly relies, that through your great -compassion and bounty he shall receive such a consideration for his -past sufferings and present half pay as will enable him to be -usefully employed for your Majesty’s and his country’s advantage, -and in some measure retrieve his losses, that he may support -himself and family, who for above seven years past have suffered -very much by means of this employment wholly for the public -service.</p> - -<p>And your Majesty’s petitioner, as in duty bound, shall ever pray, -etc.</p></div> - -<p>At the same time, a petition,<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> bearing twenty-nine influential names, -among whom was Sir Hans Sloane, Samuel Shute, ex-Governor of -Massachusetts, Alexander Spotswood, Deputy-Governor of Virginia,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xlii" id="page_xlii"></a>{xlii}</span> -Benjamin Bennett, ex-Governor of Bermuda and Lord Montague, was sent to -Sir Robert Walpole, in favour of Rogers, stating “we never heard any -complaint against his conduct in his duty there, nor that he behaved -otherwise in that employ, than with the utmost resolution and fidelity -becoming a good subject, though to the ruin of his own fortune.”</p> - -<p>It is evident from this petition that at the time the Government were -considering the question of the Bahamas, and the policy to be pursued -there. The influential support which Rogers had received, and the -general desire shown by the colonists for his return, were factors which -could not be ignored in the situation. By the end of the year it was -decided to recall Phenney and send Rogers out for a second tenure of -office. His commission, drawn up in December, 1728, gave him among other -things, “power and authority to summon and call General Assemblies of -the said Freeholders and Planters in our Islands under your Government, -which Assembly shall consist of twenty-four persons to be chosen by a -majority of the inhabitants,”<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> instead of the previously nominated -Council. As Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief he was to receive a -salary of £400 a year.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> Just prior to sailing he had a family picture -painted by Hogarth, which represents him, with his son and daughter, -outside the fort at Nassau. On the wall is a shield, with the motto “Dum -spiro, spero.”<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> - -<p>In the early summer of 1729 Rogers, with his son and daughter, sailed -for New Providence, and among other things it is interesting to note -that he took with him “two little flagons, one chalice, one paten, and a -receiver to take the offerings for the use of his Majesty’s Chapel -there,”<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> the building of which had commenced a few years earlier. One -of his first duties on arrival was to proceed with the election of an -Assembly, which met on the 30th of September in that year. In its first -session no less than twelve Acts were passed which it was judged would -be beneficial to the welfare of the colony, and efforts were made to -encourage the planting of cotton and the raising of sugar canes. -Praiseworthy as these endeavours were they were fraught with -considerable difficulties. The settlers which it was hoped to attract -from the other islands in the West Indies and from the American Colonies -were not forthcoming in sufficient numbers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xliii" id="page_xliii"></a>{xliii}</span> principally owing to the -poverty of the colony. In the October of 1730 Rogers wrote: “I found the -place so very poor and thin of inhabitants that I never mentioned any -salary to them for myself or any one else, and the fees annexed to all -offices and places here being the lowest of any part in America, no one -can support himself thereon without some other employment.” Nevertheless -the spiritual needs of the colony, as we have seen, were not neglected, -and Rogers says that they were “in great want of a Chaplain,” and that -the whole colony had requested him “to get an orthodox divine as soon as -possible.”<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> - -<p>To add to his other embarrassments Rogers had considerable difficulty -with the members of his Assembly, and the opposition, led by the -Speaker, did all in their power to wreck the various schemes that were -brought before them. In a letter to the Lord Commissioners of Trade, -dated February 10th, 1730/1, he mentions an incident which caused him to -dissolve the House<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>:—“During the sessions of the last Assembly I -endeavoured (pursuant to his Majesty’s instructions) to recommend to -them the state and condition of the Fortifications, which much wanted -all the assistance possible for their repair ... to which I did not find -the major part of the Assembly averse at first, but since, they have -been diverted from their good intentions by the insinuations of one Mr. -Colebrooke, their Speaker, who imposed so long on their ignorance, that -I was obliged to dissolve them, lest his behaviour might influence them -to fall into schemes yet more contrary to the good of the Colony and -their own safety. Another Assembly is lately elected, and [I] still find -the effects of the above Mr. Colebrooke’s influence on the most ignorant -of them, who are the majority.” He added that the present ill-state of -his health, “which has been lately much impaired, obliges me to have -recourse to his Majesty’s permission of going to South Carolina for -change of air, from which I hope to return in three weeks or a month.”</p> - -<p>The growth of constitutional government in the colony, and the moulding -of the powers and procedure of the legislature on similar lines to the -home Government, are vividly brought out in the official reply to -Rogers’s despatch. This reply is dated 29th of June, 1731, and it is -evident from the tone of it that they realised the difficulties which he -had to contend with. “It would be proper,” they wrote, “that the -Proceedings of the Assembly also should resemble those of the Parliament -of Great Britain so far as the circumstances of the Colony and your -Instructions will permit. It would be a pretty difficult task to lay -down a plan for the Proceedings of your Assembly in future times, but in -general we may observe to you that the Constitution of England owes its -preservation very much to the maintaining<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xliv" id="page_xliv"></a>{xliv}</span> of an equal Balance between -the branches of the legislature, and that the more distinct they are -kept from each other, the likelier they will be to agree, and the longer -they will be likely to last.”<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> - -<p>Up till this date the Crown had only taken over the civil and military -jurisdiction of the colony, and the retention of the lands by the -proprietors and lessees of the islands undoubtedly hampered their -economic progress and well being. Finally, in response to a suggestion -from the Crown, the proprietors in a letter of April 11th, 1730, offered -to sell out their rights “for one thousand guineas each, clear of all -fees,” and Rogers in a letter to the Board of Trade emphasised the -necessity of the Crown taking this step, and so bringing to “an end the -discouraging contests on titles to land.”<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> By an irony of fate Rogers -was not spared to see this suggestion carried into effect.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> Though -his efforts on behalf of the colony had undermined his health, he did -not spare himself or shrink from his responsibility. How great that -responsibility was, and how he overcame a widespread conspiracy by -Colebrooke to overthrow his government is shown in the following letter -to the Board of Trade written from Nassau on the 10th of June, -1731<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>:—“How great an enemy Mr. Colebrooke hath been to this -Government, and what vile means he used to make the Garrison mutiny, and -stir up a spirit of discontent and opposition in the inhabitants, by the -great influence which he had artfully gained over the most ignorant of -them, while he was Speaker of the Assembly, from all which I humbly hope -that the method taken to prevent his proceeding in his seditious and -wicked designs will meet with his Majesty’s and your Lordships’ -approbation.” The “method taken” was the arrest and indictment of John -Colebrooke for sedition. He was tried before the Chief Justice of the -Bahamas at the end of May, and found guilty. A fine of £750 was imposed, -and he was ordered to be “confined during his Majesty’s pleasure,” and -was not to be discharged until he had given “sufficient security” for -his future good behaviour.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> - -<p>The influence that such a person could wield over an ignorant community -two hundred years ago is strangely reminiscent of the twentieth century! -In spite of Colebrooke’s detention, the danger was not yet over, and the -canker of sedition seems to have been very deep rooted. Two months -later, in August, 1731, Rogers thus reports on the situation<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>:—“I -can yet procure no assistance from the inhabitants towards the -fortifications, though I have without any help from -<span class="sidenote">INTRODUCTION</span> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xlv" id="page_xlv"></a>{xlv}</span> -them built a new Barrack for the Garrison in the Fort, and have made -upwards of twenty new carriages for guns of this country timber, and -shall continue to do all I can towards the Fortifications as soon as the -heat of the summer is over, that I can put the garrison to work again, -without endangering their healths. And as soon as possible will try in a -new Assembly what I can do, though I fear little public good is to be -expected from them if Mr. Colebrooke and his accomplices here can have -any influence to prevent the peoples working, they being too poor to -contribute anything worth contributing in money.”<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> At what period -Colebrooke was released we do not know, but that he appealed to the home -Government is certain, and in order that the Lords Commissioners of -Trade should have all the facts at their disposal Rogers despatched his -son to England with the following letter, dated 14 October, 1731.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>As I am at a loss what complaints Mr. Colebrooke may make, I -entreat your Lordships will please to allow me to refer you to my -son who will have the honour to wait on your Lordships with this, -and is instructed to give you such particular information, as you -may desire to be apprised of, either with regard to Mr. Colebrooke, -or anything else relating to this colony. I have also transmitted -herewith transcripts of the Council and Assembly proceedings, and -answers to your Lordships’ queries, together with an account of -every family<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> on this island in as particular a manner as -possible.... I hope soon to visit Columba alias Cat Island,<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> -which being esteemed the most fertile of any in this government, I -shall transmit to your Lordships a particular account thereof.</p></div> - -<p>This was his last official despatch of any importance, and his death is -recorded at Nassau on the 15th of July, 1732. His will, drawn up on the -eve of departure from England, and dated 26th of May, 1729, was proved -in London on the 24th of November, 1732. In it he bequeaths his property -to his son William Whetstone Rogers,<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> and his daughter Sarah Rogers. -The probate act describes him “as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xlvi" id="page_xlvi"></a>{xlvi}</span> late of the parish of St. Margaret, -Westminster, but dying at the Bahama Islands, a widower.”</p> - -<p>And so, amid the tropical grandeur of his island home, with the surge of -the broad Atlantic for his requiem, passed all that was mortal of Woodes -Rogers. No tombstone stands to mark his last resting-place, but -somewhere in Nassau we may be sure that his spirit looks out past the -great statue of Columbus standing sentinel over Government House, to the -shipping and harbour beyond. One wonders how many of the thousands of -visitors who bask in the perpetual sunshine of a winter’s day in this -“Queen of Coral Isles,” realise how much they owe to Woodes Rogers and -his successors. A great seaman and splendid patriot he deserves well of -his country. May this reprint of his “Cruising Voyage” be a fitting -tribute to his memory!</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>This edition of Woodes Rogers’s “Cruising Voyage round the World,” is -printed from the original and scarce edition of 1712. In the -Introduction, I have attempted to tell the full story of the author’s -life from the original documents in the Public Record Office and the -British Museum. For the facilities offered me at both these -institutions, and also at the London Library, I beg to tender my sincere -thanks. I have also to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. A. G. H. -Macpherson for his kindness in allowing me to reproduce three -illustrations from his unique collection of Naval prints, and to the -authorities at the National Portrait Gallery for their courtesy in -granting me permission to reproduce the beautiful portrait of Captain -William Dampier. Finally I have to thank Dr. Philip Gosse, whose -enthusiasm for Woodes Rogers spurred me to complete this edition of one -of the most interesting voyages in the English language.</p> - -<p class="r"> -G. E. MANWARING.<br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xlvii" id="page_xlvii"></a>{xlvii}</span></p> - -<h2>THE DEDICATION</h2> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang"><i>To the Worthy Gentlemen my surviving Owners, the Worshipful</i> -Christopher Shuter <i>Esq.</i>, <i>Sir</i> John Hawkins <i>Kt.</i>, John Romsey -<i>Esq.</i>; <i>Capt.</i> Philip Freake, <i>Mr.</i> James Hollidge, Francis -Rogers, Thomas Goldney, Thomas Clements, Thomas Coutes, John -Corsely, John Duckinfield, Richard Hawksworth, William Saunders, -John Grant, Laurence Hollister, <i>and</i> Daniel Hickman, <i>Merchants -in</i> Bristol.</p></div> - -<p> -<span class="smcap"><span class="ltrspc">Gentlemen</span></span>,<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">A</span>S you did me the Honour to approve my Proposals for the following -Voyage, and generously fitted out two Ships, in which you gave me the -principal Command; I no sooner resolv’d to publish my Journal, than I -determin’d to chuse you for my Patrons: and thereby to take an -opportunity of expressing my Gratitude to you, who had the Courage to -adventure your Estates on an Undertaking, which to Men less discerning -seem’d impracticable.</i></p> - -<p><i>I heartily congratulate you on the Success and Profit of this Long and -Hazardous Voyage; which might have been greater, but the following -Sheets will show it was not my fault.</i></p> - -<p><i>I shall only add on this Head, that I used my utmost Endeavours to -promote your Interest, which was always prefer’d to my own.</i></p> - -<p><i>I make no doubt, it will be to your lasting Honour, that such a Voyage -was undertaken from</i> Bristol <i>at your Expence; since it has given the -Publick a sufficient Evidence of what may be done in those Parts, and -since the Wisdom of the Nation has now agreed to establish a Trade to -the</i> South-Seas, <i>which, with the Blessing of God, may bring vast Riches -to</i> <span class="ltrspc"><span class="smcap">Great Britain</span></span>.</p> - -<p><i>I wish you intire Health and Happiness, and am</i>,</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="ltrspc"><span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span></span>, <br /> -<i>Your most Humble Servant</i>, <br /> -WOODES ROGERS.<br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_xlviii" id="page_xlviii"></a>{xlviii}</span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_001" id="page_001"></a>{1}</span> </p> - -<h1> -<small>A<br /> - -Cruising</small> VOYAGE<br /> - -<small>Round the</small><br /> - -WORLD,<br /> - -<small>Begun <i>August 1. 1708.</i> and<br /> -Finished <i>October 14. 1711</i>.</small></h1> - -<hr style="width:8%;" /> - -<p class="cb">By Captain <span class="ltrspc"><span class="smcap">Woodes Rogers</span></span>,<br /> -<br /> -Commander in Chief.<br /> -</p> - -<hr style="width:8%;" /> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HO others, who give an Account of their Voyages, do generally attempt -to imitate the Stile and Method which is us’d by Authors that write -ashore, I rather chuse to keep to the Language of the Sea, which is more -genuine, and natural for a Mariner. And because Voyages of this sort -have commonly miscarry’d, ’tis necessary that I should keep to my -Original Journal; that the Methods we took to succeed in our Designs, -may appear from time to time in their native Light: Therefore without -any disguise I shall publish the Copies of all our material Regulations -and Agreements, and keep to the usual Method of Sea-Journals, omitting -nothing that happen’d remarkable to our selves, or that may serve for -Information or Improvement to others in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_002" id="page_002"></a>{2}</span> like Cases. Every day’s -Transactions begin at the foregoing Day about twelve a clock, and end at -the same Hour the following Day carrying that Date.</p> - -<p>Since Custom has likewise prevail’d for Sailors to give an Account of -such Countries upon whose Coasts they touch or pass by, I shall so far -comply with it as to give a Description of those that occur’d in the -Course of my Navigation, especially of such as are or may be of most use -for enlarging our Trade; wherein I have consulted the best Authors upon -the Subject, and the Manuscript Journals of others, as well as inform’d -my self by Inquiry upon the Spot, and from those that have been in the -respective Countries I treat of.</p> - -<p><i>1708. August 2.</i> Yesterday about four in the Afternoon we weigh’d from -<i>Kingroad</i> near <i>Bristol</i>, on board the <i>Duke</i> frigate, whereof Capt. -<i>Woodes Rogers</i> was Commander, in Consortship with the <i>Dutchess</i>, Capt. -<i>Stephen Courtney</i> Commander; both private Men of War, bound to <i>Cork</i> -in <i>Ireland</i>, and thence to the Southward a cruising; the <i>Duke</i> Burden -about 320 Tuns, having 30 Guns and 117 Men; and the <i>Dutchess</i> Burden -about 260 Tuns by Measure, 26 Guns and 108 Men; both well furnish’d with -all Necessaries on board for a distant Undertaking.</p> - -<p>We had in Company the <i>Scipio</i>, <i>Peterborough</i> frigate, <i>Prince Eugene</i>, -<i>Bristol</i> Galley, <i>Berkely</i> Galley, <i>Beecher</i> Galley, <i>Pompey</i> Galley, -<i>Sherstone</i> Galley, and <i>Diamond</i> Sloop. At ten at night having little -Wind, we made the Signal for the Fleet to anchor, between <i>the Holms</i> -and <i>Minehead</i>. We lay near two hours, and about twelve we fir’d a Gun, -and all came to sail, a fine Gale at S E and E S E. We ran by <i>Minehead</i> -at six in the morning, having stem’d the Flood from the place we -anchor’d at. We came up with a Sloop about ten a clock; but she could -not hold way with the Fleet, being all light and clean Ships, and good -Sailors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Kingroad to Cork.</i></div> - -<p><i>August 3.</i> The Wind veer’d to the N E and E N E. Our Ship and the -<i>Dutchess</i> did not sail so well as the major part of the Gallies, our -Masts and Rigging being all unfit for the Sea, our Ships out of trim, -and every thing in disorder, being very indifferently mann’d; -notwithstanding our Number, we had not 20 Sailors in the Ship, and it’s -very little better on board the <i>Dutchess</i>; which is a Discouragement, -only we hope to get some good Sailors at <i>Cork</i>. We saw a Sail at five -last night, the <i>Dutchess</i> gave chase, and came near her; she seem’d a -large Ship, but we lost sight of her at eight<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_003" id="page_003"></a>{3}</span> a clock. Being inform’d -at <i>Bristol</i> that the <i>Jersy</i>, a <i>French</i> Man of War carrying 46 Guns, -was cruising betwixt <i>England</i> and <i>Ireland</i>, it oblig’d us to keep our -Hammocks up, and a clear Ship for a Fight, all night. About two this -morning the rest of the Fleet that lay a-stern of us came up, and we -kept an easy Sail, with a Light out all Night; but when Day came, we saw -nothing, so that this prov’d a false Alarm: which happen’d well for us, -since had it been real, we should have made but an indifferent Fight, -for want of being better mann’d.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 4.</i> The <i>Bristol</i> Galley, <i>Berkley</i> Galley, <i>Prince Eugene</i>, and -the <i>Beecher</i> Galley, being bound to the Westward, left us at six in the -Evening; little Wind at E S E. and smooth Water.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 5.</i> We saw the Land, and finding we had overshot our Port, came to -an anchor at twelve a clock off of the two Rocks call’d the <i>Sovereigns -Bollacks</i><a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> near <i>Kinsale</i>, being calm.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 6.</i> About eight last night we weigh’d with the Flood, a small Gale -at East; it came on to blow, and veer’d to the Northward. We had a -<i>Kinsale</i> Pilot on board, who was like to have endanger’d our Ship, it -being dark and foggy. Before day he would have turn’d us into the next -Bay to the Westward of <i>Cork</i>, had not I prevented it; which provok’d me -to chastise him for undertaking to pilot a Ship, since he understood his -Business no better. The rest of our Company, except the <i>Diamond</i> and -<i>Sherstone</i> Galley, got into <i>Cork</i> before us; only our Consort staid in -the Harbour’s Mouth till we came up with her.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 7.</i> Yesterday at three in the Afternoon we came to an anchor with -our Consort in the Cove, Wind at N N E.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 8.</i> Came in the <i>Arundel</i> a Queen’s Ship, and order’d us to strike -our Pendant; which we immediately did, all private Commission Ships -being oblig’d by their Instructions to pay that Respect to all her -Majesty’s Ships and Fortifications.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 9.</i> Yesterday Afternoon came in the <i>Hastings</i> with the Fleet -under her Convoy, which we left in <i>Kingroad</i>: as also the <i>Elizabeth</i>, -a Merchant-Ship of 500 Tuns, about 26 Guns, and well mann’d, with a -Fleet under her Convoy from <i>Leverpool</i>, bound to the Westward, with us -and the <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_004" id="page_004"></a>{4}</span><i>Hastings</i>, &c. Fair Weather, the Wind Southerly.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 10.</i> We were well pleas’d with the Men Mr. <i>Noblett Rogers</i><a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> -got for us at <i>Cork</i>; upon which we clear’d several of those brought -from <i>Bristol</i>, and some of ’em run away, being ordinary Fellows, and -not fit for our Employment.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 11.</i> It blow’d fresh and dirty Weather; we had four Lighters from -<i>Cork</i> to discharge our Ships, that we might have them well stow’d, and -the Provisions in the bottom when they came aboard us. We lengthen’d our -Mizen-Mast four Foot and a half, by placing it on a Step on the -Gun-Deck; got our Fore-Mast forward, and did what we could in order to -be in a better trim than before, against we had better Men to work the -Ship, who lay all ready to come aboard from <i>Cork</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 12.</i> Blew fresh, and dirty Weather; we clear’d and run near forty -of our fresh-water Sailors. The <i>Shoreham</i>, Capt. <i>Saunders</i>,<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> came -hither to convoy a Fleet back to <i>Bristol</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 16.</i> Continu’d dirty Weather, so that we could not have an -Opportunity to heel our Ship and clean her Bottom; and were forc’d to -keep our Provisions cover’d in the Lighter, and Men to watch ’em. This -Morning, about ten, one Boat loaded with Men came down from <i>Cork</i> to -us. The Fellows appear’d to be brisk, but of several Nations; and I sent -to Mr. <i>Rogers</i> to stop the rest till we were ready, our Ships being -pester’d.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 28.</i> Nothing happen’d worth notice since the 16th, but that we had -good Weather to clean and tallow our Ships five Streaks below the -Water-Line, and to take in our Provisions and Men, <i>&c.</i> This Morning we -fell down to the <i>Spit-end</i> by the <i>Hastings</i> Man of War, as our Consort -did the night before. When I came without the <i>Spit-end</i>, I saluted the -<i>Hastings</i> with seven Guns; they return’d five, and I three for Thanks. -We had now above double the number of Officers usual in Privateers, and -a large Complement of Men to each Ship. We took this Method of doubling -our Officers to prevent Mutinies, which often happen in long Voyages, -and that we might have a large Provision for a Succession of</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Cork in Ireland.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_005" id="page_005"></a>{5}</span></p> - -<p>Officers in each Ship, in case of Mortality. Our Ship was now so full -that we sent our Sheet-Cable and other new Store Cordage to Mr. <i>Noblett -Rogers</i> at <i>Cork</i>, to make room for our Men and Provisions; having three -Cables besides, and being willing rather to spare that, than any thing -else we had aboard. Our Crew were continually marrying whilst we staid -at <i>Cork</i>, tho they expected to sail immediately. Among others there was -a <i>Dane</i> coupled by a Romish Priest to an <i>Irish</i> Woman, without -understanding a word of each other’s Language, so that they were forc’d -to use an Interpreter; yet I perceiv’d this Pair seem’d more afflicted -at Separation than any of the rest: The Fellow continu’d melancholy for -several days after we were at Sea. The rest understanding each other, -drank their Cans of Flip<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> till the last minute, concluded with a -Health to our good Voyage, and their happy Meeting, and then parted -unconcern’d.</p> - -<p>I think it necessary to set down here the Names of all the Officers in -both Ships, with the Number of our Men; because it is proper, that the -Persons whom this Journal concerns, should be known.</p> - -<p class="c"><i>Officers of the</i> Duke</p> - -<p><i>Woodes Rogers</i>, Captain, a Mariner; <i>Thomas Dover</i>, a Doctor of -Physick, second Captain, President of our Council, and Captain of the -Marines; <i>Carleton Vanbrugh</i>, Merchant, now our Owners Agent; <i>Robert -Fry</i>, a Mariner, chief Lieutenant; <i>Charles Pope</i>, second Lieutenant; -<i>Thomas Glendall</i>, third Lieutenant; <i>John Bridge</i>, Master; <i>William -Dampier</i>, Pilot for the <i>South-Seas</i>, who had been already three times -there, and twice round the World; <i>Alexander Vaughan</i>, chief Mate; -<i>Lanc. Appleby</i>, second Mate; <i>John Ballet</i>, rated third Mate, but -design’d Surgeon, if occasion; he had been Captain <i>Dampier’s</i> Doctor, -in his last unfortunate Voyage round the World; <i>Samuel Hopkins</i>, being -Dr. <i>Dover’s</i> Kinsman and an Apothecary, was both an Assistant to him, -and to act as his Lieutenant, if we landed a Party any where under his -Command during the Voyage; <i>George Underhill</i> and <i>John Parker</i>, two -young Lawyers design’d to act as Midshipmen; <i>John Vigor</i>, a -Reformado,<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> to act as Capt. <i>Dover’s</i> Ensign when ashore; <i>Benj. -Parsons</i> and <i>Howel Knethel</i>, Midshipmen; <i>Richard Edwards</i>, Coxswain of -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_006" id="page_006"></a>{6}</span> Pinnace, to receive Midshipmens Pay; <i>James Wasse</i>, Surgeon; -<i>Charles May</i>, his Mate; <i>John Lancy</i>, Assistant; <i>Henry Oliphant</i>, -Gunner, with eight Men call’d the Gunner’s Crew; <i>Nath. Scorch</i>, -Carpenter; <i>John Jones</i>, his Mate, with three Assistants; <i>Giles Cash</i>, -Boatswain; and <i>John Pillar</i>, his Mate; <i>John Shepard</i>, Cooper, with two -Assistants; <i>John Johnson</i>, <i>Thomas Young</i>, <i>Charles Clovet</i>, and <i>John -Bowden</i>, all four Quarter-Masters; <i>John Finch</i>, late wholesale Oilman -of <i>London</i>, now Ship’s Steward; <i>Henry Newkirk</i>, Sail-maker; <i>Peter -Vandenhende</i>, Smith and Armourer; <i>William Hopkins</i>, Ship’s Corporal, -Capt. <i>Dover’s</i> Serjeant, and Cook to the Officers; <i>Barth. Burnes</i>, -Ship’s Cook.</p> - -<p class="c"><i>Officers of the</i> Dutchess</p> - -<p><i>Stephen Courtney</i>, Captain, a Mariner; <i>Edward Cook</i>, second Captain; -<i>William Stretton</i>, chief Lieutenant; <i>John Rogers</i>, second Lieutenant; -<i>John Connely</i>, third Lieutenant; <i>William Bath</i>, Owners Agent; <i>George -Milbourn</i>, Master; <i>Robert Knowlman</i>, chief Mate; <i>Henry Duck</i>, second; -<i>Simon Hatley</i>, third; <i>James Goodall</i>, fourth; and <i>William Page</i>, -fifth Mate: With all other inferior Officers much the same as aboard the -<i>Duke</i>. Most of us, the chief Officers, embrac’d this Trip of -Privateering round the World, to retrieve the Losses we had sustain’d by -the Enemy. Our Complement of Sailors in both Ships was 333, of which -above one Third were Foreigners from most Nations; several of her -Majesty’s Subjects on board were Tinkers, Taylors, Hay-makers, Pedlers, -Fidlers, <i>&c.</i> one Negro, and about ten Boys. With this mix’d Gang we -hop’d to be well mann’d, as soon as they had learnt the Use of Arms, and -got their Sea-Legs, which we doubted not soon to teach ’em, and bring -them to Discipline.</p> - -<p><i>Septemb. 1.</i> We took sailing Orders, the better to keep Company with -the <i>Hastings</i> and Fleet: and after having agreed with our Consort, -Captain <i>Courtney</i>, on Signals between us, which are so common that I -need not insert them here, and appointed places of Rendevouz in case of -Separation, and how long to lie for each other at every place; about ten -this Morning, we came to sail with the <i>Hastings</i> and about 20 Merchant -Ships, bound to the Southward and Westward, Wind at N by W. We should -have sail’d yesterday, but could not weigh and cast our Ships clear of -the rest; some at that time drove, and the <i>Sherstone</i> Gally run quite -ashore on the <i>Spit</i>. In the night it grew moderate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_007" id="page_007"></a>{7}</span></p> - -<p><a name="ill_002" id="ill_002"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_056_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_056_sml.jpg" width="500" height="351" alt="Image unavailable: CROSSING THE TROPIC: SAILORS BEING DUCKED AT THE YARD ARM - -From a scarce print in the Macpherson collection." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">CROSSING THE TROPIC: SAILORS BEING DUCKED AT THE YARD ARM -<br /> -From a scarce print in the Macpherson collection.</span> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Departure from Cork.</i></div> - -<p>Weather, and Captain <i>Paul</i> got her off to sail with us. Our Holds are -full of Provisions; our Cables, a great deal of Bread, and Water-Casks -between Decks; and 183 Men aboard the <i>Duke</i>, with 151 aboard the -<i>Dutchess</i>: so that we are very much crouded and pester’d Ships, not fit -to engage an Enemy without throwing Provision and Stores overboard.</p> - -<p><i>Septemb. 2.</i> We and our Consort stood out of the Fleet to chase a Sail -we saw to Windward. Our ships sail’d as well as any in the Fleet, not -excepting the Man of War; so that we began to hope we should find our -heels, since we go so well tho deep loaden and pester’d. We found the -Chase to be a small Vessel coming into the Fleet from <i>Baltimore</i>, one -<i>Hunt</i> Master, call’d the <i>Hope</i> Gally, a small <i>French</i>-built Snow -belonging to Mr. <i>James Vaughan</i> of <i>Bristol</i>, bound for <i>Jamaica</i>. Wind -at N by W. Moderate Weather.</p> - -<p><i>Septemb. 3.</i> The Wind very veerable from the W S W. to the N W. blow’d -strong with Squalls, so that we reef’d often, and our Ship was a little -leaky in her upper Works.</p> - -<p><i>Septemb. 4.</i> It blew fresh this Morning, but not so much Wind as -Yesterday, and the Water smoother. Captain <i>Paul</i> made a Signal for me, -Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, and Capt. <i>Edwards</i> Commander of the <i>Scipio</i>; and -after speaking with him, he sent his Boat for us, being larger than -ours. We with Capt. <i>Dover</i> and Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> went in her, and din’d -with Capt. <i>Paul</i> aboard his Ship, where we were very handsomly treated. -He propos’d to me and Consort when he left the Fleet, which would be -very soon, to cruise a few days together off Cape <i>Finister</i>, after -having ask’d us what we wanted that he could supply us with. He gave us -Scrubbers, Iron Scrapers for our Ships Bottom, a speaking Trumpet, and -other things that we wanted: but he would accept nothing from us, -because our Voyage would be long; but told us, he should be well pleas’d -if our Owners return’d him the same Necessaries for his Ship when he -return’d. Wind from the N N W. to the N W by W. moderate.</p> - -<p><i>Septemb. 5.</i> We came from on board Capt. <i>Paul</i> to our own Ships, -yesterday at six in the Afternoon; and now thought it fit to discover to -our Crew whither we were bound, that if any Disorders should have risen -upon it, we might have exchang’d our Malecontents whilst in Company with -one of her Majesty’s Ships. But I found no Complaint on board the -<i>Duke</i>, except from one Fellow who expected to have been Tything-Man -that year in his Parish, and said his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_008" id="page_008"></a>{8}</span> Wife would be oblig’d to pay -Forty Shillings in his Absence: but seeing all the rest willing, he was -easily quieted, and all Hands drank to a good Voyage. I and Capt. -<i>Courtney</i> writ to our Owners, Alderman <i>Batchelor</i> and Company, in the -same Letter, a Method we design’d to continue in the whole Voyage, for -all things that related to it. A brisk Gale and clear Weather.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 6.</i> The <i>Hastings</i> and we parted at six last night. The reason -why we did not keep him longer Company, was our Ships being very full, -and our Consort unwilling to lose time so near home; so that we were -oblig’d to break Measures with Capt. <i>Paul</i>. I excus’d it to him, and -saluted him, which he answer’d, and wish’d us a prosperous Undertaking. -Wind N. by W. and clear Weather. Our Ship does not sail so well as she -did two days before. The <i>Crown</i> Gally of <i>Biddiford</i> keeps us Company -bound for the <i>Maderas</i>. Wind from N N W. to N by E.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 8.</i> Every thing now begins to come into Order, we having been -hitherto in some Confusion, as is usual in Privateers at first setting -out. We had a good Observation. Moderate Weather, Wind at W N W. Lat. -40. 10. N. This day the chief Officers din’d on board me, and the next -day on board the <i>Dutchess</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 9.</i> Now we begin to consider the Length of our Voyage, and the -many different Climates we must pass, and the excessive Cold which we -cannot avoid, going about Cape <i>Horne</i>; at the same time we had but a -slender Stock of Liquor, and our Men but meanly clad, yet good Liquor to -Sailors is preferable to Clothing. Upon this we held our first -Committee, to debate whether ’twas necessary for us to stop at <i>Madera</i>, -as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang"> -At a Committee held on Board the <i>Duke</i> Frigate, resolv’d by the -General Consent of the following Persons:</p></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Cork to the Southward.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">T</span>HAT both the Ships</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess <i>do touch at</i> Madera, <i>to make -a larger Provision of Liquors, the better to carry on our long -Undertaking, being but meanly stor’d for so large a Number of Men as are -in both Ships; and in case of Separation between this Place and</i> Madera, -<i>then to meet at the Island</i> St. Vincent, <i>one of the</i> Cape de Verd -<i>Islands, to wood and water our Ships. But if we miss of one another at -that Island, or that the first Ship finds it inconvenient for stopping, -then to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_009" id="page_009"></a>{9}</span> proceed to</i> Praia <i>on</i> St. Jago, <i>another of the same Islands; -to wait at both these Islands fourteen Days: And then if the missing -Ship does not appear, the other to proceed to the Isle of</i> Grande, <i>in -Latitude</i> 23 deg. 30 m. S. <i>on the Coast of</i> Brazil, <i>there to wait -three Weeks; and then if we don’t meet, let the single Ship proceed on -the Voyage, according to the Orders given from our Owners. This is our -Opinion this 9th day of</i> September, 1708.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Thos. Dover <i>President</i>, </td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">Carleton Vanbrugh,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Ballet.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>Sept. 10.</i> At six in the Morning we saw a Sail; after speaking with our -Consort, we both chas’d. I gave the <i>Dutchess</i> about a mile start of us, -in order to spread the more. It blew fresh, with a great Sea; and the -Chase being to Windward, we crouded extravagantly. Wind at N W.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 11.</i> At three yesterday Afternoon we came up with the Chase, who -bore down right upon us, shewing <i>Swedish</i> Colours. I fir’d twice at her -before she brought to, then went aboard her with my Yall,<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Captain -<i>Courtney’s</i> Boat being just before me. We examin’d the Master, and -found he came round <i>Scotland</i> and <i>Ireland</i>. We suspected he had -Contraband Goods on board, because some of the Men we found drunk, told -us they had Gunpowder and Cables; so we resolv’d to examine her -strictly, put 12 Men on board her, and kept the <i>Swedes</i> Master and 12 -of his Men on board our Ships. This Morning, after we had examin’d the -Men, and searched the Ship, we found it difficult to be prov’d whether -she was a Prize: And not willing to hinder time to carry her into any -Harbour to examine her farther, we let her go without the least -Embezelment. The Master gave me two Hams, and some rufft dry’d Beef, and -I gave him a dozen Bottles of Red-Streak Cyder. They saluted us at -parting with four Guns: She belong’d to <i>Stadt</i> near <i>Hamburg</i>, and was -a Frigate built Ship of 22 Guns, about 270 Tuns. While I was on board -the <i>Swede</i> yesterday, our Men mutiny’d, the Ringleaders being our -Boatswain, and three other inferior Officers. This Morning the chief -Officers having kept with me in the after-part of the Ship, we confin’d<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_010" id="page_010"></a>{10}</span> -the Authors of this Disorder, in which there was not one Foreigner -concern’d. We put ten of the Mutineers in Irons, a Sailor being first -soundly whip’d for exciting the rest to join him. Others less guilty I -punish’d and discharg’d, but kept the chief Officers all arm’d, fearing -what might happen; the Ship’s Company seeming too much inclin’d to -favour the Mutineers, made me the easier forgive. Some beg’d Pardon, and -others I was forc’d to wink at; however, they began to find their Design -frustrated, which was to make a Prize of the <i>Swede</i>, who they alledg’d -had much Contraband Goods aboard, tho we could see none; yet they -obstinately insisted, that we apparently gave away their Interest, by -letting her go without plundering her. I labour’d to convince them of -the necessity of our making Dispatch, and that if we could make her a -Prize, it would unman our Ships too much to send her into any Port, -besides other Disadvantages it might procure to our selves and Owners -should we be mistaken; which pacify’d the major part. Our Consort’s Men -were at first very uneasy, but finding the Malecontents quell’d aboard -our Ship, they all kept quiet.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 12.</i> Yesterday the Wind was very little and veerable, and we had -an Observation, 34 deg. 30 min. N.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 13.</i> Those in Irons discover’d others who were Ringleaders in the -Mutiny, whom we also punish’d, and confin’d one of them in Irons with -the rest. <i>Alexander Wynter</i> was made Boatswain instead of <i>Giles Cash</i>, -one of the Mutineers. Fair pleasant Weather, little Wind at N W by W.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Arrival among the Canary Isles.</i></div> - -<p><i>Sept. 14.</i> I agreed with the Captain of the <i>Crown</i> Galley to carry my -Boatswain (who was the most dangerous Fellow among the Mutineers) in -Irons with him to <i>Maderas</i>. I did not at his first Confinement think of -sending him off; but this day a Sailor came aft to the Steeridg Door, -with near half the Ship’s Company of Sailors following him, and demanded -the Boatswain out of Irons. I desir’d him to speak with me by himself on -the Quarter-Deck, which he did, where the Officers assisted me, seiz’d -him, and made one of his chief Comrades whip him. This Method I thought -best for breaking any unlawful Friendship amongst themselves; which, -with different Correction to other Offenders, allay’d the Tumult; so -that now they begin to submit quietly, and those in Irons beg Pardon, -and promise Amendment, This Mutiny would not have been easily lay’d, -were it not for the number of our Officers, which we begin to find very -necessary to bring our Crew to Order and Discipline, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_011" id="page_011"></a>{11}</span> is always -very difficult in Privateers, and without which ’tis impossible to carry -on any distant Undertaking like ours. Fine pleasant Weather, and -moderate Gales.</p> - -<p>It being little Wind, and contrary, we agreed to pass by <i>Maderas</i>, and -cruise a little amongst the <i>Canary</i> Islands for Liquor, to prevent Loss -of time: So we took leave of the <i>Crown</i> Galley, who was bound into -<i>Madera</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 15.</i> Last night we sent <i>Giles Cash</i> aboard her in Irons, with -several Letters by the Commander at large to our Owners. We parted at -twelve a Clock at night. Fair Weather, very little Wind from W N W. to N -by E. had a very good Observation. Latitude 31 deg. 29 min. N.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 16.</i> I discharg’d the Prisoners from their Irons, upon their -humble Submission and strict Promises of good Behaviour for time to -come. While they continu’d in Irons they had Centries over them, and -were fed with Bread and Water. Those that were Officers we restor’d to -their Places, and every body was order’d to obey them; <i>John Pillar</i> the -Boatswain’s Mate was advanc’d to be Boatswain, so that we are all quiet -again. About eight this morning we saw Land, and found it to be -<i>Salvage’s</i> Island, bearing S S W. distant eight Leagues, Latitude 29 -deg. 45 min. Wind very little, and veerable, with fair clear Weather.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 17.</i> Moderate Gales of Wind; the <i>Salvages</i> at a distance is not -unlike the Island <i>Lundy</i> in <i>Bristol</i> Channel, about two miles long, a -high Island. This Morning we saw the Rock, that appear’d to us a good -League to the S W. of the Island, and took it to be a Sail till we came -near it. Little Wind between the N N E. and the West.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 18.</i> At four yesterday in the Afternoon we came in sight of <i>Pico -Teneriff</i>, bearing S W by W. distant about eight Leagues; steer’d S S E. -and S E by S. for <i>Grand Canaries</i>. This Morning about five a clock we -spy’d a Sail under our Lee Bow, between the Islands of <i>Grand Canaries</i> -and <i>Forteventura</i>; we chas’d her, and at 7 came up with her. Our -Consort being a little a Head, fir’d a Gun, and made her bring to; she -prov’d a Prize, being a <i>Spanish</i> Bark about 25 Tuns, belonging to -<i>Oratava</i> on <i>Teneriff</i>, and bound to <i>Forteventura</i> with about 45 -Passengers; who rejoic’d when they found us <i>English</i>, because they -fear’d we were <i>Turks</i>. Amongst the Prisoners were four Fryars, and one -of them the Padre Guardian for the Island <i>Forteventura</i>, a good honest -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_012" id="page_012"></a>{12}</span>old Fellow. We made him heartily merry, drinking King <i>Charles</i> the -Third’s<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Health; but the rest were of the wrong sort. We us’d them -all very well, without searching them, <i>&c.</i> Fresh Gales and fair -Weather, Wind from the N N E. to the E S E.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 19.</i> After we had took the Prize, we stood to the Westward for -<i>Teneriff</i>, in order to have her ransom’d; where our Agent Mr. -<i>Vanbrugh</i> press’d to go ashoar with some of the Prisoners. At eleven -last night the Wind being at N E. when we were very near the Shore, we -could hardly weather Cape <i>Nago</i>, the Eastermost part of <i>Teneriff</i>, -till the Wind veer’d to the Northward. We stood off till Day: In the -Morning it prov’d moderate, so we stood in for <i>Oratava</i>, and sent the -<i>Spanish</i> Master of the Bark to it in his Boat, being mann’d with some -of the Prisoners. Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> still insisting to go ashore, I -consented, tho against my Judgment, and he went with them to treat for -the Ransom of the Hull of the Bark; her small Cargo, which consisted in -two Butts of Wine, and one Hogshead of Brandy, and other small matters, -we design’d for our own use in both Ships, the Agents of each being to -take an account of it the first Opportunity. Fresh Gale of Wind at N E.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 20.</i> About eight this Morning came a Boat off from <i>Oratava</i> with -a Flag of Truce, and brought a Letter signifying that unless we would -immediately restore the Bark and Cargo, Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> should be -detain’d. I sent to Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, who agreed with me on an Answer. -We stood in with our Ships within a League of the Town, to tow in the -Boat for Dispatch, and about eleven they went ashore again. Wind at N E -by E. very fresh.</p> - -<p>The Letter sent us was as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind"> -Capt. <i>Rogers</i> and Capt. <i>Courtney</i>;<br /> -</p> - -<p><i>Gentlemen</i>,</p> - -<p class="r"> -Port <i>Oratava, 20 Sept. 1708</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">‘Y</span>OUR Lieutenant coming ashore, and having given an account to our -Governor of your having taken a Boat belonging to this place bound -to <i>Forteventura</i>; we must inform you that her Majesty is -graciously pleas’d to allow a Trade between her Subjects and the -People of these Islands, whereof we suppose you are not ignorant; -and that it is approv’d of not only by his Catholick Majesty, but -also by the most gracious Christian King, who has sent - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Amongst the Canary Isles.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_013" id="page_013"></a>{13}</span> - - -express Orders unto his Consul here, that none of his Men of War or -others shall molest any Ship trading to these Islands: and there -has been actually an Example of a Ship belonging to the Subjects of -her <i>Britannick</i> Majesty, which was taken by a <i>French</i> Privateer, -and upon due Application to the <i>French</i> Consul, the Ship was -restor’d. Wherefore we are all of Opinion, that there can be no -room for your making a Prize of this <i>Spanish</i> Bark; for it will be -extremely prejudicial to her Majesty’s Subjects that reside here, -and likewise to those in <i>England</i> trading hither, by prohibiting -of all future Trade, by making more than sufficient Reprisal upon -our Effects here, and perhaps on our Persons, by reason of the -evident Breach on our part of the stipulated Trade which has been -concerted with us. Wherefore we must once more desire you to -restore the <i>Spanish</i> Bark, as you will answer the contrary before -her Majesty, who has so far approv’d of the private Trade, that she -was pleas’d to allow of two Men of War (viz. the <i>Dartmouth</i> Capt. -<i>Cock</i>, and the <i>Greyhound</i> Capt. <i>Hariot</i>) the last year, who had -express Orders to molest in no manner of way any Vessel belonging -to the <i>Spaniards</i>; which accordingly they observ’d. Wherefore as -you have a due Regard to what is so much the Interest of her -Majesties Subjects, we expect at the return of this Boat, that you -will make Restitution of the said Bark, otherwise Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> -will not be permitted to go off, and there will be extravagant -Reprisals made upon our Estates and Persons, which we expect you -will take into your Consideration: and we cannot omit to let you -know, that there is now a <i>Spanish</i> Bark actually in <i>England</i>, -which is daily expected with other <i>English</i> Ships to load Wine, -which they will not be admitted to do, in case you don’t restore -this Bark. We don’t doubt but the People here out of Complaisance -will make you some acknowledgment of a Refreshment.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td class="c" colspan="2">Gentlemen,</td></tr> -<tr><td class="c" colspan="2">Your very humble Servants,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>J. Pouldon</i>,</td><td align="left"> Vice-Consul, <i>J. Crosse</i>,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Bernard Walsh</i>,</td><td align="left"><i>G. Fitz-Gerald</i>.</td></tr> -</table> - -<p class="nind">‘Pray excuse Haste, that we have not time to transcribe.</p> - -<p>‘The rest of the Merchants are in the City where our Governor -generally resides, being about six Leagues hence.</p></div> - -<p>Our Answer was thus:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_014" id="page_014"></a>{14}</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="r"> -<i>On board the</i> Duke Frigat,<br /> -Sept. 20.<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -<i>Gentlemen</i>,<br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">‘W</span>E have yours, and observe its Contents; but having no -Instructions given us with our Commission relating to <i>Spanish</i> -Vessels trading amongst these Islands, we can’t justify the parting -with this Bark on your single Opinions. It was Mr. <i>Vanbrugh’s</i> -misfortune to go ashore; and if he is detain’d, we can’t help it. -To have convinc’d us satisfactorily of what you say, you ought to -have sent us a Copy of her Majesty’s Orders or Proclamation; but we -doubt there’s no such thing in this case. If Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> is -unjustly detain’d, we’ll carry the Prisoners we have on board to -the Port we are bound to, let the Consequence be what it will. We -are requir’d to be accountable no farther than we are oblig’d by -our Instructions, which we have given sufficient Security already -to follow, and don’t fear a <i>Premunire</i> when we comply with them. -We know Fishing-Boats are excus’d on both sides, and all trading -Vessels from <i>Rio la Hache</i> to the River of <i>Chagre</i> in the -<i>Spanish West-Indies</i>. We admire the Master and Passengers should -be so ignorant of a thing so necessary to be known by ’em, for we -never had the least word or intimation from them of what you write. -The Example you give us of a Trade here allow’d by the <i>French</i> -King and Duke of <i>Anjou</i>, we don’t admire at, because it is for the -Benefit of the <i>Spaniards</i>; and we know the <i>English</i> Ships are -protected no farther than in Anchor-Ground: and since we took this -Vessel at Sea, we shan’t part with her unless on our own Terms. If -you are positive in what you wrote us, and conscious what detriment -it will be to the <i>English</i> Trade, you have no way to prevent it, -but immediately to ransom this Bark; and if it be her Majesty of -<i>Great Britain’s</i> Pleasure, and we are better inform’d in -<i>England</i>, then we can justify our Conduct to the Gentlemen that -imploy’d us, and you will be again reimbursed. We shall wait but a -short time for an Answer, having Water and Provisions for our -selves and Prisoners to the <i>English</i> Settlements, where we are -bound. We are apprehensive you are oblig’d to give us this Advice -to gratify the <i>Spaniards</i>; and with Respect are,</p> - -<p class="r"> -Gentlemen,<br /> -Your Humble Servants,<br /> -<i>Woodes Rogers</i>,<br /> -<i>Stephen Courtney</i>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_015" id="page_015"></a>{15}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Amongst the Canary Isles.</i></div> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">‘If you send us Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i>, and the Man with him, we’ll send -you the Prisoners; but we’ll not part from the Bark, unless -ransom’d: tho the Value is not much, we will not be impos’d on. We -desire you to use all manner of Dispatch without loss of time, -which we can’t allow, nor answer it to our Employers.</p></div> - -<p><i>Sept. 21.</i> At six last night the <i>Spanish</i> Boat came again to us with -dilatory Answers to our last, insisting on behalf of the <i>Spaniards</i>, -that the Goods should be return’d ’em, tho they consented to ransom the -Bark. To which we immediately return’d an Answer; for we were angry at -their Tediousness and our ill Treatment, our time being precious, -because we were inform’d that they expected every hour a small Privateer -that usually cruis’d off of <i>Madera</i>, as also a <i>Spanish</i> Ship from the -<i>West-Indies</i> design’d for <i>Santa Cruz</i>: So that it look’d like a -Design, to keep us here in suspence till these Ships might get safely -in, on the other side of the Island. Our Answer was to this effect: That -had it not been out of respect to our Officer on shore, we would not -have staid one minute, but would now stay till Morning for their Answer, -and take a Cruise among the Islands some time longer than we intended, -in order to make a Reprisal; and tho we could not land our Men, would -visit the Town with our Guns by eight next morning: adding, that we -hop’d to meet with the Governor’s Frigat, and should repay his Civility -in his own way, but wonder’d that they being <i>Englishmen</i> should trifle -with us. The Letter had its effect; for this Morning at eight a clock we -stood in close to the Town, and spy’d a Boat coming off, which prov’d to -be one Mr. <i>Crosse</i> an <i>English</i> Merchant, and Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> our Agent -with him, with Wine, Grapes, Hogs, and other Necessaries, for the Ransom -of the Bark. Upon his coming up, we immediately went to work, discharg’d -the Bark, and parted the small Cargo between our two Ships. We treated -Mr. <i>Crosse</i> as well as we could, and at his desire gave the Prisoners -back as much as we could find of what belong’d to their Persons; -particularly to the Fryars their Books, Crucifixes, and Reliques. We -presented the old <i>Padre</i> Guardian with a Cheese, and such as were -strip’d, with other Clothes. So that we parted, very well satisfy’d on -all sides. Mr. <i>Crosse</i> told us the <i>Spaniards</i> ashore were very -inquisitive whither we were bound; and understanding by the Prisoners -that our Ships were sheath’d, and so full of Provisions, they suspected<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_016" id="page_016"></a>{16}</span> -we design’d for the <i>South-Sea</i>: and he inform’d us that four or five -<i>French</i> Ships from 24 to 50 Guns sail’d thence about a month before on -the same Voyage. But we did not think fit to own there, that we were -bound to any other place than the <i>English West-Indies</i>. These Islands -being so well known, I need not add any Description of them. We saw the -Pike of <i>Teneriff</i> plain but once while there, it being generally -clouded; you may often see the Top above the Clouds, when the rest is -all cover’d with them. Now we are indifferently well stock’d with -Liquor, and shall be the better able to endure the Cold when we get the -Length of Cape <i>Horn</i>, which we are inform’d has always very cold bad -Weather near it.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 22.</i> Last night just as we had finish’d with Mr. <i>Crosse</i>, and -deliver’d the <i>Spaniards</i> their Bark, we spy’d a Sail to the Westward of -the Island between three and four in the Evening. We immediately made -what Sail we could, and steer’d W by N. along the Shore. At eight a -clock we were in sight of <i>Gomera</i> bearing S S W. distant three Leagues, -<i>Palma</i> W by N. distant five Leagues. We lost sight of the Sail before -Night, spoke with our Consort, and agreed to keep between <i>Palma</i> and -<i>Gomera</i> in our Voyage; it being uncertain to meet with the Chase the -next day, since last night she was near five Leagues from us, so that we -believ’d she might get into a place of safety, if an Enemy, before we -could see her. Besides, there came on a stiff Gale, which put us quite -out of hopes of seeing her again to advantage. Fair Weather, fresh Gales -at N E by N.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 23.</i> About five yesterday in the afternoon, when at least 36 -Leagues distant, we saw the <i>Pico Teneriff</i> very plain. Fine pleasant -Weather, fresh Gales with smooth Water, Wind at N E by E.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 24.</i> We sent our Boat for Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, Capt. <i>Cook</i>, Mr. -<i>Stratton</i>, and Mr. <i>Bath</i> their Agent, who staid and din’d with us; and -whilst they were aboard, we held a Council, the Result of which was as -follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee by Desire of Capt. <i>Woodes Rogers</i>, Capt. <i>Thomas -Dover</i>, and Capt. <i>Stephen Courtney</i>, held on board the <i>Duke</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Differences with Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have examin’d all Letters and Proceedings that happen’d at and after -the taking the</i> Spanish <i>Bark, and the Reason of both Ships Stay off of</i> -Teneriff, <i>and amongst the</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_017" id="page_017"></a>{17}</span> Canary <i>Islands; and we do approve of all -that was transacted and wrote: the major part of us having at the time -when ’twas done advis’d the Commanders to it. Witness our Hands</i>,</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Steph. Courtney,</td><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Will. Dampier,</td><td align="left">Thomas Glendal,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cook,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Carl. Vanbrugh,</td><td align="left">John Ballet.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Bath,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p>Whilst the Committee were together, Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> complain’d I had not -treated him as I ought: upon which I offer’d to refer it to all present, -that we might not have needless Misunderstandings at the beginning of -our Voyage; and they came to the following Resolution.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>HEREAS there has been some Difference between Capt.</i> Woodes Rogers -<i>and Mr.</i> Carleton Vanbrugh <i>the Ship’s Agent; it being refer’d to the -Council, we adjudg’d the said Mr.</i> Vanbrugh <i>to be much in the wrong. In -witness whereof, we have set our Hands, the</i> 24<i>th of</i> Sept. 1708.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">Thomas Glendal,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cook,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">John Ballet.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Stratton,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>Sept. 25.</i> This day, according to custom, we duck’d<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> those that had -never pass’d the Tropick before. The manner of doing it was by a Rope -thro a Block from the Main-Yard, to hoist ’em above half way up to the -Yard, and let ’em fall at once into the Water; having a Stick cross thro -their Legs, and well fastned to the Rope, that they might not be -surpriz’d and let go their hold. This prov’d of great use to our -fresh-water Sailors, to recover the Colour of their Skins which were -grown very black and nasty. Those that we duck’d after this manner three -times, were about 60, and others that would not undergo it, chose to pay -Half a Crown Fine; the Money to be levy’d and spent at a publick -Meeting<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_018" id="page_018"></a>{18}</span> of all the Ships Companys, when we return to <i>England</i>. The -<i>Dutch</i> Men and some <i>English</i> Men desir’d to be duck’d, some six, -others eight, ten, and twelve times, to have the better Title for being -treated when they come home. Wind N W by W. and veering to the Northward -and Eastward.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 26.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we sold the loose Plunder of the -Bark amongst the Sailors by Auction. Fair Weather, moderate Gales at N N -E. had a very good Observ. Lat. 21. 33. N.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 29.</i> Betwixt nine and ten at night, a Sailor going up to furl the -Main-Top-Gallant Sail, fell suddenly without any noise from the Main-Top -over board, occasion’d as I suppos’d by a Fit. At nine this morning we -saw Land, and suppos’d it to be <i>Sal</i> one of the Cape <i>De Verd</i> Islands, -bearing S E by S. distant about 12 Ls.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> At twelve a clock at noon it -bore E S E. dist. 4 Ls. fair Weather, smooth Water, fresh Gales at N E. -Lat. 17. 5. N. Long. W. from <i>London</i>, 23. 16.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 30.</i> After being satisfy’d the Island was <i>Sal</i>, we stood from it -W and W by N. for <i>St. Vincent</i>. At four a clock <i>Sal</i> bore E by S. 1/4 -S. dist. 10 Ls. At six <i>St. Nicholas</i> bore S W by W. dist. 8 Ls. We went -with an easy Sail till four this Morning, and lay by to make the -Islands, because we had none aboard either Ship that was acquainted with -’em. When day broke, we saw the Islands all in a range, much as is laid -down in the Draughts. At ten a clock we anchored in the Bay of <i>St. -Vincent</i> in five fathom Water. ’Tis a fine Bay: The Northmost Point bore -North near a mile dist. and the Westermost Point bore West dist. about -two miles: <i>Monk’s</i> Rock, which is like a Sugar-Loaf, high and round, -and bold on every side, lies almost in the Entrance of this fine sandy -Bay on the West-side of the Island: But nearest the North Point of the -Bay, Sailors must be careful as they come in, not to run too near under -the high Land of the North Point, for fear of being becalm’d, and sudden -Flaws coming every way upon ’em. There being a small Shoal about three -Ships length almost without the Point, but giving it a small birth it’s -bold enough. We ran within two Cables length of the first round Point, -next to the long sandy Bay, and came to an anchor in clean sandy Ground. -<i>Monk’s</i> Rock bore N W by N. dist. 3/4 Mile; the Body of the Island <i>St. -Antonio</i> bore N W 1/2 N. dist. nine Miles.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_019" id="page_019"></a>{19}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Arival at St. Vincent.</i></div> - -<p>This is a fine Bay and good Landing, but the best at the Northermost -Point. The Wood lies in the middle of the sandy Bay, and the Water -between the North Point and the place where we anchor’d. There is good -Anchoring all over the Bay, and the <i>Monks</i>-Rock will direct any -Stranger into it, there being no other like it about this Island on the -side opposite to <i>St. Antonio</i>. It blows here a constant Trade-Wind -betwixt the E by N. and the N N E. except in the Months of <i>October</i>, -<i>November</i>, <i>December</i>, and <i>January</i>, it sometimes blows Southerly with -Tornadoes and Rain.</p> - -<p><i>October 1.</i> We clear’d our Ship yesterday, but it blow’d too hard to -row our Boat-Loads of empty Butts ashoar; and we could do but little to -Wooding and Watering, till this morning we were forc’d to get a Rope -from the Ship to the watering-place, which is a good half-mile from our -anchoring-place, and so haul’d our empty Casks ashore by Boat-loads, in -order to have ’em burnt and clean’d in the Inside, being Oil-Casks; and -for want of cleaning, our Water stunk insufferably. I borrow’d a Cooper -from the <i>Dutchess</i>, and having five of my own, made quick dispatch.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 3.</i> We sent our Boat over to <i>St. Antonio</i>, with <i>Joseph -Alexander</i>, a good Linguist, and a respectful Letter to the Governour, -who accounts himself a Great Man here, tho very poor, to get in Truck -for our Prize-Goods what we wanted; they having plenty of Cattel, Goats, -Hogs, Fowls, Melons, Potatoes, Limes, ordinary Brandy, Tobacco, Indian -Corn, <i>&c.</i> Our People were very meanly stock’d with Clothes, and the -<i>Dutchess’s</i> Crew much worse; yet we are both forc’d to watch our Men -very narrowly, and punish several of ’em, to prevent their selling what -Clothes they have for Trifles to the Negroes, that came over with little -things from <i>St. Antonio’s</i>. The People at all these Islands rather -chuse Clothing or Necessaries of any sort than Mony, in return for what -they sell. The Letter sent by the Linguist to the Governour of <i>St. -Antonio’s</i>, Senior <i>Joseph Rodriges</i>, was as follows:</p> - -<p><i>Honourable Sir</i>,</p> - -<p class="nind">‘<span class="letra">T</span>HE Bearer hereof is one of our Officers, whom we have sent to wait -upon your Honour with our due Respects, and to acquaint you with our -Arrival in the Bay of <i>St. Vincent</i>; and further, that being Subjects -and Servants of her Majesty the Queen of <i>Great Britain</i>, a High Ally -and Confederate of his Sacred Majesty the King of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_020" id="page_020"></a>{20}</span> <i>Portugal</i>, and -having several Necessaries which we suppos’d the Inhabitants of your -Island may want, and supposing they can accommodate us <i>per contra</i>, we -are desirous of an immediate Traffick with them. We arriv’d three days -ago, but being Strangers were unacquainted in these parts, and not -sooner inform’d of your Honour’s Residence in the neighbouring Islands; -else we had been earlier with our Respects: and if not too great a -Favour, we should be proud to see your Honour on board. Our Stay cannot -exceed two days more, so that Dispatch is necessary. We have Mony or -Goods of several kinds, to pay or exchange for what they bring. The -Bearer can inform your Honour of the publick Occurrences of <i>Europe</i>, -and the great Successes of the Confederate Arms against the <i>French</i> and -<i>Spaniards</i>; which, no doubt must soon be follow’d with a lasting Peace, -which God grant. We subscribe our selves with much Respect,</p> - -<p class="r"> -Your Honour’s most Obedient<br /> -Humble Servants,<br /> -<i>Woodes Rogers</i>,<br /> -<i>Stephen Courtney</i>.<br /> -</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 4.</i> Our Boat return’d this Morning; but the Landing-place being -far from the inhabitable part of <i>St. Antonio</i>, they brought nothing but -a few Limes and Fowls, and left our Linguist behind to get what we -wanted. We struck two of our Gun-room Guns into the Hold, being useless -in their place, and the Ship having too much top-weight, and not very -stiff. We had plenty of Fish here, but not very good. Wind at N N E.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 5.</i> Our Boat went to <i>St. Antonio</i> to see for our Linguist, -according to appointment. We heel’d and clean’d our Ships, and got a -great deal of Wood and Water aboard. Wind at N E. fine Weather.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 6.</i> Our Boat return’d with nothing but Limes and Tobacco, and no -News of our Linguist. But soon after there came another Boat belonging -to that part of the Island where the Governour lives, with his -Deputy-Governour, a Negro, who brought Limes, Tobacco, Oranges, Fowls, -Potatoes, Hogs, Bonanoes, Musk and Water-Melons, and Brandy, which we -bought of him, and paid in such Prize-Goods as we had left of the Bark’s -Cargo cheap enough. They are poor People, and will truck at any Price -for what they want, in such Payments as they can make.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_021" id="page_021"></a>{21}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In the Bay of St. Vincent.</i></div> - -<p><i>Octob. 7.</i> We sent our Boat at Three this Morning to see if our -Linguist was return’d. The Deputy-Governour told us he promis’d him to -wait at the Water-side all that night where we put him ashore, and that -there were Cattel for us if we would fetch ’em. We were ready to sail: A -good Wind at N E. and a fresh Gale.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 8.</i> Our Boat return’d yesterday in the Afternoon with two good -black Cattel, one for each Ship, but no News of our Linguist; upon which -we consulted with the Officers of both Ships, and all unanimously -agreed, that we had better leave him behind, than to wait with two Ships -for one Man that had not follow’d his Orders. We held a Committee on -board the <i>Dutchess</i> to prevent Embezlements in Prizes, and to hinder -Feuds and Disorders amongst our Officers and Men for the future, because -the small Prize had shew’d us, that without a Method to be strictly -observ’d in Plunder, it might occasion the worst of Consequences to both -Ships, and such Quarrels as would not easily be laid. So with the -Consent and Approbation of the Officers appointed for a Committee, we -unanimously agreed on it, to prevent those Mutinies and Disorders -amongst the Men of both Ships, who were not yet reconcil’d since the -taking the small <i>Canary</i>-Prize. They all insisted there was never any -Privateer’s Crew hinder’d from Plunder, so that we were forc’d to agree -on the following Instrument of a Dividend, when we should meet with any -Prize. And that the things we deem’d to be Plunder, according to custom -in Privateering, should tend as little as possible to the disadvantage -of the Owners, we did for that end take care by the second Article in -the said Instrument and Agreement with the Men, to reserve the Power of -adjudging what should be deem’d Plunder, unto the superior Officers and -Agents exclusive of the Crew, <i>&c.</i> For we found it would be next to a -miracle to keep the Men in both Ships under Command, and willing to -fight resolutely on occasion, if we held ’em to the Letter of Agreement -with the Owners, which was not duly consider’d of at home. We had a -particular Regard however to the Sentiments of the Owners, deliver’d on -this head in Discourses at several times with divers of the Committee, -as my self, Capt. <i>Dover</i>, Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, Mr. <i>Robert Frye</i>, and Mr. -<i>Carleton Vanbrugh</i>; and particularly in <i>Kingroad</i> to the Men, at the -time of signing of their Instrument. By all which we judg’d that the -Owners could not but approve of the Measures that we took on this -occasion, and that the good effects of ’em would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_022" id="page_022"></a>{22}</span> abundantly answer our -Intentions. Altho the Officers and Men did voluntarily allow Capt. -<i>Courtney</i> and me 5 <i>per Cent.</i> each, out of the Value of all Plunder, -it was much less than our Due; and we would have been glad to have let -all alone, provided we could with the Advice of our chief Officers in -both Ships have contriv’d any other Method to be safe in the Prosecution -of our Designs with our Men, and have kept them to their Duty on all -occasions, at so great a distance from home: without their being easy, -we must unavoidably have run into such continual Scenes of Mischief and -Disorder, as have not only tended to the great Hindrance, but generally -to the total Disappointment of all Voyages of this nature, that have -been attempted so far abroad in the Memory of Man. The Agreement we made -was as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee held on board the <i>Dutchess</i> the 8<i>th of October</i>, -1708. it is agreed by the Officers and Men of both Ships to the -sundry Particulars following.</p></div> - -<div class="sidenote">Impr.</div> - -<p class="hang"> <i><span class="letra">T</span>HAT all Plunder on board each Prize we take by either Ship, -shall be equally divided between the Company of both Ships, according to -each Man’s respective whole Share, as ship’d by the Owners or their -Orders.</i></p> - -<p>2. <i>That what is Plunder shall be adjudg’d by the superior Officers and -Agents in each Ship.</i></p> - -<p>3. <i>That if any Person on board either Ship do conceal any Plunder -exceeding one Piece of Eight in value</i>, 24 <i>hours after the Capture of -any Prize, he shall be severely punish’d, and lose his Shares of the -Plunder. The same Penalty to be inflicted for being drunk in time of -Action, or disobeying his superior Officer’s Commands, or concealing -himself, or deserting his Post in Sea or Land-Service; except when any -Prize is taken by Storm in Boarding, then whatsoever is taken shall be -his own, as followeth: A Sailor or Landman</i> 10 l. <i>Any Officer below the -Carpenter</i> 20 l. <i>A Mate, Gunner, Boatswain, and Carpenter</i> 40 l. <i>A -Lieutenant or Master</i> 70 l. <i>And the Captains</i> 100 l. <i>over and above -the Gratuity promis’d by the Owners to such as shall signalize -themselves.</i></p> - -<p>4. <i>That publick Books of Plunder are to be kept in each Ship attested -by the Officers, and the Plunder to be apprais’d by Officers chosen, and -divided as soon as possible after the Capture. Also every Person to be -sworn and search’d so soon as they shall come aboard, by such Persons as -shall be appointed for that purpose: The Person or Persons refusing, -shall forfeit their shares of the Plunder as above.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_023" id="page_023"></a>{23}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In the Bay of St. Vincent.</i></div> - -<p>5. <i>In consideration that Capt.</i> Rogers <i>and Capt.</i> Courtney, <i>to make -both Ships Companies easy, have given the whole Cabin-Plunder (which in -all probability is the major part) to be divided as aforesaid; we do -voluntarily agree, that they shall have</i> 5 <i>per Cent. each of ’em, over -and above their respective Shares, as a Consideration for what is their -Due of the Plunder aforesaid.</i></p> - -<p>6. <i>That a Reward of twenty Pieces of Eight shall be given to him that -first sees a Prize of good Value, or exceeding</i> 50 <i>Tuns in Burden.</i></p> - -<p>7. <i>That such of us who have not sign’d already to the Articles of -Agreement indented with the Owners, do hereby oblige our selves to the -same Terms and Conditions as the rest of the Ships Company have done; -half Shares and half Wages</i>, &c.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p><i>To which Articles of Agreement we have set our Hands, as our full -Intent and Meaning, without any Compulsion.</i></p></div> - -<p>Sign’d by the Officers and Men of both Ships.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 8.</i> At seven in the Evening (after having put the -Deputy-Governour ashore, where he must lie in a Hole of the Rocks, there -being no House on that part of the Island) we came to sail: our Consort -got before us, and lay with a Light for us. There were several Negroes -on the Island, that came from <i>St. Nicholas</i> and <i>St. Antonio</i> to make -Oil of Turtle, there being very good green Turtle at this time of the -Year, which I sometimes gave our Men to eat. They have likewise wild -Goats, but in no great plenty; wild Asses, <i>Guinea</i>-Hens and Kerlews, -and abundance of Sea-Fowls. Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, and others aboard each -Ship, that had formerly stopt at <i>St. Jago</i>, another of these Cape <i>de -Verd</i> Islands, told us, that tho this Island is not often frequented by -Ships, yet it is preferable to <i>St. Jago</i> for stopping outward, because -’tis a much better Road for Ships, and more convenient for Water and -Wood, and has better Landing. The Island is mountainous and barren, the -plainest part lies against this sandy Bay where we rode. The Wood that -grows in it is short, and for no use but Firing. They have very large -Spiders here, which weave their Webs so strong betwixt the Trees, that -’tis difficult to get thro ’em. Where we water’d, there’s a little -Stream that flows down the Hill from a Spring, and is very good, but in -other parts ’tis brackish. This Island was formerly inhabited, and had a -Governor, but is now only frequented in the Season for catching -Tortoises by the Inhabitants of the other Islands, who are for the most -part Negroes and Mulattoes, and very poor.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_024" id="page_024"></a>{24}</span> The Stock of wild Goats in -this Island is almost destroy’d by the People of <i>St. Nicholas</i> and <i>St. -Antonio</i>. The Heats are excessive to us who came newly from <i>Europe</i>, so -that several of our Men began to be sick, and were blooded. Some of our -Officers that went ashore a hunting, could meet no Game but a wild Ass, -which after a long Chase they got within shot and wounded; yet he -afterwards held out so as to tire them, and they return’d weary and -empty-handed.</p> - -<p>These Islands are so well known, that I need not say much of ’em. They -are ten in number, of which <i>St. Jago</i>, <i>St. Nicholas Bonavist</i>, <i>St. -Antonio</i>, <i>Brava Mayo</i>, and <i>Fuego</i> are inhabited: The latter is so -nam’d from a <i>Volcano</i>. <i>St. Jago</i> is much the largest and best, and the -Seat of the chief Governour. It produces a small matter of Indico, Sugar -and Tobacco; which, with their Goat-Skins and others, they send to -<i>Lisbon</i>. The Capital is of the same Name, and the See of a Bishop. -There is also a Town call’d <i>Ribera Grande</i>, which is said to consist of -500 Houses, and has a good Harbour towards the West. The Air of this -Island is not very wholesom, and the Soil uneven. Their Valleys produce -some Corn and Wine. Their Goats are fat and good Meat, and the she ones -are said to bring three or four Kids at a time once in four months. <i>St. -Nicholas</i> is the best peopled next to <i>St. Jago</i>. The Island <i>Mayo</i> has -a great deal of Salt naturally made by the Sun from the Sea-Water, which -is left from time to time in Pits on shore: It’s known they load many -Ships with that Commodity in a Year, and are able to furnish some -thousands, had they Vent for it. The fine <i>Marroquin</i> Leather is made of -their Goats-Skins. The other inhabited Islands afford more or less of -Provisions. They have their Name from Cape <i>Verd</i> on the <i>African</i> -Coast, from whence they lie about 160 Leagues to the Westward. The -<i>Portuguese</i> settled here in 1572. We had very hot Weather here. On the -8<i>th</i> a brisk Gale at E N E. At nine last night <i>St. Antonio’s</i> bore N W -by N. dist. 3 Ls. from whence we took our Departure for the Isle of -<i>Grande</i> in <i>Brazile</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 9.</i> Fair Weather, brisk Gale of Wind at N E. We saw abundance of -flying Fish. At 12 a clock being near the Lat. 14 N. we hal’d up S E. by -S. to get well to the Eastward, expecting as usual to meet with -Southerly Winds, when near the Equinoctial. Had an Observ. Lat. 12. 53.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 10.</i> Fair Weather, moderate Gales of Wind at N E by E. These 24 -hours we met with several great Riplings as if a Current, which had it -been calm we would have try’d.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_025" id="page_025"></a>{25}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From St. Antonio to the Southward.</i></div> - -<p><i>Octob. 11.</i> Wind and Weather as before till seven last night, when we -had much Lightning follow’d by a hard Shower of Rain, and a Calm ensu’d. -Such Weather is customary as we draw near the Line.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 14.</i> Cloudy Weather, with moderate Gales from the S S W. to the -S W. by W. all last night; but this morning cloudy Weather, with hard -Showers of Rain. This day we put up the Smith’s Forge, and he began to -work on such things as we wanted.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 21.</i> Yesterday I din’d on board Captain <i>Courtney</i>. Nothing -remarkable happen’d since the 14<i>th</i>, but veerable Winds and frequent -Showers of Rain, with Calms. We agreed with our Consort, if possible, to -stop at the Isle <i>Trinidado</i>, and not to water and refresh at <i>Brazile</i>, -for fear of our Mens deserting, and losing our time.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 22.</i> Close cloudy Weather all night, with Squalls of Rain. At -ten this morning it clear’d up: Capt. <i>Courtney</i> came aboard of us, and -sent back his Boat for Capt. <i>Cook</i>, with Orders to bring Mr. <i>Page</i>, -second Mate, with him, to be in the room of Mr. <i>Ballett</i>, that we -exchang’d out of our Ship. <i>Page</i> disobeying Command, occasion’d Capt. -<i>Cook</i>, being the superior Officer aboard, to strike him; whereupon -<i>Page</i> struck him again, and several Blows past: but at last <i>Page</i> was -forc’d into the Boat, and brought on board of us. And Capt. <i>Cook</i> and -others telling us what Mutiny had pass’d, we order’d <i>Page</i> on the -Fore-Castle into the Bilboes.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> He begg’d to go into the Head to ease -himself; under that pretence the Corporal and the rest left him for a -while: upon which he leapt over board, thinking to swim back to the -<i>Dutchess</i>, it being near calm, and the Captains out of the Ship. -However, the Boat being along side, we soon overtook him, and brought -him on board again. For which and his abusive Language he was lash’d to -the Main-Geers<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> and drub’d; and for inciting the Men to Mutiny, was -afterward confin’d in Irons aboard the <i>Duke</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 28.</i> At five last night we were on the Equinoctial, and spy’d a -Sail about 4 Leagues dist. to Windward, bearing S. by E. and thinking -she had not seen us, we lay by in her way from six a clock till half an -hour past ten, hoping to meet her if bound to the <i>West-Indies</i>; but it -growing dark, and she having, as we suppose, seen us before night, and -alter’d her<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_026" id="page_026"></a>{26}</span> Course, we saw no more of her. This day we began to read -Prayers in both Ships Mornings or Evenings, as Opportunity would permit, -according to the Church of <i>England</i>, designing to continue it the Term -of the Voyage. Cloudy Weather, moderate Gales at S E by S.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 29.</i> This Morning I let Mr. <i>Page</i> out of Irons on his humble -Submission, and acknowledging his Fault, with Promises of Amendment. -Fair pleasant Weather, with a fresh Gale.</p> - -<p><i>Novemb. 1.</i> This Morning between one and four a clock the Sea seem’d to -be in a Breach as far as we could see, being a Moon-light Night. The -Watch being surpriz’d, call’d me up; for they suppos’d it to be -something extraordinary, and hove the Lead: but finding no Ground, were -all easy, and afterwards believ’d that it was the Spawn of Fish floating -on the Water. Fair Weather, with moderate Gales.</p> - -<p><i>Novemb. 2.</i> This Morning two Persons being accus’d of concealing a -Peruke of the Plunder in the <i>Canary</i> Bark, two Shirts, and a Pair of -Stockings; and being found guilty, I order’d them into the Bilboes: -After which they begg’d pardon, promis’d Amendment, and were discharg’d. -Pleasant Weather and moderate Gales of Wind from E S E to S E by S. Had -an Observ. Lat. 7. 50. S.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 4.</i> Yesterday about four in the Afternoon we spoke with our -Consort, and agreed to bear away for the Island of <i>Grande</i> in -<i>Brazile</i>, it being uncertain to fetch the Island of <i>Trinidado</i>; and -besides, by the time we could get the length of it, being generally -close Weather, and the Sun in the Zenith, we might miss so small an -Island; which would prove a great loss of time to us. Close Weather, -with a fresh Gale of Wind at S E by E.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 13.</i> Nothing remarkable since the fourth. We have had the Winds -very veerable. Now we draw near the Land, the Wind veers to the -Northward, and often strong Gales with hazy Weather. About eleven last -night we made a Signal to our Consort, and both lay by, thinking our -selves to be near the Land. This morning came on moderate Weather, and -we made sail again. Wind at N by E.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 14.</i> This Morning at five we made the Land of <i>Brazile</i> very -plain, bearing N W. We had several Soundings on the Sand call’d in the -Maps <i>Bonfunda</i>, from 28 to 50 Fathom Water; brown fair Sand, with grey -Stones amongst it. We had several Showers of Rain with very little Wind -from N N E. to N by W. Lat. 22. 9. S.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_027" id="page_027"></a>{27}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Make the Land of Brazile.</i></div> - -<p><i>Nov. 15.</i> At ten a clock last night we had a heavy Turnado with -Lightning, which fell as if it had been liquid. While this Storm held, -which was not above an hour, we had all our Sails furl’d; yet the Ship -lay along very much. Wind at S W. but afterwards calm, and little Wind. -The Sun being near the Zenith here at this time, occasions such Weather. -As soon as Day appear’d, we saw the Land bearing West about 7 Ls. dist. -a small Breeze at N N W. We stood in with it, but could not be certain -what Land it was: we had sundry Soundings from 40 to 50 Fathom Water, -coarse Sand.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 16.</i> Yesterday Evening having a brave Breeze at E. we stood in -with the Land, and suppos’d it to be the Island of Cape <i>Frio</i>. It makes -the Southermost Land of several other Islands; is high and uneven. This -Island appears in two Hills to the Southward: The least looks like a -Saddle, and appears at a distance like two Islands, but as you draw near -it, you see that it joins.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 17.</i> This Morning, the Weather being calm, our Pinnace went ashore -with Capt. <i>Dampier</i> into a sandy Bay about two Leagues off; they -brought aboard a large Tortoise which our People eat. The Tortoises on -this Coast have a strong Taste. Foggy Weather, and very little Wind from -the East to the S W. sometimes calm.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 19.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we came to an anchor in 22 Fathom -Water. The East End of the large Island, which we took to be <i>Grande</i>, -bore W S W dist. about 4 Ls. and there’s a high woody Point at the West -end of the low sandy Bay, which at last we run by, about one League and -a half from us. We sent our Pinnace ashore well-mann’d to this Point, -with Capt. <i>William Dampier</i>, in order to be certain whether it was the -Entrance of <i>Grande</i> between the two Lands. The Boat return’d about ten -a clock at night, with a Confirmation that it was the Island of -<i>Grande</i>, as we had suppos’d: So we immediately weigh’d with a small -Breeze; but it soon falling calm, we came to anchor again: then weigh’d -with another small Breeze, and row’d and tow’d; by the help of which, at -twelve a clock we came to an anchor in the middle of the Entrance of the -Island of <i>Grande</i> in 11 Fathom water. The Entrance goes in W by S. a -remarkable white Rock on the Larboard side of the Bay bore S E. about a -mile and a half. ’Tis a long Entrance near 5 Leagues from the place we -anchor’d at.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 20.</i> Yesterday at one a clock in the Afternoon we<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_028" id="page_028"></a>{28}</span> sent our Boats -in, with a Lieutenant in one Boat, and Capt. <i>Dampier</i> in the other, to -sound all the way to our watering-place, and see if no Enemy lay there. -I borrow’d the <i>Dutchess</i> Yall, and kept her a-head sounding; but having -a Breeze against us, we got little ground. This morning at four we -weigh’d again with the Wind at N E. and got both into the Bay on the -West side of the Isle of <i>Grande</i>, but could not reach the Cove where we -design’d to water: heavy Showers of Rain took us. At eleven we row’d and -tow’d into the Cove, where our Consort had been an hour before us: A -<i>Portuguese</i> Boat came from a small Cove on our Starboard side as we -came in, and told us they had been rob’d by the <i>French</i> not long -before.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 21.</i> Yesterday Afternoon it rain’d so hard that our Men could not -work. At four a clock Capt. <i>Courtney</i> put eight of his Men in Irons for -disobeying Command; and knowing ’em to be Ringleaders, was willing to -secure them whilst here, where they could run away. About six a clock it -began to clear up, and our Pinnace with Capt. <i>Cook</i> and Lieutenant -<i>Pope</i> went to <i>Angre de Reys</i>, as it’s call’d in Sea-Draughts, but the -<i>Portuguese</i> call it <i>Nostra Seniora de La Conception</i>, a small Village -about three Leagues distant, to wait on the Governour, and acquaint him -with our Arrival, with a Present of Butter and Cheese, to procure his -Friendship if any of our Men should run away. The Boat return’d at -twelve at night, and told us that when they came near the Town it was -almost dark; that the People suspecting they were <i>French</i>, fir’d on ’em -several times, but did no hurt, and when they came ashore begg’d their -pardon. The Fryars invited them to the Convent, and told ’em they were -often plunder’d by the <i>French</i>, or they should not have been so ready -to fire at ’em. The Governour was gone to <i>Riojanero</i>, a City about 12 -Ls. distant, but expected back every day. This morning our Men went in -our Boat to hall our Fishing-Net, and caught some very good Fish much -better than those at <i>St. Vince</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 22.</i> Yesterday Afternoon we got our empty Casks ashore, and sent -our Carpenter with a <i>Portuguese</i> to look out Wood for Trusle-Trees,<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> -our Main and Fore Trusle-Trees being both broke: but the Weather prov’d -so wet and sultry, that we could do little or nothing. Here are -abundance of</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Isle of Grande in Brazile.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_029" id="page_029"></a>{29}</span></p> - -<p>Graves of dead Men; and the <i>Portuguese</i> tell us, that two great -<i>French</i> Ships homeward bound from the <i>South Seas</i>, that water’d in -this same place about nine months before, had bury’d near half their Men -here; but God be thank’d ours are very healthy. At this place the -<i>French South-Sea</i> Ships generally water both out and homewards. This -Morning we had several Canoes from the Town, with Limes, Fowls, <i>Indian</i> -Corn, <i>&c.</i> to exchange for such things as we could spare. We treated -’em all very civilly, and offer’d a Gratuity to such as would secure our -Men if any of ’em run away: they all promis’d to give us good -Information, and assist us in searching after ’em.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 23.</i> This was a fair pleasant Day, but violent hot. We heel’d the -<i>Dutchess</i> both sides by us, we had a great deal of Wood cut, caught -excellent Fish with our Lines, and had several Canoes from the Town, -which inform’d us of a Brigantine at an anchor in the Entrance where we -came in. I sent our Pinnace mann’d and arm’d to know what she was, and -found her a <i>Portuguese</i> laden with Negroes for the Gold Mines. Our Boat -return’d and brought a Present, being a Roove<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> of fine Sugar and a -Pot of Sweet-meats from the Master, who spoke a little <i>English</i>, and -had formerly sail’d with ’em. The Way that leads to these Gold Mines is -not far from this Place by Water, but the <i>Portuguese</i> say they lie -several days Journy up in the Country; and some will tell you ’tis ten -or fifteen days, others a month’s Travel from the Town of <i>Sanetas</i>, -which is the Sea-Port; for they are cautious how they discover the -Truth: but there is certainly abundance of Gold found in this Country. -They told us, the <i>French</i> often surprize their Boats, and that at one -time when the <i>French</i> staid to water, which could not exceed a month, -they took of Gold above 1200 <i>l.</i> weight (in Boats from the Mines bound -to <i>Rio-Janero</i>, because the Way is not good by Land.)</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 24.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we clean’d one side by the -<i>Dutchess</i>, and this Morning the other side, gave the Ships great Lists; -and having Men enough, whilst our Ship was cleaning, we let the Pinnace -with Capt. <i>Dover</i>, Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i>, and others, go to take their -pleasure, but to return by twelve a clock, when we should want our Boat. -When they return’d, they brought with them a monstrous Creature which -they had kill’d, having Prickles or Quills<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_030" id="page_030"></a>{30}</span> like a Hedghog, with Fur -between them, and the Head and Tail resembled those of a Monkey. It -stunk intolerably, which the <i>Portuguese</i> told us was only the Skin; -that the Meat of it is very delicious, and they often kill’d them for -the Table. But our Men being not yet at very short Allowance, none of -’em had Stomach good enough to try the Experiment: so that we were -forc’d to throw it overboard, to make a sweet Ship. Soon after came -several Canoes with <i>Portuguese</i> in ’em, whom we treated very civilly.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 25.</i> This Day was fair, but very hot. We had three or four Canoes -aboard, one of which had three Fathers belonging to the <i>Franciscan</i> -Convent at <i>Angre de Reys</i>. We had got a great deal of Water and Wood -aboard, with new Trusle-Trees fix’d to the head of the Fore-Mast.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Isle of Grande.</i></div> - -<p><i>Nov. 26.</i> Yesterday Afternoon we rigg’d the Fore-Mast again, and got -almost all our Water on board. Last night one <i>Michael Jones</i> and <i>James -Brown</i>, two <i>Irish</i> Landmen, run into the Woods, thinking to get away -from us; tho two such Sparks run away the 25<i>th</i> from the <i>Dutchess</i>, -and in the night were so frighted with Tygers, as they thought, but -really by Monkeys and Baboons, that they ran into the water, hollowing -to the Ship till they were fetch’d aboard again. About four this Morning -the Watch on the Quarter-Deck spy’d a Canoe, and call’d her to come on -board; but they not answering, and trying to get away, made us suspect -they had either got our Men that run away last Evening, or were coming -by Agreement to fetch ’em off the Island, which was uninhabited. We -immediately sent the Pinnace and Yall after ’em; the Pinnace coming up -near the Canoe, fir’d to stay ’em, but to no purpose; at last they -wounded one of the <i>Indians</i> that row’d in the Canoe. He that own’d and -steer’d her was a Fryar, and had a Quantity of Gold which he got at the -Mines, I suppose by his Trade of confessing the Ignorant. The Fryar had -just ran the Canoe ashore on a little Island full of Wood as our Boats -landed, and afterwards told us he hid some Gold there. A <i>Portuguese</i> -that would not run away with the Father, because he had no Gold to hide, -knew our People to be <i>English</i>, and call’d the Father back. The Man -that was wounded could not move, and was brought by our Men, with the -Father and several Slaves that row’d the large Canoe, on board our Ship, -where our Surgeon dress’d the wounded <i>Indian</i>, who died in two hours -time. I made the Father as welcome as I could, but he was very uneasy at -the Loss of his Gold and the Death of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_031" id="page_031"></a>{31}</span> his Slave, and said he would seek -for Justice in <i>Portugal</i> or <i>England</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 27.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon the <i>Dutchess</i> weigh’d, and tow’d -out of the Cove about a mile, and came to anchor to wait for us: Their -Boats returning to the Cove to fetch what was left, they spy’d two Men -waiting under the side of a Wood by the Shore, for a <i>Portuguese</i> Canoe -to get ’em off; but our Boats landed on each side of the Point, where -they were not seen, found ’em to be the Men that left us the Evening -before, and brought ’em to us. I order’d ’em both to be severely whip’d, -and put in Irons.</p> - -<p>This Morning Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I, with most of our Officers, except -those which we left to do what little remain’d unfinish’d on board the -Ships, went in our Boat to <i>Angre de Reys</i>, it being the Day kept for -the Conception of the Virgin <i>Mary</i>, and a high Day of Procession -amongst these People. The Governour Signior <i>Raphael de Silva Lagos</i>, a -<i>Portuguese</i>, receiv’d us very handsomly. He ask’d us if we would see -the Convent and Procession: we told him our Religion differ’d very much -from his. He answer’d we were welcome to see it, without partaking in -the Ceremony. We waited on him in a Body, being ten of us, with two -Trumpets and a Hautboy, which he desir’d might play us to Church, where -our Musick did the Office of an Organ, but separate from the Singing, -which was by the Fathers well perform’d. Our Musick play’d, <i>Hey Boys up -go we!</i><a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> and all manner of noisy paltry Tunes: and after Service our -Musicians, who were by that time more than half drunk, march’d at the -head of the Company, next to them an old Father and two Fryars carrying -Lamps of Incense with the Host, next came the Virgin <i>Mary</i> on a Bier -carry’d on four Mens shoulders, and dress’d with Flowers and -Wax-Candles, <i>&c.</i> After her came the Padre Guardian of the Convent, and -then about forty Priests, Fryars, <i>&c.</i> Next was the Governour of the -Town, my self, and Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, with each of us a long Wax-Candle -lighted: Next follow’d the rest of our Officers, the chief Inhabitants, -and junior Priests, with every one a lighted Wax-Candle. The Ceremony -held about two hours, after which we were splendidly entertain’d by the -Fathers of the Convent, and then by the Governour at the Guard-House, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_032" id="page_032"></a>{32}</span>his Habitation being three Leagues off. It’s to be noted, they kneel’d -at every Crossway, and turning, walk’d round the Convent, and came in at -another Door, kneeling and paying their Devotion to the Image of the -Virgin and her Wax-Candles. They unanimously told us, they expected -nothing from us but our Company, and they had no more but our Musick.</p> - -<p>The Town consists of about sixty low Houses built of Mud, cover’d with -Palmetto Leaves, and meanly furnish’d. They told us they had been -plunder’d by the <i>French</i>, or perhaps they hid their Plate and other -best Movables, because they were in doubt whether we were Friends or -Enemies. They have two Churches and a <i>Franciscan</i> Monastery tolerably -decent, but not rich in Ornaments: They have also a Guard-house, where -there are about 20 Men commanded by the Governour, a Lieutenant, and -Ensign. The Monastery had some black Cattel belonging to it, but the -Fathers would sell us none.</p> - -<p>The Fish we saw in the Road were Sharks, so well known that I need not -describe them. 2. Pilot-Fishes, so call’d because they commonly attend -the Sharks, find out their Prey for ’em, and are never devour’d by ’em. -3. The Sucking-Fish, so call’d because of a Sucker about two inches long -on the top of their Heads, by the Slime of which they stick so fast to -Sharks and other large Fish, that they are not easily pull’d off. 4. -Parrot-Fish, so nam’d because their Mouths resemble the Beak of a -Parrot. 5. A Rock-Fish, which is very good, and much like our Cod. 6. -Silver-Fish in great plenty: ’tis a deep-body’d bright Fish, from 12 to -18 inches long, and very good Meat: But there are so many sorts of good -Fish here, that we can’t describe ’em all.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Isle of Grande</i></div> - -<p><i>Nov. 28.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we left <i>Angre de Reys</i>; when we -got aboard, we found the Main-Mast rigg’d, with every thing ready. This -Morning we got our Ship out by our Consort, and the Wind being out of -the way, and but little, we went with our Boat to the Town, to get -Liquors for the Voyage, and bring the Gentlemen of the Town aboard our -Ships, where we treated ’em the best we could. They were very merry, and -in their Cups propos’d the Pope’s Health to us; but we were quits with -’em, by toasting that of the Archbishop of <i>Canterbury:</i> to keep up the -Humour, we also propos’d <i>William Pen’s</i> to them; and they lik’d the -Liquor so well, that they refus’d neither. We made the Governour and the -Fathers of the Convent a handsom Present of Butter and Cheese from both -Ships, in consideration<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_033" id="page_033"></a>{33}</span> of the small Presents and yesterday’s Favours -from ’em, and as a farther Obligation on ’em to be careful of our -Letters, which we took this opportunity to deliver into their own hands. -I shall say no more of our Letters, but that they contain’d every thing -material since my coming out, with two Postscripts wrote by Capt. -<i>Dover</i> and Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, to put it out of doubt amongst all those -concern’d, that we join’d heartily in prosecuting our long Undertaking, -and that our Officers behav’d themselves to satisfaction; which may -clear up some Difficulties started amongst the Gentlemen at home before -we sail’d, that were a great Hindrance and Discouragement to us in the -beginning, because Mismanagement and Misunderstanding amongst the -Officers never fail of ill Effects to the Voyage, and of spoiling the -Men; which is an irrecoverable Loss.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 29.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon our Yall went to Town to get -Necessaries for our next long Voyage, because we were to run near 2000 -Leagues before we could expect any Recruit of Liquors, unless by -extraordinary good fortune. In the Evening it came on blowing with thick -Showers of Rain, which prevented the Governour and the rest from going -ashore that night. This Morning the Governour and Company were carry’d -ashore: at parting we saluted ’em with a Huzza from each Ship, because -we were not overstock’d with Pouder. After which all the Officers of the -Committee met on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, where we enquir’d into the true -Cause of the aforesaid <i>Indian’s</i> Death, and protested against Mr. -<i>Vanbrugh</i> (who was the Occasion) for commanding our Ships Pinnace as he -did in chase of the Canoe unknown to me, and without my Order. At the -same time I desir’d to have the Committee’s Hands, if they approv’d what -I had transacted since my leaving the <i>Canary Islands</i>, which they very -readily sign’d, as also the Protest against Mr. <i>Vanbrugh’s</i> unadvis’d -Management; for I was sensible that good Order and Discipline in -Privateers was the only Method to support my self and the other -Officers, and keep up our Authority, which is so essential towards -acting with Success and Vigour on all occasions. This made it highly -necessary in the Infancy of our Undertaking to prevent Innovations in -Command, which inevitably confound the most promising Designs. Therefore -I thought it a fit time now to resent ignorant and wilful Actions -publickly, and to shew the Vanity and Mischief of ’em, rather than to -delay or excuse such Proceedings; which would have made the Distemper<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_034" id="page_034"></a>{34}</span> -too prevalent, and brought all to remediless Confusion, had we indulg’d -conceited Persons with a liberty of hazarding the fairest Opportunities -of Success. The above-mention’d Resolves of the Committee follow.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee held on board the <i>Dutchess</i> riding at the Island -<i>Grande</i> on the Coast of <i>Brazile</i>, by Request of Capt. <i>Tho. -Dover</i> President, Capt. <i>Woodes Rogers</i>, and Capt. <i>Stephen -Courtney</i>, <i>29 Novemb. 1708</i>.</p></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have examin’d, and do approve of all the Proceedings and -Transactions since our being at the</i> Canary Islands, <i>both as to the -punishing of Offenders, and acting in all cases for the best of our -intended Voyage, and that we found it actually necessary to sell part of -the Goods taken in the Prize amongst the</i> Canary Islands <i>here, to -purchase some Liquor and other Necessaries for our Men as they go about -Cape</i> Horn, <i>they being very meanly clothed, and ill provided to endure -the Cold; and we have and do hereby desire the Agent of each Ship to -take particular Cognizance of what such Goods are sold and dispos’d of -for; and agree that all possible Dispatch hath been made both here and -at</i> St. Vincent. <i>In acknowledgment of which we have set our Hands the -Day and Year above-written.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Rogers,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cook,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">Geo. Milbourne,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Carleton Vanbrugh, </td><td align="left">John Ballet.</td></tr> -</table> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Isle of Grande.</i></div> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">M</span>Emorandum, <i>That on the 26th Day of</i> November, 1708. <i>a little -before break of Day, a Canoe coming near the Ship</i> Duke, <i>as she -rode at Anchor at the Island of</i> Grande <i>on the Coasts of</i> Brazile; -<i>they hal’d her, she not answering, they fir’d at her; upon which -she row’d away, and the Captain order’d the Boat to get ready and -pursue her: And Mr.</i> Carleton Vanbrugh, <i>Agent of the said Ship, -putting off the Boat, without the Order of his Captain, or before -any Commanding Officer was in pursuit of her, fir’d, or order’d to -be fir’d, at her several Muskets at a distance: But coming nearer, -he order’d the Men to fire into the Boat; and the Corporal firing, -as we have reason to believe, kill’d an</i> Indian, <i>and took the -Canoe, and sent her away with two of the</i> Duke’s <i>Men, the Corporal -and a Padre, and afterwards brought the rest of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_035" id="page_035"></a>{35}</span> People in the -Ship’s Pinnace; since which time we are inform’d by the Padre, -Master of the dead</i> Indian, <i>that he lost a quantity of Gold to the -Value of</i> 200 l. <i>which he says he carry’d ashore, and hid in hopes -to preserve (he taking them for</i> Frenchmen <i>by their firing and -chasing) which could not afterwards be found, altho, he says, he -does verily believe it was not taken by any of the Ships People, -but alledges it was lost by means of their chasing and surprizing -him. Whatever Damages may arise from the above-mention’d Action on -the account of killing the</i> Indian, <i>or Loss of the Gold that the -Padre says he has lost, We the Commanders and Officers of Ship</i> -Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess <i>Consorts, do in behalf of our selves, and the -rest of the Ships Company, protest against the unadvis’d Actions of -the aforesaid Mr.</i> Carleton Vanbrugh, <i>for proceeding without any -Order from the Captain of the same Ship, and acting contrary to -what he was ship’d for. In witness whereof we have set our Hands -the 29th day of</i> November, 1708.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Steph. Courtney,</td><td align="left">John Rogers,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Will. Dampier,</td><td align="left">Thomas Glendal,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cook,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">Geo. Milbourne,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td><td align="left">John Ballet.</td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p><i>Nov. 30.</i> The Wind continuing out of the way, last night we held a -Committee on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, and agreed to remove Mr. <i>Carleton -Vanbrugh</i> from the Ship <i>Duke</i>; which Agreement is as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><span class="letra">M</span>Emorandum, <i>This 30th of</i> Novemb. 1708. <i>We the underwritten -Officers belonging to the Ships</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess, <i>appointed as -a Committee by the Owners of both Ships, do find it necessary for -the Good of our intended Voyage, to remove Mr.</i> Carleton Vanbrugh -<i>from being Agent of the</i> Duke <i>Frigate, to be Agent of the</i> -Dutchess, <i>and to receive Mr.</i> William Bath <i>Agent of the</i> Dutchess -<i>in his Place. This is our Opinion and Desire, in acknowledgment of -which we have hereunto set our Hands in the Port of the Island of</i> -Grande <i>on the Coast of</i> Brazile, <i>the Day above-written</i>.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Bridge.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cooke,</td><td> </td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_036" id="page_036"></a>{36}</span></p> - -<p><i>Nov. 30.</i> About ten this morning we both weigh’d, in order to go out on -the other side of <i>Grande</i>, which I think is the fairest Outlet, tho -they are both very large, bold and good. We went out E S E. the Wind at -N E. and in two hours came to an Anchor again, it proving calm, and a -Current against us.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 1.</i> Yesterday at two in the Afternoon we weigh’d again, with a -Breeze at N E. but at five a Gale came up at S S W. and blew very strong -with Rain, insomuch that we were forc’d to bear away, and come to an -Anchor close under the Island of <i>Grande</i>, in fourteen Fathom Water. It -rain’d hard all night, but towards morning little Wind. About ten this -morning we weigh’d Anchor, and steer’d away S W. At twelve it was calm, -and we anchor’d again. Just before we anchor’d, we spy’d a small Vessel -close under the Shore, near the West-end of <i>Grande</i>. We sent our Boat -to examine her, and found it to be the same Brigantine our Boats were -aboard of six days before, and from whence I had the Present. I gave the -Master an Half-hour Glass, and other small things of little Value, for -which he was very thankful.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 2.</i> I wrote a long Letter to my Owners, which Captain <i>Dover</i> and -Captain <i>Courtney</i> also underwrote, and gave it the Master of this -Brigantine, who promis’d to forward it by the first Conveyance for -<i>Portugal</i>; so that now I had sent by four Conveyances. At ten this -morning we sail’d, Wind at W N W. row’d and tow’d till twelve, and came -to an Anchor to the Southward of <i>Grande</i>, our Men continuing healthy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Description of Grande.</i></div> - -<p><i>Dec. 3.</i> Yesterday in the afternoon we sail’d with a brisk Gale of Wind -at E by N. At six a clock in the Evening, the S W Point of <i>Grande</i> bore -W N W. distant five Leagues. The small Three-<i>Hummock</i> Island without -<i>Grande</i>, which is seen as you go in both ways to it, bore N E 1/2 N. -dist. 5 Ls. the Westermost Point of the Main bore W by S. dist. 9 Ls. -from whence we departed for the Island of <i>Juan Fernandez</i>. The rest of -these 24 hours a good Gale from E by N. to the E S E. This I observ’d -when we came from Cape <i>Frio</i> to <i>Grande</i>, more than I have yet noted: -About 13 Leagues to the Eastward of the Isle of <i>Grande</i> is a high round -Rock, a good League without the Land, as it appear’d to us; within it is -high mountainous Land, which we are inform’d is the Entrance to -<i>Rio-Janeiro</i>: and as we came to the Westward, we open’d a sandy Bay -with low sandy Land in the middle, and high Land on each side clear to -the Points; it’s about<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_037" id="page_037"></a>{37}</span> 3 Leagues over, and deep. Next to this Bay, as -we came to the Westward, open’d another low sandy Bay, not quite so -deep, but above twice as wide. The Westermost Point is indifferent high, -and full of Trees, which makes the Eastermost Point as we enter’d -<i>Grande</i>; from whence it runs in West and Northerly about 4 Ls. There is -no such Bay to the Eastward as <i>Rio-Janeiro</i> between that and Cape -<i>Frio</i>. This is a certain Mark not to miss <i>Grande</i>, which might easily -be done by a Stranger, the Latitude being near the same for 40 Leagues -within Cape <i>Frio</i>; but <i>Grande</i> lies out near two Points farther -Southerly, as you come to it from the Eastward, than any other Land -between that and Cape <i>Frio</i>. We kept but an indifferent Account of the -Ship’s Way from Cape <i>Frio</i>, being nothing but fluttering Weather; but -the <i>Portuguese</i> Master told me it is not less than 34 Ls. We kept -continual Soundings, and had always Ground from one League to ten off -the Shore, from 20 to 50 Fathom Water: Very even and gradual Soundings, -with soft blue clayish Sand, till we got the Length of <i>Grande</i>; then we -had harder Ground, mix’d with small Stones and red Sand. The Shore runs -hither nearest West.</p> - -<p>The Island <i>Grande</i> is remarkable high Land, with a small Notch, and a -Tip standing up on one side in the middle of the highest Land, easy to -be seen if clear; and there’s a small Island to the Southward without -it, which rises in three little Hummocks; the nearest Hummock to the -Island <i>Grande</i> is the least. As we came in and out, we saw it, and it -appears alike on both sides: there is also a remarkable round white Rock -that lies on the Larboard side nearest to <i>Grande</i>, between it and the -Main at the Entrance going in. On the Starboard side there are several -Islands, and the Main is much like Islands, till you get well in. The -best way, when you open the Coves that are inhabited on the Starboard -side going in, is to get a Pilot to carry you to the watering Cove -within <i>Grande</i>; otherwise send in a Boat to the fresh-water Cove, which -lies round the inner Westermost Point of the Island, and near a League -in: the Passage is between small Islands, but room enough and bold; it’s -the second Cove under the first high Mount and round, behind the first -Point you see when you are in between the two Islands. This is the Cove -where we water’d. There are two other Coves very good, with some -Shoal-Banks between them, but no Shoal-Ground before we come to this -Cove. We sounded all the Passage in, and seldom found less than<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_038" id="page_038"></a>{38}</span> ten -Fathom Water, but had not time to know or sound the rest of the Coves. -The Town bears N E. about 3 Ls. dist. from this Cove. The Island of -<i>Grande</i> is near about 9 Ls. long high Land, and so is the Main within -it. All you see near the Water-side is thick covered with Wood. The -Island abounds with Monkeys and other wild Beasts, has plenty of good -Timber, Fire-wood, and excellent Water, with Oranges and Lemons, and -Guavas growing wild in the Woods. The Necessaries we got from the Town -were Rum, Sugar, and Tobacco, which they sell very dear, tho not good to -smoke, ’tis so very strong. We had also Fowls and Hogs, but the latter -are scarce; Beef and Mutton are cheap, but no great quantity to be had; -<i>Indian</i> Corn, Bonanoes, Plantanes, Guavas, Lemons, Oranges, and -Pine-Apples they abound with; but have no Bread except Cassado (the same -sort as is eaten in our <i>West-Indies</i>) which they call <i>Farana depau</i>, -<i>i.e.</i> Bread of Wood. They have no kind of Salleting. We had fine -pleasant Weather most of the time we were here, but hot like an Oven, -the Sun being right over us. The Winds we did not much observe, because -they were little and veerable; but commonly between the North and the -East.</p> - -<p>We clear’d an ordinary <i>Portuguese</i> here, call’d <i>Emanuel de Santo</i>, and -shipt another, whose Name was <i>Emanuel Gonsalves</i>.</p> - -<p>I had <i>Newhoff’s</i><a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Account of <i>Brazile</i> on board, and by all the -Enquiry and Observation I could make, found his Description of the -Country, its Product and Animals, to be just; particularly of that -Monster call’d <i>Liboya</i>, or the Roebuck-Serpent, which I enquir’d after, -thinking it incredible till the <i>Portuguese</i> Governour told me there are -some of them 30 foot long, as big as a Barrel, and devour a Roebuck at -once, from whence they had their name. I was also told that one of these -Serpents was kill’d near this place a little before our Arrival. Tygers -are very plenty here on the Continent, but not so ravenous as those in -<i>India</i>.</p> - -<p>The Product of <i>Brazile</i> is well known to be Red Wood, Sugars, Gold, -Tobacco, Whale-Oil, Snuff, and several sorts of Drugs. The <i>Portuguese</i> -build their best Ships here: The Country is now become very populous, -and the People delight much in Arms, especially about the Gold Mines, -where those of all sorts resort, but mostly Negroes and Molattoes. ’Tis - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of Brazile.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_039" id="page_039"></a>{39}</span> -but four years since they would be under no Government, but now they -have submitted: some Men of Repute here told me the Mines increase very -fast, and that Gold is got much easier at these Mines than in any other -Country.</p> - -<p>This is all I can affirm from my own Observation concerning this -Country, which was discover’d first by the famous <i>Americus Vespucius</i>, -<i>Anno</i> 1500. when he call’d it <i>Santa Cruz</i>; but the <i>Portuguese</i> -afterwards nam’d it <i>Brazile</i>, from the red Wood of that name which -grows here. It’s situate in the Torrid Zone, and extends from the -Equinoctial to the Lat. of 28 South. The Extent from East to West is -uncertain, therefore I can determine nothing concerning it. The -<i>Portuguese</i> divide it into fourteen Districts or Captainships, six of -which, being the Northern part, were subdu’d by the <i>Dutch</i> about the -Year 1637. and a Peace concluded, allowing it to be call’d <i>Dutch -Brazile</i>, which extended from North to South about 180 Leagues: And -since it is not usual for the <i>Dutch</i> to lose their Settlements abroad, -it mayn’t be amiss to give a brief Account how they were outed of this -profitable Country. In 1643 the Face of the <i>Dutch</i> Affairs there began -to alter for the worse, the Magazines of their <i>West-India</i> Company were -exhausted by several Expeditions against <i>Angola</i>, &c. and receiving no -Supplies from <i>Holland</i> as usual, the great Council at the <i>Receife</i>, -their Capital in <i>Brazile</i>, was forc’d to make use of what was due to -the Company, for paying the Garisons and Civil Officers, and by -consequence to force their conquer’d Debtors the <i>Portuguese</i> to prompt -Payment. This oblig’d the Debtors to borrow Mony at 3 or 4 <i>per Cnt. -per</i> Month, which impoverished them so in a little time, that they were -neither able to pay Principal nor Interest. The <i>Portuguese</i> immers’d -themselves in Debt to the Company, because of their hopes that the -Fleets coming from <i>Portugal</i> would quickly subdue the <i>Dutch</i>, and pay -off all scores. Besides, there happen’d a great Mortality among the -<i>Portuguese</i> Negroes, which they purchas’d from the <i>Dutch</i> at 300 -Pieces of Eight <i>per</i> head. This compleated their Ruin; which, together -with their Hatred to the <i>Dutch</i> on account of Religion, made them -resolve on a general Revolt.</p> - -<p>The <i>Dutch</i> at the same time were engag’d in a War with <i>Spain</i> at home, -and Count <i>Maurice</i>,<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> who was Governour of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_040" id="page_040"></a>{40}</span> <i>Dutch Brazile</i>, was -recall’d just in the height of the Plot. The <i>Dutch</i> had several -Discoveries of it, and an account of <i>Portuguese</i> Commissions, importing -that this Revolt was undertaken for the Honour of God, the Propagation -of the Roman Faith, the Service of the King, and common Liberty. They -complain’d of this to the <i>Portuguese</i> Government in <i>Brazile</i>, who told -them they would cultivate a good Correspondence with them, according to -the Orders of the King their Master; and wrote so to the <i>Dutch</i> -Council, yet still carry’d on the Conspiracy, till at last the Rebellion -broke out. The <i>Dutch</i> renew’d their Complaints, but the <i>Portuguese</i> -Government deny’d their having any hand in it, till in 1645 they openly -invaded the <i>Dutch</i>, on pretence at first of appeasing the Revolts of -the <i>Portuguese</i> in the <i>Dutch</i> Provinces, according to the Tenour of -the Peace; but afterwards when they had got footing, they alledg’d the -<i>Dutch</i> had murder’d many of the <i>Portuguese</i> in cool Blood; and then -carry’d on the War till 1660, when the <i>Dutch</i> were forc’d to abandon -<i>Brazile</i> in the following Conditions: That the Crown of <i>Portugal</i> -should pay the States Eight hundred thousand Pounds in Mony or Goods, -and that the Places taken on each side in the <i>East-Indies</i> should -remain to the present Possessors; and that a free Trade should be -allow’d the <i>Dutch</i> in <i>Portugal</i>, and at their Settlements in <i>Africa</i> -and <i>Brazile</i>, without paying any more Custom than the <i>Portuguese</i>. But -other Agreements have been since made between the two States, and the -<i>Portuguese</i> remain in full possession of this fine Country, without -allowing the <i>Dutch</i> to trade to it. This they fancy makes them -sufficient amends for the Loss of their large Conquests in <i>India</i>, -taken from them by the <i>Dutch East-India</i> Company; the <i>Portuguese</i> -being now the least Traders thither, after enjoying the whole -<i>East-India</i> Trade for above one hundred Years.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of Brazile.</i></div> - -<p><i>Newhoff</i>, who gave the best Account of <i>Brazile</i> at that time, assigns -the following Causes for so easy a Reconquest of it by the <i>Portuguese</i>: -1. The <i>Dutch</i> took no care to have sufficient Colonies of their own -Natives, nor to keep strong Garisons in the Country. 2. They left the -<i>Portuguese</i> in possession of all their Sugar-Mills and Plantations, -which hinder’d the <i>Dutch</i> from getting any considerable Footing in the -open Country. 3. The Plantations and Sugar-Mills that fell into their -hands by Forfeiture or otherwise, they sold at such excessive Rates, and -laid such Taxes on the Product, that the <i>Dutch</i> did not care to -purchase them. 4. The States<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_041" id="page_041"></a>{41}</span> of <i>Holland</i>, instead of reinforcing the -Garisons of <i>Brazile</i>, according to Prince <i>Maurice’s</i> Advice, reduc’d -them lower, notwithstanding all the Remonstrances of the Company to the -contrary; for they were so intent upon their Conquests in the -<i>East-Indies</i>, that they seem’d willing to be rid of <i>Brazile</i>, which is -now a vast and populous Country, and employs a great number of large -Ships yearly from <i>Portugal</i>, who carry home an immense Treasure of -Gold, besides all other Commodities of that Country.</p> - -<p>Whilst Prince <i>Maurice</i> was in <i>Brazile</i>, the <i>Dutch</i> fitted Ships -thence for <i>Chili</i>, which arriv’d there: but wanted a sufficient Force -to withstand the <i>Spaniard</i>, while they could be recruited, or gain an -Interest amongst the Natives, which they might have easily done, could -they have settled, because at that time the <i>Spaniards</i> had not -conquer’d the <i>Indians</i> of <i>Chili</i>; so the <i>Dutch</i> being too weak, were -forc’d to return without effecting any thing. I shall conclude this Head -with a brief Account of the Natives of <i>Brazile</i> from <i>Newhoff</i>, whose -Authority, as I have said already, I found upon Inquiry to be very good. -They are divided into several Nations, and speak different Languages. -They are generally of a middling Size, well-limb’d, and their Women not -ill-featur’d. They are not born black, but become so by the Heat of the -Sun. They have black Eyes, black curl’d Hair, and have their Noses made -flat when young. They come soon to Maturity, yet generally live to a -great Age, without much Sickness; and many <i>Europeans</i> live here to -above a hundred Years old, which is ascrib’d to the Goodness of the -Climate. The <i>Portuguese</i> cut off such multitudes of ’em, that they -perfectly hate that Nation, but were civil enough to the <i>Dutch</i> because -they treated them kindly. Such as live next the <i>Europeans</i>, wear Shirts -of Linen or Callico, and the chief of ’em affect our Apparel; but those -within Land go for the most part naked, covering their Privities -slightly with Leaves or Grass fasten’d about them with a string, and the -Men exceed the Women in Modesty. Their Hutts are built of Stakes, and -cover’d with Palm-tree Leaves. Their Dishes and Cups are made of -<i>Calabasses</i>, being the Shells of a sort of Pompions. Their chief -Furniture is Hammocks of Cotton made like Network, and these they fasten -to sticks, and use them for Beds; and when they travel, tie them to -Trees. The Wives follow their Husbands to War and elsewhere, and carry -their Luggage in a Basket, with a Child hung about them in a piece of -Callico, a Parrot or an Ape in one hand, and leading<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_042" id="page_042"></a>{42}</span> a Dog by a string -in the other; while the idle Lubber carries nothing but his Arms, which -are Bows and Arrows, Darts or Wooden Clubs. They know nothing of -Arithmetick, but count their Years by laying by a Chesnut in the Season. -Those who inhabit the inland Parts know scarce any thing of Religion; -yet they have a sort of Priests, or rather Conjurers, who pretend to -foretel what’s to come. They have a Notion of a Supreme Being more -excellent than the rest; some reckon this to be Thunder, and others -<i>Ursa Minor</i>, or some Constellation. They fancy that after Death their -Souls are transplanted into Devils, or enjoy all sorts of Pleasures in -lovely Fields beyond the Mountains, if they have kill’d and eat many of -their Enemies; but those that never did any thing of moment, they say -are to be tormented by Devils. These People are much afraid of -Apparitions and Spirits, and make Offerings to pacify ’em. Some of ’em -are mightily addicted to Sorcery, to revenge themselves upon their -Enemies; and they have others who pretend to cure those that are so -bewitch’d. The <i>Castilians</i> converted some of ’em, but the <i>Dutch</i> -Ministers were more successful, till they were hinder’d by the Revolt of -the <i>Portuguese</i>. The <i>Brazilian</i> Women are very fruitful, have easy -Labour, retire to the Woods where they bring forth alone, and return -after washing themselves and their Child; the Husbands lying a bed the -first 24 hours, and being treated as if they had endur’d the Pains.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> - -<p>The <i>Tapoyars</i>, who inhabit the inland Country on the West, are the most -barbarous of the Natives, taller and stronger than the rest, and indeed -than most <i>Europeans</i>. They wear little Sticks thro their Cheeks and -Under-Lips, are Maneaters, and use poison’d Darts and Arrows. They -change their Habitations according to the Season, and live chiefly by -Hunting and Fishing. Their Kings and Great Men are distinguish’d by the -manner of shaving their Crowns, and their long Nails. Their Priests are -Sorcerers, make them believe that the Devils appear to ’em in form of -Insects, and perform their diabolical Worship in the night, when the -Women make a dismal howling, which is their chief Devotion. They allow -Polygamy, yet punish Adultery by Death; and when young Women are -marriageable, but courted by no body, their Mothers carry ’em to their -Princes, who deflower ’em; and this they reckon a great Honour. Some of -these People were much civiliz’d by the <i>Dutch</i>, and very serviceable - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River Amazons.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_043" id="page_043"></a>{43}</span> -to them, but still kept under Subjection to their own Kings. For the -extraordinary Animals, Plants, <i>&c.</i> of <i>Brazile</i>, I refer to <i>Newhoff</i>; -being sensible that the Descriptions of such things are not my Province, -but I thought it convenient to give this Hint for the Diversion of such -Readers as may relish it better than a Mariner’s bare Journal.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>The River of the <i>Amazons</i> being the Northern Boundary of <i>Brazile</i>, I -shall describe it here.</p> - -<p>According to most Geographers it rises in the Mountains of <i>Peru</i>, and -is compos’d at first of two Rivers, one of which begins about Lat. 9. S. -and the other about 15. The <i>Sansons</i> call the latter <i>Xauxa</i> or -<i>Maranhon</i>, which communicates its Name to the other. ’Twas call’d -<i>Amazons</i>, not because of any Nation of Virago’s, who as some fancy are -govern’d by a Queen, and have no Commerce with our Sex; but at certain -times, when they make an Appointment with the Males of neighbouring -Nations, and if they prove with Child, keep the Daughters and send away -the Sons, as the <i>Greeks</i> fabled of their <i>Amazons</i>. But the true Reason -of the Name is, that the <i>Spaniards</i>, who first discover’d it, were told -of such a terrible barbarous Nation of Women by some of the Natives, on -purpose to frighten them, and that they did actually on several places -of this River find their Women as fierce and warlike as the Men; it -being their Custom to follow their Husbands, <i>&c.</i> to War, on purpose to -animate them, and to share in their Fate, as we find was antiently -practis’d by the Women of <i>Gaul</i>, <i>Germany</i>, and <i>Britain</i>.</p> - -<p>But to return to the Course of the River. The <i>Sansons</i><a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> give us a -Map of it from the Discoveries of <i>Texeira</i>, who sail’d up and down the -same in 1637, 1638, and 1639. The River, he says, begins at the foot of -a Chain of Mountains nam’d <i>Cordelera</i>, about 8 or 10 Ls. East of -<i>Quito</i> in <i>Peru</i>. It runs first from West to East, turns afterwards -South; and then after many Windings and Turnings holds its main Course -East, till it falls into the <i>Atlantick</i> Sea. Its Fountains and Mouth -are very near under the Equator, and the main of its Stream is in the -4th and 5th deg. of S. Lat. The Rivers which fall into it on the North -side, rise about one or two deg. N. Lat. and those on the South side, -some of them begin in 10, some in 15, and others in the 21 ft of S. Lat. -Its Channel from <i>Junta de los Reyos</i> about 60 deg. from its Head, till -it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_044" id="page_044"></a>{44}</span> join’d by the River <i>Maranhon</i>, is from one to two Leagues in -breadth. From thence, say the <i>Sansons</i>, ’tis from 3 to 4, but grows -larger as it advances towards the <i>Atlantick</i>, into which it falls by a -Mouth from 50 to 60 Leagues broad, betwixt Cape <i>Nort</i> on the Coast of -<i>Guaiana</i>, and Cape <i>Zaparara</i> on the Coast of <i>Brazile</i>. Its Depth from -<i>Junta de los Reyos</i> to <i>Maranhon</i> is from 5 to 10 fathom, from thence -to <i>Rio Negro</i> from 12 to 20, and from thence to the Sea from 30 to 50, -and sometimes a great deal more. ’Tis always of a good depth near the -Shore, and has no Sand-Banks till it come towards the Sea. Its running -in a continu’d Descent from West to East, makes the sailing down it very -easy; and the East Winds, which last most part of the day, are very -commodious for those who sail up this River. From the Fountain to its -Mouth ’tis 8 or 900 Leagues in a direct Line, but the Windings and -Turnings make it about 1200. Some compute it at 1800, and others 1276; -but then they derive its Source from the Lake <i>Lauricocha</i> near -<i>Guanuco</i> in <i>Peru</i> about Lat. 10. Authors differ whether this River or -<i>La Plata</i> be the greatest, which I shall not take upon me to determine. -The Rivers which run into it on the right and left, have their Courses -from 100 to 600 Leagues in length, and their Banks are well inhabited by -multitudes of People of different Nations, not so barbarous as those of -<i>Brazile</i>, nor so polite as the Natives of <i>Peru</i>. They live chiefly -upon Fish, Fruit, Corn and Roots; are all Idolaters, but pay no great -Respect to their Idols, nor perform any publick Worship to them, except -when they go upon Expeditions.</p> - -<p><i>Texeira</i><a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> and his Fellow-Discoverers say, that most of those -Countries enjoy a temperate Air, tho in the middle of the Torrid Zone. -This is probably owing to the multitude of Rivers with which they are -water’d, the East Winds which continue most of the day, the equal Length -of the Days and Nights, the great numbers of Forests, and the annual -Inundations of the Rivers, which fructify this Country, as that of the -<i>Nile</i> does <i>Egypt</i>. Their Trees, Fields, and Flowers are verdant all -the Year, and the Goodness of the Air prevents their being infested so -much with Serpents and other dangerous Insects as <i>Brazile</i> and <i>Peru</i>. -In the Forests they have Store of excellent Honey, accounted very -medicinal. They have Balm good against all Wounds. Their Fruit, Corn, -and Roots, are not only in greater plenty, but much - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River Amazons.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_045" id="page_045"></a>{45}</span> - -better than any where else in <i>America</i>. They have vast number of Fish -of all sorts in the Rivers and Lakes; and among others, Sea-Cows, which -feed on the Banks, and Tortoises of a large Size and delicate Taste. -Their Woods abound with Venison, and afford Materials for building the -largest Ships. They have many Trees of five or six fathom round in the -Trunk, and inexhaustible Stores of Ebony and <i>Brazile</i> Wood, Cocoa, -Tobacco, Sugar-Canes, Cotton, a Scarlet Dye call’d <i>Rocon</i>, besides Gold -and Silver in their Mines and the Sand of their Rivers.</p> - -<p>The Nations who inhabit about this and the other Rivers that run into -it, are reckon’d by <i>Sanson</i> and others 150, and their Villages so thick -in many places, that most of ’em are within Call of one another. Among -those People, the <i>Homagues</i> who live towards the Head of this great -River, are mostly noted for their Manufactures of Cotton; the -<i>Corosipares</i> for their Earthen Ware; the <i>Surines</i> who live betwixt -Lat. 5 and 10. and Long. 314 and 316, for their Joyners Work; the -<i>Topinambes</i> who live in a great Island of this River, about Lat. 4. and -Longit. 320. for their Strength. Their Arms in general are Darts and -Javelins, Bows and Arrows, with Targets of Cane or Fish-Skins. They make -war upon one another to purchase Slaves for their Drudgery, but -otherwise they treat them kindly enough.</p> - -<p>Among the Rivers that fall into it on the North side, the <i>Napo</i>, -<i>Agaric</i>, <i>Putomaye</i>, <i>Jenupape</i>, <i>Coropatube</i>, and others, have Gold in -their Sands. Below <i>Coropatube</i> there are Mines of several sorts in the -Mountains. In those of <i>Yagnare</i> there are Mines of Gold; in <i>Picora</i> -there are Mines of Silver; on the River <i>Paragoche</i> there are precious -Stones of several sorts; and Mines of Sulphur, <i>&c.</i> near other Rivers. -Those of <i>Putomaye</i> and <i>Caketa</i> are large Rivers: the latter is divided -into two Branches; one falls into the <i>Amazons</i> River, by the name of -<i>Rio Negro</i>, which is the largest on the North side; and the other, -call’d <i>Rio Grande</i>, falls into the <i>Oronoko</i>. The chief Rivers that -fall into it on the South side, are <i>Maranhon</i>, <i>Amarumaye</i>, <i>Tapy</i>, -<i>Catua</i>, <i>Cusignate</i>, <i>Madere</i> or <i>Cayane</i>, and many other large ones.</p> - -<p>The <i>Sansons</i> add, that on this River, about 200 Leagues from the Sea, -there is a Bosphorus or Strait of one mile broad; that the Tide comes up -hither, so that it may serve as a Key to all the Trade of those -Countries: But the <i>Portuguese</i> being already possess’d of <i>Para</i> on the -side of <i>Brazile</i>, <i>Corupa</i> and <i>Estero</i> on the side of <i>Guaiana</i>, and -<i>Cogemina</i> an<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_046" id="page_046"></a>{46}</span> Island at the mouth of it; they may, by fortifying the -Island of the <i>Sun</i>, or some other place in its chief Outlet, be Masters -of all the Trade.</p> - -<p><i>William Davis</i><a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> a <i>Londoner</i>, who liv’d in this Country some time, -gives us this further Account of it, and of the Inhabitants about this -River. They have Store of excellent Wild-Fowl in their Woods, and among -others, Parrots as many as we have Pidgeons in <i>England</i>, and as good -Meat. Their Rivers and Lakes abound with Fish, but such as catch them -must be upon their guard against Crocodiles, Alligators, and -Water-Serpents. The Country is subject to frequent and violent Storms of -Rain, Thunder, and Lightning, which commonly hold 16 or 18 hours; and -the Inhabitants are terribly pester’d with Muskettoes. There are -abundance of petty Kings, who live upon their particular Rivers, on -which they decide their Quarrels with Canoes, and the Conqueror eats up -the Conquer’d; so that one King’s Belly proves another’s Sepulcher. The -Regalia by which they are distinguish’d, is a Crown of Parrots Feathers, -a Chain of Lion’s Teeth or Claws about their Necks or Middles, and a -Wooden Sword in their hands. Both Sexes go quite naked, and wear their -Hair long; but the Men pluck theirs off on the Crown. He says ’tis a -question whether the Womens Hair or Breasts be longest. The Men thrust -pieces of Cane thro the Foreskin of their <i>Pudenda</i>, their Ears and -Under-Lips, and hang Glass-Beads at the Gristle of their Noses, which -bob to and fro when they speak. They are thievish, and such good -Archers, that they kill Fish in the water with their Arrows. They eat -what they catch without Bread or Salt. They know not the Use of Mony, -but barter one thing for another, and will give twenty Shillings worth -of Provisions, <i>&c.</i> for a Glass-Bead or a Jews-Harp.</p> - -<p>I come next to the Discovery of this River. When <i>Gonsales Pizarro</i>, -Brother to <i>Francis</i> that conquer’d <i>Peru</i>, was Governour of the North -Provinces of that Country, he came to a great River where he saw the -Natives bring Gold in their Canoes to exchange with the <i>Spaniards</i>. -This put him upon a compleat Discovery of that River from its Fountains -to its Mouth. In order to this, he sent out Capt. <i>Francisco de -Orellana</i><a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> in 1540. with a Pinnace and Men: Some say - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River Amazons.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_047" id="page_047"></a>{47}</span> - -he went also himself, and sail’d down the River <i>Xauxa</i> or <i>Maranhon</i> 43 -days, but wanting Provisions, commanded <i>Orellana</i> to go in quest of -some down the River, and to return as soon as he could; but <i>Orellana</i> -being carry’d down 200 Leagues thro a desert Country, the Stream was so -rapid, that he found it impracticable to return, and therefore sail’d on -till he came to that which is properly call’d the River of the -<i>Amazons</i>. He had spent all his Provisions, and eat the very Leather on -board; so that seven of his Men died of Want. In <i>January</i> that Year, -after sailing 200 Leagues further, he came to a Town on the Bank of the -River, where the People were afraid of him, but at last furnish’d him -with Provisions; and here he built a large Brigantine. He set out again -the <i>2d</i> of <i>Febr.</i> and 30 Leagues further was almost cast away by the -violent Stream of a River which run into that of the <i>Amazons</i> on the -right side. He sail’d above 200 Leagues further, and was invited ashore -in the Province of <i>Aparia</i>, where he discours’d several of their -Caciques, who forewarn’d him of his Danger by the <i>Amazons</i>. He staid -here 35 days, built a new Brigantine, and repair’d the other. He sail’d -again in <i>April</i> thro a desert Country, where he liv’d upon Herbs and -toasted <i>Indian</i> Wheat. On the <i>12th</i> of <i>May</i> he arriv’d at the -populous Country of <i>Machiparo</i>, where he was attack’d by many Canoes -full of Natives arm’d with long Shields, Bows and Arrows; but fought his -way thro them till he came to a Town where he took Provisions by Force, -after two hours fight with some thousands of the Natives whom he put to -flight, and had 18 of his Men wounded, but all recover’d. He put off -again, and was pursu’d two days by 8000 <i>Indians</i> in 130 Canoes, till he -was past the Frontiers of that Country. Then he landed at another Town -340 Leagues from <i>Aparia</i>, which being abandon’d by the Natives, he -rested there three days, and took in Provisions. Two Leagues from hence -he came to the mouth of a great River with three Islands, for which he -call’d it <i>Trinity River</i>. The adjacent Country seem’d very fruitful, -but so many Canoes came out to attack him, that he was forc’d to keep -the middle of the Stream. Next day he came to a little Town, where he -took Provisions again by force, and found abundance of curious earthen -Ware finely painted, and several Idols of monstrous shapes and sizes. He -also saw some Gold and Silver, and was told by the Inhabitants that -there was abundance of both in the Country. He sail’d on 100 Leagues -further, till he came to the Land of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_048" id="page_048"></a>{48}</span> <i>Pagnana</i>, where the People were -civil, and readily furnish’d him with what he wanted.</p> - -<p>On <i>Whitsunday</i> he pass’d by a great Town divided into many Quarters, -with a Canal from each to the River. Here he was attack’d by Canoes, but -soon repuls’d them with his Fire-Arms. He afterwards landed, and took -Provisions at several Towns. He met with the Mouth of a River, the Water -as black as Ink, and the Stream so rapid, that for 20 Leagues it did not -mix with that of the <i>Amazons</i>. He saw several small Towns in his -Passage, enter’d one by force, which had a Wall of Timber, and took -abundance of Fish there. He pursu’d his Voyage by many great Towns and -well-inhabited Provinces, by which time the River was grown so wide, -that they could not see the one side from the other. Here he took an -<i>Indian</i>, by whose Information he suppos’d this to be the proper Country -of the <i>Amazons</i>. He sail’d on by many other Towns, and landed at one, -where he found none but Women. He took abundance of Fish there, and -resolv’d to have staid for some time; but the Men coming home in the -Evening, they attack’d him, so that he ship’d off, and continu’d his -Voyage. He saw several great Towns with pav’d Roads between Rows of -Fruit-Trees into the Country, and landed for Provisions. The Inhabitants -oppos’d him; but their Leader being kill’d, they fled and left him at -liberty to carry off Provisions. From hence he sail’d to an Island for -Rest, and was inform’d by a Female he had taken Prisoner, that there -were Men like themselves in that Country, and some white Women, whom he -conceiv’d to be <i>Spaniards</i>: she told him they were entertain’d by a -Cacique. After several days sail, he came to another great Town, near -which the <i>Indian</i> told him those Whites did live. He kept on his -Course, and after four days came to another Town, where the Natives were -civil, furnish’d him with Provisions; and here he saw abundance of -Cotton Cloth, and a Place of Worship hung with Weapons and two Mitres -resembling those of a Bishop. He went to a Wood on the other side in -order to rest, but was soon dislodg’d by the Natives. He saw several -large Towns on both sides the River, but did not touch at them. Some -days after they came to a Town where he got Provisions. After doubling a -Point, he saw other large Towns, where the People stood ready on the -Banks to oppose him. He offer’d ’em Toys in order to please them, but in -vain. He continu’d his Voyage, and on the Banks saw several Bodies of -People.</p> - -<p><a name="ill_003" id="ill_003"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_100_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_100_sml.jpg" width="500" height="291" alt="Image unavailable: THE TRACK OF THE DUKE AND DUTCHESS ROUND THE WORLD - -Reproduction of the frontispiece to the first edition of Woodes -Rogers’s book." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">THE TRACK OF THE DUKE AND DUTCHESS ROUND THE WORLD -<br /> -Reproduction of the frontispiece to the first edition of Woodes -Rogers’s book.</span> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River Amazons.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_049" id="page_049"></a>{49}</span></p> - -<p class="nind">He stood into them, and landing his Men, the Natives fought with great Resolution, ten -or twelve being white Women of an extraordinary Size, with long Hair and -all naked but their <i>Pudenda</i>, who seem’d to be their Commanders. They -were arm’d with Bows and Arrows; and seven of ’em being kill’d, the rest -fled. <i>Orellana</i> had several Men wounded; and finding that multitudes of -the Natives were marching against him, he sail’d off, reckoning that he -had now made 1400 Leagues during his Voyage, but still did not know how -far he was from the Sea. He afterwards came to another Town, where he -met with the like Opposition: several of his Men were wounded, and his -Chaplain lost an Eye. Here he observ’d several Woods of Oak and -Cork-Trees: He call’d this Province by the name of <i>St. John’s</i>, because -he came to it on that Saint’s Day. He sail’d on till he met with some -Islands, where he was attack’d by 200 Canoes with 30 or 40 Men in each, -abundance of Drums, Trumpets, and Pipes, <i>&c.</i> but he kept them off with -his Fire-Arms. These Islands appear’d to be high, fruitful, and -pleasant, and the largest of ’em about 50 Leagues long; but he could -take in no Provisions, because the Canoes continually pursu’d him.</p> - -<p>When he came to the next Province, he perceiv’d many large Towns on the -Larboard side of the River: Multitudes of Natives came in their Canoes -to gaze on him, and his <i>Indian</i> Prisoner inform’d him that these -Countries abounded with Gold and Silver. <i>Orellana</i> was here oblig’d to -barricade his Boats to cover his Men, because one of ’em was kill’d by a -poison’d Arrow. As he sail’d on, he came to inhabited Islands, and -perfectly discern’d the Tide. Here he was attack’d by multitudes of -Canoes, and lost some more Men by poison’d Arrows. There were many Towns -on the Starboard side of the River, and he found other inhabited -Islands, where he got Provisions, but was attack’d and beat off when he -landed on the Continent, till he came near the mouth of the River, where -the People readily furnish’d him. He sail’d 200 Leagues among the -Islands, where he found the Tide strong, and at last in <i>August</i> that -Year found a Passage to the Sea of about 50 Ls. wide, where the Tide -rises five or six fathom, and the fresh Water runs 20 Leagues into the -Sea; Esquire <i>Harcourt</i>,<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> in his Voyage to <i>Guiana</i>, says 30 Ls. and -that the fresh Water there is very good.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_050" id="page_050"></a>{50}</span> He was mightily distress’d for -want of Rigging and Provisions till he came to the Island of <i>Cubagua</i>, -from whence he went to <i>Spain</i> to give the King an Account of his -Discovery. The Manuscripts taken by Capt. <i>Withrington</i><a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> say that -<i>Orellana</i> was about a Year and half upon this River.</p> - -<p>When he reported his Discoveries, the King of <i>Spain</i> sent him back with -a Fleet and 600 Men to take possession of this River in 1544, some say -1549, but the Project came to nothing: for the Captain himself, after he -had sail’d up 100 Ls. died with 57 of his Men by the Unhealthiness of -the Air; and some of them sail’d 60 Ls. higher, where they were friendly -entertain’d by the Natives, but being too few to pursue the Discovery, -they return’d to the Island <i>Margarita</i>, where they found <i>Orellana’s</i> -Lady, says <i>Heerera</i>, who told them that her Husband died of Grief for -the Loss of so many of his Men by Sickness and the Attacks of the -<i>Indians</i>. And thus they return’d <i>re infecta</i>: so that <i>Orellana</i> -receiv’d no other Advantage for his Danger and Expence, but the Honour -of the first Discovery, and having the River call’d by his name in some -Authors. <i>Ovalle</i> says that he lost half his Men at the <i>Canaries</i> and -Cape <i>Verd</i>, and his Fleet was reduc’d to two large Boats before he came -back to the River; so that he was too weak to attempt a further -Discovery.</p> - -<p>The Manuscripts taken by Capt. <i>Withrington</i> say the second Person who -attempted it was <i>Leus de Melo</i> a <i>Portuguese</i>, by order of his -Sovereign King <i>John</i> III. to whom the Country from the mouth of this -River to that of <i>La Plata</i> belong’d, according to the Partition agreed -on betwixt the <i>Portuguese</i> and the <i>Spaniards</i>. He had ten Ships and -800 Men, but lost eight of his Ships at the mouth of the River; so that -he went to the Island <i>Margarita</i>, from whence his Men were dispers’d -all over the <i>Indies</i>. Two or three Captains from the Kingdom of <i>New -Granada</i> attempted it afterwards by Land, but without Success.</p> - -<p>In 1560. those of <i>Peru</i> try’d it another way. The Viceroy sent <i>Pesdro -de Orsua</i>, a Native of <i>Navarre</i>, with 700 Men to the Head of this -River, where he built Pinnaces and Canoes; and having furnish’d himself -with Provisions, and taken 2000 <i>Indians</i> with many Horses on board, he -imbark’d on the</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River Amazons.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_051" id="page_051"></a>{51}</span></p> - -<p>River <i>Xauxa</i> or <i>Maranhon</i>. He sail’d till he came to a plain Country, -where he began to build a Town: but his Men not being us’d to such -Labour, and fatigu’d by the hot and rainy Seasons, they murmur’d, tho -they had Provisions enough, and a great prospect of finding Store of -Gold. The Mutineers were headed by <i>Lopez de Agira</i> a <i>Biscayner</i>, who -had been an old Mutineer in <i>Peru</i>; and being join’d by <i>Ferdinand de -Guzman</i> a <i>Spanish</i> Soldier, and one <i>Saldueno</i> who was enamour’d on -<i>Orsua’s</i> beautiful Lady, they murder’d him when asleep, with all his -Friends and chief Officers. Then they proclaim’d <i>Guzman</i> their King, -but 20 days after he was also murder’d by <i>Lopez</i>, who assum’d the Title -to himself. Being a Fellow of mean Birth, he murder’d all the Gentlemen -in company, lest any of them should rival him; and having form’d a Guard -of Ruffians about him, he became so jealous of his new Dignity, and was -so conscious of what he deserv’d, that when any of the Men talk’d -together, he concluded they were plotting against him, and sent his -Ruffians to murder them. Abundance of the rest and the Women falling -sick, he barbarously left them to the mercy of the Natives, and sail’d -to the Island <i>Margarita</i> with 230 Men. He was “well entertain’d by the -Governour, who took him to be one of the King’s Officers; but this -ungrateful Villain did speedily murder him and his Friends, ravag’d the -Island, forc’d some Soldiers to go along with him, and pretended to -conquer the <i>Indies</i>; but was defeated, taken and hang’d by the -Governour of <i>New Granada</i>. The Wretch murder’d his own Daughter that -she might not be insulted by his Enemies, and then attempted to murder -himself, but was prevented. Thus concluded that fatal Expedition.</p> - -<p>The <i>Sansons</i> say the next Attempt was by those of <i>Cusco</i> in 1566. but -it came to nothing; for their Leaders fell out and fought with one -another, which made the rest a Prey to the Natives: or that only -<i>Maldonado</i> one of their Captains and two Priests escap’d to carry home -the News.</p> - -<p>Two of the Generals of <i>Para</i> and Governours of <i>Maranhon</i> were the next -that renew’d the Attempt by the King’s Command, but met with so many -cross Accidents that they could not effect it.</p> - -<p>In 1606. two Jesuits set out from <i>Quito</i>, thinking to reduce the -Country on this River by their Preaching: but one of them was kill’d by -the Natives, and the other narrowly escap’d, says <i>Ovalle</i>.</p> - -<p>The next Discovery was by Capt. <i>John de Palacios</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_052" id="page_052"></a>{52}</span> Authors differ as -to the time; but most agree ’twas in 1635. He set out from <i>Quito</i> with -a few arm’d Men and <i>Franciscan</i> Fryars, sail’d down the River till he -came to <i>Annete</i>, where he was kill’d in 1636. and most of his -Companions return’d, except two Monks and five or six Soldiers, who -sail’d down in a little Vessel as far as <i>Para</i> the Capital of -<i>Brazile</i>; where they acquainted <i>Texeira</i> the <i>Portuguese</i> Governour -with their Discovery: who upon their Information sent 47 Canoes with 70 -<i>Spaniards</i> and 1200 <i>Indians</i> to sail up the River under <i>Texeira</i> the -Sailor. He set out in <i>October</i> 1637. and met with several Difficulties, -which occasion’d many of the <i>Indians</i> to forsake him; but he went on, -and sent a Captain with eight Canoes to make Discoveries before him. -This Captain arriv’d <i>June</i> 24. 1638. at a <i>Spanish</i> Town built at the -Conflux of the Rivers <i>Huerari</i> and <i>Amazons</i>, and dispatch’d a Canoe to -acquaint <i>Texeira</i> with it. This encourag’d him to proceed till he came -to the Mouth of the River <i>Chevelus</i>, where it falls into the <i>Amazons</i>, -and there he left part of his Men under a Captain, and the rest at -<i>Junta de los Rios</i> under another; while himself with a few went forward -to <i>Quito</i>. The other Captain arriv’d there some time before, and both -were well receiv’d by the <i>Spaniards</i>, to whom they reported their -Discovery in <i>September</i> 1638. The Men he left behind were well -entertain’d by the Natives at first, but quarrelling with them -afterwards, suffer’d much for want of Provisions, and had little but -what they took by force.</p> - -<p>Upon the News of this Discovery, the Count <i>de Chinchon</i> Viceroy of -<i>Peru</i> sent Orders from <i>Lima</i> to furnish <i>Texeira</i> with all Necessaries -for his Return down the River, and appointed Father <i>d’Acugna</i>, Rector -of the College of <i>Cuenca</i>, and another Jesuit, to attend him and carry -the News to <i>Spain</i>. They set out in <i>February</i> 1639. and arriv’d at -<i>Para</i> in <i>December</i> following; from whence <i>d’Acugna</i> went to <i>Spain</i>, -and publish’d his Account of this River in 1640.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River Amazons.</i></div> - -<p>The Sum of his Discovery, besides what has been mention’d already, is as -follows. There’s a Tree on the Banks of this River call’d <i>Andirova</i>, -from whence they draw an Oil that is a Specifick for curing Wounds. -There’s plenty of Iron-Wood, so nam’d because of its Hardness, Red-Wood, -Log-Wood, <i>Brazile</i>, and Cedars so large, that <i>Acugna</i> says he measur’d -some that were 30 span round the Trunk. They have Timber enough to build -Ships, make Cordage of the Barks of Trees, and Sails of Cotton, but want -Iron. They make Hatchets of Tortoise-shells, or hard Stones ground to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_053" id="page_053"></a>{53}</span> -an Edg; and Chizzels, Planes, and Wimbles of the Teeth and Horns of wild -Beasts. Their chief Directors are Sorcerers, who are the Managers of -their hellish Worship, and teach them how to revenge themselves on their -Enemies by Poison and other barbarous methods. Some of them keep the -Bones of their deceas’d Relations in their Houses; and others burn them -with all their Movables, and solemnize their Funerals first by mourning, -and then by excessive drinking. Yet the Father says they are in general -good-natur’d and courteous, and many times left their own Hutts to -accommodate him and his Company. Some of these Nations, particularly the -<i>Omaguas</i>, whose Country is 260 Leagues long, and the most populous on -the River, are decently clad in Rayment of Cotton, and trade in it with -their Neighbours. Some of the other Nations wear Plates of Gold at their -Ears and Nostrils; and their Joiners are so expert, that they make -Chairs and other Houshold Furniture in the shapes of several Animals -with great Art.</p> - -<p>The Jesuits of <i>Quito</i> in <i>Peru</i> have engrav’d a Map of this River, in -which they give the following Account, <i>viz.</i> That ’tis the greatest in -the known World: That tho it be call’d by the name of <i>Amazons</i> or -<i>Orellana</i>, its true name is <i>Maranhon</i>: That it rises from the Lake -<i>Lauricocha</i>, as we have mention’d already, runs 1800 Leagues, and falls -into the North Sea by 84 Mouths: That near the City <i>Borja</i> it is pent -up by a Strait call’d <i>El-Pongo</i>, not above 13 Fathom wide and 3 Ls. -long; where the Stream is so rapid, that Boats run it in a quarter of an -hour. The Truth of this must be submitted to the Judgment of the Reader, -but it seems very improbable, since none of those who sail’d up and down -this River describe it thus: besides, ’twere impossible to sail up -against so rapid a Stream without a Tide, which the <i>Sansons</i> say comes -up to this Strait; but they make it a mile broad, and by consequence not -so rapid. The Jesuits add, that both Banks from the City <i>Jaen</i> in the -Province of <i>Bracamoros</i>, where it begins to be navigable, down to the -Sea, are cover’d with Woods of very tall Trees, among which there’s -Timber of all colours, abundance of <i>Sarsaparilla</i>, and the Bark they -call Cloves, which is us’d by Dyers and Cooks. In the neighbouring Woods -there are many Tygers, wild Boars, and Buffaloes, <i>&c.</i> The Jesuits -began their Mission upon this River in 1638. have their Capital at the -City of <i>St. Francis</i> of <i>Borja</i> in the Province of <i>Manos</i>, 300 Leagues -from <i>Quito</i>; and their Mission extends along three other Rivers<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_054" id="page_054"></a>{54}</span> as far -as the Province of the <i>Omaguas</i>, whither they make sometimes long and -dangerous Voyages in Canoes. They give an account of eight of their -number that have been murder’d by the <i>Barbarians</i>, the last of them in -1707. Besides <i>Borja</i> and its Dependencies, they have 39 Towns founded -mostly by their own Labour and Charge, but we shan’t insist on their -Names. Their Converts they reckon at 26000, and the Missionaries about -18. They add, that they have contracted Amity with several numerous -Nations, whose Conversion they hope for.</p> - -<p>The <i>Portuguese</i> have some Towns at the Mouth of this River, and a Fort -on <i>Rio Negro</i>; so that of late years they have traded much upon it, -and, as several <i>Spaniards</i> inform’d me, during the last Peace they -extended their Commerce as far as <i>Quito</i> and many other Places in -<i>Peru</i>. I have insisted the longer on this River, because it is of so -great Fame, and may be of mighty Advantage for Trade.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>The River of <i>La Plata</i> being the South Boundary of <i>Brazile</i>, within -the Limits of the <i>South-Sea</i> Company, and lying conveniently for -opening a great Trade from the North-Sea with <i>Peru</i>, <i>Chili</i>, and other -vast Countries; I shall give a Description of it here, from the best -Authors.</p> - -<p>The first <i>European</i> who discover’d it, seems to have been <i>Juan Dias de -Solis</i>, who sailing from <i>Spain</i> in 1512. some say 1515. run along the -Coast of <i>Brazile</i> till he came to this River, says <i>Ovalle</i>. With him -agree the Manuscripts taken on some <i>Spanish</i> Priests in this River by -Capt. <i>Withrington</i>, publish’d in <i>Harris’s</i> Collections<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>; where we -are told, <i>De Solis</i> obtain’d the Government of this River, but was -murder’d by the Natives with most of his Men in 1515. The next who came -hither was <i>Sebastian Cabot</i> in 1526. but his Men being mutinous, he had -not the desir’d Success, tho he sail’d 150, some say 200 Leagues up this -River; and purchasing many Pieces of Gold and Silver Plate from the -Natives, who call’d this River <i>Parama</i>, he call’d it the River of -Plate, because he thought it to be the Product of the Country, which was -afterwards found to be a Mistake. Yet upon his Report, in 1530. when he -return’d, the Emperor <i>Charles</i> V. sent Don <i>Peter Mendoza</i>, one of his -chief Grandees, with 2200 Men besides Mariners, to plant a Colony here -in</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_055" id="page_055"></a>{55}</span></p> - -<p>1535. and they had so great hopes of finding Mines of Gold and Silver, -that above thirty Heirs of noble Families went on the Expedition; and -sailing 50 Leagues up the River, where the Air was good, he founded a -Town, which from thence was call’d <i>Buenos-Ayres</i>. They built a Fort, -and enlarg’d the Town; but as they were carrying on their Work, the -Natives attack’d them, and overpowering them with Numbers, kill’d 250, -among whom were several of the chief Men. This oblig’d the <i>Spaniards</i> -to keep within their Fort, where they suffer’d much by Famine. <i>Mendoza</i> -return’d towards <i>Spain</i>, but died miserably, with many of his -Companions, for want of Provisions by the way. His Deputy-Governour -<i>Oyola</i> sail’d up into <i>Paraguay</i>, in quest of a Country said to abound -with Gold and Silver; but was treacherously slain by the Natives, with -all his Followers.</p> - -<p><i>Irala</i> who was his Deputy, and left at <i>Buenos-Ayres</i>, contracted a -Friendship with some of the Natives call’d <i>Guaranians</i>. In 1538. he -built <i>Assumption</i> in their Country, which is now the Metropolis of -<i>Paraguay</i>, and left <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> for a time. <i>Assumption</i> lies on the -Banks of the River <i>Paraguay</i>, in S. Lat. 25. 240 Leagues from the Sea, -and 40 from the Mouth of the River <i>Paraguay</i>, where it falls into <i>La -Plata</i>, These Rivers after they join continue their natural Colour for -several miles, <i>La Plata</i> being clear, and <i>Paraguay</i> muddy. The latter -is by much the most considerable River, and the adjacent Country abounds -with Mines of Gold and Silver, and is navigable above 200 Leagues. The -River <i>Uruquay</i> falls into <i>Paraguay</i> on the right side, and runs a -Course of 300 Leagues, according to <i>Sepp</i> the Jesuit, who in his Voyage -says ’tis as big as the <i>Danube</i> at <i>Vienna</i>. In short, as to this River -<i>La Plata</i>, Authors are not agreed. Some of the Jesuits who are -Missionaries in those Countries think it to be the same with that call’d -<i>Paraguay</i> higher up in the Country, and that it has a Communication -with the North-East Coast of <i>Brazile</i> by the River <i>St. Meary</i>, which -rises out of the same Lake, and runs N E. as <i>Paraguay</i> or <i>Plata</i> runs -S. and afterwards to the S E. when it falls into the Sea. Be that how it -will, here are many Rivers which fall into the same Channel on both -sides. But that which is commonly call’d <i>La Plata</i>, begins near the -Town of that Name about S. Lat. 19. and after running N. a little way, -takes its Course S E. till it join the River <i>Paraguay</i>. So that I chuse -rather to trust to the Account given us by Mr. <i>White</i> our Linguist, who -having dwelt long in that Country, told me this River derives its<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_056" id="page_056"></a>{56}</span> Name -from the Town of <i>La Plata</i>, a sort of Metropolis to which there lies an -Appeal from other Jurisdictions. He adds, that ’tis a pretty Town, has -fourteen Churches with a Cathedral, and four Nunneries, and lies -North-west from <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> about 500 Leagues, which requires -commonly two months and a half’s Travel.</p> - -<p>All are agreed that <i>La Plata</i> is very large at the Mouth, where some -account it 50, and others 30 Leagues broad. The Mouth of it is dangerous -because of Sands, and therefore requires Pilots. <i>Knivet</i>,<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> in his -Description of the <i>West-Indies</i>, says, the best way to avoid those -Sands is to keep near the North Shore till you come to a high Mountain -white at top; and then to sail 4 Ls. South, to another small Hill on the -North side, near which you must sail. This brings you into a fair Bay, -where you must still keep along shore: and after passing the West Point -of this Bay, you come to the River <i>Maroer</i>, and then there are no more -Shoals between that and <i>Buenos-Ayres</i>.</p> - -<p><i>La Plata</i> runs into the Sea about S. Lat. 35. and sometimes overflows -the Country for several miles, when the Natives put their Goods into -Canoes, and float about till the Inundation assuages, and then they -return to their Habitations. <i>Ovalle</i> gives the following Account of -this River, <i>viz.</i> That it runs with such a mighty Stream into the Sea, -as makes it fresh for a great way: That the Water of this River is very -sweet, clears the Voice and Lungs, and is good against all Rheums and -Defluxions: That the People who dwell about it have excellent Voices, -and are all inclin’d to Musick: That it petrifies the Branches of Trees, -and other things which fall into it; and that Vessels are naturally -form’d of its Sand, which are of various Figures, look as if they were -polish’d by Art, and keep Water very cool. It breeds great store of -excellent Fish of divers sorts, and most beautiful Birds of all kinds -are seen on its Banks. <i>Sepp</i> informs us, that this River and <i>Uraguay</i> -abound so with Fish, that the Natives catch great numbers of them -without any other Instrument than their Hands: one of the choicest, -call’d the Kings-Fish, is small without Bones, and taken only in Winter. -Our Author, says he never saw any <i>European</i> Fish in this latter, except -one that the <i>Spaniards</i> call <i>Bocado</i>; and that the Fish are larger -here than ours, of a dark or yellow colour, and well tasted; which he -ascribes to the nature of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_057" id="page_057"></a>{57}</span></p> - -<p><a name="ill_004" id="ill_004"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_110_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_110_sml.jpg" width="500" height="323" alt="Image unavailable: THE ISLANDS OF JUAN FERNANDEZ, WHERE ALEXANDER SELKIRK -WAS FOUND" /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">THE ISLANDS OF JUAN FERNANDEZ, WHERE ALEXANDER SELKIRK -WAS FOUND</span> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p class="nind">the Water, that tho drunk in great quantities even after raw Fruit, -helps Digestion, and never does any hurt. The Plains about this River -are so large and even, without any Obstruction to the Sight, that the -Sun seems to rise and set in them. Their way of travelling in those -Plains is by high Carts cover’d with Hoops and Cows-Hides like our -Waggons, with Conveniency for Travellers to sleep in the bottom; which -is so much the better, because they travel most by night to avoid the -Heat. They are drawn by Oxen, which are frequently so pinch’d by -Drought, that when they come towards any Water, which they smell at a -great distance, they run furiously to it, and drink up the very Mud -which they raise with their Feet. This obliges Travellers to furnish -themselves with Water and other Provisions for their Journy; there being -no Water to be had, except by Rain: so that Travellers are frequently as -much distress’d for want of Water as the Oxen, and can scarce get any -that’s clear at the Watering-places, tho they send before-hand, because -the Oxen run with so much haste to it that they make it all in a puddle: -<i>Ovalle</i> says, that in this case Travellers are forc’d to stop their -Noses and shut their Eyes when they drink it. The Journy thro these -Plains is at least 14 or 20 days, without any place of shelter, or any -Firing to dress their Victuals but the dry’d Dung of Cattle. Yet there -are several Lakes and Ponds where Inns might be fix’d, but ’tis -neglected because there’s no settled Trade that way.</p> - -<p>It remains to give some account of the Towns upon the River <i>Plata</i> and -on the Road to <i>Potosi</i>. 1. <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> lies upon the River 50 -Leagues from the Sea, about Lat. 36. Our Linguist inform’d me that ’tis -the Residence of a <i>Spanish</i> Governour, is defended by a Stone Fort -mounted with 40 Guns, and is generally garison’d by 4 or 500 Men. The -Harbour is pretty good, but troublesom in a N W. and W. Wind. The River -is 7 Ls. broad there, and navigable by Ships 60 Ls. above the Town, but -no further, because of a great Cataract. The Town has one Cathedral, and -five other Churches: The <i>Portuguese</i> had a Settlement over against this -Town, but were dislodg’d by the <i>Spaniards</i> at the beginning of this -War; since which time the <i>French</i> drive a <i>Guinea</i> Trade hither for -Negroes, who are sent over Land to <i>Peru</i> and <i>Chili</i>, and yield them -vast Profit. The Trade from hence to <i>Spain</i> is in Hides and Tallow, -Silver from <i>Peru</i>, and Gold and Silver from <i>Chili</i>. All <i>European</i> -Goods yield a good Price here. They have plenty of Fruit-Trees about -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_058" id="page_058"></a>{58}</span> Town of all kinds, both of the hot and cold Climates; and have -store of Wheat and other <i>European</i> Grain, besides <i>Indian</i> Corn. -Thousands of Cattel of all sorts run wild in the Neighbourhood, and they -furnish <i>Peru</i> with 50000 Mules <i>per ann.</i> In short, this place lies -very convenient for Commerce in Silver and Gold, and the other -Commodities of <i>Peru</i> and <i>Chili</i>, which the <i>French</i> have now begun to -engross. They sent three Ships to those parts and the <i>South-Sea</i>, under -M. <i>de Beauchesne Gouin</i><a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> of <i>St. Malo</i> in 1698, of whose Progress I -shall give a further account from a Copy of his Journal, as I go on with -my Description of the Coasts. Their Winter here is in <i>May</i>, <i>June</i>, and -<i>July</i>, when ’tis cold by night, but warm enough by day, the Frost never -being violent, nor the Snow considerable in those parts.</p> - -<p>Father <i>Sepp</i>,<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> who was here in 1691. tells us in his Voyage from -<i>Spain</i> to <i>Paraquaria</i> or <i>Paraguay</i>, that <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> has only two -Streets built crosswise; that there are four Convents, one of which -belongs to the Jesuits; that their Houses and Churches are built of -Clay, and not above one Story high; that the Jesuits have taught them of -late to burn Lime, and make Tiles and Bricks, with which they now begin -to build. The Castle is likewise of Clay, encompass’d with an earthen -Wall and a deep Trench, and defended by 900 <i>Spaniards</i>; tho in case of -necessity above 30000 <i>Indian</i> Horse might be arm’d out of the several -Cantons, where they have been train’d by the Jesuits: But this boasting -Account I can’t believe. They have in the Neighbourhood whole Woods of -Peach, Almond, and Fig-Trees, which they propagate by putting the -Kernels in the Ground: they grow so fast as to produce Fruit the first -Year, and their Timber is us’d for Fewel. The adjacent Pastures are so -fat and large, that many thousands of Beeves feed together; so that any -one when he pleases goes into the Field, throws a Rope about their -Horns, brings ’em home and kills ’em. They are very large, generally -white, and being so numerous, are valu’d only for their Hides, Tallow, -and Tongues; the rest being expos’d to the Birds and Beasts of Prey, -which are very numerous, and frequently destroy the Calves. The Natives -feed most on Beef half-raw without Bread or Salt, and in such quantities -that they throw - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_059" id="page_059"></a>{59}</span> - -themselves naked into cold Water, that they may retain the natural Heat -within their Entrails to help Digestion; and sometimes they lie down -with their Stomachs in hot Sand: but their Gluttony in devouring so much -raw Flesh fills them so with Worms, that they seldom live till 50 Years -old. There are such numbers of Partridges here, and so tame, that they -knock them down with sticks as they walk in the fields. The -Missionaries, who are absolute Masters of the Natives in the -neighbouring Cantons of <i>Paraguay</i>, &c. suffer none of ’em to come -nearer <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> than two or three Leagues, on pretence that they -would be corrupted by the ill Example of the <i>Spaniards</i>; and under that -same pretence they won’t suffer the <i>Spaniards</i> to settle in their -Missions, which extend above 200 Leagues up the River; nor do they allow -Merchants who trade thither to stay above a few days; the true cause of -which is, they are not willing that the Laity should be privy to the -Wealth they heap up there, in a Country which abounds with Gold, nor be -Witnesses to their splendid, or rather luxurious way of living. -Sometimes Complaints of this Procedure of the Jesuits have been made to -the <i>Spanish</i> Governours, but they find a way to bribe them to silence. -This I was inform’d of by those who have been among them, and am -confirm’d in it by Father <i>Sepp</i>: He does not dissemble that the -Missionaries have a Despotical Power over the Natives, tho he gives it -another Turn, and pretends that ’tis necessary in order to convert and -force them to work. He says the Jesuits are Captains, teach them the Use -of Arms, and how to draw up into Squadrons and Battallions; which he -boasts they can do as well as the <i>Europeans</i>. The Jesuits obtain’d this -Power, on the specious Pretence of reducing those <i>Indians</i> to the -Obedience of the <i>Spaniards</i>, which they would not submit to till within -these few Years. This Management is so much the more easily carry’d on, -because the Ecclesiastical Government there is lodg’d in the hands of -one Bishop only and three Canons; and the Missionaries being compos’d of -all Nations, few of them have any natural Affection to the <i>Spanish -Government</i>. This is the more to be observ’d, because the Jesuits being -an intriguing Society, and generally in the <i>French</i> Interest, it would -seem to be the Concern of the Allies to recover the Trade of those -Countries from the House of <i>Bourbon</i> with all possible speed, left by -making themselves Masters of the vast Treasures of <i>Peru</i> and <i>Chili</i>, -they be enabled at last to compleat <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_060" id="page_060"></a>{60}</span>their Design of an Universal -Monarchy. Father <i>Sepp</i> says, that Silver in 1691. was cheaper here than -Iron; that for a Twopenny Knife one may have a Crown, for a Hat of two -Shillings 10 or 12 Crowns, and for a Gun of ten or twelve Shillings 30 -Crowns; that Provisions are so plenty here, that a fat Cow may be bought -for the Value of 10 <i>d.</i> or 12 <i>d.</i> a good Ox for a few Needles, a stout -Horse for about 2 <i>s.</i> that he has seen two given for a Knife not worth -6 <i>d.</i> and that he and his Company had 20 Horses for a few Trifles that -did not cost them a Crown; being only a few Needles, Fish-Hooks, sorry -Knives, Tobacco, and a little Bread. He mentions a Cataract in the River -<i>Uruquay</i>, which he says Providence has plac’d here for the advantage of -the poor <i>Indians</i> against the Avarice of the <i>Spaniards</i>; who not being -able to go further with their Vessels, have been hitherto confin’d to -<i>Buenos-Ayres</i>, and could not settle in those Cantons, tho very -inviting, because of the vast Profit they might draw from them. This he -reckons a great Happiness to the Natives, who being a simple People, -would not only be soon infected with the Vices of the <i>Spaniards</i>, but -enslav’d by ’em: for, says he, they make no difference betwixt Pagan and -Christian Natives, but treat them promiscuously like Dogs. He adds, that -this Province of <i>Paraquaria</i> or <i>Paraguay</i> exceeds in bigness -<i>Germany</i>, <i>France</i>, <i>Italy</i>, and the <i>Netherlands</i> put together; -(wherein I doubt he exceeds:) That they have no Cities, and are govern’d -by 80 Colleges of Jesuits, in which there are no more than 160 Persons; -and that these Colleges are from 100 to 600 Miles distant from one -another. There’s one Plain of 200 Leagues long betwixt <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> -and <i>Corduba</i> in <i>Tucuman</i>, without so much as a Tree or Cottage, and -yet it contains the best Pastures in the World, fill’d with Cattel of -all sorts which have no Owners.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p>He describes the Natives thus: The Men are not quite so tall as -<i>Europeans</i>, but have thick Legs and large Joints. Their Faces are -round, flattish, and of an Olive Colour; and their Arms are Bows and -Arrows. Some of the strongest have many Scars on their Bodies, -occasion’d by Wounds which they gave themselves when young, that these -Scars may be remaining Proofs of their Courage. Their Hair is black, -long, and as strong as that of a Horse. The Women look more like Devils -than rational Creatures, with their Hair loose over their Foreheads, and -the rest twisted in Locks behind, which hang as low as their Hips. Their -Faces are wrinkled, their Arms, Shoulders and Breasts naked; and their -Ornaments are Fish-Bones made like<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_061" id="page_061"></a>{61}</span> Scales of Mother-of-Pearl about -their Necks, Arms and Hands. The Wives of their Caciques or petty -Princes wear a sort of Triple Crowns of Straw. The Caciques wear -Doe-Skins hanging over their shoulders; the rest only a piece of a Skin -wrap’d about their middle, and hanging down before to their knees. The -Boys and Girls are quite naked. They have holes in their Ears and Chins, -in which they put Fish-Bones, or a colour’d Feather tied by a thred, and -Feathers of several colours fasten’d to a string round their Necks. They -wrap their Infants as soon as born in a Tyger’s Skin, give them the -Breast for a little while, and then half-raw Meat to suck. He says, the -Men at the death of their nearest Relations cut off a Finger of their -own left Hand; and if it be a handsom Daughter, they make a Feast and -drink out of her Skull. They live in Straw Hutts without Roofs, and -their Utensils are a few Sticks for Spits, and Pumpkins hollow’d out, in -which they eat their Meats. Their Beds are the Hides of Oxen or Tygers, -spread on the ground; but the Caciques, and those of Note, lie in a Net -fasten’d to two Poles for Hammocks, at some distance from the ground, -being a Security against wild Beasts and Serpents. Our Author says that -he sent well-boil’d Meat to several of them when sick, which they -receiv’d thankfully; but afterwards gave it to their Dogs, because they -lik’d their own Cookery better.</p> - -<p>It is now time to see how the Missionaries live among those Flocks over -whom they assume the Pastoral Care. Father <i>Sepp</i> tells us, that he and -other new Missionaries were welcom’d by some of them with 20 Musicians -in a Train, abundance of Boats equip’d like Galleys lin’d with -Firelocks, and having Drums, Trumpets, and Hautboys on board. The -Missionaries brought ’em Sweatmeats, and all sort of Fruit; and the -<i>Indians</i> diverted them by wrestling in the Water, and Salvoes of their -Fire-Arms, <i>&c.</i> They conducted them thro a green Triumphal Arch to the -Church, where the Women were so earnest at their Devotion, that not one -of them cast an eye upon our Father and his Companions: so that here -were a Militant and a Triumphant Church both together. When the Devotion -was over, the chief of the <i>Indians</i> welcom’d the Father and the rest of -the Missionaries, by a short but very pathetick Speech; and one of the -<i>Indian</i> Women did the like with wonderful Elegancy, says the Jesuit, -who it seems is not against Women speaking in the <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_062" id="page_062"></a>{62}</span>Church. That and the -next day they spent in Mirth and Jollity, and in the Evening were -diverted by four Dances; 1. By Boys, who danc’d with Pikes and Lances. -2. By a couple of Fencing-Masters. 3. By six Seamen. 4. By six Boys on -horseback, who afterwards gave them a kind of Tournament, the place -being illuminated by Ox-Horns fill’d with Suet, for they have no Oil nor -Wax. On <i>Whitsunday</i>, which happen’d soon after, the Missionaries went -to Church, and return’d Thanks for so many Converts; as certainly they -had reason, since they are such merry ones.</p> - -<p>These Cantons, he says, are 26, and have but one or two Missionaries -apiece, tho they contain from 3000 to 6000 People each, and sometimes -more; so that they must either have too much work, or perform it very -slightly, especially if they be so ignorant as our Father says, that if -they be neglected one day, they scarce know how to make the Sign of the -Cross the next: And besides all the Pastoral Work, the Missionaries must -act the part of Clerks, and clean the Church-Ornaments and Plate; for -these poor Wretches are uncapable of doing it. To be short, says he, the -Missionary must be Cook, Nurse, Doctor, Architect, Gardiner, Weaver, -Smith, Painter, Baker, Potter, Tile-maker, and every thing else that is -necessary in a Commonwealth. This he supposes will appear incredible -(and he’s certainly in the right) but he says ’tis the naked Truth; the -Natives being so stupid, that unless he plainly shew his <i>Indian</i> Cook -how much Salt he must put in each Pot, he would put all into one, tho -ever so much; and he must see them wash the Vessels, unless he would be -poison’d: yet this Father, for all his other hard work, must look after -his Garden, Orchard, and Vineyard, where he has all sorts of Flowers, -Herbs, Roots and Fruits, and so many Vines as produce 500 large Casks of -Wine in a Year, if not prevented by multitudes of Pismires, Wasps, -Birds, or by the North Winds, which sometimes make Wine so dear, that a -Cask yields 20 or 30 Crowns; and after all, ’tis not to be preserv’d -from turning sour without a great mixture of Lime. The chief Distemper -of the Natives is the Worms before-mention’d, the bloody Flux -[dysentery] and spotted Fever, which frequently carry off great numbers. -The Medicines which the Missionaries give against Worms, is a Vomit of -Tabacco-Leaves; and after that, sour Lemon-Juice with those of Mint and -Rue put into Milk.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p>These Cantons or Towns, he says, are generally upon an Ascent near the -Rivers <i>Uruguay</i> and <i>Paraguay</i>, and contain <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_063" id="page_063"></a>{63}</span>young and old from 6000 to -8000 Souls. Each Canton has a Church and a square Market-place near it, -the rest being divided into Streets of Clay-Hutts cover’d with Straw, -only of late they begin to use Tiles. They have no Windows, Chimneys, or -different Apartments; and over the Fire-place they hang their Beds at -night. Their Doors are Ox-Hides; and since all lie together in one Room, -with their Dogs, Cats, <i>&c.</i> the Missionaries are entertain’d with very -ungrateful Scents, besides Smoke, when they go to visit them. He says, -in the main they are very patient under Distempers, and the Death of -Relations; that they seek after no Riches but a present Maintenance; -that their young Women are marriageable at 14, and the Men at 16, when -the Missionaries take care to match them, otherwise they will pair -themselves. There are no Disputes here about Dowries, Jointures, or -Marriage-Settlements; the Agreement consists only in two Articles, -<i>viz.</i> The Woman promises to fetch what Water the Husband wants from the -River, and he engages to provide the Kitchin with Fewel. The -Missionaries furnish them with Hutts, the Wedding-Clothes and Dinner. -The Wedding-Suit is five yards of coarse woollen Stuff for each, the -Dinner is a fat Cow, and the Bed some Ox-hides. He presents them also -with a little Salt and a few Loaves, and then they treat their Parents. -The Women court here, come to the Missionary, and tell him they have a -mind to such a Man, if he will give his Consent; which if he do, the -Match is made, and the Missionary is both Priest and Father.</p> - -<p>How mean soever the Natives live, the Priests have enough of Splendor -and Plenty. Their Churches and Steeples are lofty, have four or five -Bells apiece, most of ’em a couple of Organs, Altars, and Pulpits richly -gilt, Images well painted, plenty of Silver Candlesticks, Chalices, and -other Church-Plate; and the Ornaments of the Priests and Altars are as -rich as in <i>Europe</i>. They teach the Natives to sing and play on all -Musical Instruments both for Devotion and War; so that according to the -Jesuits they go now more merrily to Heaven than formerly they did to -Hell, and the good Fathers divert themselves with Sets of Musicians on -the Banks of the Rivers and in charming Islands. Nor can we wonder that -they live so merrily, since they fare so well; for besides all sorts of -delicious Fruits and Preserves, they have plenty of Fowl, Fish, and -Venison of all sorts, as well as ordinary Butchers Meat; only the -Tygers, which are very numerous, frequently put in for a share with -them, invade their Flocks and their Followers: but if you’ll believe<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_064" id="page_064"></a>{64}</span> -our Father, they never attack the Clergy, they have such a Respect for -their Cloth, and are so civil to <i>Europeans</i>, that they’l charge the -<i>Indians</i> in their Company, and let them go scot-free; and the Serpents, -which likewise abound here, are charm’d by <i>Ave Mary’s</i> into the like -Good-Manners. The Priests use Honey for their Sallets, for they have no -Oil, so that they are very hard put to it. They had Silver in such -plenty, says the Father, that old Shoes and Hats were much more -valuable. And as if the Missionaries had not Work enough otherwise, -Father <i>Sepp</i> tells us, the Natives when they kill their Cows bring ’em -to the good Jesuits to allow each their share; and to be sure the Hides -fall to the Missionaries, for he says the three Ships which brought him -and his Companions from <i>Spain</i>, carry’d back 300000 Ox-Hides, which -they had for nothing, and each Hide he says would yield ’em six Crowns -at home. A good Horse-shoe he says is here worth six Horses, and the Bit -of a Bridle worth three. An Ell of Linen is worth four or five Crowns; -for they have no Hemp or Flax, but store of Cotton: and one Sheep, Lamb -or Kid, is for the sake of the Wool worth three Oxen or Cows. Tho the -Natives, he says, are so dull that they can’t do the most frivolous -thing without direction, yet they are so good at Imitation, that if you -give them Models, they will make any thing very well. Thus he says the -<i>Indian</i> Women after ripping a piece of Bone-Lace with a Needle, will -make one by the same pattern very exactly; and so the Men do Trumpets, -Hautboys, Organs, or Watches; and copy Pictures, Printing and Writing to -admiration.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p>But they are so lazy that they must be forc’d to their work by blows, at -the direction of the Missionaries, who tho they convert ’em themselves, -make them cudgel one another. This they take very patiently, give no ill -Language, but cry <i>Jesu Maria!</i> and thank the good Fathers into the -bargain for taking such care of ’em; so that they have learnt -Passive-Obedience to perfection. But to make them amends, our Author -says the Missionaries teach their young ones to dance as well as to sing -in the Church, when they are habited in rich Apparel: so that they are -extremely taken with the Ornaments of our Religion, says he, which -raises in them a high Esteem and Affection; and indeed ’twould be a -wonder if it should not. The Missionaries do now take care to instruct -both Sexes in all necessary Employments, Reading, <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_065" id="page_065"></a>{65}</span>Writing, <i>&c.</i> They -have also taught ’em to make Images, especially of our Lady of -<i>Ottingen</i>; and very good reason, for if we believe <i>Sepp</i>, she has done -abundance of Miracles there. The Fathers wear Caps like a Bishop’s, and -black Linen Cassocks when they go abroad; and instead of Canes use -Crosses, which have a peculiar Virtue to knock Serpents o’ the head.</p> - -<p>The Soil is so fruitful that it produces a hundred fold, tho sorrily -manur’d. The Natives sow nothing but <i>Turky</i> Wheat, and scarce enough of -that, they are so lazy: and are likewise such bad Husbands, that they -would eat all at once, did not the Missionary force ’em to lay it up in -his Barn, where he distributes it to ’em as they want, and so he does -their Flesh. They have no Mills, but pround their Wheat in a Mortar, and -make it into Cakes which they bake on Coals, or boil with their Meat. -The Fathers have white Bread for themselves, which the Natives value so -much, that they will give two or three Horses for a Loaf; and of these -the Missionaries have good store, for they have always 40 or 50 Acres -sow’d with Wheat for themselves: Land, Corn, Cattel, and every thing is -theirs; so that they call all the People their Sons and Daughters, and -perhaps there’s just cause enough to give many of ’em that Title. These -Lords Proprietors assign every Family their number of Cows and Oxen to -till their Ground, and to eat; tho one would think they might have -enough for the taking, without asking any body’s leave: and yet our -Father says he has been forc’d to chide his Parishioners for killing and -eating their Oxen, and roasting them with their wooden Plows in the very -Field while they were tilling the Ground; for which they pleaded in -excuse that they and their Wives were hungry and weary: and yet there -was no great reason for the latter, since their Plows, says our Author, -don’t enter above three inches into the Ground. They need no Hay for -their Cattel, since they go up to the knees in Grass all the year. This -is the way of living in those Cantons, which the Missionaries call -Reductions, because, if you’ll believe ’em, they have reduc’d them to -Christianity by their Preaching, tho the <i>Spaniards</i> could never do it -by their Arms.</p> - -<p>Our Linguist told me that the Road from <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> to <i>Chili</i> is -only passable in the Summer Months, when Commodities are purchas’d at -that Town, and transported by Land to <i>Chili</i>.</p> - -<p>On that Road about 100 Leagues N. W. from <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> lies the City -of <i>Cordoua</i>, which is the See of a Bishop,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_066" id="page_066"></a>{66}</span> has ten Churches, and an -University. ’Twas founded in 1573. says F. <i>Techo</i>, by a Native of -<i>Cordoua</i> in <i>Old Spain</i>, when there were 60000 Archers reckon’d in its -Territory, about 8000 of whom continu’d in subjection, but the others -revolted. ’Tis now the Metropolis of the Province, and the Jesuits have -a Chappel in their College there, which for Riches and Beauty may vie -with the best in <i>Europe</i>. The Natives of this Country were very -barbarous, made use of Sorcery to satisfy their Revenge, and of Philtres -of their own Blood to gratify their Lust. Both Sexes daub’d their Faces -with strange Colours, and each Village was govern’d by a Sorcerer, who -pretended to be their Physician. To shew their Courage, they would draw -Arrows thro the Skins of their Bellies, and they fought Duels with sharp -Stones, standing foot to foot, and holding down their Heads to receive -the Blows from one another by turns. He that struck first was reckon’d -the most fearful: It was accounted disgraceful to dress their Wounds, -and the Conqueror was applauded by hideous Shouts from the Spectators. -’Twas a long time before the Missionaries could reform those barbarous -Customs.</p> - -<p>Another Town on this Road is <i>Mendosa</i>, where they make large quantities -of Wine, Brandy, and Oil.</p> - -<p>So much for that part of this vast Country which lies towards <i>Chili</i> -and <i>Brazile</i>: I shall next come to that part which lies towards <i>Peru</i>, -and particularly the Road to <i>Potosi</i> and the Mines.</p> - -<p><i>Santa-Fe</i> is the next <i>Spanish</i> Settlement of note to <i>Buenos-Ayres</i>, -from which it lies 80 Leagues N W. at the mouth of a River which falls -into <i>La Plata</i>. The Country betwixt this Town and <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> is -fruitful, well inhabited by <i>Spaniards</i> and <i>Indians</i>, and produces -Wheat from forty to an hundred fold, and abounds with Cattel. The Town -is encompass’d with a River, and built of Brick. Our Prisoners and -Linguist told us that there are Mines of Gold and Silver in the -Neighbourhood, but the <i>Spaniards</i> don’t care to open them, because the -Conveniency of sailing up the River might encourage Enemies to invade -and take them from ’em. This Town was built by the <i>Spaniards</i> when they -first settled, for the Defence of this River.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p><i>St. Jago de l’Istero</i> 200 Leagues N W. from <i>Santa-Fe</i>, is a pretty -Town govern’d by a Corregidore, has three Churches, and lies on the -River that runs down to <i>Santa-Fe</i>. Hither the Plate is brought from -<i>Potosi</i> on Mules, because the Roads<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_067" id="page_067"></a>{67}</span> are bad; and from hence it is -carry’d to <i>Buenos-Ayres</i> by Waggons. Next to this Town lies <i>St. Miquel -de Toloman</i> 200 Leagues N W. Then <i>Salta</i> 150 Leagues. This Town -contains six Churches. Then <i>Ogui</i> 50 Leagues further, which has five -Churches.</p> - -<p><i>Potosi</i> is next, lies N. of the Tropick of <i>Capricorn</i> about S. Lat. -21. Long. 73. Our Linguist tells us the City is large, has ten Churches -govern’d by an Arch-Priest. The Town stands at the bottom of that call’d -<i>the Silver Hill</i>, which is round like a Sugar-Loaf. There are 1500 or -2000 <i>Indians</i> constantly at work in the Mines here; they have two Reals -a day, and are paid every Sunday. The Mines are a hundred fathom deep, -and the Silver is grown much scarcer of late. Provisions are scarce at -this Town, and they have no Firing but Charcoal, which is brought from -30 to 50 Ls. distance. They have great Frosts and Snow here in <i>May</i>, -<i>June</i>, and <i>July</i>. <i>Knivet</i> in his Remarks says, in his time they were -well supply’d here with all things from the <i>South-Sea</i>, and that the -Natives in the adjoining Country traffick’d in Gold and precious Stones; -and hundreds of ’em ply’d upon the Road to carry Passengers from Town to -Town in Nets fasten’d to Canes, and supported by two or more Men; which -was the easiest way of travelling, and they desir’d no other Reward but -a Fish-Hook and a few Glass-Beads. They have also Sheep of an -extraordinary Size, with large Tails, upon which they carry’d Jars of -Oil and Wine. He says the rich Oar when taken out of these Mines looks -like Black Lead, then they grind it by certain Engines, and wash it thro -fine Sieves into pav’d Cisterns. They make the <i>Indians</i> and other -Slaves work quite naked in the Mines, that they mayn’t hide any thing.</p> - -<p>The Curious who would know more of the Manners of the Natives, or the -History and particular Product of this large Country, may find it in -<i>Gemelli</i>,<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> Father <i>Sepp</i>, and Father <i>Techo</i>,<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> but this is -enough for my purpose, to shew what a vast Field of Trade may be open’d -here, and how dangerous it may prove to all <i>Europe</i>, if the House of -<i>Bourbon</i> continue possess’d of that Trade.</p> - -<p>Some being of Opinion that our <i>South-Sea</i> Company may possess -themselves, by virtue of the late Act, of the River <i>de<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_068" id="page_068"></a>{68}</span> la Plata</i>, as -far up that River and Country as they please, either in the Provinces of -<i>Paraguay</i> or <i>Tucuman</i>; I shall give a further Description of those -large Provinces, after taking notice that according to several of our -Draughts <i>Paraguay</i> lies both on the E. and W. side of the River <i>La -Plata</i>; according to others, entirely on the E. side, and <i>Tucuman</i> on -the W. side. The <i>Sansons</i> make <i>Paraguay</i> 720 miles from S. to N. and -480, where broadest, from E. to W. and place it betwixt S. Lat. 14 & 24. -Long. 315 & 325. but the Breadth is not equal. Father <i>Techo</i> says the -River <i>Paraguay</i>, which gives name to the Country, is one of the -greatest in <i>America</i>, receives several other large Rivers, runs 300 -Leagues before it falls into the <i>Parana</i>, about 200 from the Sea is -navigable, and together with the <i>Parana</i> forms the River <i>La Plata</i>. -The word <i>Paraguay</i> in the Language of the Country signifies the Crown’d -River, because the Inhabitants wear Crowns of Feathers of several -beautiful Colours, which they have from the Birds that abound in that -Country. I shall not insist upon the several Nations that inhabit it, -among whom the <i>Garanians</i> are the chief, and submitted first to the -<i>Spaniards</i>; but growing weary of the Slavery they subjected them to, -revolted, and were with much difficulty subdu’d after their Leaders were -cut off, about 1539. The chief Discovery of this Country is owing to -<i>Dominick Irala</i>, who in the Reign of the Emperor <i>Charles</i> V. was sent -by the Governour <i>Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca</i> with 300 chosen Men, and -went 250 Leagues up this River, to endeavour a Communication with -<i>Peru</i>, but was oppos’d by some of the Natives, of whom 4000 were -kill’d, and 3000 taken in a Battel. The Governour went afterwards on the -Discovery himself, and sailing up the River, came to a delicious Island, -which his Men call’d <i>Paradise</i>, and would have settled there, but he -dissuaded them, and advancing to the Borders of <i>Peru</i>, found a large -Town of 8000 Houses deserted by the Inhabitants, who were affrighted -with the noise of the <i>Spanish</i> Fire-Arms. ’Tis said they found in this -Town a great Market-place, with a wooden Tower in form of a Pyramid -built in the middle, and a monstrous Serpent kept in it by which the -Devil pronounc’d Oracles: this Serpent they kill’d with their Fire-Arms. -But a Difference happening betwixt the Officers and Soldiers about -dividing the Booty, they return’d to <i>Assumption</i> without pursuing the -Discovery any further.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p>This Province, till that of <i>Tucuman</i> was taken from it, contain’d all -the Country betwixt <i>Brazile</i> and <i>Peru</i>. Our Author<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_069" id="page_069"></a>{69}</span> adds, that besides -the Towns above-mention’d the <i>Spaniards</i> built here <i>Corientes</i> on the -Conflux of the <i>Paraguay</i> and <i>Parana</i>, which is but a small Town, no -way suiting the Dignity of those two Rivers: That 100 Leagues up the -<i>Parana</i>, in the Province of <i>Guirana</i>, the <i>Spaniards</i> built two little -Towns call’d <i>Villarica</i> and <i>Guaira</i>; that on the upper part of the -<i>Paraguay</i> they built <i>Xeres</i> and another <i>Villarica</i>, to join -<i>Paraguay</i> on that side to the further Provinces; and lastly, the City -of <i>Conception</i> on the Marshes of the red River which falls into -<i>Parana</i>, and was of great use to curb the fierce Nations in the -Neighbourhood. He adds, that all these Towns were first planted by a -Race of the noblest Families in <i>Spain</i>. He mentions an extraordinary -Herb here call’d <i>Paraguay</i> by the name of the Country; it grows in -marshy Grounds, and the Leaves being dry’d and powder’d, and mix’d with -warm Water, the <i>Spaniards</i> and Natives drink it several times a day, -which makes them vomit, and strengthens their Appetite. They look upon -it as a sort of Catholicon, use it so much that they can’t live without -it; and this Custom has so much overspread the neighbouring Provinces, -that the Inhabitants will sell any thing to purchase it, tho the -excessive Use of it occasions the same Distempers as the immoderate Use -of Wine. They did so fatigue the Natives to gather and powder this Herb, -that multitudes of ’em died; and this, with other slavish Employments, -did much dis-people the Country. The Natives live mostly by Fishing, -Hunting, and Shooting.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River La Plata.</i></div> - -<p><i>Tucuman</i> is 300 Leagues long, but varies much in breadth. ’Tis -inhabited by four Nations: The furthest South have no fix’d Dwellings, -live by Fishing and Hunting, and carry about Mats to serve them for -Tents. The North People live in Marshes, and feed most on Fish. The -Southern People are the tallest, but the Northern the fiercest; and many -of them live in Caves, but those nearest <i>Peru</i> in Villages. They are -all very slothful, and have store of Brass and Silver, but make little -use of them. They have large Sheep which carry their Burdens, and their -Wool is almost as fine as Silk. They have many Lions, not so large and -fierce as those of <i>Africa</i>, but their Tygers are fiercer than those of -other Countries. Their two chief Rivers are <i>Dulce</i> and <i>Salado</i>, so -call’d from the sweet and salt Taste of their Waters. They have -multitudes of Springs and Lakes, some of which have a petrifying -quality. The Country was formerly very populous, but their Numbers are -much decreas’d since the <i>Spaniards</i> planted among them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_070" id="page_070"></a>{70}</span> They easily -subdu’d this Country, which was govern’d by abundance of petty Princes -continually at war with one another. This Province was first discover’d -in 1530. by one <i>Cæsar</i> a Soldier belonging to <i>Sebastian Cabot</i>, and -three more, at the time when <i>Pizarro</i> took <i>Atabalipa</i> the Great <i>Inga</i> -of <i>Peru</i>. In 1540. the Viceroy of <i>Peru</i>, <i>Vaca de Castro</i>, assign’d -this Country to <i>John Rojas</i> as a Reward for his Services. He went -thither with 200 <i>Spaniards</i>, but was kill’d on the Frontiers by a -poison’d Arrow, and his Men under <i>Francis Mendoza</i> march’d thro to the -River of Plate. <i>Mendoza</i> being kill’d as going up that River by -Mutineers, <i>John Nunez Prada</i> was sent hither by the Viceroy <i>Peter -Gasca</i>, subdu’d the <i>Indians</i>, built the Town of <i>St. Michel</i> on the -Banks of the River <i>Escava</i>, and settled Fryars there. This Province was -afterwards subjected to <i>Chili</i>; and <i>Francis d’Acquire</i> being sent -thither with 200 <i>Spaniards</i>, destroy’d <i>St. Michel</i>, and built <i>St. -Jago</i>, now the Metropolis of <i>Tucuman</i>, on the River <i>Dulce</i>, in S. Lat. -28. says <i>Techo</i>, but others place it on the River <i>Salado</i>. ’Tis the -same Town I have already describ’d. In 1558. <i>Tarita</i> being made -Governour of this Province, built the City of <i>London</i> near the Borders -of <i>Chili</i>, about Lat. 29. calling it so out of compliment to Q. <i>Mary</i> -of <i>England</i>, at that time marry’d to <i>Philip</i> II. of <i>Spain</i>. This Town -serv’d to curb the Natives. <i>Tarita</i> did likewise rebuild <i>St. Michel</i>, -and reduc’d the Country so much, that 80000 <i>Indians</i> who submitted to -<i>Spain</i> were muster’d in the Territory of <i>St. Jago</i>. The <i>Spaniards</i>, -as was usual in those days, fighting with one another about the Command -of the Provinces, <i>Tarita</i> was drove out in 1561. by <i>Castaneda</i>; so -that most of the Natives revolted, till 1563. that <i>Francis d’Acquire</i> -reduc’d ’em again, and built <i>Esteco</i> above-mention’d. But the -<i>Spaniards</i> contending afterwards with one another about the Government, -many of their Settlements were destroy’d; so that in <i>Techo’s</i> time the -chief Places remaining in this Country were <i>St. Jago</i>, <i>Cordoua</i>, <i>St. -Michel</i>, <i>Salta</i> or <i>Lerma</i>, <i>Xuxui</i> or <i>St. Salvador</i>, <i>Rioja</i>, -<i>Esteco</i> or <i>Nuestra Señora de Talavera</i>, <i>London</i>, and a few other -small Garisons. He says that in this Country it does not rain in Winter, -but in Summer they have thick Mists and Rains enough. The Jesuits are -the chief Missionaries here, and settled in the principal Towns. He -adds, that near the City <i>Conception</i>, which is ninety Leagues from <i>St. -Jago</i>, the Natives were call’d <i>Frontones</i>, because they made the -Fore-part of their Heads bald. Their Arms were a Club at their Girdle, -Bows and Arrows, and Staves set with Jawbones<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_071" id="page_071"></a>{71}</span> of Fishes. They went -naked, and painted their Bodies to make them look terrible. They were -continually at War among themselves about the Limits of their Land, and -they fix’d the Bodies of their slain Enemies in Rows to the Trunks of -Trees, that others might be afraid of invading their Borders.</p> - -<p>He adds, that the Country about <i>St. Michael</i> is well peopled, abounds -with Woods, and all sorts of <i>European</i> and other Fruits, so that it was -call’d <i>The Land of Promise</i>; but they are much infested with Tygers, -which the Natives kill with great dexterity. <i>Guaira</i> a Province of -<i>Paraguay</i> is very hot, because for the most part under the Tropick of -<i>Capricorn</i>; is very fruitful, but subject to Fevers and other Diseases: -yet when the <i>Spaniards</i> came hither in 1550, they are said to have -found 300000 People in this Country, but they say there’s scarce a fifth -part of that number now; and the Natives very miserable, having no Meat -but the Flesh of wild Beasts nor Bread but what they make of the Root -<i>Mandiosa</i>. There are Stones here which breed in an oval Stone-Case, -about the bigness of a Man’s Head. Our Author says, they lie under -ground, and when they come to maturity, break with a noise like Bombs, -and scatter abundance of beautiful Stones of all colours; which at first -the <i>Spaniards</i> took to be of great Value, but did not find ’em so. The -other remarkable Product of this Country is a Flower call’d -<i>Granadillo</i>, which the Jesuit says represents the Instrument of our -Saviour’s Passion, and produces a Fruit as big as a common Egg, the -Inside of which is very delicious. 2. A Fruit call’d <i>Guembe</i>, which is -very sweet, but has yellow Kernels, which if chew’d, occasions a sharp -Pain in the Jaws. 3. Dates, of which they make Wine and Pottage. 4. Wild -Swine which have their Navel on their backs, and if not cut off -immediately when the Beast is kill’d, corrupts the whole Carcase. 5. -Abundance of wild Bees, several sorts of which yield store of Honey and -Wax. 6. Snakes which dart from the Trees, and twist themselves about Men -or Beasts, and soon kill ’em if they be not immediately cut in pieces. -7. <i>Macaqua</i> Birds, so call’d because of an Herb which they eat as an -Antidote when hurt by Snakes, which lie and watch for them in the -Marshes. They frequently fight those Snakes, for which Nature has -provided them with sharp Beaks for a Weapon, and strong Wings to serve -them as a Buckler. Our Author mentions the River <i>Paranapan</i>, which runs -thro this Country, is almost as large as the <i>Paraguay</i>, and falls into -the <i>Parana</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_072" id="page_072"></a>{72}</span> Its Banks on both sides are cover’d with tall Trees, -especially Cedars, of so vast a Bulk that they make Canoes out of a -single Trunk, which row with twenty Oars. The Jesuits built the Towns of -<i>Loretto</i> and <i>St Ignatius</i>, and two more near the Conflux of this River -and the <i>Pyrapus</i>, about 1610, and eleven more have since been built in -that Province, where they have brought over many of the Inhabitants to -their Religion. They kill’d many of the <i>Spaniards</i> at first, and then -eat them. These Towns are plac’d by the <i>Sansons</i> about Lat. 22. and -betwixt Long. 325, and 330.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the River Oronoco.</i></div> - -<p>Our Author not being distinct in describing the Provinces of <i>Paraguay</i> -and <i>Tucuman</i>, but sometimes confounding one with the other, I shall -only add a few things more relating to those Countries in general. He -mentions a People call’d <i>Guaicureans</i> who live on the Banks of -<i>Paraguay</i> near the City <i>Assumption</i>, maintain themselves by Fishing -and Hunting, and eat all manner of Serpents and wild Beasts without -hurt. They have Tents of Mats, which they remove at pleasure. They dawb -one side of their Bodies with stinking Colours, scarify their Faces to -make them look terrible, suffer no Hair to grow on their Bodies; and -instead of a Beard fasten a Stone of a finger’s length to their Chin, -and make their Deformity the Standard of their Valour. Their chief -Delight is in Drunkenness and War; and to acquire the Title and Dignity -of Soldiers, they must endure to have their Legs, Thighs, Tongues, <i>&c.</i> -bored with an Arrow; and if they flinch in the least, are not allow’d -that Quality: and therefore they inure their Children from their Youth -to all sorts of Hardship, and to run Thorns and Briars into their Flesh -by way of Pastime. They honour their Commanders so much, that when they -spit they receive it into their hands, stand about them when they eat, -and observe all their Motions. They chose to fight by night, because -they knew nothing of Order, but made their Onsets like Beasts. They -either kill’d or sold their Prisoners, if at Man’s Estate, and the young -ones they bred in their own way. They lurk’d in Marshes and Woods by -day, keeping Spies abroad; and thus they plagu’d the <i>Spaniards</i> for -above a hundred years, till they were civiliz’d by some Missionaries. -They would not allow their Women to paint with a Clay-colour till they -had tasted human Flesh; and therefore when they kill’d Enemies, would -divide them among the young Women, or give them the Corpse of their <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_073" id="page_073"></a>{73}</span>own -Dead. They planted Trees over their Graves, adorn’d them with Ostrich -Feathers, and met there at certain times, howling in a most barbarous -manner, and performing many lewd and hellish Ceremonies. They worship -Parrots as Gods, and have a sort of Bears call’d Ant-Bears: They have -long Heads, Snouts much longer than those of Swine, and Tongues like -Spears, which they thrust into the Ant-Hills, and lick up those Insects, -which are as big as the top of one’s finger, and being toasted over the -fire, are eat by the Natives and <i>Spaniards</i> too as a Dainty.</p> - -<p>Father <i>Techo</i> mentions another People nam’d <i>Calchaquins</i> in this -Country, whom he supposes to have been of <i>Jewish</i> Descent, because when -the <i>Spaniards</i> came first here, they found that many of them had -<i>Jewish</i> Names, and something of their Habit and Customs. Our Author -draws a Parallel in several Instances; but this, as well as his -Arguments to prove that St. <i>Thomas</i> the Apostle planted Christianity in -this Country, will scarce obtain Credit among the Learned. I refer the -Curious who would know more of those things to our Author, who brings -down what he calls the History of this Country as low as 1645. which is -the latest Account we have yet printed, except Father <i>Sepp’s</i> -abovemention’d, which brings it to 1691. of which I have given the -Substance already.</p> - -<p>Before I go further, I shall give some account of the River <i>Aranoca</i> or -<i>Oronoco</i>, which is the Northern Boundary of our <i>South-Sea</i> Company’s -Limits. The Head of it, according to our Maps, is about N. Lat. 3. and -in Long. 77. It runs Eastward about 840 miles, about 60 miles N. of the -Equator, then runs N. about 420. and turning NE. about 120, falls into -the Sea about N. Lat. 9. So that its whole Course is about 1370 miles, -including Turnings and Windings; for it runs almost the whole Breadth of -that part of <i>America</i>, since it rises within 160 miles of the -<i>South-Sea</i>.</p> - -<p>Mr. <i>Sparrey</i>,<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> who was left in the adjoining Country by Sir <i>Walter -Raleigh</i> in 1595. gives the following Account of this River. He says it -is also call’d <i>Barequan</i>, is a great River, and others call it <i>Pariæ</i>. -It falls into the Sea by sixteen Mouths; but according to <i>Sansons</i> Map, -what <i>Sparrey</i> calls Mouths are a number of Islands which lie near the -Shore at the Entrance of the River, and the chief of those<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_074" id="page_074"></a>{74}</span> Mouths nam’d -<i>Capuri</i> lies furthest South. They say it has 9 foot water at full Sea, -and but 5 at Ebb: It flows but a small time, when it rises apace, and -the Ebb continues 8 hours. There are several other ways of entring this -River, for which I refer to <i>Sparrey</i>; as also for the other Rivers -which fall into it on both sides. He attempted a Passage to <i>Peru</i> this -way, but in vain. He says that in this Search he enter’d the great River -<i>Papemena</i>, which is six Leagues broad, and came to a pleasant Island -call’d <i>Athul</i>, where the Climate is temperate, the Island is well -water’d, and abounds with Fish, Fowls, and other Animals for Food. It -has many Woods that abound with delicate Fruit all the Year. There’s -store of Cotton, Balsam, <i>Brazile</i> Wood, <i>Lignum Vitæ</i>, Cypress Trees, -several Minerals and fine Stones, but for want of Skill he could not -judg of the Value of ’em. This Island was not then inhabited, because of -the Cannibals nam’d <i>Caribbes</i> in the Neighbourhood. He is of opinion, -that Westward from <i>Oronoco</i> Gold might be found; but it was dangerous -to go far into the Country, because the Natives were continually in -Arms. He adds, that in the Country of <i>Curae</i>, part of the Province of -<i>Guiana</i>, which lies on the S. and E. of <i>Oronoco</i>, there was plenty of -Gold; but it was dangerous seeking for it in the Sands of the Rivers, -because of Crocodiles. He talks also of Pearl or Topazes found here, but -dubiously. At <i>Camalaha</i> South of <i>Oronoco</i>, he says, there was then a -Fair for Women Slaves, where he bought 8 for a coarse red-hafted Knife, -the eldest of whom was not above 18 years old. The Inhabitants, he says, -are generally swarthy. We have few modern Accounts of this River, -because it is not much frequented for Trade; and therefore I shall say -no more of it, but return to my Journal.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>Nothing remarkable happen’d till <i>Decemb. 6.</i> when we had close cloudy -Weather, with Showers; Wind at E. by N. We saw a large Bird call’d -<i>Alcatros</i>, who spread their Wings from eight to ten foot wide, and are -much like a Gannet.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 7.</i> Rainy Weather, with Thunder and Lightning, a brisk Gale from E -by N. to N E. This day I remov’d one of the Boatswain’s Mates, and put -<i>Rob. Hollanby</i> one of our best Sailors in his place.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Grande towards Juan Fernandez.</i></div> - -<p><i>Dec. 10.</i> Yesterday I exchang’d <i>Benjamin Long</i>, one of the Boatswain’s -Mates, with <i>Tho. Hughes</i> Boatswain’s Mate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_075" id="page_075"></a>{75}</span> on board the <i>Dutchess</i>; he -being mutinous there, they were willing to be rid of him.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 13.</i> We had a strong Gale of Wind at S W. Yesterday in the -Afternoon we reef’d our Main-Sail, which was the first time since we -left <i>England</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 15.</i> The Colour of the Water being chang’d very much, we founded, -but had no Ground: so that this Change is probably occasion’d by the -nature of the Ground at bottom. We find it much colder in this Lat. -which is 43. 30 S. than in the like degree N. tho the Sun was in its -furthest Extent to the Southward: which may be ascrib’d partly to our -coming newly out of warmer Climates, which made us more sensible of the -Cold; or ’tis probable the Winds blow over larger Tracts of Ice than in -the same Degrees of N. Latitude.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 18.</i> Cold hazy rainy Weather. Yesterday in the Afternoon one of -the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Men fell out of the Mizen-Top down on the Quarter-Deck, -and broke his Skull: They desir’d the Advice of our Surgeon, and I went -on board with our two, where they examin’d the Wound, but found the Man -irrecoverable; so that he died, and was buried next day. Brisk Gales -from the W N W. to the W by S.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 19.</i> Cold airy Weather: We saw several Grampusses, and a great -number of uncommon sort of Porpusses, black on their Back and Fins, and -white underneath, with sharp white Noses; they often leap’d a good -height out of the Water, turning their white Bellies uppermost: they -were much of the shape and bigness of our Porpusses. We also saw many -Seals.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 20.</i> This day, according to what our Committee agreed at <i>Grande</i>, -we exchang’d Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> for Mr. <i>Bath</i> Agent of the <i>Dutchess</i>. Easy -Gales of Wind, but very veerable. This morning at four we had a very -thick Fog, when we were caught in Stays,<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> and lost sight of the -<i>Dutchess</i>, tho we made all the noise agreed on between us. At nine a -clock it clear’d up, being very little Wind, and we were within a League -of them.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 21.</i> Easy Gales of Wind, but very veerable. We have seen a deal of -Rock-Weed for some days past, of a great length and generally round in -large Branches. Lat. 48.50. S.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_076" id="page_076"></a>{76}</span></p> - -<p><i>Dec. 22.</i> Fair Weather with Rain, Wind very veerable. The Water is -generally discolour’d. We had a good Observ. Lat. 49.32. S.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 22.</i> At ten this morning, we saw Land, bearing S S E. dist. 9 Ls. -It appear’d first in three, afterwards in several more Islands. At -twelve it bore S. 1/2 W. the West End dist. 6 Ls. a long Tract of Land. -We saw most of that which appear’d at first to be Islands, join with the -low Lands. The Wind being Westerly, and blowing fresh, we could not -weather it; but was forc’d to bear away and run along Shore from 3 to 4 -Ls. dist. It lay as near as we could guess E N E. and W S W. This is -<i>Falkland’s</i> Land, describ’d in few Draughts, and none lay it down -right, tho the Latitude agrees pretty well. The middle of it lies in -Latitude 51.00. S. and I make the Longitude of it to be 61. 54. West -from <i>London</i>. The two Islands extend about two Degrees in Length, as -near as I could judg by what I saw.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 24.</i> Last night we reefed both Courses; it blowing strong, lay by -from eight till three in the Morning, with our Heads to Northward, Wind -at W by S. because we could not tell how far <i>Falkland</i> Islands ran to -the Eastward. Between two and three a clock yesterday in the Afternoon -we ran by a high round large white remarkable Rock, which appear’d by it -self near 3 Ls. without the Land; which is not unlike <i>Portland</i>, but -not so high, and the Rock like that call’d the <i>Fastneste</i> to the -Westward of Cape <i>Clear</i> in <i>Ireland</i>. At four yesterday in the -Afternoon the North-East End bore S E by S. 7 Ls. the white Rock bore S. -3 Ls. At six the Eastermost Land in sight bore S.E. 7 Ls. All this Land -appear’d with gentle Descents from Hill to Hill, and seem’d to be good -Ground, with Woods and Harbours. At three a clock we made sail, steering -S E. Lat. 52. S.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Grande towards Juan Fernandez.</i></div> - -<p><i>Dec. 25.</i> Yesterday Noon we saw the Land again, and find it to trim -away Southerly from the white Rock. A strong Gale of Wind at S W. At six -a clock in the Evening we lost sight of the Land, but could not come -near enough to see if it was inhabited; and spy’d a Sail under our -Lee-Bow bearing S E. from us, dist. about 4 Ls. We immediately let our -Reefs out, chas’d and got ground of her apace: we kept sight till ten at -night, when we lost her. We spoke with our Consort, and were both of -opinion that the Chase would, as soon as she lost sight of us, if -homeward bound, bear away to the Northward; so we ran North<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_077" id="page_077"></a>{77}</span> till -Dawning: then we stood to the Westward till it was light, and our -Consort kept on with an easy Sail. When it was full light we saw -nothing, being thick hazy Weather: we bore away, and were with our -Consort again by five a clock. Between six and seven it clear’d up: we -saw the Chase bearing about S by E. between 3 and 4 Ls. from us. It -falling calm, we both got out our Oars, row’d and tow’d, with our Boats -a-head, and made pretty good way; had a small Breeze at North, so we set -all the Sail we could, and by twelve a clock had gain’d very much ground -of the Chase. We had an Observ. Lat. 52.40.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 26.</i> We kept on rowing and towing till about six in the Evening; -and perceiving we approach’d her, I went in the Boat to speak with Capt. -<i>Courtney</i>, and agree how to engage her, if a great Ship, as she -appear’d to be; and also adjusted Signals, if either of us should find -it proper to board her in the night. I return’d aboard as soon as -possible, when we had a fine Breeze: we got in our Boats and Oars, and -made all possible Sail after the Chase, kept in sight of her till past -ten a clock, bearing S S W. of us, when it came on thick again; we kept -her open on the Larboard, and the <i>Dutchess</i> on the Starboard-Bow, and -being short Nights, we thought it impossible to lose one another. At one -a clock this Morning my Officers persuaded me to shorten Sail, telling -me we should lose our Consort if we kept on: I was prevail’d with to do -so, and in the Morning had a very thick Fog, so that I could see neither -our Consort nor Chase till an hour after ’twas full Light. When it -clear’d up, we saw our Consort on our Larboard-Bow; we fir’d a Gun for -her to bear down, but immediately we saw the Chase ahead of her about -four miles, which gave us new Life. We forthwith hal’d up for them; but -the Wind soon veering a-head, had a great disadvantage in the Chase. We -ran at a great rate, being smooth Water; but it coming on to blow more -and more, the Chase outbore our Consort: so she gave off, and being to -Windward, came down very melancholy to us, supposing the Chase to have -been a <i>French</i> homeward-bound Ship from the <i>South-Seas</i>. Thus this -Ship escap’d; which, considering that we always out-went her before, is -as strange as our first seeing of her in this place, because all Ships -that we have heard of bound out or home this way, kept within -<i>Falkland’s</i> Island. At twelve a clock we saw a little plain low Island, -which bore W N W. dist. 4 Ls. not mark’d in any of our<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_078" id="page_078"></a>{78}</span> Charts. The Wind -has been very veerable since six a clock last night, from the N N E to -the S. where it now is. Lat. 53.11. S.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 27.</i> Strong Gales, with Squalls from the South to the West. The -<i>Dutchess</i> put her Guns into the Hold again, that she took up in the -Chase. Yesterday at two in the Afternoon we put about, and stood off to -the Eastward from the little low Island: because we could but just -weather it, we were not willing to come too near it. Lat. 54.15. S.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 30.</i> Fresh Gales of Wind at West, hazy Weather mix’d with small -Rain. We had an Observ. Lat. 58.20.</p> - -<p><i>January 1.</i> Fresh Gales of Wind from the W N W. to the W S W. with -Fogs, but indifferent smooth Water. This being New-Year’s Day, every -Officer was wish’d a merry New-Year by our Musick; and I had a large Tub -of Punch hot upon the Quarter-Deck, where every Man in the Ship had -above a Pint to his share, and drank our Owners and Friends Healths in -<i>Great Britain</i>, to a happy new Year, a good Voyage, and a safe Return. -We bore down to our Consort, and gave them three Huzza’s, wishing them -the like.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 2.</i> Fresh Gales from the W S W. to the N W. with Fogs. Clothes and -Liquor were now an excellent Commodity amongst our Ships Company, who -are but meanly stor’d: We had six Taylors at work for several weeks to -make them Clothing, and pretty well supply’d their Wants by the spare -Blankets and red Clothes belonging to the Owners; and what every Officer -could spare, was alter’d for the Mens Use. The like was done on board -the <i>Dutchess</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Grande towards Juan Fernandez.</i></div> - -<p><i>Jan. 5.</i> Just past twelve Yesterday it came on to blow strong: We got -down our Fore-Yard, and reef’d our Fore-Sail and Main-Sail; but there -came on a violent Gale of Wind, and a great Sea. A little before six we -saw the <i>Dutchess</i> lowering her Main-Yard: the Tack flew up, and the -Lift unreev’d, so that the Sail to Leeward was in the water and all -a-back, their Ship took in a great deal of Water to Leeward; immediately -they loos’d their Sprit-Sail, and wore her before the Wind: I wore after -her, and came as near as I could to ’em, expecting when they had gotten -their Main-Sail stow’d they would take another Reef in, and bring to -again under a two-reef’d Main-Sail, and reef’d and ballanc’d Mizen, if -the Ship would not keep to without it: but to my surprize they kept -scudding<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_079" id="page_079"></a>{79}</span> to the Southward. I dreaded running amongst Ice, because it -was excessive cold; so I fir’d a Gun as a Signal for them to bring to, -and brought to our selves again under the same reef’d Main-Sail. They -kept on, and our Men on the look-out told me they had an Ensign in their -Maintop-Mast Shrouds as a Signal of Distress, which made me doubt they -had sprung their Main-Mast; so I wore again, our Ship working exceeding -well in this great Sea. Just before night I was up with them again, and -set our Fore-Sail twice reef’d to keep ’em Company, which I did all -night. About three this morning it grew more moderate; we soon after -made a Signal to speak with them, and at five they brought to: when I -came within haile, I enquir’d how they all did aboard; they answer’d, -they had ship’d a great deal of Water in lying by, and were forc’d to -put before the Wind, and the Sea had broke in the Cabin-Windows, and -over their Stern, filling their Steerage and Waste, and had like to have -spoil’d several Men; but God be thank’d all was otherwise indifferent -well with ’em, only they were intolerably cold, and every thing wet. At -ten we made sail, Wind at W N W. and moderate. Lat. 60,58.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 6.</i> Raw cold Weather, with some Rain. A great Sea from the N W. -little Wind from the N N W. to the West. I and Capt. <i>Dampier</i> went in -the Yall on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, to visit ’em after this Storm; where -we found ’em in a very orderly pickle, with all their Clothes drying, -the Ship and Rigging cover’d with them from the Deck to the Main-Top: -They got six more Guns into the Hold, to make the Ship lively.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 7.</i> Fresh Gales of Wind, with hazy Weather and some small Rain. -Yesterday about three in the Afternoon <i>John Veale</i> a Landman died, -having lain ill a Fortnight, and had a Swelling in his Legs ever since -he left <i>Grande</i>. At nine last night we bury’d him; this is the first -that died by Sickness out of both Ships since we left <i>England</i>. Several -of the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Men had contracted Illness by the Wet and Cold. Wind -from the N N W. to the W N W.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 10.</i> Strong Gales of Wind, with Squalls of Rain and Hail, and a -great Sea from the W. We lay by with our Head to the Southward till 12 -last night, then came to sail under three-reef’d Courses,<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> and -sometimes the Maintop-Sail low set, Wind from the W. to the N. and -thence to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_080" id="page_080"></a>{80}</span> N.W. We have no Night here. Lat. 61.53. Long. W. from -<i>Lond.</i> 79.58 being the furthest we run this way, and for ought we know -the furthest that any one has yet been to the Southward.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 14.</i> Moderate Gales with cloudy Weather, Wind veerable. This day -the <i>Dutchess</i> bury’d a Man that died of the Scurvy.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 15.</i> Cloudy Weather, with Squalls of Rain, fresh Gales at S W. We -had an Observ. Lat. 56. S. We now account our selves in the <i>South-Sea</i>, -being got round Cape <i>Horne</i>. The <i>French</i> Ships that came first to -trade in these Seas came thro the Straits of <i>Magellan</i>: but Experience -has taught them since, that it is the best Passage to go round Cape -<i>Horne</i>, where they have Sea-room enough; the Straits, being in many -places very narrow, with strong Tides and no Anchor-ground.</p> - -<p>Here I think it proper to give an Account of the first Discovery of the -<i>South-Sea</i>, of the Passage to it by the Straits of <i>Magellan</i>, of the -chief of those who have pass’d those Straits, and a short Description of -the Country on both sides of ’em.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang"><i>An Account of the Discovery of the</i> South-Sea, <i>and of the Straits -of</i> Magellan, <i>&c. from</i> Ovalle <i>and other Authors</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the Discovery of the South-Sea.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE first <i>European</i> who discover’d the <i>South-Sea</i>, was <i>Basco</i> or -<i>Vasco Nuñes de Balboa</i> a <i>Spaniard</i>, in 1513. He was the first who -landed on the Isthmus of <i>Darien</i>, and made war with their Caciques or -Princes; who not being able to resist his Fire-Arms, and perceiving that -the chief Design of the <i>Spaniards</i> was to find Gold, one of the -Caciques told <i>Vasco</i>, that since they were so fond of that which he and -his Countrymen valu’d so little, he would conduct them over the -Mountains to another Sea, upon which they might find a Country where the -People had all their Utensils of Gold. This was the first notice the -<i>Spaniards</i> had of the <i>South-Sea</i>. <i>Vasco</i> march’d on till he came near -the top of the highest Mountain, where he order’d his Men to halt, -because he would have the honour of first discovering that Sea himself: -which having done, he fell down on his knees and thank’d God for his -Success, and call’d it the <i>South-Sea</i>, in opposition to that on the -other side the Continent, Having pass’d these Mountains, he march’d down -till he came to the Coast, and took possession of it in the name of the -King of <i>Spain</i>. When<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_081" id="page_081"></a>{81}</span> he return’d back, he found a new <i>Spanish</i> -Governour in <i>Darien</i> call’d <i>Pedrarias</i>; who being his Enemy because he -envy’d the King’s making him Governour and Admiral of the <i>South-Sea</i>, -he falsly accus’d him of Treason and cut off his Head, and sent <i>Gaspar -Morales</i> and <i>Francis Pizarro</i> to compleat the Discovery, with a good -number of Men, and large Dogs that were as terrible to the <i>Indians</i> as -the <i>Spaniards</i> Fire-Arms. Here they discover’d the Isle of Pearls, and -forc’d the Natives to fish for them, and then discover’d the rest of the -Coast. The first who found a Passage from the <i>North-Sea</i> was <i>Ferdinand -Magaillans</i>, who in 1519 sail’d on purpose by Commission from the -Emperor <i>Charles</i> V. to discover it. In Lat. 52. S. he found the -Passage, which from him has been since call’d the Straits of <i>Magellan</i>. -<i>Pigafetta</i> an <i>Italian</i>, who made the Voyage with him, says that in S. -Lat. 49-1/2. at Port <i>St. Julian</i>, they found Giants whose Waste a -middle-siz’d Man could scarce reach with his Head: they were clad with -the Skins of Beasts as monstrous as themselves, arm’d with huge Bows and -Arrows, and of a Strength proportionable to their Bulk, yet -good-natur’d: One of them seeing himself in a Looking-Glass on board the -Ship, was so frighten’d that he run backward, and tumbled down several -Men that stood behind him. The Crew gave Toys to some of them, at which -being mightily pleas’d, they suffer’d them to put Shackles about their -Arms and Legs, which they took for Ornaments; but when they found -themselves fast, bellow’d like Bulls. One of them, he says, made his -Escape from nine Men, after they had got him down and ty’d his hands. -Other Voyagers say they have seen such Giants in those parts, -particularly Mr. <i>Candish</i>, <i>Sebald de Wert</i> in 1599. and <i>Spilberg</i> in -1614. but the Reader may believe of this Story what he pleases. -<i>Pigafetta</i> says the Straits were 110 Ls. long, in some places very -wide, and in others not above half a League over. <i>Magaillans</i> pass’d -’em in <i>Novemb.</i> 1520. and being overjoy’d, he call’d the Cape from -whence he first saw the <i>South-Sea</i> the <i>Cape of Desire</i>. After rambling -almost four months in the <i>South-Sea</i>, where he suffer’d extreme Want, -and lost many of his Men, he sail’d to the <i>Ladrones</i> Islands, and -foolishly engaging 7000 Natives in <i>Mathan</i>, which is one of them, he -was kill’d. One of his Ships forsook him as he pass’d the Straits, and -return’d to <i>Spain</i>: of the other four, only the Ship <i>Victoria</i> -return’d to <i>St. Lucar</i> near <i>Sevil</i>, under the Command of <i>John -Sebastian Cabot</i>, who was nobly rewarded by the Emperor.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_082" id="page_082"></a>{82}</span></p> - -<p>In 1539 <i>Alonso de Camargo</i> a <i>Spaniard</i> pass’d the same Straits, and -arriv’d at the Port of <i>Arequipa</i> in <i>Peru</i>; but much shatter’d, having -lost one of his Ships, and another leaving him, return’d to <i>Spain</i>. -After him several other <i>Spaniards</i> pass’d the same way, and they -planted a Colony and Garison at the North End, to block up the Passage -to other Nations; but without success, the Garison being all starved or -destroy’d by the <i>Indians</i>.</p> - -<p>The 15<i>th</i> of <i>Novemb.</i> 1577. the famous Sir <i>Francis Drake</i> set out -from <i>Plymouth</i> with five Sail, and having touch’d at several places by -the way, enter’d the Straits the 21<i>st</i> of <i>August</i> following. He found -them very dangerous, because of the many Turnings, contrary Winds, and -sudden Blasts from high Mountains cover’d with Snow on both sides, and -their Tops reaching above the Clouds, and no anchoring but in some -narrow River or Creek. The 24<i>th</i> he came to an Island in the Straits, -where there were so many Fowls call’d <i>Penguins</i>, that his Men kill’d -3000 in a day, which serv’d them for Provisions. The 6<i>th</i> of -<i>September</i> he enter’d the <i>South-Sea</i>, where he met with dreadful -Storms, and one of his Ships was drove back into the Straits, thro which -she return’d to <i>England</i>; as Sir <i>Francis Drake</i> did <i>July</i> 24. 1580. -being the first Sea-Captain that ever sail’d round the World, and -brought his Ship home, which was accounted a great Honour to the -<i>English</i> Nation.</p> - -<p><i>July</i> 1. 1586. Mr. <i>Tho. Candish</i>, afterwards Sir <i>Thomas</i>,<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> sail’d -from <i>Plymouth</i> with three Ships, and the 6<i>th</i> of <i>January</i> after -enter’d the Straits, having met with a severe Storm near the mouth of -’em. He took the Remainders of a <i>Spanish</i> Garison there, who from 400 -were reduc’d to 23 by Famine; and those of King <i>Philip’s</i> City, which -had been built in the Straits, were in the same miserable Condition, so -that they abandon’d the Place. They found Cannibals in some part of the -Straits, who had eat many of the <i>Spaniards</i>, and design’d the like to -the <i>English</i>, had they not been kept off by their Guns. Mr. <i>Candish</i> -was stop’d here a considerable while by a furious Storm and bad Weather, -which reduc’d him to Want of Provisions, till the 24<i>th</i> of <i>February</i> -that he got into the <i>South-Sea</i>, and bought Provisions of the -<i>Indians</i>. Mr. <i>Candish</i> return’d to <i>England</i>, after having sail’d -round the World, the 9<i>th of September</i> next Year. He again attempted -the Passage of the same Straits in 1591, but without Success; - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of the Straits of Magellan.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_083" id="page_083"></a>{83}</span> - -as Mr. <i>Fenton</i><a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> did in 1582. as <i>Floris</i> did at the same time; the -Earl of <i>Cumberland</i> in 1586. Mr. <i>Chidley</i> in 1589. and Mr. <i>Wood</i> in -1596. Sir <i>Richard Hawkins</i> pass’d them in 1593. but was taken by the -<i>Spaniards</i>; and Mr. <i>Davis</i><a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> the Discoverer to the N W. pass’d and -repass’d those Straits, but was forc’d back by contrary Winds. So that -our Countrymen, tho they did not all succeed in the Attempt, yet have -been the most fortunate in passing them of any other Nation: for the -<i>Dutch</i> pass’d them in 1597. with five Ships, of which only one -return’d. Five other <i>Dutch</i> Ships pass’d them in 1614. when they lost -one of them. In 1623. the <i>Dutch Nassaw</i> Fleet, so call’d because the -Prince of <i>Orange</i> was the greatest Adventurer, attempted it with -fifteen brave Ships, and 2 or 3000 Men; but were repuls’d, wherever they -came to land, by the <i>Spaniards</i>, so that they could not settle there.</p> - -<p>Other Nations attempted it likewise, and particularly Don <i>Garcia de -Loaisa</i>, a Knight of <i>Malta</i> and a <i>Spaniard</i>, with seven Ships and 450 -Men; and tho he pass’d the Straits, he died himself, and all his Ships -were afterwards taken by the <i>Portuguese</i> or others. <i>Vargas</i> Bishop of -<i>Placentia</i> sent 7 Ships to attempt it, one of which only succeeded, -went to <i>Arequipa</i> a Port on the <i>South-Sea</i>, and discover’d the -Situation of the Coast of <i>Peru</i>; but went no further. <i>Ferdinand -Cortez</i>, the Conqueror of <i>New Spain</i>, sent two Ships and 400 Men in -1528. to discover the way to the <i>Moluccas</i> thro the Straits, but -without success. Two <i>Genoese</i> Ships were the first that attempted it in -1526, after <i>Magellan</i>, but could not effect it. <i>Sebastian Cabot</i> try’d -it also by Commission from Don <i>Emanuel</i> King of <i>Portugal</i>, but could -not do it. <i>Americus Vespusius</i> was sent by the same Prince, but could -neither find the Straits nor the River of <i>La Plata</i>. <i>Simon Alcasara</i> a -<i>Spaniard</i> attempted it likewise with several Ships and 440 Men, but -came back without performing it, his Men having mutiny’d. All these -Attempts by the <i>Spaniards</i>, &c. happen’d before Sir <i>Francis Drake</i> -perform’d it.</p> - -<p>In the Reports made of those Straits upon Oath to the Emperor <i>Charles</i> -V. those who attempted this Passage give the following Account, <i>viz.</i> -That from the Cape of 11000 <i>Virgins</i> at the Entrance of the North Sea, -to the Cape of <i>Desire</i> at the Entrance of the South-Sea, is 100 -<i>Spanish</i> Ls.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_084" id="page_084"></a>{84}</span> that they found in this Strait three great Bays of about -7 Leagues wide from Land to Land, but the Entrances not above half a -League, and encompass’d with such high Mountains, that the Sun never -shines in them, so that they are intolerably cold, there being a -continual Snow, and the Nights very long: That they found good Water -with Cinamon-Trees, and several others, which tho they look green burnt -in the Fire like dry Wood: That they found many good sorts of Fish, good -Harbours with 15 fathom Water, and several pleasant Rivers and Streams: -That the Tides of both Seas meet about the middle of the Straits with a -prodigious Noise and Shock; but some of the <i>Portuguese</i>, who had pass’d -the Straits, say they are only high Floods which last about a month, -rise to a great height, and sometimes fall so low and ebb so fast, that -they leave Ships on dry ground. The Reader may find more of this in -<i>Herrera’s</i> History: but others differ in their Accounts, and -particularly <i>Spilberg</i> a <i>Dutchman</i>, who mentions a Port here that he -call’d <i>Famous</i>, by way of Eminency, the adjacent Soil producing Fruit -of various Colours and excellent Taste, and affording Brooks of very -good Water. He mentions 24 other Ports besides those that he did not -see, and particularly the <i>Piemento</i> or Pepper-Harbour, so call’d -because of the Trees which grow there of an Aromatick Smell, whose Bark -tastes like Pepper, and is more hot and quick than that of the -<i>East-Indies</i>. The <i>Spaniards</i> having brought some of it to <i>Seville</i>, -it was sold there for two Crowns a pound.</p> - -<p>The last of our Countrymen who pass’d them was Sir <i>John -Narborough</i>,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> who set out from the <i>Thames</i>, <i>May</i> 15. 1669. with -two Ships. He had K. <i>Charles</i> II’s Commission, was furnish’d out at his -Majesty’s Charge, and enter’d the Straits <i>October</i> 22. following. He -says, that from the Entrance of this Strait to the Narrow there’s good -Anchorage, and not much Tide, but in the Narrow the Tide runs very -strong. The Flood sets into the Straits, and the Ebb out, keeping its -Course as on other Coasts. It rises and falls near 4 Fathom -perpendicular, and it is high Water here on the Change of the Moon at -eleven a clock. When he came to the Narrow, he found the Tide very -strong, which endanger’d the running of his Ships upon the steep Rocks -on the North side. From the first Narrow to the second is above 8 Ls. -and the Reach betwixt them 7 Ls broad. He found a Bay on the North - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of the Straits of Magellan.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_085" id="page_085"></a>{85}</span> - -side at the Point of the second Narrow, where one may ride in 8 Fathom -Water in clear sandy Ground half a mile from the Shore. In the Channel -of the second Narrow he found 38 Fathom Water, and several Bays and -Cliffs with little Islands. He exchang’d several Trifles with the -Natives for Bows and Arrows, and their Skin-Coats. They were of a middle -Stature, well limb’d, with round Faces, low Foreheads, little Noses, -small black Eyes and Ears, black flaggy Hair of an indifferent Length, -their Teeth white, their Faces of an Olive-Colour, daub’d with Spots of -white Clay and Streaks of Soot, their Bodies painted with red Earth and -Grease, their Clothing of the Skins of Seals, Guianacoes and Otters, -wrapt about them like the <i>Scotch</i> Highlanders Plads. They had Caps of -the Skins of Fowls with the Feathers on, and pieces of Skins on their -feet to keep them from the ground. They are very active and nimble, and -when about Business go quite naked; only the Women have a piece of Skin -before them, and differ from the Men in Habit only by want of Caps, and -having Bracelets of Shells about their Necks. They seem to have no -manner of Government nor Religion, live by Hunting and Fishing, and are -arm’d with Bows and Arrows; the latter 18 Inches long, and headed with -Flint Stones. These People Sir <i>John</i> found in <i>Elizabeth-Isle</i>, which -lies near the second Narrow. In Port <i>Famine</i> Bay, S. Lat. 53. 35. he -found good Wood and Water, and abundance of <i>Piemento</i> Trees. Their -Language is guttural and slow. Sir <i>John</i> is of opinion, that the -Mountains contain Gold or Copper. He computes the whole Length of the -Straits at 116 Leagues. For the rest we refer to him.</p> - -<p>I have insisted the longer on these Straits, partly because they are so -much talk’d of, and partly to justify our going to the <i>South-Seas</i> by -the way of Cape <i>Horne</i>, which is far more safe: so that in all -probability the Straits of <i>Magellan</i> will be little frequented by -<i>Europeans</i> in time to come.</p> - -<p>The Land on the North side of the Straits is call’d <i>Patagonia</i>, and -that on the South <i>Terra del Fuego</i>, because of the numerous Fires and -the great Smoke which the first Discoverers saw upon it. It extends the -whole Length of the Straits, and lies from East to West about 130 -Leagues, according to <i>Ovalle</i>; and before the Discovery of the Straits -of <i>St. Vincent</i>, otherwise call’d <i>Le Maire’s</i> Straits, was suppos’d to -join to some part of the <i>Terra Australis</i>. <i>Ovalle</i> says, that on the -Continent of <i>Chili</i>, near the Straits of <i>Magellan</i>, there’s a People -call’d <i>Cessares</i>, who are suppos’d to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_086" id="page_086"></a>{86}</span> descended from part of the -<i>Spaniards</i> that were forc’d ashore in the Straits, when the Bishop of -<i>Placentia</i> sent the Ships abovemention’d to discover the <i>Molucca</i> -Islands. ’Tis suppos’d they contracted Marriages with some <i>Indian</i> -Nation, where they have multiply’d, and taught them to build Cities and -the Use of Bells. <i>Ovalle</i> says, that when he wrote the History of -<i>Chili</i>, he receiv’d Letters and other Informations that there is such a -Nation in those parts, and that one of the Missionaries had been in the -Country with Captain <i>Navarro</i>, and found the People to be of a white -Complexion with red in their Cheeks; by the Shape of their Bodies they -seem’d to be Men of Courage and Activity, and by the Goodness of their -Complexion ’twas probable they might be mix’d with a Race of -<i>Flemmings</i>, who had been ship-wreck’d in those parts. But there being -no farther Account of these People since <i>Ovalle’s</i> Account of <i>Chili</i> -in the Year 1646. we believe this Relation to be fabulous.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the Straits of Magellan.</i></div> - -<p>M. <i>de Beauchesne Gouin</i>, who is the last that attempted the Passage of -the Straits of <i>Magellan</i>, that we have heard of, came to an anchor at -the <i>Virgins</i> Cape in the mouth of this Strait the 24<i>th</i> of <i>June</i> -1699. and the Wind being contrary, he lay at anchor betwixt the -Continent and <i>Terra del Fuego</i>. He weighed again, the Winds being still -contrary, and on the third of <i>July</i> anchor’d at Port <i>Famine</i> in the -Straits, where the <i>Spaniards</i> had built a Garison, but were forc’d to -quit it for want of Provisions. He observes, that from the Mouth of the -Straits to this place, the Climate seem’d to be as temperate as in -<i>France</i>, tho now the coldest Season of the Year in those parts. He -found abundance of Wood for Firing, but the greatest Inconveniency he -met with there, was from the great Storms of Snow, tho it did not lie -long, being carry’d off by Rains which come from the West. He is of -opinion that a Settlement might easily be made here, in a part of the -Country extending above 20 Leagues; and that he was inform’d the Islands -of <i>St. Elizabeth</i> in the Straits are proper enough for Corn and Cattel, -if planted with them. He sent his Sloop ashore on <i>Terra del Fuego</i>, -where he saw Fires, and found the savage Natives by 50 or 60 together in -Companies, and some of them came aboard his Ship that lay 5 Ls. from the -shore. They were very peaceable and friendly, but more miserable than -our Beggars in <i>Europe</i>, having no Clothes but a strait Coat of wild -Beasts Skins, that comes no lower than their knees, and pitiful Hutts -made up of Poles cover’d with Skins of Beasts; and this is all the -shelter<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_087" id="page_087"></a>{87}</span> they have against the Extremity of the Weather. They came in -such multitudes to beg from him, as soon made him weary of their -Company; so that he weigh’d again the 16<i>th</i> of <i>August</i>, and stopt at -Port <i>Galand</i> to leave some Letters there for those who were to follow -him from <i>France</i>, as had been agreed on. And here he observes, that -both the Climate and the Navigation of the Straits are very unequal; and -that from this place to the Entrance of the <i>South-Sea</i> there’s nothing -but extraordinary high Mountains on each side, from whence come very -impetuous and frightful Torrents, and scarce any place for Anchorage to -be found, or one Day without either Rain or Snow. He adds, that he found -an Island opposite to the Mouth of the Strait of <i>St. Jerom</i>, that is -set down in none of our Maps. This Island, he says, has two good -Harbours, which may be of great consequence to those who pass this way. -He took possession of it, call’d it by the name of the Island <i>Louis le -Grand</i>; the largest Harbour he nam’d Port <i>Dauphin</i>, and the lesser, -which is very convenient, Port <i>Philippeaux</i>. After having given this -Character of those Straits, he says one may be sure of a Passage thro -them, provided it be in the proper Season, but ’tis very difficult in -the Winter. He came out of those Straits into the <i>South-Sea</i> on the -21<i>st</i> of <i>January</i>, 1700. and went to view the Harbour of <i>San -Domingo</i>, which he says is the <i>Spanish</i> Frontier, and the only Place -where a new Settlement can be made there, the rest being all possess’d -already. He arriv’d there the 3<i>d</i> of <i>February</i>, 1700. and on the 5<i>th</i> -anchor’d on the East of an Island call’d by different Names, but the -latest Authors call it <i>St. Magdalens</i> Island. He sent his first -Lieutenant to view and take possession of it, who brought him word that -it was a very pleasant place, and shew’d him some fine beautiful Shrubs -and Pease-Blossoms that he found upon the East side of it; from whence -he conjectures that it may be a proper place to inhabit, tho he owns -that the Climate is very moist, and they have frequent Rains and Mists, -which he ascribes to the high Mountains. He made ready to discover four -other Islands, which lie in view of this Isle and the Main Land, and -sounded as he went on, but durst not venture to go among ’em with so -large a Ship, because there blew a strong North-West Wind, follow’d by a -thick Mist, which made him lose sight of Land; so that to his great -sorrow he could not compleat the Discovery of that Frontier. He adds, -that ’tis full of high Mountains down to the very Sea; but was -afterwards inform’d by a <i>Spaniard</i> who winter<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_088" id="page_088"></a>{88}</span>’d in those parts, that -there’s a very good Harbour for Ships to ride in, where they may be -moor’d to tall Trees, and that there are very few Inhabitants on this -Coast, but some wandring Savages, like those on the Straits of -<i>Magellan</i>.</p> - -<p>This and the other Journals convince me intirely that the best way to -the <i>South-Sea</i> is round Cape <i>Horne</i>, the Route we pursu’d in our -Voyage.</p> - -<p>Besides what I said from my own Observation, to prove how extensive a -Trade we might have in those Seas, I shall add the following -Observations from M. <i>de Beauchesne</i>; who says, that tho he was look’d -upon as a Free-Booter, and that the then <i>Spanish</i> Governours on those -Coasts were forbid to trade or suffer the People to trade with any but -their own Subjects in those Seas, and that at <i>Valdivia</i> and other -places they fir’d at him when he approach’d their Harbours, and deny’d -so much as to sell him any Provisions, or to suffer him to wood or -water; yet at <i>Rica</i> some particular Persons traded with him to the -Value of 50000 Crowns, and told him, That that place was not so proper -for them to act so manifestly contrary to Law, but if he went to a place -more retir’d, they would buy all he had, tho both his Ships were full of -Goods. Accordingly, when he came to <i>Hilo</i>, a great number of Merchants -bought all that he had of Value at good rates. He owns that the Cloth he -had on board was half rotten, that the Merchants were vex’d at their -Disappointment, and express’d their Resentment that he should come to -those parts so ill provided: but in other places the People bought all -to the very Rags he had on board, and brought him Provisions in -abundance to sell, tho they were forbid doing so on pain of Death; and -the Officers themselves conniv’d at it.</p> - -<p>He return’d by the way of Cape <i>Horne</i> in 58 deg. 15 min. <i>January</i> -1701. and had as good a Passage and Season as could be desir’d, but saw -no Land on either side till the 19<i>th</i> of <i>January</i> 1701. when he -discover’d a small Island about 3 or 4 Ls. round, in Lat. 52. odd min. -not mark’d in our Maps, with strong Currents near it; and on the 20<i>th</i> -he came to the Isle of <i>Sebald de Wert</i>, which is a marshy Land with -some rocky Mountains, no Trees, but abundance of Sea-Flow.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of the Straits of Le Maire.</i></div> - -<p>It is proper here likewise to give an Account of the Straits of <i>Le -Maire</i>, so call’d from <i>James Le Maire</i> an <i>Amsterdam</i> Merchant, their -Discoverer in 1615. They lie in S. Lat. 55. 36. and are form’d by the -<i>Terra del Fuego</i> on the West,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_089" id="page_089"></a>{89}</span> and an Island by the <i>Dutch</i> call’d -<i>Staten-landt</i>, or the Country of the States, on the E. The Straits are -8 Leagues wide, with good Roads on each side, and plenty of Fish and -Fowl. The Land on both sides is high and mountainous. The Discoverers -saw very large Fowls bigger than Sea-Mews, and their Wings when extended -above a Fathom long each. They were so tame that they flew into the -Ships, and suffer’d the Sailors to handle them. In Lat. 57. they saw two -barren Islands, which they call’d <i>Barnevelt</i>; and the South Cape of -<i>Terra del Fuego</i>, which runs out in a Point to Lat. 57. 48. they nam’d -Cape <i>Horne</i>. Some compute this Strait to be only 5 Leagues in Length.</p> - -<p><i>Ovalle</i><a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> says, that in 1619 the King of <i>Spain</i> being inform’d that -<i>Le Maire</i> had discover’d these Straits, he sent two Vessels to make a -further Discovery of ’em. These Ships came to the East side of the -Straits of <i>Magellan</i>, where the Crew found a sort of Giants higher by -the Head than any <i>Europeans</i>, who gave them Gold in exchange for -Scissars and other Bawbles; but this can’t be rely’d on. They went thro -this Strait in less than a day’s time, it being not above 7 Leagues in -length.</p> - -<p>I return now to my Journal.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 16.</i> Fresh Gales of Wind with cloudy Weather. These 24 hours we -had extraordinary smooth Water, as if we were close under Land: -Indifferent warm Weather. Wind from the W S W. to W by N.</p> - -<p><i>January 20.</i> Yesterday at three in the Afternoon we saw high Land -bearing E by N. dist. about 10 Ls. being the Land about Port <i>St. -Stephen’s</i> on the Coast of <i>Patagonia</i> in the <i>South-Sea</i>, describ’d in -the Draughts. S. Lat. 47.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 22.</i> Fair Weather, with fresh Gales of Wind from W by S. to the W -N W. Last night <i>George Cross</i> died; he was a Smith by Trade, and -Armourer’s Mate. We and the <i>Dutchess</i> have had a great many Men down -with the Cold, and some with the Scurvey; the Distemper that this Man -died of. The <i>Dutchess</i> had always more sick Men than we, and have so -now: They buried but one Man that died of Sickness, and tell us they -hope the rest will recover. We have but one Man whose Life we doubt of, -tho most want a Harbour. This day Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Cook</i> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_090" id="page_090"></a>{90}</span>din’d with us. At two a clock we saw the Land on the Coast of -<i>Patagonia</i>, being very high, distant about 14 Ls. Lat. 44. 9. S.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 26.</i> Fresh Gales with Clouds and Rain. We spoke with our Consort -this day, who complains their Men grow worse and worse, and want a -Harbour to refresh ’em; several of ours are also very indifferent, and -if we don’t get ashore, and a small Refreshment, we doubt we shall both -lose several Men. We are very uncertain of the Latitude and Longitude of -<i>Juan Fernandez</i>, the Books laying ’em down so differently, that not one -Chart agrees with another; and being but a small Island, we are in some -doubts of striking it, so design to hale in for the main Land to direct -us.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 27.</i> Fair Weather, smooth Water, pleasant Gales of Wind, veerable -from the W. to the N W. had a good Amplitude, found the Variation to be -10 deg. Eastward. This is an excellent Climate. Lat. 36. 36. S.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 28.</i> We have had moderate Weather. At six a clock we saw the Land, -the Eastermost appearing like an Island, which we agree to be the Island -of <i>St. Mary</i> on the Coast of <i>Chili</i>: it bore E by N. dist. 9 or 10 Ls. -Our Consort’s Men are very ill; their want of Clothes, and being often -wet in the cold Weather, has been the greatest cause of their being more -sick than our Ships Company.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 31.</i> These 24 hours we had the Wind between the S. and S W by W. -At seven this morning we made the Island of <i>Juan Fernandez</i>; it bore W -S W. dist. about 7 Ls. at Noon W by S. 6 Ls. We had a good Observ. Lat. -34. 10. S.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>We Make the Isle of Juan Fernandez.</i></div> - -<p><i>February 1.</i> About two yesterday in the Afternoon we hoisted our -Pinnace out; Capt <i>Dover</i> with the Boats Crew went in her to go ashore, -tho we could not be less than 4 Ls. off. As soon as the Pinnace was -gone, I went on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, who admir’d our Boat attempted -going ashore at that distance from Land: ’twas against my Inclination, -but to oblige Capt. <i>Dover</i> I consented to let her go. As soon as it was -dark, we saw a Light ashore; our Boat was then about a League from the -Island, and bore away for the Ships as soon as she saw the Lights. We -put out Lights abroad for the Boat, tho some were of opinion the Lights -we saw were our Boats Lights; but as Night came on, it appear’d too -large for that. We fir’d one Quarter-Deck Gun and several Muskets, -showing Lights in our Mizen and Fore-Shrouds, that our Boat might find -us, whilst we ply’d in the <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_091" id="page_091"></a>{91}</span>Lee of the Island. About two in the Morning -our Boat came on board, having been two hours on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, -that took ’em up a-stern of us: we-were glad they got well off, because -it begun to blow. We are all convinc’d the Light is on the shore, and -design to make our Ships ready to engage, believing them to be <i>French</i> -Ships at anchor, and we must either fight ’em or want Water, <i>etc.</i></p> - -<p><i>Febr. 2.</i> We stood on the back side along the South end of the Island, -in order to lay in with the first Southerly Wind, which Capt. <i>Dampier</i> -told us generally blows there all day long. In the Morning, being past -the Island, we tack’d to lay it in close aboard the Land; and about ten -a clock open’d the South End of the Island, and ran close aboard the -Land that begins to make the North-East side. The Flaws<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> came heavy -off shore, and we-were forc’d to reef our Top-sails when we open’d the -middle Bay, where we expected to find our Enemy, but saw all clear, and -no Ships in that nor the other Bay next the N W. End. These two Bays are -all that Ships ride in which recruit on this Island, but the middle Bay -is by much the best. We guess’d there had been Ships there, but that -they were gone on sight of us. We sent our Yall ashore about Noon, with -Capt. <i>Dover</i>, Mr. <i>Frye</i>, and six Men, all arm’d; mean while we and the -<i>Dutchess</i> kept turning to get in, and such heavy Flaws came off the -Land, that we were forc’d to let fly our Topsail-Sheet, keeping all -Hands to stand by our Sails, for fear of the Wind’s carrying ’em away: -but when the Flaws were gone, we had little or no Wind. These Flaws -proceeded from the Land, which is very high in the middle of the Island. -Our Boat did not return, so we sent our Pinnace with the Men arm’d, to -see what was the occasion of the Yall’s stay; for we were afraid that -the <i>Spaniards</i> had a Garison there, and might have seiz’d ’em. We put -out a Signal for our Boat, and the <i>Dutchess</i> show’d a <i>French</i> Ensign. -Immediately our Pinnace returned from the shore, and brought abundance -of Craw-fish, with a Man cloth’d in Goat-Skins, who look’d wilder than -the first Owners of them. He had been on the Island four Years and four -Months, being left there by Capt. <i>Stradling</i> in the <i>Cinque-Ports</i>; his -Name was <i>Alexander Selkirk</i> a <i>Scotch</i> Man, who had been Master of the -<i>Cinque-Ports</i>, a Ship that came here last with Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, who -told me that this was the best Man in her; so I immediately agreed with -him to be a Mate on board our Ship. ’Twas he that made the Fire last -night when he saw our Ships, which he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_092" id="page_092"></a>{92}</span> judg’d to be <i>English</i>. During -his stay here, he saw several Ships pass by, but only two came in to -anchor. As he went to view them, he found ’em to be <i>Spaniards</i>, and -retir’d from ’em; upon which they shot at him. Had they been <i>French</i>, -he would have submitted; but chose to risque his dying alone on the -Island, rather than fall into the hands of the <i>Spaniards</i> in these -parts, because he apprehended they would murder him, or make a Slave of -him in the Mines, for he fear’d they would spare no Stranger that might -be capable of discovering the <i>South-Sea</i>. The <i>Spaniards</i> had landed, -before he knew what they were, and they came so near him that he had -much ado to escape; for they not only shot at him but pursu’d him into -the Woods, where he climb’d to the top of a Tree, at the foot of which -they made water, and kill’d several Goats just by, but went off again -without discovering him. He told us that he was born at <i>Largo</i> in the -County of <i>Fife</i> in <i>Scotland</i>, and was bred a Sailor from his Youth. -The reason of his being left here was a difference betwixt him and his -Captain; which, together with the Ships being leaky, made him willing -rather to stay here, than go along with him at first; and when he was at -last willing, the Captain would not receive him. He had been in the -Island before to wood and water, when two of the Ships Company were left -upon it for six Months till the Ship return’d, being chas’d thence by -two <i>French South-Sea</i> Ships.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Account of Alexander Selkirk.</i></div> - -<p>He had with him his Clothes and Bedding, with a Firelock, some Powder, -Bullets, and Tobacco, a Hatchet, a Knife, a Kettle, a Bible, some -practical Pieces, and his Mathematical Instruments and Books. He -diverted and provided for himself as well as he could; but for the first -eight months had much ado to bear up against Melancholy, and the Terror -of being left alone in such a desolate place. He built two Hutts with -Piemento Trees, cover’d them with long Grass, and lin’d them with the -Skins of Goats, which he kill’d with his Gun as he wanted, so long as -his Powder lasted, which was but a pound; and that being near spent, he -got fire by rubbing two sticks of Piemento Wood together upon his knee. -In the lesser Hutt, at some distance from the other, he dress’d his -Victuals, and in the larger he slept, and employ’d himself in reading, -singing Psalms, and praying; so that he said he was a better Christian -while in this Solitude than ever he was before, or than, he was afraid, -he should ever be again. At first he never eat any thing till Hunger -constrain’d him, partly for grief and partly for want<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_093" id="page_093"></a>{93}</span> of Bread and -Salt; nor did he go to bed till he could watch no longer: the Piemento -Wood, which burnt very clear, serv’d him both for Firing and Candle, and -refresh’d him with its fragrant Smell.</p> - -<p>He might have had Fish enough, but could not eat ’em for want of Salt, -because they occasion’d a Looseness; except Crawfish, which are there as -large as our Lobsters, and very good: These he sometimes boil’d, and at -other times broil’d, as he did his Goats Flesh, of which he made very -good Broth, for they are not so rank as ours: he kept an Account of 500 -that he kill’d while there, and caught as many more, which he mark’d on -the Ear and let go. When his Powder fail’d, he took them by speed of -foot; for his way of living and continual Exercise of walking and -running, clear’d him of all gross Humours, so that he ran with wonderful -Swiftness thro the Woods and up the Rocks and Hills, as we perceiv’d -when we employ’d him to catch Goats for us. We had a Bull-Dog, which we -sent with several of our nimblest Runners, to help him in catching -Goats; but he distanc’d and tir’d both the Dog and the Men, catch’d the -Goats, and brought ’em to us on his back. He told us that his Agility in -pursuing a Goat had once like to have cost him his Life; he pursu’d it -with so much Eagerness that he catch’d hold of it on the brink of a -Precipice, of which he was not aware, the Bushes having hid it from him; -so that he fell with the Goat down the said Precipice a great height, -and was so stun’d and bruis’d with the Fall, that he narrowly escap’d -with his Life, and when he came to his Senses, found the Goat dead under -him. He lay there about 24 hours, and was scarce able to crawl to his -Hutt, which was about a mile distant, or to stir abroad again in ten -days.</p> - -<p>He came at last to relish his Meat well enough without Salt or Bread, -and in the Season had plenty of good Turnips, which had been sow’d there -by Capt. <i>Dampier</i>’s Men, and have now overspread some Acres of Ground. -He had enough of good Cabbage from the Cabbage-Trees, and season’d his -Meat with the Fruit of the Piemento Trees, which is the same as the -<i>Jamaica</i> Pepper, and smells deliciously. He found there also a black -Pepper call’d <i>Malagita</i>, which was very good to expel Wind, and against -Griping of the Guts.</p> - -<p>He soon wore out all his Shoes and Clothes by running thro the Woods; -and at last being forc’d to shift without them, his Feet became so hard, -that he run every where<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_094" id="page_094"></a>{94}</span> without Annoyance: and it was some time before -he could wear Shoes after we found him; for not being us’d to any so -long, his Feet swell’d when he came first to wear ’em again.</p> - -<p>After he had conquer’d his Melancholy, he diverted himself sometimes by -cutting his Name on the Trees, and the Time of his being left and -Continuance there. He was at first much pester’d with Cats and Rats, -that had bred in great numbers from some of each Species which had got -ashore from Ships that put in there to wood and water. The Rats gnaw’d -his Feet and Clothes while asleep, which oblig’d him to cherish the Cats -with his Goats-flesh; by which many of them became so tame, that they -would lie about him in hundreds, and soon deliver’d him from the Rats. -He likewise tam’d some Kids, and to divert himself would now and then -sing and dance with them and his Cats: so that by the Care of Providence -and Vigour of his Youth, being now but about 30 years old, he came at -last to conquer all the Inconveniences of his Solitude, and to be very -easy. When his Clothes wore out, he made himself a Coat and Cap of -Goat-Skins, which he stitch’d together with little Thongs of the same, -that he cut with his Knife. He had no other Needle but a Nail; and when -his Knife was wore to the back, he made others as well as he could of -some Iron Hoops that were left ashore, which he beat thin and ground -upon Stones. Having some Linen Cloth by him, he sow’d himself Shirts -with a Nail, and stitch’d ’em with the Worsted of his old Stockings, -which he pull’d out on purpose. He had his last Shirt on when we found -him in the Island.</p> - -<p>At his first coming on board us, he had so much forgot his Language for -want of Use, that we could scarce understand him, for he seem’d to speak -his words by halves. We offer’d him a Dram, but he would not touch it, -having drank nothing but Water since his being there, and ’twas some -time before he could relish our Victuals.</p> - -<p>He could give us an account of no other Product of the Island than what -we have mention’d, except small black Plums, which are very good, but -hard to come at, the Trees which bear ’em growing on high Mountains and -Rocks. Piemento Trees are plenty here, and we saw some of 60 foot high, -and about two yards thick; and Cotton Trees higher, and near four fathom -round in the Stock.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In the Road of Juan Fernandez.</i></div> - -<p>The Climate is so good, that the Trees and Grass are verdant all the -Year. The Winter lasts no longer than <i>June</i> and <i>July</i>, and is not then -severe, there being only a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_095" id="page_095"></a>{95}</span> small Frost and a little Hail, but sometimes -great Rains. The Heat of the Summer is equally moderate, and there’s not -much Thunder or tempestuous Weather of any sort. He saw no venomous or -savage Creature on the Island, nor any other sort of Beast but Goats, -&c. as above-mention’d; the first of which had been put ashore here on -purpose for a Breed by <i>Juan Fernando</i> a <i>Spaniard</i>, who settled there -with some Families for a time, till the Continent of <i>Chili</i> began to -submit to the <i>Spaniards</i>; which being more profitable, tempted them to -quit this Island, which is capable of maintaining a good number of -People, and of being made so strong that they could not be easily -dislodg’d.</p> - -<p><i>Ringrose</i><a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> in his Account of Capt. <i>Sharp</i>’s Voyage and other -Buccaneers, mentions one who had escap’d ashore here out of a Ship which -was cast away with all the rest of the Company, and says he liv’d five -years alone before he had the opportunity of another Ship to carry him -off. Capt. <i>Dampier</i> talks of a <i>Moskito Indian</i> that belong’d to Capt. -<i>Watlin</i>,<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> who being a hunting in the Woods when the Captain left -the Island, liv’d here three years alone, and shifted much in the same -manner as Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> did, till Capt. <i>Dampier</i> came hither in 1684, -and carry’d him off. The first that went ashore was one of his -Countrymen, and they saluted one another first by prostrating themselves -by turns on the ground, and then embracing. But whatever there is in -these Stories, this of Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> I know to be true; and his -Behaviour afterwards gives me reason to believe the Account he gave me -how he spent his time, and bore up under such an Affliction, in which -nothing but the Divine Providence could have supported any Man. By this -one may see that Solitude and Retirement from the World is not such an -unsufferable State of Life as most Men imagine, especially when People -are fairly call’d or thrown into it unavoidably, as this Man was; who in -all probability must otherwise have perish’d in the Seas, the Ship which -left him being cast away not long after, and few of the Company escap’d. -We may<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_096" id="page_096"></a>{96}</span> perceive by this Story the Truth of the Maxim, That Necessity is -the Mother of Invention, since he found means to supply his Wants in a -very natural manner, so as to maintain his Life, tho not so -conveniently, yet as effectually as we are able to do with the help of -all our Arts and Society. It may likewise instruct us, how much a plain -and temperate way of living conduces to the Health of the Body and the -Vigour of the Mind, both which we are apt to destroy by Excess and -Plenty, especially of strong Liquor, and the Variety as well as the -Nature of our Meat and Drink: for this Man, when he came to our ordinary -Method of Diet and Life, tho he was sober enough, lost much of his -Strength and Agility. But I must quit these Reflections, which are more -proper for a Philosopher and Divine than a Mariner, and return to my own -Subject.</p> - -<p>We did not get to anchor till six at night, on <i>Febr.</i> 1. and then it -fell calm: we row’d and tow’d into the Anchor-ground about a mile off -shore, 45 fathom Water, clean Ground; the Current sets mostly along -shore to the Southward. This Morning we clear’d up Ship, and bent our -Sails, and got them ashore to mend, and make Tents for our sick Men. The -Governour (tho we might as well have nam’d him the Absolute Monarch of -the Island) for so we call’d Mr. <i>Selkirk</i>, caught us two Goats, which -make excellent Broth, mix’d with Turnip-Tops and other Greens, for our -sick Men, being 21 in all, but not above two that we account dangerous; -the <i>Dutchess</i> has more Men sick, and in a worse condition than ours.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In the Road of Juan Fernandez.</i></div> - -<p><i>Febr. 3.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we got as many of our Men ashore -as could be spar’d from clearing and fitting our Ship, to wood and -water. Our Sail-makers are all mending our Sails, and I lent the -<i>Dutchess</i> one to assist them. This Morning we got our Smiths Forge put -up ashore, set our Coopers to work in another place, and made a little -Tent for my self to have the Benefit of the Shore. The <i>Dutchess</i> has -also a Tent for their sick Men; so that we have a little Town of our own -here, and every body is employ’d. A few Men supply us all with Fish of -several sorts, all very good; as Silver-fish, Rock-fish, Pollock, -Cavallos, Oldwives, and Craw-fish in such abundance, that in a few hours -we could take as many as would serve some hundreds of Men. There were -Sea-Fowls in the Bay as large as Geese, but eat fish. The Governour<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_097" id="page_097"></a>{97}</span> -never fail’d of getting us two or three Goats a day for our sick Men, by -which with the help of the Greens and the Goodness of the Air they -recover’d very fast of the Scurvy, which was their general Distemper. -’Twas very pleasant ashore among the green Piemento Trees, which cast a -refreshing Smell. Our House was made by putting up a Sail round four of -’em, and covering it a-top with another Sail; so that Capt. <i>Dover</i> and -I both thought it a very agreeable Seat, the Weather being neither too -hot nor too cold.</p> - -<p>We spent our time till the 10<i>th</i> in refitting our Ships, taking Wood on -board, and laying up Water, that which we brought from <i>England</i> and -<i>St. Vincent</i> being spoil’d by the badness of the Casks. We likewise -boil’d up about 80 Gallons of Sea-Lions Oil, as we might have done -several Tuns, had we been provided with Vessels, <i>&c.</i> We refin’d and -strain’d it for the use of our Lamps and to save our Candles, tho -Sailors sometimes use it to fry their Meat, when straiten’d for want of -Butter, <i>&c.</i> and say ’tis agreeable enough. The Men who work’d ashore -on our Rigging eat young Seals, which they prefer’d to our Ships -Victuals, and said was as good as <i>English</i> Lamb; tho for my own part I -should have been glad of such an Exchange.</p> - -<p>We made what haste we could to get all Necessaries on board, being -willing to lose no time; for we were inform’d at the <i>Canaries</i> that -five stout <i>French</i> Ships were coming together to these Seas.</p> - -<p><i>Febr. 11.</i> Yesterday in the Evening having little or nothing to do with -the Pinnance, we sent her to the South End of the Island to get Goats. -The Governour told us, that during his stay he could not get down to -that end from the Mountains where he liv’d, they were so steep and -rocky; but that there were abundance of Goats there, and that part of -the Island was plainer. Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, Mr. <i>Glendal</i>, and the -Governour, with ten Men, set out in company with the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Boat -and Crew, and surrounded a great parcel of Goats, which are of a larger -sort, and not so wild as those on the higher part of the Island where -the Governour liv’d; but not looking well to ’em, they escap’d over the -Cliff: so that instead of catching above a hundred, as they might easily -have done with a little precaution, they return’d this Morning with only -16 large ones, tho they saw above a thousand. If any Ships come again to -this Island, the best way is to keep some Men<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_098" id="page_098"></a>{98}</span> and Dogs at that part of -the Island, and sending a Boat to them once in 24 hours they may victual -a good Body of Men; and no doubt but amongst those Goats they may find -some hundreds with Mr. <i>Selkirk</i>’s Ear-mark.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> - -<p><i>Febr. 12.</i> This Morning we bent the remaining Sails, got the last Wood -and Water aboard, brought off our Men, and got every thing ready to -depart. The Island of <i>Juan Fernandez</i> is nearest of a triangular form, -about 12 Leagues round; the South-west side is much the longest, and has -a small Island about a mile long lying near it, with a few visible Rocks -close under the shore of the great Island. On this side begins a Ridge -of high Mountains that run cross from the S W to the N W of the Island; -and the Land that lies out in a narrow Point to the Westward, appears to -be the only level Ground here. On the N E. side ’tis very high Land, and -under it are the two Bays where Ships always put in to recruit. The best -Bay is next the middle on this side the Island, which is to be known at -a distance by the highest Table Mountain right over this Bay. You may -anchor as near as you will to the shore, and the nearer the better. The -best Road is on the Larboard side of the Bay, and nearest the Eastermost -Shore: provided you get well in, you cannot mistake the Road. The other -Bay is plain to be seen under the North end, but not so good for Wood, -Water, or Landing, nor so safe for riding. In this Bay, where we rode, -there’s plenty of good Water and Wood: the best Water is in a small Cove -about a good Musket-shot to the Eastward of the place I have describ’d. -You may ride from a Mile to a Bow-shot off the Shore, being all deep -Water and bold, without any danger round the Island, but what is visible -and very near in. This Bay where we rode is open to near half the -Compass; the Eastermost Land in sight bore E by S. dist. about a mile -and a half, and the outermost Northwest Point of the Island lies -something without our Bay, and bears N W by W. dist. a good League. We -were about a mile off the Shore, and had 45 fathom Water, clean sandy -Ground; we design’d to have ran farther in, and new moor’d, but Mr. -<i>Selkirk</i> inform’d us that this Month proves the fairest in the Year, -and that during Winter and Summer, the - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Account of Juan Fernandez.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_099" id="page_099"></a>{99}</span> - -whole time he was here, he seldom knew the Wind to blow off from the -Sea, but only in small Breezes that never brought in a Sea, nor held two -hours: but he warn’d us to be on our guard against the Wind off shore, -which blew very strong sometimes. The Bay is all deep Water, and you may -carry in Ships close to the Rocks, if occasion require. The Wind blows -always over the Land, and at worst along shore, which makes no Sea. It’s -for the most part calm at night, only now and then a Flaw blows from the -high Land over us. Near the Rocks there are very good Fish of several -sorts, particularly large Craw-fish under the Rocks easy to be caught; -also Cavallies, Gropers, and other good Fish in so great plenty any -where near the Shore, that I never saw the like, but at the best fishing -Season in <i>Newfoundland</i>. Piemento is the best Timber, and most -plentiful on this side the Island, but very apt to split till a little -dry’d: we cut the longest and cleanest to split for Fire-wood. The -Cabbage-Trees abound about three miles in the Woods, and the Cabbage -very good; most of ’em are on the tops of the nearest and lowest -Mountains. In the first Plain we found store of Turnip-Greens, and -Water-Cresses in the Brooks, which mightily refresh’d our Men, and -cleans’d ’em from the Scurvey: the Turnips, Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> told us, are -good in our Summer Months, which is Winter here; but this being Autumn, -they are all run to Seed, so that we can’t have the benefit of any thing -but the Greens. The Soil is a loose black Earth, the Rocks very rotten, -so that without great care it’s dangerous to climb the Hills for -Cabbages: besides, there are abundance of Holes dug in several places by -a sort of Fowls like Puffins, which fall in at once, and endanger the -wrenching or breaking of a Man’s Leg. Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> tells me, in <i>July</i> -he has seen Snow and Ice here; but the Spring, which is in <i>September</i>, -<i>October</i>, and <i>November</i>, is very pleasant, when there’s abundance of -good Herbs, as Parsly, Purslain, Sithes in great plenty, besides an Herb -found by the water-side, which prov’d very useful to our Surgeons for -Fomentations; ’tis not much unlike Feverfew, of a very grateful Smell -like Balm, but of a stronger and more cordial Scent: ’tis in great -plenty near the Shore. We gather’d many large Bundles of it, dry’d ’em -in the shade, and sent ’em on board, besides great quantities that we -carry’d in every Morning to strow the Tents, which tended much to the -speedy Recovery of our sick Men, of whom none died but two<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_100" id="page_100"></a>{100}</span> belonging to -the <i>Dutchess</i>, viz. <i>Edward Wilts</i> and <i>Christopher Williams</i>.</p> - -<p>Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> tells me, that in <i>November</i> the Seals come ashore to -whelp and ingender, when the Shore is so full of them for a stone’s -throw, that ’tis impossible to pass thro them; and they are so surly, -that they’l not move out of the way, but like an angry Dog run at a Man, -tho he have a good Stick to beat them: so that at this and their -whelping Seasons ’tis dangerous to come near them, but at other times -they’l make way for a Man; and if they did not, ’twould be impossible to -get up from the Water-side: they lin’d the Shore very thick for above -half a mile of ground all round the Bay. When we came in, they kept a -continual noise day and night, some bleeting like Lambs, some howling -like Dogs or Wolves, others making hideous noises of various sorts; so -that we heard ’em aboard, tho a mile from the Shore. Their Fur is the -finest that ever I saw of the kind, and exceeds that of our Otters.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In the Road of Juan Fernandez.</i></div> - -<p>Another strange Creature here is the Sea-Lion: The Governour tells me he -has seen of them above 20 foot long and more in compass, which could not -weigh less than two Tun weight. I saw several of these vast Creatures, -but none of the above-mention’d Size; several of ’em were upward of 16 -foot long, and more in bulk, so that they could not weigh less than a -Tun weight. The Shape of their Body differs little from the Sea-Dogs or -Seals, but have another sort of Skin, a Head much bigger in proportion, -and very large Mouths, monstrous big Eyes, and a Face like that of a -Lion, with very large Whiskers, the Hair of which is stiff enough to -make Tooth-pickers. These Creatures come ashore to engender the latter -end of <i>June</i>, and stay till the end of <i>September</i>; during all which -time they lie on the Land, and are never observ’d to go to the Water, -but lie in the same place above a Musket-shot from the Water-side, and -have no manner of Sustenance all that time that he could observe. I took -notice of some that lay a week, without once offering to move out of the -place whilst I was there, till they were disturb’d by us; but we saw few -in comparison of what he informs us he did, and that the Shore was all -crouded full of them a Musket-shot into the Land. I admire how these -Monsters come to yield such a quantity of Oil. Their Hair is short and -coarse, and their Skin thicker than the thickest Ox-Hide I ever<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_101" id="page_101"></a>{101}</span> saw. We -found no Land-Bird on the Island, but a sort of Black-Bird with a red -Breast, not unlike our <i>English</i> Black-Birds; and the Humming Bird of -various Colours, and no bigger than a large Humble Bee. Here is a small -Tide which flows uncertain, and the Spring-Tide flows about seven foot.</p> - -<p>I shall not trouble the Reader with the Descriptions of this Island -given by others, wherein there are many Falshoods; but the Truth of this -I can assert from my own knowledg. Nor shall I insert the Description of -the Cabbage and Piemento Trees, being so well known and so frequently -done, that there’s no manner of need for it. I have insisted the longer -upon this Island, because it might be at first of great use to those who -would carry on any Trade to the <i>South-Sea.</i></p> - -<p><i>Febr. 13.</i> At a Committee held on board the <i>Dutchess</i> the 13<i>th</i> of -<i>February</i>, 170-8/9, it was agreed as follows:</p> - -<p>“Resolv’d to steer from <i>Juan Fernandez</i> N E by E. for the Land; and -when come within six Leagues of the Shore, to keep that distance, -steering along Shore to the Northward.</p> - -<p>“The next Place we design’d to stop at, to build our Boats and land our -Men, is the Island of <i>Lobos de la Mar</i>. In case of losing Company, to -wait for each other 20 Leagues to the Northward of the place where we -accounted we were when we separated.</p> - -<p>“Then to lie at six Leagues distance from the Shore the space of four -days, and to proceed with an easy Sail for <i>Lobos</i>, in case of not -meeting; taking special care of the Rocks call’d <i>Ormigos</i>, lying about -that distance off from <i>Callo</i>, the Sea-port of the City of <i>Lima</i>.</p> - -<p>“In case of seeing one or more Sail, the Signal for chasing, if not out -of call, is to clew up our Maintop-gallant Sheets, with the Yards aloft. -And the general method we design to take in chasing, is, for the Ship -that sails best, or is nearest the Chase, to chase directly after the -Sail discover’d, and the other to keep to or from the Shore at a -convenient distance, as occasion shall require, to prevent being known. -And if the Ship that is nearest the Chase believes her to be too big for -one Ship alone, then to make the same Signal, or any other plainer to be -distinguish’d than the Signal for the Chase: And if either Ship comes up -with the Chase, and have her in possession or under command, if in the -day, to show a white Jack on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_102" id="page_102"></a>{102}</span> Maintop-Mast head; and if in the -night, to make two false Fires, and carry as plain Lights as possible.</p> - -<p>“To leave off Chase, the Signal by night is one good Light at the -Maintop-Mast head; and to fire no Gun, but in a Fog, or very thick -Weather, either night or day, to prevent being discover’d.</p> - -<p>“To leave off Chase by day, the Signal is to haul down the Top-sails, -keeping out our Maintop-gallant Stay-Sail; and in case of losing -Company, we refer our selves to our weekly Signals to discover each -other.</p> - -<p>“In case either Ship in Chase or otherways should run into any danger of -Shoal-Water or other kind, then the Ship in such danger is to fire a Gun -with a Shot, and to stand from it.</p> - -<p>“In case of a Separation, each Ship as they enter <i>Lobos</i> to carry an -<i>English</i> Pennant at the Foretop-Mast head; and if the other happens to -be there, she must show her <i>English</i> Colours. And if either Ship anchor -short of the Road, she shall put out three Lights, <i>viz.</i> at the -Maintop-Mast head, Poop, Boltsprit end.</p> - -<p>“Either Ship arriving at <i>Lobos</i>, and not finding his Consort there, he -is immediately to set up two Crosses, one at the Landing-place nearest -the farther end of the Starboard great Island going in, with a -Glass-Bottle hid under ground 20 Yards directly North from each Cross, -with Intelligence of what has happen’d since parting, and what their -further Designs are. This to be done and in readiness, that if they give -Chase, or be forc’d out by the Enemy, the missing Ship may not want -Intelligence from her Consort.”</p> - -<p>We began this Method at <i>Cork</i>, to secure the best place we could -possible to rendevouz at; hoping by this means and our Signals always to -keep Company, and know each other thro the whole Voyage. These -Directions being something particular, made me insert them in the -Journal.</p> - -<p><i>Febr. 13.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we sent our Yall a fishing, and -got near 200 large Fish in a very little time, which we salted for our -future spending. This Morning we concluded what we began last night, -being the foregoing Agreement to direct our Affairs from this place; and -as all our Success depends on a strict Secrecy, the Precautions may not -be useless.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing from the Coasts of Chili.</i></div> - -<p><i>Febr. 14.</i> Yesterday about three in the Afternoon we weigh’d, had a -fair pleasant Gale at S S E. Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_103" id="page_103"></a>{103}</span> came on board our Ship -again, and exchang’d with Mr. <i>Bath</i>, I hope for the best. Course N. -Lat. 32. 32. Long. W. from <i>London</i>, 83. 06.</p> - -<p><i>Febr. 16.</i> Had moderate Gales of Wind with Calms. This Morning I went -on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, with Capt. <i>Dover</i> and Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, and -din’d there. Wind at S.</p> - -<p><i>Febr. 17.</i> Most part of this 24 hours was calm, and cloudy Weather. -About ten a clock we hoisted our Boat out, and fetch’d Capt <i>Courtney</i> -and Capt. <i>Cook</i> to dine with us: whilst they were on board, we settled -and sign’d the following Instrument, one for each Ship, further to -secure our Methods, and to regulate the Affair of Plunder, which if well -follow’d will prevent the bad effects of so dangerous an Obstacle to our -good Proceedings; which has prov’d too hard a Task for all others in our -time that have gone out on the same account, so far from <i>Great -Britain</i>: which I believe is chiefly owing either to want of Unity or -good Measures. God be thank’d we have a good Concord between each Ships -Company hitherto.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>At a Committee held by the Officers of the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Duchess</i>, 17 -Febr. 1708/9.</p></div> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> George Underhill, </td><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> David Wilson,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Lanc. Appleby,</td><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Sam. Worden:</td></tr> -</table> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">Y</span>OU being chosen by the Officers and Men on board the</i> Duke, <i>to be -Managers of the Plunder which we may take in our Cruising at Sea on the -Coast of</i> New Spain, <i>’tis our Order that Mr.</i> Lanc. Appleby <i>and Mr.</i> -Samuel Warden <i>do go and continue aboard the</i> Dutchess, <i>in the place of -two other Men from them; who are to search all Persons that return from -such Prize or Prizes that may be taken by either Ship: as also all -Persons that the Captains of either Ship shall give leave, whose Advice -you are continually to follow, and apply to them for Assistance, if -occasion require; and immediately to inform of any Persons belonging to -either Ship, that shall be perceiv’d to use clandestine Methods to hide -Plunder, or endeavour to avoid the searching them.</i></p> - -<p><i>If the Ships</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess <i>are separated when any Prize it -taken, then one of you is to be on board the Prize, and the other to -remain on board the Ship; and in each place be very strict, and keep an -exact Account of what comes to your hands, and as soon as possible -secure it in such manner as the Captain of either Ship shall direct: -still observing the Command of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_104" id="page_104"></a>{104}</span> superior Officer on board the Prize, -who is also to assist you to the utmost of his power.</i></p> - -<p><i>If any Person not concern’d in this Order, nor employ’d in the same by -Capt.</i> Courtney, <i>concerns himself with the Plunder, except the -Commanding Officer, you are to forbid him; and if he disobeys, to give -immediate Information of such Person or Persons.</i></p> - -<p><i>You are not to incumber the Boats with Chests or Plunder out of any -Prize at first coming aboard, but mind what you see. And the first thing -you are to do, is to take account of what you find aboard that is -Plunder, and remove nothing without the Captains of either Ship’s -Orders; or in case of their Absence, of the chief Officer or Officers of -either Ship that shall be aboard the Prize, to avoid Trouble and -Disturbance.</i></p> - -<p><i>You are by no means to be rude in your Office, but to do every thing as -quiet and easy as possible; and to demean your selves so towards those -employ’d by Capt.</i> Courtney, <i>that we may have no manner of Disturbance -or Complaint: still observing that you be not overaw’d, nor deceiv’d of -what is your Due, in the behalf of the Officers and Men.</i></p> - -<p><i>The Persons appointed to be Managers by the</i> Dutchess, <i>were the -underwritten</i>,</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">John Connely, </td><td align="left">Simon Fleming,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Simon Hatley,</td><td align="left">Barth. Rowe.</td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>To whom the foregoing Orders were also given, and sign’d by the -Committee.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>President</i>, </td><td align="left">Carleton Vanbrugh,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">William Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Rogers,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td><td align="left">Geo. Milbourne,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td><td align="left">John Ballet.</td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>Febr. 17.</i> Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Cooke</i> being aboard, we agreed -that Mr. <i>Appleby</i> should appear for the Officers on board the -<i>Dutchess</i>, and <i>Samuel Worden</i> for the Men: Mr. <i>Simon Hatley</i> and -<i>Simon Fleming</i> were to have the like Charge on board of us, to manage -the Plunder according to the foregoing Orders.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Our Approach near Lima.</i></div> - -<p><i>Febr. 18.</i> About three Yesterday afternoon, we saw the Main dist. 9 Ls. -it’s very high Land, with several Islands.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_105" id="page_105"></a>{105}</span></p> - -<p><i>Febr. 28.</i> Yesterday afternoon we came within about 6 Ls. of very high -Land. This Morning we put both Pinnaces in the Water, to try them under -Sail, having fix’d them with each a Gun after the manner of a -Patterero,<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> and all things necessary for small Privateers; hoping -they’l be serviceable to us in little Winds to take Vessels. Wind at S. -and S by E.</p> - -<p><i>March 1.</i> Having little Wind and smooth Water, we heel’d both Ships and -tallow’d.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 2.</i> We are in sight of Land, dist. 12 or 14 Ls. Within the Country -there’s a vast high Ridge of Mountains, nam’d <i>Cordilleras</i>, all along -this Course; some parts I believe are full as high, if not higher, than -the <i>Pico Teneriff</i>, with Snow on the top. We had a good Observ. Lat. -17. 03. Longit. 70. 29. West from <i>London</i>.</p> - -<p><i>March 4.</i> Fine pleasant Weather, with fresh Gales of Wind. This day we -came to an Allowance of three Pints of Water a Man <i>per</i> day, tho we had -a good stock aboard. My reason for it was, that we might keep at Sea -some time and take some Prizes, and not be forc’d to discover our selves -by watring, before we attempted any thing ashore; because an Enemy being -once discover’d, there’s nothing of Value, as I’m informed, puts to Sea -from one end of the Coast to the other. They have great Conveniences of -giving notice by Expresses and strict Orders for all Officers on the -Shore to keep Lookers-out upon every Head-Land.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 8.</i> Fine pleasant Weather, a brisk Gale at S E. At three this -Morning we lay by, and at six saw the Land dist. about 14 Ls. after -which I made sail. The <i>Dutchess</i> had a Boy fell out of the Mizen-top -down on the Deck, and broke his Leg; of which he is in a fair way to -recover. Lat. 12. 31. Longit. 84. 58.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 9.</i> Fair Weather, a moderate Gale at S E. We go under an easy -Sail, in hopes of seeing rich Ships either going or coming out of -<i>Lima</i>, being now near it. We keep about 7 Ls. from Shore, to prevent -our being discover’d. We shall not lie long here, but design to go for -<i>Lobos</i> to build our Boats, and get things ready to land at <i>Guiaquil</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 10.</i> Pleasant Weather, moderate Gales at S E. This Morning, -perceiving white Rocks at a distance which look’d like Ships, we brought -to, and sent our Boats under the shore, having kept them ready a-stern -four days, that if<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_106" id="page_106"></a>{106}</span> we saw a Sail near the Shore, they might take them, -to prevent their discovering us to those on the Continent.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 13.</i> Fair Weather, moderate Gales at S E. This Morning we ran near -Land, and the <i>Dutchess</i> kept in the Offing, to see if we could meet any -of the Traders; there being, as I am inform’d, Ships of good Value -sometimes on this Coast. Our Men begin to repine, that tho come so far, -we have met with no Prize in these Seas.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 14.</i> The Nights are very cold in comparison of the Days, which are -warm enough, but not so hot as I expected in this Latitude. Here’s never -any Rain, but great Dews in the night, almost equivalent to it, tho the -Air be generally serene. At eight last night we hal’d up N N W. for the -Island <i>Lobos</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 15.</i> We saw Land yesterday, and supposing it was <i>Lobos</i>, stood -off and on all night. In the Morning it prov’d very hazy till ten, when -we saw it again right a-head; we stood nearer till we were convinc’d it -was not <i>Lobos</i>, but the main Land of <i>Peru</i> within it: so we stood off -at twelve, and had a good Observ. Lat. 6. 55.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 16.</i> Yesterday afternoon we spy’d a Sail; our Consort being -nearest, soon took her. She was a little Vessel of about 16 Tun -belonging to <i>Payta</i>, and bound to <i>Cheripe</i> for Flower, with a small -Sum of Money aboard to purchase it. The Master’s Name was <i>Antonio -Heliagos</i>, a <i>Mustees</i>, begotten between an <i>Indian</i> and a <i>Spaniard</i>: -his Company was eight Men, one of them a <i>Spaniard</i>, one a <i>Negro</i>, and -the rest <i>Indians</i>. We ask’d them for News, and they assur’d us that all -the <i>French</i> ships, being seven in number, sail’d out of these Seas six -months ago, and that no more were to return; adding, That the -<i>Spaniards</i> had such an Aversion to them, that at <i>Callo</i> the Sea-Port -for <i>Lima</i> they kill’d so many of the <i>French</i>, and quarrel’d so -frequently with ’em, that none were suffer’d to come ashore there for -some time before they sail’d from thence. After we had put Men aboard -the Prize, we hal’d off close on a Wind for <i>Lobos</i>, having shot within -it; and had we not been better inform’d by the Crew of the Prize, might -have endanger’d our Ships, by running in farther, because there are -Shoals between the Island and the Main. The Prisoners tell us there had -been no Enemy in those parts since Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, which is above four -Years ago. They likewise inform’d us that Capt. <i>Stradling</i>’s<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> Ship -the <i>Cinque-Ports</i>, - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Arrival at Lobos.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_107" id="page_107"></a>{107}</span> - -who was <i>Dampier</i>’s Consort, founder’d on the Coast of <i>Barbacour</i>, -where he with six or seven of his Men were only sav’d; and being taken -in their Boat, had been four Years Prisoners at <i>Lima</i>, where they liv’d -much worse than our Governour <i>Selkirk</i>, whom they left on the Island -<i>Juan Fernandez</i>. This Morning we saw the Island <i>Lobos</i>, which bore -South about 4 Ls. at Noon it bore S by W. dist. 6 miles. We sent our -Pinnace thither mann’d and arm’d, to see if there were any Fishermen -upon it and secure ’em, lest they should discover us to the People on -the Main.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 17.</i> Yesterday about five in the Evening we got well into anchor, -but found no body at the Island. We had 20 fathom Water, clean Ground in -the Thorow-fair between the two Islands, above a Cable’s length from -each Shore. ’Tis a bold going in and a good Road, the Wind blowing -constantly over Land. We resolv’d here to fit out our small Bark for a -Privateer, she being well built for sailing; and this Morning we had her -into a small round Cove in the Southermost Island, where we haul’d her -up dry on the Land. The Carpenters also got the Timber ashore, to build -our Boat for landing Men.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 18.</i> In the Evening we launch’d our small Privateer, having -clean’d her Bottom well, call’d her the <i>Beginning</i>, and appointed Capt. -<i>Cooke</i> to command her. We got a small spare Mast out of our Ship, which -made her a new Main-Mast, and our Mizen-top Sail was alter’d to make her -a Main-Sail. The <i>Dutchess</i> heel’d, and clean’d their Ship. This Morning -I got all our sick Men ashore, and built Tents for them: the <i>Dutchess</i> -also landed hers. We agreed to stay the building of our Boat and fitting -out the Privateer, while the <i>Dutchess</i> cruis’d about the Island, and in -sight of the Main.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 19.</i> Yesterday afternoon we sent the Yall a fishing, got the Bark -rigg’d, and almost ready, with four Swivel-Guns and a Deck near -finish’d. This Morning the <i>Dutchess</i> sail’d a cruising, and appointed -to meet the Bark off the South-East End of the Island.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 20.</i> The Bark being got ready, this Morning we victual’d her out -of our Ship, and put 20 of ours, and 12 of our Consorts Men aboard her -well arm’d. I saw her out of the Harbour with our Pinnance, she looks -very pretty, and I believe will sail well in smooth Water, having all -Masts, Sails, Rigging, and Materials, like one of the Half-Galley’s -fitted out for her Majesty’s Service in <i>England</i>: They gave our Ship’s -Company three Huzza’s, and we<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_108" id="page_108"></a>{108}</span> return’d them the like at parting. I told -Capt. <i>Cooke</i>, if we should be forc’d out of the Road, or give Chase -hence, we would leave a Glass-Bottle bury’d near a remarkable great -Stone, that I show’d him, with Letters in it, to give an account how it -was with us, of the occasion of our Departure, and where to meet again: -I bid him acquaint Capt. <i>Courtney</i> with it.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 22.</i> This Morning a <i>Spaniard</i> belonging to us, nam’d <i>Silvester -Ramos</i>, died suddenly, and we buried him at night. Most of our Men are -healthy, except two or three who are ill of the Scurvey.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 23.</i> This Morning we began to scrub our Ship, and clear’d -abundance of Barnacles off her Bottom, almost as large as Muscles. A -Ship grows foul very fast in these Seas.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 25.</i> We caught plenty of very good Fish. The Seals are numerous -here, but not so many as at <i>Juan Fernandez</i>: A large one seiz’d a stout -<i>Dutchman</i>, had like to have pull’d him into the Water, and bit him to -the bone in several places, in one of his Arms and Legs.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 26.</i> This Morning the <i>Dutchess</i> came in with a Prize call’d the -<i>Santa Josepha</i>, bound from <i>Guiaquil</i> to <i>Truxillo</i>, Burden about 50 -Tuns, full of Timber, with some Cocou, and Coco-Nuts, and Tobacco which -we distributed among our Men: The <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Beginning</i> took her -between this Island and the Main; she had very little of Value on board.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 27.</i> This Morning we gave our Ship a good heel, and tallow’d her -low down. A <i>Dutchman</i> belonging to the <i>Dutchess</i> died of the Scurvy -ashore, and was buried on the Island.</p> - -<p><i>Mar. 30.</i> Yesterday afternoon we got the second Prize (which we call’d -the <i>Increase</i>) aboard us, and clean’d her. We brought all off shore, -and launch’d our new Boat to tow at our stern, and at ten a clock came -to sail, after we had put Mr. <i>Stratton</i> to command the <i>Beginning</i>, and -all our sick Men and a Doctor of each Ship aboard the <i>Increase</i>, of -which Mr. <i>Selkirk</i>, our second Mate, was appointed Master.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Description of Lobos.</i></div> - -<p>By Observation we had here, this Island lies in Lat. 6. 50. S. the -Variation 3. 30. Easterly; and I reckon it lies in the Longitude of 87. -35. West from <i>London</i>. The two largest Islands, call’d <i>Lobos de la -Mar</i> (to distinguish them from others call’d <i>Lobos de la Terra</i>, within -2 Ls. of the Land) are about 16 Ls. from the Main, and 6 Miles in -length.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_109" id="page_109"></a>{109}</span> There’s another small Island close by the Eastermost to -Windward, not half a mile long, with some Rocks and Breakers near the -Shore, all round and off of each side of the Entrance to the Road, which -is bold and has no visible Danger. There’s a Passage for Boats to -Windward, to come into the Road, which is to the Leeward of these -Islands in a Sound between them. ’Tis not half a mile broad, but above a -mile deep has from 10 to 20 fathom Water, and good Anchor-ground: -there’s no coming in for Ships, but to Leeward of the Islands. We went -in with a small Weather-Tide, tho I never perceiv’d it flow above 3 foot -whilst we lay here. The Wind commonly blows Southerly, veering a little -to the Eastward: on the Eastermost Island (which was on our Larboard -side as we lay at anchor in the Sound) there is a round Hummock, and -behind it a small Cove very smooth, deep, and convenient enough for a -Ship to careen in; there we haul’d up, and fitted our little Frigat. The -highest part of the Island appears in the Road not much higher than a -large Ship’s Top-Mast head. The Soil is a hungry white clayish Earth, -mix’d with Sand and Rocks. There’s no fresh Water, or green things on -the Islands: Here’s abundance of Vultures, <i>alias</i> Carrion-Crows, which -look’d so like Turkeys, that one of our Officers at landing bless’d -himself at the sight, and hop’d to fare deliciously here. He was so -eager, that he would not stay till the Boat could put him ashore, but -leap’d into the Water with his Gun, and getting near enough to a parcel, -let fly at ’em; but when he came to take up his Game, it stunk -insufferably, and made us merry at his Mistake. The other Birds here are -Penguins, Pellicans, Boobys, Gulls, and a sort of Fowls like Teal, that -nestle in holes on the Land. Our Men got Loads of ’em, which they -skin’d, and prais’d them for very good Meat. We found abundance of -Bull-Rushes and empty Jars that the <i>Spanish</i> Fishermen had left ashore. -All over this Coast they use Jars instead of Casks, for Oil, Wine, and -all other sorts of Liquids. Here’s abundance of Seals and some -Sea-Lions; the Seals are much larger than at <i>Juan Fernandez</i>, but the -Fur not so fine. Our People kill’d several with a design to eat their -Livers; but one of our Crew, a <i>Spaniard</i>, dying suddenly after eating -’em, I forbad the use of ’em. Our Prisoners told us, they accounted -those old Seals very unwholesom. The Wind always blowing fresh over the -Land, brought an ugly noisom Smell aboard from the Seals ashore; which -gave me a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_110" id="page_110"></a>{110}</span> violent Head-Ach, and every body else complain’d of this -nauseous Smell; we found nothing so offensive at <i>Juan Fernandez</i>.</p> - -<p>Our Prisoners tell us, they expect the Widow of the late Vice-Roy of -<i>Peru</i> would shortly embark for <i>Aquapulco</i>, with her Family and Riches, -and stop at <i>Payta</i> to refresh, or sail near in sight as customary, in -one of the King’s Ships of 36 Guns; and that about eight months ago -there was a Ship with 200000 Pieces of Eight aboard, the rest of her -Cargo Liquors and Flower, which had pass’d <i>Payta</i> for <i>Aquapulco</i>: she -would have been a welcome Prize to us, but since she is gone, it’s not -worth while to follow her. Our Prisoners added, That they left Signior -<i>Morel</i> in a stout Ship with dry Goods for <i>Lima</i>, recruiting at -<i>Payta</i>, where he expected in few days a <i>French</i>-built Ship, belonging -to the <i>Spaniards</i>, to come from <i>Panama</i> richly laden, with a Bishop -aboard. <i>Payta</i> is a common Recruiting-place to those who go to or from -<i>Lima</i>, or most Ports to Windward, in their Trade to <i>Panama</i>, or any -part of the Coast of Mexico. Upon this Advice we agreed to spend as much -time as possible cruising off of <i>Payta</i>, without discovering our -selves, for fear of hindring our other Designs.</p> - -<p>At these Islands Capt. <i>Dampier</i> in his last Voyage left his Ship the -<i>St. George</i> at anchor, and went to the <i>East-Indies</i> in a <i>Spanish</i> -Brigantine with about 25 Men: After he had plunder’d <i>Puna</i> in 1704. and -water’d his small Bark near it, he endur’d many Hardships, and for want -of his Commission to show (which he lost at <i>Puna</i>) he was imprison’d, -and had all his Goods seiz’d in the <i>Indies</i> by the <i>Dutch</i>.</p> - -<p>Before we came hither, we held a Committee, and publish’d an Order in -both Ships, forbidding our Officers or Men on severe Penalties to hold -any Correspondence, or talk any thing that in the least concerns the -Voyage, with our Prisoners; which was strictly observ’d, to prevent the -Discovery of our Designs to the <i>Spaniards</i>.</p> - -<p><i>April 1.</i> Small Gales, fair clear Weather. This Morning I went in our -Yall on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, and afterwards spoke with the <i>Beginning</i>. -We agreed how to act, in case we see more than one Sail at a time to -chase.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Lobos to the Northward.</i></div> - -<p><i>April 2.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we were surpriz’d with the Colour -of the Water, which look’d as red as Blood for several miles, occasion’d -by the Spawn of Fish. This Morning at Daybreak we spy’d a Sail about 2 -Ls. to Windward: We immediately hoisted out and mann’d our Pinnace,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_111" id="page_111"></a>{111}</span> -commanded by Mr. <i>Frye</i> my chief Lieutenant, who by eight in the Morning -took the Ship; she was call’d the <i>Ascension</i>, built Galeon-fashion, -very high with Galleries, Burden between 4 and 500 Tun, two Brothers -being Commanders, <i>viz.</i> <i>Joseph</i> and <i>John Morel</i>. She was laden with -dry Goods and Timber, had above 50 Negroes, and several Passengers bound -from <i>Panama</i> to <i>Lima</i>.</p> - -<p><i>April 3.</i> We immediately mann’d this Prize, took some of the -<i>Spaniards</i> out of her, and put in Mr. <i>Frye</i> Commander. We found a good -stock of fresh Provisions on board. In the Evening we saw another Sail, -which the <i>Beginning</i> took, and brought her to the rest this Morning: -She was a Vessel of 35 Tuns, laden with Timber from <i>Guiaquil</i> to -<i>Chancay</i> near <i>Lima</i>; the Master’s Name was <i>Juan Guastellos</i>, the Crew -11 white Men and 1 Negro. We agreed with the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Beginning</i> -when and where to meet; and having all our Stations appointed, they left -us. We were inform’d by the Prisoners, that the Bishop of <i>Chokeaqua</i>, a -Place far up the Country in the South Parts of <i>Peru</i>, was to have come -from <i>Panama</i> in this Vessel for <i>Lima</i>, in his way to the said -Bishoprick; but the Ship springing a Leak at <i>Panama</i>, he went on board -a <i>French</i>-built Ship belonging to the <i>Spaniards</i> that was following -them for <i>Lima</i>, but would stop at <i>Payta</i> to recruit, as the <i>Morels</i> -had done. Being near that place, we resolve to watch narrowly in order -to catch the Ship with his Lordship.</p> - -<p><i>April 4.</i> About six in the Evening we parted with Mr. <i>Frye</i> in the -great Prize, having order’d him with the two other Prizes to keep -together, and ply about 8 Ls. off shore in sight of the Hummocks call’d -the Saddle of <i>Payta</i>, because they appear in that shape with low Land -betwixt ’em. We stood in for the Shore, and next Morning saw a Ship to -Leeward, and gave chase; she made a Signal, by which we knew her to be -the <i>Dutchess</i>; but being at a distance, and we not having kept out our -Signal long enough, they did not see it. We kept on sail till we came -near her, which made them clear their Ship in order to fight: I did this -to surprize them, and at Noon went on board.</p> - -<p><i>April 5.</i> I kept the <i>Dutchess</i> company till the Evening; and whilst I -was on board her, the <i>Beginning</i> came down to us. We agreed on an exact -Station; the <i>Beginning</i> to keep close in with <i>Payta</i>, the <i>Dutchess</i> 8 -Ls. to Leeward, and I to lie right off of <i>Payta</i> about 7 or 8 Ls. a -little to Windward. Just as the sun set I left them; they fancy’d they -saw a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_112" id="page_112"></a>{112}</span> Sail, and chas’d in great haste: but we saw nothing except the -blowing of a Whale, of which there are abundance on this Coast. Wind -from the S E by S. to the E S E.</p> - -<p><i>April 6.</i> We came up with our three Prizes about four a clock in the -Afternoon, and found all in good order. Mr. <i>Frye</i> had fitted out the -great Boat we built at <i>Lobos</i>, which we call a Launch, with Sails and -Oars, ready to give chase if they saw any thing in little Winds, having -Men enough for that end, in these peaceable Seas, where they are in no -fear of an Enemy.</p> - -<p><i>April 7.</i> At eight this Morning the Saddle of <i>Payta</i> bore E N E. 7 Ls. -at Noon N E. dist. 10 Ls. I went on board the Galeon to Mr. <i>Frye</i>, and -station’d him again, leaving Signals for the other two, if he saw ’em; -and after having din’d on a good Quarter of Mutton and Cabbage with him, -which is a great Rarity to us here, I came on board, in order to leave -him the second time.</p> - -<p>Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> threatning to shoot one of our Men at <i>Lobos</i>, only for -refusing to carry some Carrion-Crows that he shot, and having lately -abus’d Capt. <i>Dover</i>, as he said; the latter desir’d a Committee might -be call’d to examine into Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i>’s Conduct, and we came to the -following Issue: <i>That Mr.</i> Vanbrugh <i>had committed sundry -Misdemeanours, and according to our Orders, we not believing him a fit -Person to be one of the Committee, had chosen Mr.</i> Samuel Hopkins <i>in -his stead</i>. Which was sign’d, and agreed to by all the Committee in both -Ships.</p> - -<p>At the same time, while we were together, we had a second Committee; -which concluded as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have examin’d and do approve of all the Proceedings and -Transactions since our leaving the Island of</i> Grande <i>on the Coast -of</i> Brazile, <i>both as to punishing Offenders, our Dispatch at</i> Juan -Fernandez, <i>and staying at</i> Lobos <i>to build our Boat, and acting in -all cases for the best of our intended Voyage to this time. In -Testimony of which, we have set our Hands the Day and Year -above-written.</i></p> - -<p>Sign’d by all the chief Officers in both Ships.</p></div> - -<p><i>April 11.</i> Yesterday afternoon we all met aboard the <i>Duke</i>, to consult -how to act; for beginning to grow short of Water, we can’t keep the Sea -much longer.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Lobos to the Northward.</i></div> - -<p><i>April 12.</i> This Morning we came to a full Resolution to land and -attempt <i>Guiaquil</i>. In order thereunto we fix’d two Barks, put -Ammunition and Arms on board them, with our<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_113" id="page_113"></a>{113}</span> four Quarter-Deck Guns and -Field-Carriages. And for the Management of this Expedition, we held a -Committee, and resolv’d on the following Particulars.</p> - -<p class="c">At a Committee held on board the <i>Duke-Frigot</i></p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have consulted and examin’d sundry Pilots taken in Prizes, and had -several Meetings on this Occasion, being provided with convenient -Vessels to carry our Men, Guns, Arms, and other Necessaries to</i> -Guiaquil: <i>We resolve to attempt it, having also consulted the most -secret way of managing our Attempts on it without discovery. We do -approve and appoint Capt.</i> Tho. Dover, <i>Capt.</i> Woodes Rogers, <i>and -Capt.</i> Stephen Courtney, <i>to command the Men design’d to land in three -equal Parties; except 21 Men with Capt.</i> William Dampier <i>and Mr.</i> Tho. -Glendall, <i>who are to manage and take care of the Guns, Ammunition, -Provisions</i>, &c. <i>which we agree to be lodg’d in a convenient place, as -near as possible to the best Landing-place nearest the Water-side, in -order to take care and help ship off the Effects that we may take in the -Town; who are also to serve either Commander, where most wanted.</i></p> - -<p><i>We leave the Management of this Expedition wholly to the prudent -Conduct of the above Commanders, whom we heartily wish and desire to -consult each other on all occasions, as the most promising Method to -succeed and keep our Designs secret; which is the only way to prevent -the Enemies removing their Wealth, or giving us a vigorous Reception. -This is our Opinion; in witness whereof we have set our Hands, the</i> -12<i>th of</i> April 1709.</p> - -<p class="c"> -Sign’d by all the chief Officers in both Ships.<br /> -</p> - -<p>Memorandum,</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have considered the Opinion of the foregoing Committee sign’d this -Day, and do jointly concur with them, and accordingly design to -prosecute it with our Lives and Fortunes to the utmost of our Power and -Judgment. Witness our Hands, this</i> 12<i>th Day of</i> April 1709.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Presid.</i> </td><td align="left">Stephen Courtney.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>April 13.</i> We appointed an Officer to every ten Men, to prevent -Disorders, and stragling ashore.</p> - -<p>The Committee having agreed on our Method of Command, left it to us -jointly and vigorously to attack the Enemy ashore;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_114" id="page_114"></a>{114}</span> we knew that -Misfortunes attend Sailors when out of their Element: and hearing that -they began to murmur about the Encouragement they were to expect for -Landing, which they alledg’d was a risque more than they were ship’d -for; to prevent their Desertion, which we had reason to apprehend, since -they were a mix’d Gang of most <i>European</i> Nations, we the Commanders -agreed on the most plausible Methods we could then think of, to form a -good Discipline among ’em, if possible, and to give ’em all needful -Encouragement, that we might depend on their good Order and Bravery; and -therefore came to the following Resolves.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>HEREAS as it is agreed to land and take the Town of</i> Guiaquil, <i>we -fully resolve to do it with all manner of Privacy and Dispatch; and that -we our selves and our Men may have full Encouragement to attempt it -bravely and cheerfully, we publish this following Order.</i></p> - -<p>Imprim. <i>All manner of Bedding and Clothes without stripping, all manner -of Necessaries, Gold Rings, Buckles, Buttons, Liquors, and Provisions -for our own expending and use, with all sorts of Arms and Ammunition, -except great Guns for Ships, is Plunder, and shall be divided equally -amongst the Men of each Ship, with their Prizes, wither aboard or -ashore, according to the whole Shares.</i></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing towards Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p>2. <i>It is also agreed, that any sort of wrought Silver or Gold -Crucifixes, Gold and Silver Watches, or any other Movables found about -the Prisoners, or wearing Apparel of any kind, shall likewise be -Plunder: Provided always we make this Reserve, that Mony and Womens -Ear-Rings, with loose Diamonds, Pearls, and precious Stones be excepted. -And if any thing is short and omitted in this Publication, we do hereby -declare, that when this Expedition is over, every particular Man shall -have a Hearing; or the Persons already appointed for the Company of both -Ships, may come to us, and insist on what is or ought to be deem’d -Plunder, either more or less than what is here inserted; and that a -general Committee of the Officers of both Ships shall immediately meet, -and at once resolve if any mors is or ought to be Plunder. And that we -shall give all manner of Encouragement, without Fraud to the Owners, or -Prejudice to our selves, Officers, and Men, in the same manner as agreed -on at the Island of</i> St. Vincent <i>on this head: Provided always that our -Intent and Meaning for the Mens Encouragement be not made liable to a -Construction prejudicial to the Owners, or Ships Companies Interest; and -that under pretence of the aforesaid Movables allow’d to be Plunder, no -Person whatsoever do seize on, or clandestinely hide any wrought or<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_115" id="page_115"></a>{115}</span> -unwrought Gold or Silver, Pearls, Jewels, Diamonds, and other precious -Stones, which are not found about the Prisoners, or their wearing -Apparel; which shall be accounted a high Misdemeanour, and punish’d -severely: And that no Person do presume to keep any Plunder, but -immediately deliver it to his Officers publickly, and carry it directly -to the Place appointed for Plunder.</i></p> - -<p><i>In case this or any other Town, Fort, Ships, or the like, be taken in -this Expedition by Storm, then the same Encouragement shall be allow’d -each Man, as agreed on at</i> St. Vincent, <i>over and above the Gratuity -promis’d by the Owners, to such as shall signalize themselves in time of -Action, as by their Instrument appears. But if any Party of ours, or the -whole, or any separate Body shall be engag’d with the Enemy on shore, -and become Victors, then all Prisoners, the Mony, Arms, and Movables -about ’em, are immediately on that place to be brought to the Officer or -Officers of that Body or Party, and put into a general Stock, to be -divided proportionately amongst those only of our Men that were engag’d -in that Action, who are to enjoy the whole Reputation and Right of it to -themselves.</i></p> - -<p><i>And tho there had been nothing yet taken worth a Division of Plunder, -we don’t question but the effecting this good Enterprize will equally -encourage us all, and that we shall gladly and expeditiously get the -Wealth of the Town brought to the places appointed on shore. There shall -at the same time be several Places appointed, and Men to receive -Plunder, and a sufficient time before we leave the Town allow’d to ship -it off by it self, and Men appointed to take care and an account of it; -which, with all other Plunder, shall be enter’d in publick Books: and -when we come on board, we hope and design to divide it equally, to the -Satisfaction of all concern’d.</i></p> - -<p><i>And to prevent all manner of pernicious and mischievous Ill-Conduct -that may accrue by Disorders on shore, we pressingly remind you, that -any Officer or other that shall be so brutish as to be drunk ashore in -an Enemy’s Country, shall not only be severely punish’d, but lose all -share of whatsoever is taken in this Expedition. The same Punishment -shall be inflicted on any that disobeys Command, or runs from his Post, -discourages our Men, or is cowardly in any Action, or presumes to burn -or destroy any thing in the Town without our Order, or for mischief -sake; or that shall be so sneakingly barbarous to debauch themselves -with any Prisoners on shore, where we have more generous things to do, -both for our own Benefit and the future Reputation of our selves and our -Country. We shall always take care to keep Prisoners of the best Note, -as Pledged for our Men that may be accidentally missing: for as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_116" id="page_116"></a>{116}</span> soon as -any Man is wanting, we shall engage the</i> Spaniards <i>to bring him to us, -or give a satisfactory account of him. But we desire no Man to trust to -this, or be a moment from his Officers and Post. And if all the -foregoing Rules be strictly follow’d, we hope to exceed all other -Attempts of this nature before us in these Parts; and not only to enrich -and oblige our selves and Friends, but even to gain Reputation from our -Enemies. Dated and sign’d on board the</i> Duke, <i>the</i> 13<i>th of</i> April, -1709.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">Stephen Courtney.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woode Rogers.</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>April 14.</i> This Morning we got all our Arms, Ammunition, and -Provisions, with part of our Men, <i>&c.</i> aboard. Our Bark being the -largest, we took in part of Capt. <i>Courtney’s</i> Men; and his Bark -carrying the rest, we stood into the great Bay of <i>Guiaquil</i> all night, -designing to leave the Ships a good distance at Sea, for fear of being -discover’d from the Town call’d <i>Tombes</i>, which lying on the Starboard -side going in, would ruin our Design. Wind at South, but very little. -Lat. 4. 23. 85. 42.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing towards Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p><i>April 15.</i> At Break of Day we saw a Ship between us and the Land: being -calm, we sent off both our Pinnaces mann’d and arm’d. But our Men -expecting no Resistance from that Ship, they hurry’d from us, left out -their Swivel-Gun, and carry’d but a slender Stock of Arms with them. My -Brother <i>John Rogers</i> being unfortunately aboard our Ship, to assist me -in getting ready, because he was to be Lieutenant of my Company ashore, -he stept into our Boat. I had before this oppos’d his landing, which he -resented as a Slight; and this hinder’d me stopping him now, tho it was -not his business, he being second Lieutenant of our Consort, and we -having Officers enough of our own for that Service: but Mr. <i>Frye</i>, who -commanded the Boat, being related to us, was the occasion of my -Brother’s Willingness to go as a Volunteer with him. The <i>Dutchess’s</i> -Pinnace was worse provided than ours, and had not Arms enough for their -Men, as Capt. <i>Cooke</i> told me afterwards. About nine a clock our Boat -came within shot of the Ship, which prov’d to be the <i>French</i>-built Ship -belonging to <i>Lima</i>, the same we have been a cruising for. They hoisted -their <i>Spanish</i> Ensign in its place, and a Flag at their Top-Mast-Head; -which our Boats took to be the Bishop’s Banner, because it was broad, -made of white Sattin and fring’d, which was unusual Colours in Ships. -They fir’d a Gun at our Boat, which lay<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_117" id="page_117"></a>{117}</span> still above half an hour before -the <i>Dutchess</i> Pinnace came up, she not rowing so well as ours. When -they came up, Capt. <i>Cooke</i>, Mr. <i>Frye</i>, and my Brother consulted how to -begin the Attack with advantage: They agreed that our Boat should ply -her under the Stern, and the other on the Bow, till they could get near -enough to board at once. But when they came up, the <i>Spaniards</i> brought -a Gun right aft, and upwards of twenty small Arms pointed into the -Boats; so that the Fight began before they could reach the Station -agreed on, and both were forc’d to engage the Enemy abaft, where they -had five Guns mounted. Our People were constrain’d to fall a-stern -twice, after the loss of one Man kill’d and three wounded. The Boats and -Sails were much damag’d by the Enemies Partridge-shot,<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> yet they -again attempted to come up and board her. At this Attack my unfortunate -Brother was shot thro the Head, and instantly died, to my unspeakable -Sorrow: but as I began this Voyage with a Resolution to go thro it, and -the greatest Misfortune or Obstacle shall not deter me, I’ll as much as -possible avoid being thoughtful and afflicting my self for what can’t be -recall’d, but indefatigably pursue the Concerns of the Voyage, which has -hitherto allow’d little Respite. Our Men, upon this Disaster, left -engaging, and put all their spare Men and Arms into the <i>Dutchess</i>’s -Boat; who was to keep between the Enemy and the Shore, to prevent them -from landing their Riches. Our Ships having little Wind, were yet at a -distance; and our Boat came aboard after noon, with two dead and three -wounded Men.</p> - -<p><i>April 16.</i> We got possession of the <i>Spanish</i> Ship about two yesterday -in the afternoon. She had upwards of 50 <i>Spaniards</i> and above 100 -Negroes, <i>Indians</i>, and Molattoes on board. They would not strike till -within half-shot of our Ships: The <i>Dutchess</i> being somewhat nearest, -fir’d two Shot over her, and then she struck, and bore down to us. But -we miss’d the Bishop, who ten days before landed at Point <i>St. Hellena</i>, -with his Attendants, Plate, <i>&c.</i> designing to stop at <i>Guiaquil</i>. This -Morning we saw a small Sail under the shore; we sent our Pinnace and the -<i>Beginning</i>, who brought her off to us: she prov’d a small Bark from -<i>Payta</i> with Soap, Cassa, Fistula, and Leather. About twelve we read the -Prayers for the Dead, and threw my dear Brother overboard, with one of -our Sailors, another lying dangerously<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_118" id="page_118"></a>{118}</span> ill. We hoisted our Colours but -half-mast up: We began first, and the rest follow’d, firing each some -Volleys of small Arms. All our Officers express’d a great Concern for -the Loss of my Brother, he being a very hopeful active young Man, a -little above twenty Years of Age.</p> - -<p><i>April 17.</i> We made ready to go ashore, and read the Encouragement -agreed on the 13<i>th</i> to the Men, who all express themselves well pleas’d -with the Undertaking, and were so forward to land, that they make all -the Interest possible to go ashore; not considering that we must secure -a safe Retreat, by leaving a sufficient number on board our Ships to man -’em and guard our Prisoners: but it was a proof of their Courage, since -the Advantage was alike, either to stay on board or go ashore. To -prevent their stragling when landed, we gave each Man a Ticket, that he -might remember what Company he belong’d to; and appointed the best and -soberest Man we could pick to command every ten Men under the Captains. -Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I being willing to compliment our President Capt. -<i>Dover</i>, agreed that he should have the Preference in Command at our -Landing: being a considerable Owner in our Ship, he had an equal third -part of the Men allotted to be under his Command whilst ashore; we were -afterwards to take it in turns.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Isle of Puna.</i></div> - -<p><i>April 18.</i> Yesterday Afternoon Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I settl’d every -thing on board our Ships and Prizes, and got all the Men design’d for -Landing on board the Barks. We proportion’d the rest, and put Irons on -board every Ship, because having many more Prisoners than we could leave -Men to guard ’em, we must have ’em well secur’d. We agreed to leave on -board the <i>Duke</i> 42 Men and Boys, sick and well, <i>Robert Fry</i> Commander; -37 aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, <i>Edward Cook</i> Commander; 14 aboard the -Galleon, <i>John Bridge</i> Master; 14 aboard the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, <i>Robert -Knowlman</i> Master; and 4 aboard the <i>Beginning</i>, <i>Henry Duck</i> Master: The -whole being 111, and 201 were design’d for the Shore. The Prisoners on -board are above 300, more than one half <i>Spaniards</i> and <i>Indians</i>, the -rest <i>Negroes</i>. The Captain and 7 of the chief <i>Spaniards</i> taken in the -last Prize I carried aboard our Bark to go with us to the Town, fearing -they might be dangerous Persons to leave behind us. Last Midnight we -left the Ships, every thing being in good order aboard both -Imbarkations. We were, when we parted, about 9 Leagues distant from the -Island <i>Sancta Clara</i>, and <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_119" id="page_119"></a>{119}</span>not less than 36 from <i>Guiaquil</i>. We order’d -Capt. <i>Cook</i> and <i>Fry</i> to keep at Sea undiscover’d 48 Hours, and then to -make the best of their way to Point <i>Arena</i>, and stay there at an Anchor -till our Return, having engag’d Sen. <i>Morell</i> and another <i>Spaniard</i> to -be their Pilots. About 12 this Day we pass’d by the Island <i>Sancta -Clara</i>, having little Wind, and the Weather very hot. This Island -appears like a Corps extended, therefore the <i>Spaniards</i> call it -<i>Mortho</i>; it’s not above two Miles long: We left it on the -Starboard-side, which is not the Ships Channel; for none enter that way -but Barks, by reason of Shoals both on the Island and towards the Main, -within it, to the Northward.</p> - -<p>About 10 last Night we came to an Anchor in sight of Point <i>Arena</i> with -both Barks, not being able to stem the Tide. At 4 in the Morning we -weigh’d, when Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I, with our Boats and 40 Men, left -the Barks, and order’d ’em to lie at <i>Puna</i> one Tide after us, that we -might have time to surprize <i>Guiaquil</i> before they should appear in -sight of it to alarm them; for we had notice, that they keep a Look-out -a League below the Town. We reach’d about half way to <i>Puna</i>, and landed -on the Island, where we staid during the Ebb Tide, and hid our Boats -under the Mangrove Branches. This Island is not passable, being full of -thick Mangroves and Swamps, that swarm with Musketo’s.</p> - -<p><i>April 20.</i> Yesterday in the Evening we rowed and towed one another with -the Flood, that if seen in the Night, we might look like Drift Timber. -We had an excellent <i>Indian</i> Pilot, that advis’d us to come to a -Graplin<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> about 11 at Night, to lie in our Boats about a Mile short -of the Town, and to surprize ’em by Break of Day. We took his Advice, -but just as we got in by the Town, saw two Lights by the Water-side in -Bark Logs, which we secured with all the Canoes; but an <i>Indian</i> -escaping, he alarm’d the People about the Church, who ran into the Woods -before we could reach the Houses: However we secur’d the Lieutenant that -governs here, with his Family, and about 20 others, who assur’d us there -could be no body to give notice of us to <i>Guiaquil</i>, now we had secur’d -them, and the rest being fled to the Woods. We sent some of our Men, who -took the Look-outs at their Posts, and cut all their Canoes and -Bark-Logs to pieces there, and also at the Town., The Day was hot, and -two of our Men finding Liquors in the Houses, got drunk betimes. This -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_120" id="page_120"></a>{120}</span>Place has about 30 Houses, and a small Chappel. We found a <i>Spanish</i> -Paper here, that gave us some Uneasiness; it was directed to the -Lieutenant who had the chief Command here, and orderd him to keep a -strict Watch, signifying that they had notice of Capt. <i>Dampier’s</i> -coming Pilot to a Squadron into these Seas. The Copy of this Paper was -sent from <i>Lima</i> to all inhabited Places on the Coast of <i>Peru</i>, -signifying, that the <i>French</i> were on the first notice to fit out after -us; and the Bark that came from <i>Paita</i> told us of two great Ships that -lay in <i>Callo</i> Road, and one at <i>Pisco</i>, besides two in <i>Conception</i>, a -Port of <i>Chili</i>; being all <i>French</i> Frigats from 40 to 50 Guns and -upwards, notwithstanding the Report of their not coming into these Seas -any more. But to our great Satisfaction we are certain, that we were not -discover’d before this, and that it’s next to impossible any sufficient -Force can arm out from <i>Lima</i>, to be here in less than 24 Days, by which -time we hope to finish, and be gone where they cannot find us. But since -we perceive their Accounts of us imperfect, and that they believe a -Squadron comes under Capt. <i>Dampier’s</i> Pilotage, and he being known by -the People, because he surprized this Village when last in these Seas; -we agreed amongst our selves how to improve this <i>Spanish</i> Story of a -Squadron, which I hope will not only hinder their fitting out from -<i>Lima</i>, but even alarm them there. The Substance of this <i>Spanish</i> -Advice Paper, in <i>English</i>, is as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang"><i>To the Lieutenant General</i> Don Hieronimo Boza y Soliz, -<i>Corregidore and Judge of the City of</i> St. Jago de Guiaquil, <i>under -the Jurisdiction of the Captain General for his Majesty.</i></p></div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">“I</span> Have a Letter I received from his Excellency the Lord Marquis <i>de -Castel dos Reys</i>, Viceroy, Governour, and Captain General of these -Kingdoms, with the Copy of another of the tenor following.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Before Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p>“In the Packet with Letters from <i>Spain</i>, which I have received, there -are Orders from his Majesty, giving an account of a Squadron of 7 Sail, -getting ready at <i>London</i> by several Lords, from 44 to 74 Guns each, to -sail to the <i>South Sea</i>, under the Conduct of an <i>English</i>-man nam’d -<i>Dampier</i>: That they are first to sail for <i>Ireland</i> in <i>April</i> to -victual there, and afterwards to possess themselves of an Island and -Harbour in these Seas, and particularly the Island of <i>Juan Fernandez</i>. -You are to give an account<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_121" id="page_121"></a>{121}</span> to all those Provinces where ’tis necessary, -that they may take proper Measures to guard the Coasts and Harbors. -Order <i>Don Hieronimo</i>, as soon as he receives this, to give notice of it -to the People on all the Coasts under his Jurisdiction to withdraw their -Cattle and Provisions, and that he don’t neglect to put this in -execution; that so the Enemies finding no Provision, may be oblig’d to -retire from these Seas, whither they can’t bring Provision enough to -maintain them for so long a Voyage. And let the said <i>Don Hieronimo</i> -place Guards on all the Coasts, and in all the Sea-ports where ’tis -necessary, with Orders to be vigilant, and carefully to observe every -Sail that comes into any Port, and give an account of their Numbers with -the utmost dispatch to <i>Don Hieronimo</i> the Corregidore, that he may send -the same from one Corregidore to another till it come to the Viceroy’s -hands, without fail, all along the Coasts belonging to <i>Don Hieronimo</i>, -and particularly that those he has given Orders to, do immediately -dispatch ’em for the King’s Service. This I trust he will do to all that -can give notice of the Enemies Motions, that it may be impossible for -’em to get Provisions on the Coast, when ’tis well guarded, or in the -Villages of his Jurisdiction; and I trust to his Activity and Zeal for -the Royal Service in a Matter of such weight and consequence; and that -he also give notice if there be on the Coasts or Ports in his -Jurisdiction any <i>French</i> Ships, as we hear there is in these Seas, and -give ’em warning of the Enemy’s Squadron, take a Certificate that he -gave ’em such notice, and send it to me, that they mayn’t pretend to -have been surpriz’d, if the Enemy get any advantage of ’em. God preserve -<i>Don Hieronimo</i>, &c.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Lima</i>, March </td><td> </td><td align="left"><i>El. Marq. de Castel de los Reyos.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td class="c">20, 1709.</td><td> </td><td align="left"><i>Don. Hieronimo Boza de Solis</i>, &c.</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>“The like Orders are sent to the Lieutenant General, and the other -Officers belonging to the Sea Coast, and the Lieutenant of <i>Puna</i>, -<i>&c.</i>”</p> - -<p><i>April 21.</i> At 2 Yesterday Afternoon I left Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. -<i>Dampier</i> at <i>Puna</i>, and went in quest of the Barks, admiring they did -not come in sight, they being now a Tide and half behind. I carried with -me the Lieutenant of <i>Puna</i>, and went with the great Launch and our -Pinnace, designing to join Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Dampier</i> again, -who are to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_122" id="page_122"></a>{122}</span> lie all Night in the River, to prevent being discover’d by -any Advice going up before us to <i>Guiaquil</i>. I found the Barks about 4 a -Clock 4 Leagues below <i>Puna</i>: They had been with us according to -Appointment, but last Night were misinform’d by the Pilot aboard the -<i>Dutchess’s</i> Bark, who brought ’em to anchor with a fair Wind below that -Place, thinking they had got the Length of it; our Bark’s Pilot (who was -the best) being with us in the Boats. We got other Pilots at <i>Puna</i>, and -left him aboard the Bark, where I punish’d one that I brought aboard -drunk from <i>Puna</i>, and had him severely whipt before the whole Company -as a Terror to the rest. I was not aboard above half an hour before low -Water, and had just time to imbark Capt. <i>Dover</i> and part of his Company -in the Launch, and as many more as we could carry in our Pinnace to get -before the Barks up the River. We rowed till 12 at Night, judg’d it High -Water, and came to a Graplin: We saw Lights, which we took to be <i>Puna</i>. -It blow’d fresh, was very dark, with a small rolling Sea, and the Boat -being deep laden and cram’d with Men, I had rather be in a Storm at Sea -than here; but in regard we are about a charming Undertaking, we think -no Fatigue too hard. At Daybreak we saw a Bark above us in the River; we -thought it to be a Stranger, and sent our Pinnace to her: I was in the -Launch behind a Shole, which we were forc’d to go round to get into the -Channel where the Bark was. By 8 a Clock I was aboard her, and found it -to be our Bark, which the honest Pilot had brought so high the last -Tide. We have no sight of the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Bark since we left her last -Night. About 10 we came up with Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, -who told us they had kept a good Look-out, and that nothing had pass’d -them up the River. About Noon it was High-water; we lay with the Boats -under the Mangroves all the Ebb, and the Bark off in the River. We were -now about half way up to <i>Guiaquil</i> from <i>Puna</i>, and might have gone -farther, but that there was a Plantation or Farm a little higher, which -would have discover’d us, and alarm’d the Town, should we have gone -higher before Night.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p><i>April 22.</i> It was very hot Yesterday, and we were pester’d and stung -grievously by the Muskitoes, as we lay under the Mangroves. At 6 in the -Evening the Bark and Boats made way up the River. By 12 at Night we were -in sight of the Town with all the Boats, in which we had 110 Men. We saw -a very great Fire on the top of an adjoining Hill, <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_123" id="page_123"></a>{123}</span>and Lights in the -Town. In half an hour we were a-breast of it, and ready to land, but saw -abundance of Lights appear at once coming down the Hill, and the Town -full of ’em. We enquir’d of the <i>Indians</i>, our Pilots, whether it was -any Saint’s Day, or what might be the Occasion of it, and they answer’d -us, that it must be an Alarm. It was very dark whilst we lay still -driving on the River, being just High-water, we heard a <i>Spaniard</i> from -the Shore, talking loudly that <i>Puna</i> was taken, and that the Enemy were -coming up the River. This made us conclude it was an Alarm. Immediately -after we heard their Bells making a confused Noise, and then a Volly of -Small Arms, and two Great Guns. Above an Hour was spent in Debate -betwixt Capt. <i>Dover</i>, Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, and my self, whether we should -land. I asked the Consent of the Lieutenants in all the Boats about -Landing, telling ’em I suppos’d this to be the first Alarm, and that we -had best land during their Consternation; but they differ’d in opinion, -and few were for landing in the Night. I asked Capt. <i>Dampier</i> how the -Buccaneers behav’d themselves in such Cases, and he told me they never -attack’d any large Place after it was alarm’d. It drew near two in the -Morning, and the Ebb run so strong, that the great Boat and Yall could -not row up to Land; so that it being too late to attempt the Town, I -advised to fall down the River out of sight of it, to meet our Barks, -and land with the Morning Flood. Upon this all our Boats drove down with -the Ebb about a League below the Town, where we lay till Daybreak, and -saw our Bark, Mr. <i>Glendall</i> Commander, brought by the honest <i>Indian</i> -Pilot a Mile above us, for we had passed by him in the Night: We rowed -back to him, and recruited our Men as well as we could. We found the -Water fresh there, and drank of it, tho’ yesterday it was a little -brackish. The Bark lay against a Wood of tall Trees close by the Shore, -and we kept a File of Musketeers with their Arms pointing into the Wood, -with Orders to fire if they saw any Men; and we kept firing a Musket now -and then into the Woods, to prevent Ambuscades. About 3 our Yall and -Launch came aboard, for they could not row back with us to the Bark, -till the Tide slacken’d, and the Flood was coming. At 10 we saw the -<i>Dutchess</i>’s Bark come in sight; immediately I order’d the Anchor to be -got up to fall on the Town, which was about two Miles from us; but Capt. -<i>Dover</i> oppos’d it, press’d that we might have a Consultation with as -many of the Officers as were present, and to lie in the Boat astern of -the Bark, that what was debated might<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_124" id="page_124"></a>{124}</span> not be overheard by the rest of -our Company. We immediately assembled there accordingly, and Capt. -<i>Dover</i> insisted on the Difficulty of attempting the Enemy now they had -been so long alarm’d; alledging we should but throw away our own and our -Mens Lives, or else weaken our selves so much, as might occasion the -Loss of the remaining part of the Voyage, that chiefly brought us from -<i>England</i>, and was our greatest Dependance: That the Town appeared -large, and consequently was much more able to hold out than we to attack -it; and tho’ the <i>Spaniards</i> in these Parts had no extraordinary -fighting Character, yet if they armed the Mullatto’s, as they generally -did on the like Occasions, we might find the Attempt very desperate, -with other Objections not fit to recite here. He concluded, that our -best Method would be to send a Trumpeter with Proposals to the Enemy to -trade with us for the Cargoes of Negroes and other Goods aboard our -Prizes, that an immediate Meeting should be appointed, the Prices for -the Negro’s and Goods fix’d, and good Hostages given us for the -Performance within a limited Time, and if they agreed to this, that we -would not land. This Proposal I withstood by the best Arguments I could, -and urged our landing immediately, least the Enemy gaining Time by our -Delays, might send off their Wealth, and get leisure to strengthen -themselves, so as to bid us defiance. This being put to the Vote, the -Majority was for landing, and as an Obligation on Capt. <i>Dover</i>, who was -a part Owner in our Ships, we agreed he should lead on the Attack as he -requested, and if he took the Town, he should give the Watchword that -Night, and Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I to take it in turns after him: But -this Resolution did not hold; for Capt. <i>Dover</i> reflected on me, and -said I should be answerable for all the Damage that might happen to us -on our Landing. By these Reflections, and some other Peoples -Indifferency, I had reason to doubt the Consequence of attempting the -Enemy with Success, since we were so divided amongst our selves; -therefore at length I yielded to send two of our Prisoners, instead of a -Trumpeter, as Capt. <i>Dover</i> first propos’d, with the foregoing -Proposals. The other Prisoners in our Bark oblig’d themselves for the -Return of these two in less than an Hour; and this Method every one -seem’d to be pleas’d with; so we put the Captain of the <i>French</i>-built -Ship, and the Lieutenant of <i>Puna</i> ashore in our Boat, and charged them -to return from the Shore in less than an Hour, otherwise <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_125" id="page_125"></a>{125}</span>we would land. -In the mean while we ran up with the other Bark, and lay against the -Middle of the Town at an Anchor. As we sail’d up we saw 4 Barks put off -from the Town to go higher up the River, and just as the limited Hour -was past, we sent our Boats well mann’d and arm’d after them, who soon -took and brought ’em to us. Mean while our Prisoners returned in a Boat -from the Town, with the <i>Spanish</i> Master le Camp, who discoursed with -us, and told us, that at his Return ashore the Corregidore or Governour, -with another Gentleman, would come off and treat with us. We soon put -him ashore again, and quickly after came off the Corregidore with -another Gentleman. Capt. <i>Dover</i> and I met them in our Boat, with a -Linguist, and carried them aboard one of the Barks that our Boats had -taken as they endeavour’d to escape up the River.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p><i>April 23.</i> We did nothing yesterday in the Afternoon, but secure the -Barks, and treat with the Governour. Several of our Prisoners told us -they did not doubt to find Credit here, and that they would also deal -with us; so that we were in hopes of more Profit by selling our Cargo’s -and Negro’s than if we had ransack’d the Town. The Corregidore and we -had verbally agreed for the Goods by the Lump, at 140 Pieces of Eight -<i>per</i> Bale, one sort with another, and talked of the Price for other -things. We parted about Five in the Afternoon, he having desir’d to go -ashore, that he might prevail with the other Gentlemen to agree with -him, and promis’d to meet us three Commanders on board one of our Prizes -at 8 in the Evening. We order’d our Linguist to get Candles lighted, and -the best Entertainment we could provide for them; but the Time being -elapsed, and they not appearing, it gave us great reason to suspect we -were trick’d; therefore we sent our Boats again above the Town, and -alarm’d them afresh in the Night. Our Centinels hail’d a Boat after -Midnight, that came aboard us with a Gentleman, who told us he was sent -from the Corregidore with a Present of 2 Bags of Flower, 2 Sheep and 2 -Hogs ready kill’d, 2 Jars of Wine and 2 of Brandy; and to assure us the -Governour had been with us according to Appointment, but that one of the -chief Merchants concern’d was absent; yet he would come off in the -Morning by 7 a Clock, on board one of the new Ships next the Shore, -where he desir’d us to meet him, and requested us to believe he was a -Man of Honour; for tho’ he had been considerably reinforced since he -left us, and that more Men were continually coming into the Town, he -resolved to discharge yesterday’s Promise, and therefore<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_126" id="page_126"></a>{126}</span> hoped we would -forbear offering any Hostilities above the Town, because the Women and -Children were there in Sanctuary, with little or no Wealth to prompt us -to plunder them. We the 3 Commanders return’d our humble Service to the -Corregidore, and our kind Thanks for his Present, being sorry we had -nothing to oblige him with by way of Return; but desir’d he might be -told from us, that we all admir’d at his not keeping his Word according -to Appointment, and still depended that he would convince us he was a -Man of Honour, by meeting us at 7 in the Morning where we agreed last -Night, otherwise our Treaty was at an end. We were all uneasy till 7 in -the Morning, when we saw a Flag of Truce aboard the new Ship, and -supposing the Governour to be there, we mann’d our Pinnace, and sent our -Linguist to give our Promise, that if the Corregidore came aboard the -Bark our Prize, he should be at liberty to return. Upon this he with -three more came aboard, and we order’d our 2 Frigats Barks to go close -under the Shore next the best Part of the Town, and that every thing -should be kept in readiness for Landing, lest we should not agree with -these Gentlemen. Nothing else was transacted this Morning, but our -Conference with these Men: Our first Proposals were 50000 Pieces of -Eight Contribution for the Town, and we would deliver them their 2 new -Ships that lay near the Shore, and 6 Barks, provided they would oblige -themselves to buy our two Prizes Cargoes of Goods and Negroes, and gave -us sufficient Hostages for Payment within 9 Days. The latter they gave -us some Hopes of complying with, if we would take their Words and two -Hostages, which we thought too little; for tho’ they came to our Price -for the Goods, they would not give near that Sum for the Town and Ships, -alledging they were not yet in our Power, and consequently not liable to -so large Contributions; adding, that they had Men and Arms sufficient in -the Town, and Ships to protect them. We all concluded by their dilatory -Treaty, that they only design’d to trick us, and gain Time; upon which -we gave ’em this Answer: That the Ships we could have in a Minute, or -set them on fire; that we did not fear taking the Town at pleasure; that -we look’d upon it as much our own, as if it was in our Possession, and -must have the Money or good Hostages; otherwise before Night we would -set it on fire. By Noon the Corregidore and the other Gentlemen agreed -with us to buy both Cargoes, and to give Hostages for 40000 Pieces of -Eight for the Town, 2 new Ships, and 6<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_127" id="page_127"></a>{127}</span> Barks: But neither of us were to -sign this Agreement till it was confirm’d by the chief Men of the Town -ashore, which the Corregidore was to procure in an hours time.</p> - -<p><i>April 24.</i> About One Yesterday Afternoon the Governour was put ashore -in my Pinnace: Some insisted on our stopping him, because not long -before an <i>Indian</i> came in a Canoe from the Master le Camp, and the -other Officers ashore, to know whether the Governour had agreed. Because -our Barks lay near the Shore the <i>Spaniards</i> kept to Arms, expecting we -might fall on them suddenly; and said they wanted nothing but him, and -if he could not come, his Orders when to begin the Fight with us, if we -did not agree. This Message was deliver’d in our Hearing, and occasion’d -Disputes among us about keeping him Prisoner; those who were for it -urg’d, that if he went ashore the Enemy would certainly fight us, and -that as he had broke with us last Night, we might break with him now; -but I was utterly against it, since we had given him our Word of Honour -to the contrary; and at last we agreed, and sent him ashore. The three -Gentlemen staid with us as Hostages, upon request of the Corregidore, -neither they nor we doubting but the Agreement would be ratified ashore. -The Time allotted for Answer being past, a Messenger from the Town came -to inform us, they could raise but 30000 Pieces of Eight, and not a word -of the Trade; so we sent our Linguist and a Prisoner with our final -Answer, that if they did not in half an hour send us three more good -Hostages for the 40000 Pieces of Eight agreed on, we would take down our -Flag of Truce, land, and give no Quarter, and fire the Town and Ships. -In the mean time we saw the <i>Spaniards</i> quit the new Ships, and we took -possession of them; our Messenger returned, and in half an hour 3 Men -more from the Town came to the Bank against our Barks, holding out a -white Handkerchief to parley again: They told us their Resolution was to -give us 32000 Pieces of Eight, and no more; so we order’d our Linguist -to tell ’em we had done treating, and bid the <i>Spaniards</i> ashore retire -forthwith, and keep out of shot of us, if they design’d to save their -Lives. We all at once hal’d down our White Flag of Truce, and let fly -our <i>English</i> and Field Colours. I order’d 2 of our Guns of about 600 -Weight each, mounted on Field Carriages, into the Great Launch to land -before their Faces, and we fill’d our 3 Boats full of Men. I went in our -Pinnace, Capt. <i>Dover</i> in the Launch, and Capt. <i>Courtney</i> in his -Pinnace, the 3 Boats landing about 70 Men: We towed the Launch<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_128" id="page_128"></a>{128}</span> ashore, -Mr. <i>Glendal</i>, 3<i>d</i> Lieutenant of our Ship, tarried aboard our Bark with -10 Men, to ply our Guns over our Heads into the Town as we landed. The -Enemy drew up their Horse at the End of the Street which fronted our Men -and Barks, and also lin’d the Houses with Men within half Musket-shot of -the Bank where we landed. They made a formidable Show in respect to our -little Number that was to attack them. We landed, and fired every Man on -his Knee at the Brink of the Bank, then loaded, and as we advanced, -call’d to our Bark to forbear firing, for fear of hurting our Men. We -who landed kept loading and firing very fast; but the Enemy made only -one Discharge, and retir’d back to their Guns, where their Horse drew up -a second time; we got to the first Houses, and as we open’d the Streets, -saw 4 Guns pointing at us before a spacious Church; but as our Men came -in sight, firing, the Horse scower’d off. This encourag’d me to call to -our Men to run and seize the Guns, and I immediately hasten’d towards -’em with 8 or 10 of our Men till within Pistol-shot of the Guns, when we -all fir’d, some at the Gunner, and others at the Men in Arms in the -front of the Church, where they appear’d very numerous; but by the time -we had loaded, and more of our Men came in sight, the Enemy began to -run, and quitted the Guns, after they had fired them with round and -Partridge Shot, one of the last was discharg’d at us very near, but -Thanks to God did us no Hurt, and they had not Time to relade them. We -that were foremost ran into the Church, and seized about 10 or 12 -Prisoners. By that time many of our Men were coming up, and Capt. -<i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Dover</i>, with the rest of their Company came all to -the Church, where I staid to secure that Post with a few Men, the rest -march’d with them to the other End of the Town. From the Time we landed -till we took their Guns, and Possession of the Church (which lies above -a Furlong from the Water-side) I believe was not much above half an -hour: I posted Capt. <i>Dampier</i> and above 25 Men with the Guns, which we -turned on the Enemy, who run clear out of the Town. By this time the -remaining part of our Men were landed, and joined me at the Church; then -I marched after Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Dover</i> with this latter -Gang; for most of those that got to the Church with me first I could not -stop, after I had secur’d the Guns; so that 7 of them ran into the -Valley and Woods adjoining to pursue the <i>Spaniards</i>, and having Cowards -to deal with came well back; but being offended at their Boldness, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_129" id="page_129"></a>{129}</span></p> - -<p><a name="ill_005" id="ill_005"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_184_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_184_sml.jpg" width="500" height="339" alt="Image unavailable: SEARCHING THE LADIES OF GUIAQUIL - -From a scarce print in the Macpherson Collection." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">SEARCHING THE LADIES OF GUIAQUIL -<br /> -From a scarce print in the Macpherson Collection.</span> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p class="nind">reprimanded them, and they promis’d never to be guilty of the like Folly -again. All the Men in general behav’d themselves with great Courage, but -like Sailors could be kept under no Command as soon as the first Piece -was fired; however it happen’d much better than we could expect, for now -the Attack is over, they keep handsomely together, and forbear -immoderate Drinking. I overtook Capt. <i>Dover</i> and Capt. <i>Courtney</i> at -the other End of the Town, and left Capt. <i>Dover</i> to keep guard at a -Church there; as I march’d back with Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, I left him in the -Middle of the Town at another Church, and I came to my first Post at the -Church where the Guns were planted, and sent Capt. <i>Dampier</i> with his -Men to reinforce Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Dover</i>. Thus we were in -quiet possession of the Town by Sun-set, and posted our Guards, having -had no Opposition after the Enemy quitted the great Church. In the -Evening I went on board our Barks, settl’d a good Watch, and secur’d the -<i>Spaniards</i> the Corregidore left behind him; then I return’d ashore to -the Church. Capt. <i>Dover</i> set the Houses on fire that fronted the Church -where he was posted, which burnt all Night and the next Day. There was a -Hill near his Quarter, and thick Woods within half Shot of the Church; -so that the Enemy were almost continually popping at him all Night. He -told me that the next Day some Parties appear’d out of the Woods; but -when he fired a Volley at ’em, they retir’d, our Quarters were quiet, -and out of hearing all Night. The Enemy might have done him Mischief, -had they been couragious, since we were not near enough to assist him in -the Night. For the Town being long, we could not keep the whole without -dividing at such a distance; but his firing the Houses cover’d the worst -part of his Quarters that Night, which was of great service to him. -Capt. <i>Courtney</i> relieved him at Day-break, and they both quitted Capt. -<i>Dover’s</i> Quarters, as being too much expos’d to the Enemy. An <i>Indian</i> -that I had taken Prisoner told us, that he knew of much Money up the -River in Bark-logs and Houses; upon which Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I last -Night detached 21 Men out of our Companies, and sent ’em in his Boat up -the River under the Command of his new second Lieutenant Mr. <i>Connely</i>: -I would fain have sent both Pinnaces to make the best use of our time, -and seize that Wealth, finding little or none in the Town; but the rest -would by no means consent to it, lest the Enemy might engage us next -Morning, and then we should want our Boats and Men. When I could not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_130" id="page_130"></a>{130}</span> -possibly prevail for another Boat, and Men enough to mann both Pinnaces, -I desired Capt. <i>Courtney’s</i> Boat might go, because the largest, and she -was mann’d out of both our Companies. In the Morning we began with Iron -Crows and Mauls to break open the other two Churches, and all the -Store-houses, Cellars, <i>&c.</i> which was soon done, for no body was left -at home, nor much of Value to be found, but Flower, Peas, Beans, and -Jars of Wine and Brandy in great Plenty. We began to carry it to the -Water-side; but having sultry hot, wet and unhealthful Weather, and our -Men being fatigued, they became so weak that they could not work very -well at this new Imployment. They would fain have had the boarded Floor -of the Church taken up to look amongst the Dead for Treasure, fancying -the <i>Spaniards</i> might hide their Money there; but I would not suffer it, -because of a contagious Distemper that had swept off a great Number of -People here not long before; so that the Church Floor was full of -Graves. We have yet found but two of the Enemy kill’d in the Town, and -one Prisoner, who was slightly wounded in the Head; but this Day I heard -15 of ’em were kill’d and wounded, amongst whom was the chief Gunner, an -<i>Irish</i>-man, that fired the last Gun at us, who had lived some Years -amongst ’em. On our side we had but two Men wounded, one of ’em <i>Yerrick -Derrickson</i>, a <i>Dutch</i>-man, belonging to my Company, was shot thro’ -between the lower Part of his Neck and Shoulder, but I believe not -mortal; and one <i>John Martin</i> a <i>Portuguese</i>, mortally wounded aboard -the Bark, occasion’d by a Cohorn Shell, which split as soon as fired out -of our Cohorn Mortar.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> The <i>Spaniards</i> Force being variously -reported by our Prisoners, I’ll not insert it till I am better inform’d. -The Fatigue I have had since I left our Ships in this hot Weather has -weaken’d and disorder’d me very much.</p> - -<p><i>April 25.</i> We kept our Colours flying on the Tower of the Church, Capt. -<i>Dover</i> keeping Guard there all Day, whilst I and Capt. <i>Courtney</i> took -care to get every thing we found useful carried to the Water-side. -Yesterday in the Afternoon we sent the Lieutenant of <i>Puna</i> and another -Prisoner into the Country, with Proposals to ransom the Town, a great -part of the Enemy being in the Woods about a League from us; they have -but ordinary Quarters, because of the great Rain. Their Horses being in -Parties, and continually - -<span class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_131" id="page_131"></a>{131}</span> - -in sight, alarm us several times in a day. The Prisoners return’d to us -in the Evening with an ambiguous Answer; but desir’d they might go again -in the Morning to prevent burning the Town. About 10 last Night the Boat -return’d that we had sent up the River, having been from us about 24 -Hours; they were 7 Leagues up, and 16 of ’em landed at 6 several Places, -the other 5 kept the Boat, having a Swivel Gun to defend themselves. At -one place they separated, and Mr. <i>Connely</i> with 3 others rambled so far -in the Woods to look for Wealth, that after 3 hours search they could -not find the Way back to the rest, but by Accident met again, and got to -the Boat. <i>William Davis</i>, one of my Men, was shot through the hinder -part of the Neck by the Enemy, the Wound not dangerous, and none of the -rest hurt; they chased 35 Horsemen well arm’d, that were coming to help -those of <i>Guiaquil</i>. The Houses up the River were full of Women, and -particularly at one place there were above a Dozen handsom genteel young -Women well dress’d, where our Men got several Gold Chains and Ear-rings, -but were otherwise so civil to them, that the Ladies offer’d to dress -’em Victuals, and brought ’em a Cask of good Liquor. Some of their -largest Gold Chains were conceal’d, and wound about their Middles, Legs, -and Thighs, <i>&c.</i> but the Gentlewomen in these hot Countries being very -thin clad with Silk and fine Linnen, and their Hair dressed with Ribbons -very neatly, our Men by pressing felt the Chains, <i>&c.</i> with their Hands -on the Out-side of the Lady’s Apparel, and by their Linguist modestly -desired the Gentlewomen to take ’em off and surrender ’em. This I -mention as a Proof of our Sailors Modesty, and in respect to Mr. -<i>Connely</i> and Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> the late Governour of <i>Juan Fernandoes</i>, who -commanded this Party: For being young Men, I was willing to do ’em this -Justice, hoping the Fair Sex will make ’em a grateful Return when we -arrive in <i>Great Britain</i>, on account of their civil Behaviour to these -charming Prisoners. They call’d at this House for Provisions as they -return’d down the River, and being so civil at first, they gave their -fair Landladies no Uneasiness nor Surprize at a 2<i>d</i> Visit: They took a -large empty Bark, but left her up the River, and brought with ’em in -Gold Chains, Ear-rings and Plate, I believe above 1000 <i>l.</i> Value, with -a Negro that had been serviceable in discovering part of the hidden -Treasure; but they all agree that the Want of another Boat lost much -more than they got; for while they search’d and plunder’d one Side, the -Canoes and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_132" id="page_132"></a>{132}</span> Bark-logs did cross the River, and carry the People and -Purchase out of their reach, for want of another Boat to prevent it. -They also inform’d us, that in the Places where they had been above the -Town, they saw more than 300 arm’d Horse and Foot in several Parties; so -that we apprehended the Enemy design’d to gain Time by pretending to -ransom, till with a vast Odds they might attack us, and reckon’d -themselves sure of Victory; but we for fear of being surprized, agreed -to assemble in a Body at every Alarm, which was beat several times a day -on the sight of large Parties, tho’ it hinder’d our Business. We found 5 -Jars of Powder, some Match and Shot, with a good Quantity of ordinary -Arms, 3 Drums, with several Swords and Launces, in the Church, where I -pick’d up the Corregidore’s Gold-headed Cane, and another Captain’s with -a Silver Head; for among the <i>Spaniards</i> none carry a Cane but the chief -Officers, and of those none under a Captain must wear a Cane with a -Silver or Gold Head: So that those Gentlemen were much in haste to leave -the Badges of their Office behind them. After Capt. <i>Dover</i> had quitted -his Post yesterday Morning, one of our Men came to tell me, that the -Enemy was coming down the Hill that way upon us: We beat an Alarm, and -leaving part of our Men with the Guns, I march’d with the rest, and met -Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and part of his Company on the Bridge retiring: He told -me the Enemy was numerous and well arm’d in the North End of the Town; I -desir’d him to join us, and we would visit them; he left his chief -Lieutenant and the rest of his Men at Arms in his Quarters, and we went -together with 70 Men to face the Enemy. As we march’d forward, they -retir’d only now and then they shot at us out of the Woods. We look’d -into the two Churches, and several Houses, but found nobody. The Woods -were very thick, and join’d to the Backs of the Houses, from whence we -had several Shot all round us, which we return’d at a venture, but none -of ’em touched us, which was a very great Providence, for it was really -strange that they miss’d us. Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I could not agree to -keep that End of the Town, so we march’d back again, took what we lik’d -best into our Boats, and carried it aboard the Barks.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p><i>April 26.</i> About one Yesterday in the Afternoon our Prisoners return’d -with an Offer of 30000 Pieces of Eight for the Town, with their Ships -and Barks, to be paid in 12 Days, which we don’t approve of, nor should -we stay so long for a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_133" id="page_133"></a>{133}</span> greater Sum. By these Delays they design to gain -Time, that if they don’t fight us, they may draw their Forces from -<i>Lima</i>; for we know an Express was dispatch’d thither immediately on our -Arrival. This Morning we sent our final Answer, <i>viz.</i> that they should -see the Town all on fire by 3 in the Afternoon, if they did not agree, -and give us sufficient Hostages for the above-mention’d Sum, to be paid -within 6 Days. During which time we would grant a Cessation of Arms -between <i>Guiaquil</i> and <i>Puna</i>, where we expected they would meet us, and -purchase our Cargoes. A <i>French</i> man belonging to my Company, whom I -sent with others, by request of Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, to strengthen his -Quarters, being put Centinel last Night, shot <i>Hugh Tidcomb</i>, one of -their Men, so that he died. The Accident happen’d by a too severe Order -at their Quarters to shoot any in the Night that did not answer; and -neither this Man nor the Centinel, as I am informed, understood how to -ask or answer the Watch-word, by which Neglect a Man was unaccountably -lost. Mr. <i>Gardner</i>, one of their Officers, and 9 Men more, yesterday in -the Afternoon engag’d at the North-end of the Town with a Party of -<i>Spaniards</i>, whom they chased into the Woods, but following ’em too far, -were attack’d by others, and one of our Men shot through the Calf of his -Leg, and another of them, while he stopt to relade his Piece, was shot -against the Middle of the Pole-ax that hung at his Side, which made an -Impression on the Iron, and bruised the Part under it, so that it prov’d -a Piece of Armour well placed. The other Man who was wounded in the Leg, -by his Irregularity and hard drinking fell into a Fever that carried him -off. At the same time Mr. <i>Stratton</i>, Capt. <i>Courtney’s</i> chief -Lieutenant, having his Pistols hanging at his Side, one of them -unluckily discharg’d it self against the Outside of the thickest part of -his Leg, and left a Bullet in the Flesh; but there’s little Danger of -his Life: He being by this Accident disabled to make a quick Retreat, if -occasion requir’d, his Captain immediately order’d him on board the -Bark. Upon these Accidents, and perceiving the Enemy to increase and -grow bolder, Capt. <i>Courtney</i> brought his Company to my Quarters. Last -Night we all lay in the Church, round which we kept Centinels within a -Musket-shot; the Centinels, as customary, calling to each other every -Quarter of an Hour, to prevent their sleeping, and our being surprized -in the Night. Every Man kept his Arms and Ammunition in exact Order by -him, and was strictly charged to rise at the least Alarm.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_134" id="page_134"></a>{134}</span> We unhung a -small Church Bell, and sent it aboard for our Ships Use. We have done -little this 24 Hours towards shipping off Goods, because the Enemy were -continually popping at us from the Woods. The Weather was very wet, hot -and faint, the Streets deep and slippery, and the Ways to the Water-side -very bad, which mightily incommoded us.</p> - -<p><i>April 27.</i> Yesterday about 2 in the Afternoon our Prisoners returned -with two Men on Horseback from the Enemy’s sorry Camp, and told us the -Agreement was concluded as we last proposed, that if we suspected them, -they would stay for Hostages, and that the Lieutenant of <i>Puna</i>, who as -a Messenger forwarded the Treaty, with an old Gentleman already on board -our Bark, were to be the other two. We contented our selves with the -latter, and let the two Strangers return to their Camp with our -Messenger, who was to bring back the Agreement sign’d; but they sent -another back to us, signifying that we had omitted to take notice that -the Town was taken by Force of Arms, which we afterwards inserted both -in the <i>Spanish</i> and <i>English</i> Paper. This Morning the <i>Spanish</i> -Agreement was brought back sign’d by ’em, and we sent ours in <i>English</i> -sign’d to them as follows:</p> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">“W</span>Hereas the City of <i>Guiaquil</i>, lately in subjection to <i>Philip</i> V. -King of <i>Spain</i>, is now taken by Storm, and in the Possession of the -Capts. <i>Thomas Dover</i>, <i>Woodes Rogers</i>, and <i>Stephen Courtney</i>, -commanding a Body of Her Majesty of <i>Great Britain’s</i> Subjects: We the -underwritten are content to become Hostages for the said City, and to -continue in the Custody of the said Capts. <i>Tho. Dover</i>, <i>Woodes -Rogers</i>, and <i>Stephen Courtney</i>, till 30000 Pieces of Eight shall be -paid to them for the Ransom of the said City, 2 new Ships, and 6 Barks; -during which time no Hostility is to be committed on either Side between -this and <i>Puna</i>. The said Sum to be paid at <i>Puna</i> in six Days from the -Date hereof, and then the Hostages to be discharg’d, and all the -Prisoners to be deliver’d immediately, otherwise the said Hostages do -agree to remain Prisoners till the said Sum is discharg’d in any other -Part of the World. In witness whereof we have voluntarily set our Hands -this 27<i>th</i> Day of <i>April</i>, Old Stile, and the 7<i>th</i> of <i>May</i>, S.N. in -the Year of our Lord, 1709.”</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p>The two Hostages lay this Night at our Quarters, and we ship’d ’em off, -with all we had got together, by 11 a Clock,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_135" id="page_135"></a>{135}</span> and march’d towards our -Barks with our Colours flying, while the <i>Spaniards</i> return’d to their -Houses. I march’d on the Rear with a few Men, and pick’d up Pistols, -Cutlashes and Pole-axes, which shew’d that our Men were grown very -careless, weak, and weary of being Soldiers, and that ’twas time to be -gone from hence. The hardest Work we had was to get the Guns down to the -Water, the Earth being so soft, that they who help’d to carry them sunk -half Leg deep. To make it as easy as I could, I contriv’d a Frame of -Bamboe Canes, under which 60 Men could stand, and bear equal Weight on -their Shoulders. Tho’ they were large 4 Pounders, the Gun and the Frame -did not exceed 15 C. Weight; but had not the Prisoners we took help’d us -(tho’ it had been an easy Task in a cold Country) I could hardly have -pick’d Men enough of our own for the Work. <i>John Gabriel</i>, one of my -Company, a <i>Dutch</i>-man was missing.</p> - -<p><i>April 28.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we settl’d every thing on board -the Barks as well as we could, and separated our Men aboard the Prizes, -where we had put most of our Town Goods and Plunder, being about 230 -Bags of Flower, Beans, Peas and Rice, 15 Jars of Oil, about 160 Jars of -other Liquors, some Cordage, Iron Ware, and small Nails, with about 4 -half Jars of Powder, about a Tun of Pitch and Tar, a Parcel of Clothing -and Necessaries, and as I guess about 1200 <i>l.</i> in Plate, Ear-rings, -<i>&c.</i> and 150 Bales of dry Goods, 4 Guns, and about 200 <i>Spanish</i> -ordinary useless Arms and Musket Barrels, a few Packs of Indigo, Cocoa -and Anotto, with about a Tun of Loaf-Sugar. We left abundance of Goods -in the Town, besides Liquors of most sorts, and Sea-Stores, with several -Warehouses full of Cocoa, divers Ships on the Stocks, and 2 new Ships -unrigg’d, upwards of 400 Tun, which cost above 80000 Crowns, and then -lay at Anchor before the Town. We are also to deliver 4 Barks ashore, -and leave two here to bring down the Ransom. By this it appears the -<i>Spaniards</i> had a good Bargain; but this Ransom was far better for us -than to burn what we could not carry off. About 2 yesterday Afternoon -our <i>Dutch</i>-man that was missing rose out of his Brandy-wine Fit, and -came aboard; he was disturb’d by the honest Man of the House where he -lay, who first called in his Neighbours, and cautiously seized his Arms, -then gently rais’d him, and when his Eyes were open, told him there was -his Arms again, and bid him hasten aboard to us. This is the only Man -that I know of since we took <i>Guiaquil</i>, who had so much transgressed -our Orders<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_136" id="page_136"></a>{136}</span> by drinking beyond his bearing. This Morning about 8 we -weighed, and sailed with all our Barks, and at parting made what Shew -and Noise we could with our Drums, Trumpets and Guns, and thus took our -Leave of the <i>Spaniards</i> very cheerfully, but not half so well pleased -as we should have been, had we taken ’em by Surprize: For I was well -assur’d from all hands, that at least we should then have got above -200000 Pieces of Eight in Money, wrought and unwrought. Gold and Silver, -besides Jewels, and a greater Plenty of such Necessaries as we now -found, tho’ the Place has not been poorer these 40 Years, by reason that -a sudden Fire about 18 Months ago had destroy’d the better half of the -Town, which is now mostly rebuilt. Before I go any further, ’tis proper -to describe the Town.</p> - -<h3><i>A Description of Guiaquil</i></h3> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">’T</span>IS the Metropolis of its Province, about a Mile and half long, and -divided into Old and New, joined by a wooden Bridge above half a Mile in -Length, but passable only by People on foot. There are some Houses at a -distance on each side the Bridge, and those of both Towns may be about 4 -or 500 in the whole, besides 5 Churches, and the Inhabitants about 2000 -in all. Their chief Church is that of St. <i>Jago</i> or St. <i>James</i> the -Apostle, which has 7 Altars, and before it a handsom Square; the others -are those of St. <i>Augustin</i>, St. <i>Francis</i>, St. <i>Dominick</i>, and St. -<i>Ignatius</i>. The latter belongs to the Jesuits. Before that of St. -<i>Dominick</i>, which is not quite finished, there is also a Square, with a -Half-moon, upon which they formerly planted Guns, but none were mounted -there when we took it. Three of these Churches were very lofty, one of -them of Stone, and all adorn’d with Altars, carv’d Work, Pictures, <i>&c.</i> -and there was an Organ in that of St. <i>Augustin</i>; but the Priests and -their Scholars had carry’d off all the Plate belonging to those -Churches, and retir’d with it into the Woods before we landed. Some of -the Houses of the Town were very high, several built of Brick, but most -of them of Timber, and the meaner sort of Bamboes. There is but one -regular Street along the Side of the River to the Bridge, and from -thence along the Old Town. The Situation is in a low boggy Soil, so -dirty in Winter, that without the Bridge they could scarce <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_137" id="page_137"></a>{137}</span>go from one -House to another. The Town is govern’d by a Corregidore, who is their -chief Magistrate and appointed by the King. His Name was <i>Don Jeronymo -Bos</i>, a young Man of about 24 Years of Age, and a Native of the -<i>Canaries</i>. The Town is well seated for Trade, and building of Ships, -for which they have Sheds to cover the Workmen from the Sun. It lies 14 -Leagues up from Point <i>Arena</i>, and 7 from <i>Puna</i>. The River is large, -receives several others, has many Villages and Farm Houses on its Banks, -with abundance of Mangroves and Sarsaparilla, which impregnates its -Water, and makes it good against the <i>French</i> Pox, but in the Time of -Floods it is unwholesome, because of the poysonous Roots and Plants -wash’d down from the Mountains. They have Plenty of Provisions, black -Cattle, Sheep, Goats, Swine, Poultry, several sorts of Ducks unknown in -<i>Europe</i>, and Store of Horses. The Water of the River is fresh at low -Water, almost as far as <i>Puna</i>. An <i>Englishman</i> who had liv’d here some -time, came over to us, inform’d us of many Particulars, and told us that -in <i>December</i> last they had 3 Weeks Rejoycings for the Birth of the -Prince of <i>Asturias</i>, when they muster’d 1100 Foot and 500 Horse in -Arms, besides a much greater Number that had none; but most of those -Troops came from the adjacent Country. During this Solemnity, they -baited many Bulls to Death, after the manner of <i>Spain</i>, and run at the -Ring, <i>&c.</i> which are their chief Diversions: He told us likewise that -Ships are frequently built here for the King. The Hostages inform’d us, -that during the Treaty, 80000 Dollars of the King’s Money was sent out -of the Town, besides their Plate, Jewels, and other Things of greatest -Value: But they were robb’d of a great deal by the Blacks, to whom they -had given it in the Hurry to carry off: We took several of ’em with -stoln Goods, as we went the Rounds by Night; and therefore we made a -Signal to the Inhabitants to return, as we march’d off, that they might -not suffer any more Loss by those Villains.</p> - -<p>The <i>French</i>, by their Commerce in these Seas, as the <i>Spaniards</i> in -general told us, damage their Trade so much, that their Sea-ports are -sensibly impoverish’d, and this Town was much richer 6 Years go than -now. A mile below I took my Leave of the Barks, with the Pinnace double -mann’d, designing to get before them to the Ships at Point <i>Arena</i>. The -Day came on very hot, and we saw many Alligators in the River.</p> - -<p><i>Apr. 29.</i> Last Night I reached <i>Puna</i>, and met Mr. <i>Duck</i> and Mr. -<i>Hatley</i> in the <i>Beginning</i>, and an empty Bark which the <i>Duke’s</i> Yall -had taken in our Absence; the <i>Spaniards</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_138" id="page_138"></a>{138}</span> having run ashore and left -her at Anchor off of Point <i>Arena</i>. Our People were concern’d at our -being absent so long, and hearing no News of us, the Scarcity of Water -had made ’em give the Prisoners but a Pint a Day for some time; and they -sunk the last small Prize we took coming from <i>Payta</i>, to prevent the -Prisoners running away with her, for they had not Men to spare for -manning her themselves. By Day-light I got aboard, where I found all our -People overjoyed at our Meeting again, after 12 Days Absence on an -Undertaking subject to so many fatal Accidents, which we happily -escaped. Captain <i>Cook</i> and <i>Frye</i> were very uneasie in our Absence, and -had their full Share of Care and Fatigue. They usually gave the -Prisoners Liberty by Day, but kept their Arms always ready, and the -after Part of the Ships to themselves: At Night they shut ’em up in the -Fore-Castle, or between Decks; but aboard the Prize, which was not so -secure, they put them in Irons every Evening, and let ’em out in the -Morning; but never suffer’d any Correspondence between the Prisoners in -the several Ships, by which Means they neither knew their own Strength, -nor our Weakness, any further than in the respective Ships they were -confin’d to. <i>Roger Booth</i>, one of the <i>Dutchess’s</i> Men, who was wounded -through his Wind-pipe, in the Engagement with the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, died -the 20th Instant. <i>William Essex</i>, a stout Sailor, one of our -Quarter-Masters, being wounded in the Breast in the same Fight, died the -24th Instant: So that out of both Ships we lost 4 Good Men, including my -dear Brother, by that Engagement. Mr. <i>James Stratton</i>, a Quarter-Master -belonging to the <i>Dutchess</i>, that was wounded at the same time, by a -Musket-Ball in his Thigh, is now out of Danger, The wounded in these -Parts, are more frequently attended with Fevers, and other dangerous -Accidents, than in <i>Europe</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p><i>Apr. 30.</i> About 3 Yesterday Afternoon a Sail from under the Main -appear’d in sight running up the Channel to <i>Guiaquil</i>; Capt. <i>Cooke</i> -sent the <i>Havre de Grace</i>’s Boat in pursuit of her, but my Pinnace -sailing better, followed and took her before Sun set: She was a Bark of -above 30 Tuns, from <i>Sania</i>, call’d the <i>Francisco la Salma</i>, Senior -<i>Jacomo de Brienas</i> Master, with 6 Men on board: She was laden with -about 270 Bags of Flour, Beans and Pease; near 200 Sugar-Loaves; several -Frails of Quinces, Marmalet, Sugar-plumbs, and other Sweetmeats, with a -good Quantity of large Pomegranates, Apples and Onions; a little of this -Country Cheese, and dried Beef: They had been out 7 Days, and heard -nothing of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_139" id="page_139"></a>{139}</span> us; but confirm’d the Story of an <i>English</i> Squadron -expected in these Seas, and that there were several stout <i>French</i> Ships -in their Harbours, particularly two at <i>Lima</i>, and one at <i>Pisco</i>, -besides others in the Harbours of <i>Chili</i>: That at <i>Chenipe</i>, whence -they came, being the Sea-port to <i>Sania</i>, there was a strict Order -lately sent from <i>Lima</i> to the chief Officer there, to be on his Guard, -and keep continual Watch in the same Manner as I have before noted, in -the Order we found directed to the Lieutenant or Governour of <i>Puna</i>. -This Morning, at 7, the <i>Beginning</i> came to an Anchor by us, from -<i>Puna</i>, with a few Jarrs of Water, which we mightily wanted.</p> - -<p>Mr. <i>Goodall</i> and others told me, there were no other Barks coming down -but what went up with his, from the Ships for Water, and that he did not -know the Reason why the rest stay’d there: He told me, he had a Letter -from Capt. <i>Courtney</i> to his Second, Capt. <i>Cook</i>, but no Message or -Letter from him or Capt. <i>Dover</i> to me; adding, he heard one of them say -that they expected this Bark would meet the Ships half way coming up to -<i>Puna</i>, and that they looked for me hourly. This unexpected Story -surpriz’d me, but I suppos’d they might now have some Hopes of disposing -our Cargo to the <i>Spaniards</i> at <i>Guiaquil</i>, which occasion’d their -Staying, and Expectation of my Return. I discours’d it with Capt. -<i>Cooke</i> and Mr. <i>Frye</i>, and saw Capt. <i>Courtney’s</i> Letter, but not a -Word of Advice to me: However, I resolved to hasten away the -<i>Beginning</i>, with some Negroes (the most troublesome Goods we had) to -dispose of, that they might be at <i>Puna</i> before me. I began to unmore -the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, in order to go up with the Flood, hoping to sell -her Cargo, or good Part of it, while our Ships took in Water, resolving -to save as much Time as possible. Mean while the other Water Bark -arriv’d, but without any manner of Advice to me when those above -design’d to come down, or to send the Men that were so much wanting -aboard, to put things in order for our going to Sea.</p> - -<p><i>May 1.</i> Yesterday, in the Afternoon, I took Sen. <i>Morell</i> for a Pilot, -and weigh’d with the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, but having little Wind, and being -neep Tides, I did not get one Third of the Way up to <i>Puna</i>, with that -Flood: I was likewise but ill mann’d; because I was obliged to leave the -Pinnace and Crew that came down with me for the Security of our Ship. We -weigh’d again with the Morning Flood, and met the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Bark -coming down, but without the least Advice to me from the 2 Captains at -<i>Puna</i>, which farther confirm’d<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_140" id="page_140"></a>{140}</span> me that they waited for my Company, and -the Ship, to sell her Goods: I was pleas’d at the Thoughts of this, for -I concluded, that had it been otherwise, one, or both of them, would -have come down, or have sent all the Barks, except one to stay for the -Ransom. We were forced to anchor again before high Water; and the Tide -shot us over towards the Island. There is a Shole Sand above half Way up -to <i>Puna</i>, near mid Channel, over on that side, which ’tis difficult to -avoid, unless we have a commanding Gale to keep in the Channel which is -nearest the Main; ’tis the Starboard Shore as you go up, and there are -gradual Soundings on both sides to the Shoal on the Larboard side, or -the main Land on the Starboard side, keeping between 4 and 7 Fathom -Water; the Coast clear of all is N. E. up the Channel, bearing about two -large Leagues off Point <i>Arena</i>, where it’s bold, and all athwart, till -we get 2 Leagues higher than Point <i>Arena</i>; and as we come against, or a -little above, the white Chalky Cliff, near the Point or upper End, and -the highest part of the Island of <i>Puna</i>, we must hall over for the -Island, and come to an Anchor before the Houses, that are plain to be -seen, when we get above the high Point, which is easily known, because -all the Land on the Island is even with the Water, and elsewhere there’s -nothing to be seen but Trees, down to the River. We must keep nearest -the Starboard Shore, going up, which is the only Channel for Ships; ’Tis -above 8 Leagues from Point <i>Arena</i> to the Town of <i>Puna</i>; which lies on -the upper End of the Island of that Name.</p> - -<p><i>May 2.</i> We got up to an Anchor before <i>Puna</i>, by 10 this Morning, where -I found 4 of the Barks that came down from <i>Guiaquil</i>. Capt. <i>Dover</i> and -<i>Courtney</i> came on Board, and contrary to Expectation told me, they had -not heard one Word from the <i>Spaniards</i> since we left them. This being -the last Day appointed for Payment, a Boat came and brought us upwards -of 22000 Pieces of 8, in part of the Ransom, which we immediately -receiv’d, and dispatch’d the Boat back, telling them, we design’d to -leave this Place in the Morning, and would carry off the Hostages, if -they did not come time enough with the rest of the Mony to prevent it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p><i>May 3.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon Capt. <i>Courtney</i> took Charge of the -<i>Havre de Grace</i>, and I agreed to follow him in the Morning, to Point -<i>Arena</i>, after I had ship’d off 7 live Black Cattel, some Sheep, Hogs -and Fowls, with a good Quantity of Plantains, about 80 Jarrs and some -Casks of Water, 24 Packs of Cocoa, 2 Sails, and 4 large Brass -Patereroes.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_141" id="page_141"></a>{141}</span> Two Barks sail’d about Midnight with the <i>Marquiss</i>. I -began again early in the Morning, and by 9 got all aboard. We agreed to -leave the Lieutenant of <i>Puna</i> here, giving him 4 old sick Negroes, and -a damag’d Bail of Goods for what we had taken from him, being a Man we -had some Respect for: We also parted very friendly with several of our -Prisoners we took at Sea, particularly an old Padre that I had treated -civilly at my own Table, ever since we took him, for which he was -extremely thankful.</p> - -<p>About a League before the Town I saw the <i>Havre de Grace</i> at Anchor, -near the Edge of a Shoal, and the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Pinnace coming from her, -with Captains <i>Courtney</i>, <i>Dover</i>, and <i>Dampier</i>, who had quitted the -<i>Havre de Grace</i>, and desired to exchange with me, which I did.</p> - -<p><i>May 5.</i> I went aboard the <i>Havre de Grace</i> about 2 in the Afternoon, -and got her out of Danger into the Channel, but came to an Anchor again, -by the Advice of Senior <i>Morell</i> and the <i>Indian</i> Pilot: I encourag’d -’em and the Men to assist me as much as possible to get her under Sail, -because we were in hast to be gone, but there being little Wind, I could -not make use of half the Ebb, before I was again in shole Water, and -came to an Anchor, where for the want of Wind we lay for the rest of -these 24 Hours.</p> - -<p><i>May 5.</i> This Morning I got the Length of our Ships again, and soon -after Day went aboard the <i>Duke</i>, being quite sick by my long Fatigue. -Capt. <i>Courtney</i> came to me aboard, and we agreed to throw the Timber -and great Boat between Decks in the Galeon overboard, to make room for -the Flour and <i>Guiaquil</i> Goods which were yet in the Barks. We gave the -Flour Prize to the Prisoners whom we let go, to carry to the Inhabitants -of <i>Guiaquil</i>, and took in as much Water as we could get. Most of it was -fetch’d half Way above <i>Puna</i>, in the River towards <i>Guiaquil</i>, and tho’ -but very indifferent, we had not half enough for want of Time.</p> - -<p><i>May 6.</i> Our Hostages are very uneasy, fearing the Mony will not come in -Time to redeem them, and it’s worse than Death, they say, to be carried -to <i>Great Britain</i>. We got all aboard last Night, by 7 a Clock, our -People being fatigued. I was willing to rest my self and them one Night -before we sailed; but Capt. <i>Courtney</i> was in too much hast, and my -Second, Capt. <i>Dover</i>, and my Pilot <i>Dampier</i> forsook me to go along -with him. They sailed at Midnight with the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, leaving me -and the rest at Anchor. Mr. <i>Connely</i>, who went in the Bark for Water, -did not return till the Morning,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_142" id="page_142"></a>{142}</span> when we saw our Consort and Prize at -Anchor; for the Weather falling calm, they did not get 2 Leagues from us -that Ebb. At high Water, about 10 this Morning, all the rest of us came -to sail. Our small Bower Cable was cut with the foul Ground, and we lost -our Anchor.</p> - -<p>I endeavour’d, but in vain, to convince the other Captains that we were -not yet in any danger from the Enemy, because it was not possible that -the <i>French</i> and <i>Spaniards</i> could have Notice of us, and arm out time -enough from <i>Lima</i> to attack us.</p> - -<p><i>May 7.</i> Yesterday, about 4 in the Afternoon, we came to an Anchor -again, in 13 Fathom Water, about 4 Leagues below Point <i>Arena</i>. At 2 -this Morning, with a very small Breeze, we came to sail: Sometime after -Senior <i>Morell</i>, that went with us up to <i>Guiaquil</i> from <i>Puna</i>, and a -Gentleman of that Town related to our Prisoners, brought us about 3500 -Pieces of 8, in Plate, towards the Ransom: they came as far as Point -<i>Arena</i> in a Boat, and thence follow’d in one of the 4 Barks that we -left by Agreement.</p> - -<p><i>May 8.</i> Yesterday, in the Afternoon, we discharg’d all our Prisoners, -except the <i>Morells</i>, a little <i>Dutchman</i>, and a Gentleman’s son of -<i>Panama</i>, with our <i>Indian</i> Pilots, that I took aboard to amuse the -People of <i>Guiaquil</i> that we should return thither, and 2 more that -desir’d to stay with us, besides the 3 Ransomers. The Gentleman that -came from <i>Guiaquil</i> had a Gold Chain and some other Moveables, with -which he purchased the <i>Beginning</i> of us, and we gave the Captain of the -<i>Havre de Grace</i> 3 Negroe Women, and Senior <i>Morell</i>, and Senior -<i>Ignatius</i>, one a piece, and to all of them good part of their waring -Apparel: So that we parted very friendly. They told us, A Prisoner we -put a shore at <i>Puna</i>, call’d Senior Don <i>Pedro Sinfuegos</i>, was a Man of -great Credit at <i>Guiaquil</i>; that he had got a good Sum together, before -they came thence in order to buy Goods of us, and that they expected him -in less than 12 Hours; adding, that there were several others coming -down to trade with us, but the Majority of our Officers would not -believe ’em, being resolved to make the utmost Dispatch for the -<i>Gallapagos</i> Islands: They press’d to know where they might meet us to -trade, but every one was against informing them of the Place where we -design’d to rendezvous, lest they should discover it to the Enemies -Ships of War.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Description of Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p>At 8 last Night we came to an Anchor in 16 Fathom <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_143" id="page_143"></a>{143}</span>Water. The Island -<i>Sancta Clara</i> bore N. E. by N. 5 Leagues. At 2 this Morning we weighed -with the Flood, Wind at S. W. at 6 the Island bore N. by E. 4 Leagues -distance.</p> - -<h3><i>A Description of the Province of</i><br /> -Guiaquil.</h3> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE City or Town of <i>Guiaquil</i> is the Metropolis of a Province of that -Name in <i>Peru</i>, govern’d by a President with 5 or 6 Orderes, which makes -a Royal <i>Audiencia</i> or chief Court of Judicature, accountable only to -the Viceroy in military Affairs. Every Province has a Government of the -same Nature.</p> - -<p>These Governors are commonly appointed, or, to speak more properly, -purchase their Offices in Old <i>Spain</i>, for Life, or good Behaviour; and -in case any die, or misbehave themselves, the Vice-roy may name another -during his Time, which ought to be but 5 Years; but sometimes he gets -these Officers of his own placing confirm’d by an Order from <i>Spain</i>, -which is a considerable Part of the Vice-roy’s unknown Profits. The late -Vice-roy continued 14 Years, several new ones having died by the Way. -The King of <i>Spain</i> himself scarce lives in more Splendor than his -Vice-roy in the City of <i>Lima</i>, where the chief Courts of Judicature are -kept, and Appeals are brought thither from all Courts and Provinces of -this extensive Kingdom. I should not here mention the vast Wealth the -late Vice-roy obtain’d during his Government; the Sum being so large -that I thought it fabulous, but that I was inform’d of it by so many -Hands, who told me, that about 4 Years ago he died at least worth -8000000 Pieces of 8, and left it to his Widow and Children, but the -greatest Part to his eldest Son, the <i>Conde de la Monclo</i>, besides vast -Sums he gave away in Charity, during his Life-time, and the many -Churches, Fryaries, and Nunneries that he built.</p> - -<p>He left a better Character behind him than any Vice-roy had done for an -Age past. The Conde, his eldest Son, waits here, expecting to succeed -the present Vice-roy of <i>Peru</i> or <i>Mexico</i>, if the Government holds in -Old <i>Spain</i>; but I and every <i>Englishman</i> ought earnestly to hope, that -K. <i>Charles</i> III. will happily recover that Monarchy, and gratefully<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_144" id="page_144"></a>{144}</span> -place a Vice-roy here that will shew himself as good a Friend to the -<i>English</i> Trade, as the present Vice-roy does to the <i>French</i>; for he -openly espouses their Interest, and encourages them; whereas the -<i>Spaniards</i> say, he racks and heavily oppresses their own Countrymen.</p> - -<p>The Corregidore that last died at <i>Guiaquil</i>, tho’ he had possess’d the -Office but 5 Years, had rak’d together 300000 Pieces of 8, tho’ his Post -was not allow’d to exceed above 2000 Pieces of 8 <i>per Annum</i>; but all -the Corregidores make vast Advantages by Seizures, and trading privately -themselves.</p> - -<p>The Trade to and from <i>Mexico</i> is forbid here, under the severest -Penalty, especially transporting Quick-silver from <i>Peru</i> thither, -because Quantities are brought from Old <i>Spain</i>, which is impos’d on the -Refiners at great Rates. Here are many Ships employ’d coasting in this -Kingdom; but a Trade is so severely prohibited between ’em and <i>Mexico</i>, -that all the Commodities with Silver and Gold in Returns, may have -little other Circulation in these vast Countries, but by the Flota and -Galeons to and from Old <i>Spain</i>. Yet notwithstanding the Severity us’d -against private Traders, by the Vice-roys and Corregidores, there are -some that use it, who have no Mercy shew’d ’em if caught, all being -seiz’d in the King’s Name, tho’ his Majesty has little or no Share of -it; All such Seizures (as I am told) being divided amongst these -Officers, and the poor Sufferer banish’d or confin’d to a Goal.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Description of Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p>All <i>English</i> and <i>Dutch</i> Goods, except what comes by the Galeons, are -prohibited here, so that the private Traders, after they have by stealth -purchased ’em in the <i>North</i> Seas, must vend ’em in like manner all over -<i>Peru</i>, and if the wholesale Merchants have not a good Certificate from -the Commerce of <i>Sevilia</i>, that their Commodities came by the Flota or -Galeons; whenever the Goods are question’d, they must disown them, for -fear of a worse Punishment, unless they have a good Interest in the -Vice-roy, which costs dear to purchase, and preserve; so that the Trader -makes little Profit, but where the chief Officers have a feeling: yet -tho’ these mercenary Vice-roys are so severe on others, they themselves -employ the Corregidores to negotiate a Trade for them by a 3d Hand, -which cannot be done to the Purpose, without being publickly known; so -that Ships are constantly imployed on their Account, and carry -Quick-silver and all manner of prohibited Goods to and from <i>Mexico</i> out -of By-ports. Thus, being their own Judges, they get vast Estates, and -stop all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_145" id="page_145"></a>{145}</span> Complaints in Old <i>Spain</i>, by Bribes. The Goods they trade for -have a free Passage and Sale through the Continent, whilst others, if -they do but offer at it, are punish’d as above.</p> - -<p>Their other Ways of getting Money unjustly are too many; but in short, -in my Opinion, there’s no Country naturally more rich, nor any People -more terribly oppress’d.</p> - -<p>The <i>Spaniards</i> say, and I believe, not without Reason, That a Vice-roy, -after purchasing his Place with all that he has, and quitting Old -<i>Spain</i> as poor as <i>Job</i>, comes here like a hungry Lion, to devour all -that he can; and that every Officer under him in the Provinces (who are -ten times more than are necessary) are his Jackals to procure Prey for -him, that they may have a Share of it themselves.</p> - -<p>To this we may add, the Burthen of a numerous and luxurious Clergy, that -indulge their Pride, Sloth, Effeminacy and Bigottry, more than in the -<i>Romish</i> Countries of <i>Europe</i>: So that were this Country possess’d by -an industrious and well govern’d People, we might have reason to fear, -that Silver and Gold would become so plentiful, and by consequence of so -little Value, that the World would be at a Loss to find a less -troublesome and more acceptable Species to satisfy Avarice and Luxury.</p> - -<p>The River of <i>Guiaquil</i>, from about 2 Leagues above <i>Puna</i> to Point -<i>Arena</i>, is so broad, that a Man can scarce see cross the Channel; the -Land down to the Water-side, is low and cover’d with Mangrove Trees; the -Tide flows above 3 Fathom, and an East and West Moon, as near as I could -guess, makes High-water at <i>Puna</i>. The Tide has a quick Current, much -stronger than in the <i>Thames</i>, and I believe the Ebb is little inferior -to that at <i>Bristol</i>, and the Water as thick, and as much discolour’d. -Not being able to describe the Channel plain enough to direct Strangers, -I shall give a View of it from a <i>Spanish</i> Draught; for I had not time -enough to draw the Channel, or found it all along. There’s need of a -good Pilot to carry a Vessel to the Town. The River is 14 Leagues -navigable beyond it, and the Tide flows 20 Leagues above it, but Canoes -and Bark-Logs go much higher.</p> - -<p>The Province abounds with several sorts of good Timber, which makes it -the chief Country of <i>Peru</i> for building and repairing Ships; there’s -seldom less than 6 or 7 at a time on the Stocks before the Town of -<i>Guiaquil</i>. The chief Commodity this City and its Province afford is -<i>Cocoa</i>, which is so plentiful, as to supply most Places on the <i>South -Sea</i>; they say there’s never less exported in a Year than 30000<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_146" id="page_146"></a>{146}</span> -Cargaus, each Cargau 81 Pound Weight, and sometimes double the Quantity: -It was purchas’d generally at half a Ryal <i>per</i> Pound, but now much -cheaper, so that the Cargau may be bought for 2 Pieces of Eight and a -half. Their coasting Trade is for Salt and Salt Fish, from Point <i>Santa -Helena</i>, and most vended at <i>Quito</i> and other distant Places within -Land. A vast quantity of Timber is laden here for <i>Truxillo</i>, <i>Chancay</i>, -<i>Lima</i>, and other Sea-ports, where ’tis scarce; it pays a great Freight, -and is a profitable Trade: They export also from hence Rice, Cotton, and -some dry’d Jerkt Beef. There are no Mines of Silver or Gold in this -Province, but Plenty of all sorts of Cattle, and very cheap, especially -on the Island <i>Puna</i>, where we supply’d our selves with what we could -stow conveniently. Here’s no other Corn but <i>Indian</i>, so that all their -Flower is brought from <i>Truxillo</i>, <i>Cheripe</i>, and other Places in the -Windward Parts, it blows here always Southerly. They are also supplied -with several sorts of Woollen Cloth, and very good strong Bays made at -<i>Quito</i>; their Wine, Brandy, Oil, Olives and Sugar, <i>&c.</i> come from -<i>Piscola</i>, <i>Nasca</i>, and other Places to Windward. All sorts of -<i>European</i> Goods come hither from <i>Panama</i>, whither they are brought -over Land from <i>Portobello</i> out of the North Seas; so that the Number of -Ships that come and go from hence, without including the Coasters, are -no less than 40 Sail every Year, which shows that the Port of <i>Guiaquil</i> -is no mean Place of Trade in this Part of the World. A Market is also -kept on Bark-Logs and Boats in the River every day before the Town, with -all that the Country affords in great plenty.</p> - -<p>Having thus given an account of the Wealth and Trade of the Town and -Province from my own Knowledge, or good Information, I shall now proceed -to give a further Account of the Strength and Government of the -Province. The Corregidore is Governour in all Civil and Military Affairs -of the whole; the next is his Lieutenant, call’d by the <i>Spaniards</i> -Lieutenant General, and all the chief Officers reside in or near -<i>Guiaquil</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Description of Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p>Their Method of trying Civil and Criminal Causes being different from -ours, I shall give as clear an Idea of it as I can. When any Court is -held, or urgent Affair happens, the following Persons are summon’d to -the Council in <i>Guiaquil</i>. First, the Corregidore, the Lieutenant -General, 2 Alcaldes or Justices, who are generally Men vers’d in the -Law, and serve in the nature of Mayors and Justices by turns<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_147" id="page_147"></a>{147}</span> every -Year; the next is the Algozil Major, with 8 Regidores or Common -Council-men, who supply the room of the superior Officers, in case of -Absence or Death, till the Viceroys Pleasure be known, and always give -their Votes in publick Affairs; in Cases of Law they are a standing -Jury, and the Corregidore is Judge, but generally follows the Advice of -the Alcalds. The Plaintiff or Defendant may appeal after Trial to the -Supream Court of <i>Lima</i>, which is encourag’d by the Gentlemen of the -Law, who improve Suits to such a Degree, that tho’ they are almost as -numerous as the Clergy, yet they are a thriving Society, seldom want -Imployment, and have large Fees. There are 2 Attorneys call’d Clerks of -the Court, and 4 Algozils or Serjeants. All Lawyers are allow’d to -practise here, and have a Sallary from the King besides their Fees, and -since Money abounds here, many of ’em don’t scruple taking Fees on both -Sides.</p> - -<p>The Inquisition rages worse here than in Old <i>Spain</i>; their chief Court -is at <i>Lima</i>, but 4 Officers from that Court are settl’d at <i>Guiaquil</i>, -besides 24 Clergy belonging to the Town, who inform against any Person -that they suspect of Opinions contrary to the <i>Roman</i> Church, and with a -violent Zeal prosecute ’em almost without any Formality. The Offenders -are speedily sent to the chief Court at <i>Lima</i>, where nothing but a -great deal of Money can save ’em, if found guilty in the least degree.</p> - -<p>Their Military Men affect great Titles, and their Strength is as -follows.</p> - -<p class="nind">The Corregidore is General, <i>Don Hieronimo Boso</i>.<br /> -Master le Camp, <i>Don Christopher Ramadeo de Areano</i>.<br /> -Serjeant Major, <i>Don Francisco Gantes</i>.<br /> -Commissaria de la Cavalaria, <i>Don Antonio Calabria</i>. -</p> - -<p>They have 5 Dons all Captains of Infantry, and each of ’em a large -Company: One Don is a Captain of near 200 Horsemen, and there are -Lieutenants, Ensigns, Serjeants, Corporals and Drummers to each Company, -as customary among the <i>Spaniards</i>. By the most reasonable Computation -of their Force, they could in a few days bring together 900 armed Horse -and Foot Militia; and I was inform’d by them they had not less than 500 -of these in a Body before we landed, and beat ’em out of the Town, there -being always that Number ready in the Towns and adjacent Parts upon an -Alarm. These and many more form’d a sorry Camp within a League of us in -the Woods, whilst with about 160 Men we<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_148" id="page_148"></a>{148}</span> kept the Town till they -ransom’d it. An <i>English</i>-man that run over to us after the Fight, who -had lived 2 Years in the Town, and saw their Force, told us there were -many more than what the <i>Spaniards</i> acknowledge by the abovemention’d -Account, and that he saw at one time, a few Months before, upwards of -1100 Horse and Foot drawn up and muster’d before the Town.</p> - -<p>Their other Towns are govern’d by Lieutenants deputed by the -Corregidore; above half of ’em border on the same River and its -Branches, so that they can join those of the Capital in 2 Tides, tho’ at -several Leagues distance. These Towns and Lieutenancies are as follow.</p> - -<p class="c"><i><big>A LIST</big> of the Lieutenancy of this Province.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="2" summary=""> -<tr><td> </td><td align="left"><i>Leagues.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><i><span class="letra">Y</span> Aquache</i>, govern’d by a Lieutenant, distant from <i>Guiaquil</i></td><td class="rt">7</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><i>Bava</i></td><td class="rt">12</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><i>Pemocho</i> has 6 Brass Guns of 16 Pound Ball, both govern’d —by the same Lieutenant.</td><td class="rt">14</td></tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Puna</i>,</td><td class="cbl" rowspan="3">—By the same Lieutenant—</td><td class="rt">9</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Naranghal</i>,</td><td class="rt">14</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Machala</i>,</td><td class="rt">14</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><i>Daule</i>, a Lieutenant</td><td class="rt">7</td></tr> -<tr><td>Point <i>St. Hellena</i>,</td><td class="cbl" rowspan="4">—by the same Lieut.—</td><td class="rt">30</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Colonche</i>,</td><td class="rt">20</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Chongong</i>,</td><td class="rt">7</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Chandoe</i>,</td><td class="rt">10</td></tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Sheba</i>,</td><td class="cbl" rowspan="3">—by the same Lieut.—</td><td class="rt">21</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Babaoya</i>,</td><td class="rt">16</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Chilintoam</i>,</td><td class="rt">14</td></tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Porto Vaco</i>,</td><td class="cbl" rowspan="5">—by the same Lieut.—</td><td class="rt">34</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Charapeto</i>,</td><td class="rt">36</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Peco Assaa</i>,</td><td class="rt">25</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Manta</i>,</td><td class="rt">40</td></tr> -<tr><td><i>Hepe Hapa</i>,</td><td class="rt">30</td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>Porto Vaco</i> was formerly the Metropolis of the Province, before the -Government was removed to <i>Guiaquil</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Guiaquil.</i></div> - -<p>In the Towns and the whole Province the <i>Spaniards</i> compute at least -10000 Inhabitants; but I believe there are many more. They are -distinguish’d by themselves into 11 Classes or Sorts, which being -particular, and worth remarking,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_149" id="page_149"></a>{149}</span> I shall add a Description of them, for -the Information of such as have not been in those Parts.</p> - -<p>The first and chief is the original <i>Spaniards</i>, never yet mix’d with -other People (at least as they pretend) and these are most respected.</p> - -<p>2. The <i>Mustees</i>, begot by <i>Spaniards</i> on <i>Indian</i> Women.</p> - -<p>3. <i>Fino Mustees</i>, their Children married again with the <i>Spaniards</i>.</p> - -<p>4. <i>Terceroons de Indies</i>, their Children again mix’d with the -<i>Spaniards</i>.</p> - -<p>5. <i>Quarteroons de Indies</i>, their Posterity again mix’d with the -<i>Spaniards</i>. These last are allowed to be Primitive <i>Spaniards</i> again.</p> - -<p>6. <i>Mullattoes</i>, begot by a <i>Spaniard</i>, or any <i>European</i>, on a Negro -Woman.</p> - -<p>7. <i>Quarteroon de Negroes</i>, again mixt with the <i>Spaniards</i>, and -esteem’d no better than <i>Mullattoes</i>.</p> - -<p>8. <i>Terceroon de Negroes</i>, a third Mixture with the <i>Spaniards</i>, still -call’d <i>Mullattoes</i>, because they will not allow ’em the Privilege or -Title of <i>Spaniard</i> after once debas’d with the Negro Breed, tho’ some -of ’em are as white as themselves; but they can’t get off the ugly Name -of <i>Mullatto</i>, unless they hide their Descent, which is no hard Task, if -they remove their Abode to another Place where they are not known, which -is often practis’d and conniv’d at by the Fathers of the Church, to -increase the Number of good Catholick <i>Spaniards</i>.</p> - -<p>9. The 9th Sort is <i>Indians</i>, who are all of a dark Olive-tawny Colour; -these (tho’ the true and antient Proprietors of the Country) are placed -a Class below the worst of the <i>Spanish</i> Descendants, which are -generally begot without Marriage on their Servants and Slaves.</p> - -<p>10. <i>Negroes.</i></p> - -<p>11. All the Species and Breeds between the <i>Negroes</i> and <i>Indians</i> are -call’d <i>Sambos</i>, tho’ by mixing their Breed as they do, they commonly -differ little or nothing to the Eye from the <i>Spanish</i> mix’d -Descendants.</p> - -<p>These 11 are the common Sorts, tho’ some of ’em seem not very regularly -distinguish’d: But they have rung Changes so often in those Peals of -Generation, that there is no End of their Distinctions. The <i>Spaniards</i> -are the fewest by far of all the Inhabitants; and were it not for those -Mixtures, which the Fathers of the Church keep united, the <i>Indians</i> -might again take possession of their Country, for the <i>Spaniards</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_150" id="page_150"></a>{150}</span> would -be too few to keep it, and much more uncapable of peopling it. Few of -those Prisoners that fell into our hands were healthy and sound; near -half of the <i>Spaniards</i> discover’d publickly to our Doctors their -Malady, in order to get Physick from them against the <i>French</i> Disease, -which is so common here, that they reckon it no Scandal to be deep in -the Powdering Tub; and the Heat of the Country facilitating the Cure, -they make very light of it. All the <i>Spaniards</i> I discours’d allow that -this rich Country is not a tenth peopled, nor are half the <i>Indians</i> far -within Land civilized, tho’ they affirm their King has in the <i>West -Indies</i> more Subjects of several Colours, than in all <i>Spain</i>, or the -rest of his Dominions in <i>Europe</i> (which may be true) and I believe they -are such Subjects, as no Christian King can boast of; for the King of -<i>Spain</i> is able to match the Skins of his <i>Americans</i> to any Colour, -with more Variety and Exactness than a Draper can match his Cloth and -Trimming.</p> - -<p>The Account that the <i>French</i> Buccaneers, <i>alias</i> Pirates, gave of this -Place, is so false, that there’s not the least Truth in it; so that by -their Description it would not appear to be the same Place, had they not -left infamous Marks of their being here: For when they took the Town of -<i>Guiaquil</i> about 22 Years ago, they discover’d little or no Bravery in -the Attack (tho’ they lost a great many Men) and committed a great deal -of Brutishness and Murther after they had the Place in their Power, -which was above a Month here and at <i>Puna</i>. The Seasons here are -improperly call’d Winter and Summer; the Winter is reckon’d from the -Beginning of <i>December</i> to the last of <i>May</i>, and all that Season is -sultry hot, wet and unhealthy. From the latter End of <i>May</i> to -<i>December</i> ’tis serene, dry and healthy, but not so violently hot as -what they call Winter.</p> - -<p>Their <i>Cocoa</i> is ripe, and mostly gather’d between <i>June</i> and <i>August</i>, -and of the other Fruits natural to these Climates, some are ripe and -others green all the Year. But I return to my Journal, and the Account -of our Voyage to the <i>Gallapagoes</i> Islands.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Guiaquil towards the Gallapagos.</i></div> - -<p><i>May 11.</i> A fresh Gale at S.S.W. We had upwards of 20 Men that fell ill -within these 24 Hours, and our Consort near 50, of a malignant Fever, -contracted as I suppose at <i>Guiaquil</i>, where I was informed, that about -a Month or 5 Weeks before we took it, a contagious Disease which raged -there swept off 10 or 12 Persons every Day for a considerable time; so -that the Floors of all the Churches (which are their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_151" id="page_151"></a>{151}</span> usual Burial -Places) were fill’d so fast, that they were obliged to dig a large and -deep Hole of about a Rod square, close by the great Church, where I kept -Guard; and this Hole was almost fill’d with Corps half putrified. The -Mortality was so very great, that many of the People had left the Town, -and our lying so long in the Church surrounded with such unwholsom -Scents, was enough to infect us too.</p> - -<p>Capt. <i>Courtney</i> was taken ill, and Capt. <i>Dover</i> went on board the -<i>Dutchess</i> to prescribe for him.</p> - -<p><i>May 14.</i> This Day we saw a great many Albacores in pursuit of Flying -Fish, and a very large Albacore<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> leap’d into one of our Boats. We -have now about 50 Men down, and the <i>Dutchess</i> upwards of 70; but I hope -the Sea Air (which is very fresh) will make the Climate more healthy.</p> - -<p><i>May 15.</i> At 6 last Night Mr. <i>Samuel Hopkins</i>, Dr. <i>Dover’s</i> Kinsman -and Assistant, died; he read Prayers once a Day ever since we pass’d the -Equinox in the North Sea: He was a very good temper’d sober Man, and -very well beloved by the whole Ship’s Company.</p> - -<p><i>May 17.</i> This Morning we saw the Land bearing S. S. W. about 10 Leagues -distant. It seems a large Island, and high Land: We tack’d and stood E. -by S. Wind at S. by E. to turn up to Windward for the Island. Our Men in -both Ships continue very ill; we have near 60 sick, and the <i>Dutchess</i> -upwards of 80. We had a good Observation, Lat. 00°. 37´´. S.</p> - -<p><i>May 18.</i> At 6 last Night the End of the Island bore S. by E. distant -about 5 Leagues. <i>Edward Downe</i> died at 12 at Night. When Day broke we -were within 4 Leagues of 2 large Islands almost joining together, having -passed the other that we saw yesterday. We sent our Boat ashore to look -for Water, and agreed with our Consort where to meet in case of -Separation. They turn’d towards an Island we saw to Windward, and left -us to try this Island for Water: All our Prizes were to stay near us -under Sail by a remarkable Rock.</p> - -<p><i>May 19.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon the Boat return’d with a melancholy -Account, that no Water was to be found. The Prizes we expected would -have lain to Windward for us by the Rock, about 2 Leagues off Shore; but -Mr. <i>Hatley</i> in a Bark, and the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, turn’d to Windward -after<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_152" id="page_152"></a>{152}</span> our Consort the <i>Dutchess</i>; so that only the Galleon and the Bark -that Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> was in staid for us. We kept plying to Windward all -Night with a Light out, which they follow’d. At 5 in the Morning we sent -our Boat ashore again to make a further Search in this Island for Water. -About 10 in the Morning <i>James Daniel</i> our Joiner died. We had a good -Observation, Lat. 00° 32´´. S.</p> - -<p><i>May 20.</i> Yesterday in the Evening our Boat return’d, but found no -Water, tho’ they went 3 or 4 Miles up into the Country: They tell me the -Island is nothing but loose Rocks, like Cynders, very rotten and heavy, -and the Earth so parch’d, that it will not bear a Man, but breaks into -Holes under his Feet, which makes me suppose there has been a Vulcano -here; tho’ there is much shrubby Wood, and some Greens on it, yet -there’s not the least Sign of Water, nor is it possible, that any can be -contain’d on such a Surface. At 12 last Night we lost sight of our -Galleon; so that we have only one Bark with us now.</p> - -<p><i>May 21.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon came down the <i>Dutchess</i> and the -<i>French</i> Prize. The <i>Dutchess</i>’s Bark had caught several Turtle and -Fish, and gave us a Part, which was very serviceable to the sick Men, -our fresh Provisions that we got on the main Land being all spent. They -were surpriz’d as much as we at the Galleon, and <i>Hatley</i>’s Bark being -out of Sight, thinking before they had been with us. We kept Lights at -our Top-mast’s Head, and fir’d Guns all Night, that they might either -see or hear how to join us, but to no Purpose.</p> - -<p>Capt. <i>Courtney</i> being not yet quite recover’d, I went on board the -<i>Dutchess</i>, and agreed with him and his Officers, to stay here with the -<i>Havre de Grace</i> and Bark, whilst I went in quest of the missing Prizes. -At 6 in the Morning we parted, and stood on a Wind to the Eastward, -judging they lost us that way. Here are very strange Currents amongst -these Islands, and commonly run to the Leeward, except on the Full Moon -I observed it ran very strong to Windward; I believe ’tis the same at -Change.</p> - -<p><i>May 22.</i> Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we met with the Galleon under -the East Island, but heard nothing of Mr. <i>Halley’s</i> Bark. At 9 last -Night <i>Jacob Scronder</i> a <i>Dutch</i>-man, and very good Sailor, died. We -kept on a Wind in the Morning to look under the Weather Island for Mr. -<i>Hatley</i>, and fired a Gun for the Galleon to bear away for the Rendevouz -Rock, which she did.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_153" id="page_153"></a>{153}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Gallapagos Islands.</i></div> - -<p><i>May 23.</i> Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we saw the Weather Island near -enough, and no Sail about it. We bore away in sight of the Rock, and saw -none but our Galleon; we were in another Fright what became of our -Consort, and the 2 Prizes we left behind; but by 5 we saw ’em come from -under the Shore to the Leeward of the Rock. We spoke with ’em in the -Evening; we all bewail’d Mr. <i>Hatley</i>,<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> and were afraid he was lost: -We fir’d Guns all Night, and kept Lights out, in hopes he might see or -hear us, and resolved to leave these unfortunate Islands, after we had -view’d two or three more to Leeward. We pity’d our 5 Men in the Bark -that is missing, who if in being have a melancholy Life without Water, -having no more but for 2 Days, when they parted from us. Some are afraid -they run on Rocks, and were lost in the Night, others that the 2 -Prisoners and 3 Negroes had murder’d ’em when asleep; but if otherwise, -we had no Water, and our Men being still sick, we could stay little -longer for them. Last Night died <i>Law. Carney</i> of a malignant Fever. -There is hardly a Man in the Ship, who had been ashore at <i>Guiaquil</i>, -but has felt something of this Distemper, whereas not one of those that -were not there have been sick yet. Finding that Punch did preserve my -own Health, I prescribed it freely among such of the Ships Company as -were well, to preserve theirs. Our Surgeons make heavy Complaints for -want of sufficient Medicines, with which till now I thought we abounded, -having a regular Physician, an Apothecary, and Surgeons enough, with all -sorts of Medicines on board. Our Owners believed so too, and did often -at home set forth the uncommon Advantage we had in being so carefully -provided for this tedious Voyage; but now we found it otherwise, and had -not sufficient Medicines to administer for the Recovery of our sick Men, -which so many being sick in both Ships, makes it a melancholy Time with -us.</p> - -<p><i>May 21.</i> Yesterday at 5 in the Afternoon we ran to the Northward, and -made another Island, which bore N. W. by W. distant 5 Leagues; and this -Morning we sent our Boat ashore, to see for the lost Bark, Water, Fish -or Turtle. This Day <i>Tho. Hughes</i> a very good Sailor died, as did Mr.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_154" id="page_154"></a>{154}</span> -<i>George Underhill</i>, a good Proficient in most parts of the Mathematicks -and other Learning, tho’ not much above 21 Years old: He was of a very -courteous Temper, and brave, was in the Fight where my Brother was -kill’d, and served as Lieutenant in my Company at <i>Guiaquil</i>. About the -same time another young Man, call’d <i>John English</i>, died aboard the -<i>Haver de Grace</i>, and we have many still sick. If we had staid in the -Harbour, we should in all probability have lost near half of our Men. We -had a good Observation, Lat. 00°. 14´´. N.</p> - -<p><i>May 25.</i> Yesterday at 6 in the Evening our Boat return’d from the -Island without finding any Water, or seeing the Bark. About 4 in the -Morning we stood to another Island, that bore about N. E. distant 4 -Leagues, and the <i>Dutchess</i> went to view another to the S. W. of it. -Last Night <i>Peter Marshal</i> a good Sailor died. This Morning our Boat -with Mr. <i>Selkirk’s</i> Bark went to another Island to view it. We had an -Observation, Lat. 00°. 35´´. N.</p> - -<p><i>May 26.</i> Last Night our Boat and Bark return’d, having rounded the -Island, found no Water, but Plenty of Turtle and Fish. This Morning we -join’d the <i>Dutchess</i>, who had found no Water. About 12 a Clock we -compar’d our Stocks of Water, found it absolutely necessary to make the -best of our way to the Main for some, then to come off again; and so -much the rather, because we expected that 2 <i>French</i> Ships, one of 60, -and another of 40 Guns, with some <i>Spanish</i> Men of War, would suddenly -be in quest of us.</p> - -<p><i>May 27.</i> At 6 last Night the Body of the Eastermost Island bore S. E. -by S. distant 4 Leagues, from whence we took our Departure for the Main. -Last Night died <i>Paunceford Wall</i>, a Land-man. A fresh Gale at S. E. -with cloudy Weather.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From the Gallapagos Islands towards Peru.</i></div> - -<p><i>May 30.</i> Fair Weather with moderate Gales from the S. S. E. to the S. -by E. We are forced to water the Bark and Galleon every Day with our -Yall: ’Tis a very great Trouble to hoist our Boat out daily; now that -our Men are so very weak. Senior <i>Morell</i>, and the other Prisoners, tell -us, that it frequently proves Calm between these Islands and the <i>Terra -firma</i>, at this time of the Year, which if it should now happen, but for -a few Days, would very much incommode us for Want of Water. Had we -supplied our selves well at Point <i>Arena</i>, we should, no doubt, have had -time enough to find the Island <i>S. Maria de l’Aquada</i>, reported to be -one of the <i>Gallapagos</i>, where there is Plenty of good<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_155" id="page_155"></a>{155}</span> Water, Timber, -Land and Sea Turtle, and a safe Road for Ships. This was the Place we -intended for, and would have been very suitable to our Purpose, which -was to lie some Time concealed. It’s probable there is such an Island, -because one Capt. <i>Davis</i>,<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> an <i>Englishman</i>, who was a buccaneering -in these Seas, above 20 Years ago, lay some Months and recruited here to -Content: He says, that it had Trees fit for Masts; but these sort of -Men, and others I have convers’d with, or whose Books I have read, have -given very blind or false Relations of their Navigation, and Actions in -these Parts, for supposing the Places too remote to have their Stories -disprov’d, they imposed on the Credulous, amongst whom I was one, till -now I too plainly see, that we cannot find any of their Relations to be -relied on: Therefore I shall say no more of these Islands, since by what -I saw of ’em, they don’t at all answer the Description that those Men -have given us.</p> - -<p>Nothing more remarkable happen’d till the 6th of <i>June</i>, but that -<i>Thomas Morgan</i>, a <i>Welch</i> Land-man, died the 31st of <i>May</i>; <i>George -Bishop</i>, another Land-man, the 4th of <i>June</i>; and that we had Advice -from some of our Men on board the Galeon, that the Prisoners and Blacks -there had form’d a Plot to murder the <i>English</i>, and run away with the -Ship in the Night. We examin’d the <i>Spaniards</i> who positively denied it; -yet some of the Blacks own’d there had been such a Discourse betwixt -some Negroes and <i>Indians</i>, but they did not believe they were in -earnest: So we contented our selves to disperse those Prisoners into -several Ships, as the best Way to break the Cabal.</p> - -<p><i>June 6.</i> Yesterday at 4 a Clock in the Afternoon we spied a Sail, and -at the same time saw the Land, the <i>Dutchess</i> being a Mile a Head, gave -chase first, we followed, and about 7 in the Evening the <i>Dutchess</i> took -her; we immediately sent our Boat aboard, and took out some of the -Prisoners. She was a Vessel of about 90 Tun, bound from <i>Panama</i> to -<i>Guiaquil</i>, call’d the St. <i>Thomas de Villa nova</i> and St. <i>Demas</i>, <i>Juan -Navarro Navaret</i> Commander. There were about 40 People aboard, including -11 Negro-Slaves, but little of <i>European</i> Goods, except some Iron and -Cloth. Captain <i>Courtney</i> sent to tell me, the Prisoners he had knew -nothing of our being in these Seas, and brought no News from <i>Europe</i>, -but confirm’d the Story that they expected the Arrival of a Squadron -from<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_156" id="page_156"></a>{156}</span> <i>England</i>, my Lord <i>Peterborough</i>, Admiral and General, by Sea and -Land, which was dreaded every Day, and that they were inform’d he -design’d to secure some Port in the North Sea, and send part of his -Squadron to the South Sea. They had a Passenger of Note on board, call’d -Don <i>Juan Cardoso</i>, he was going to be Governour of <i>Baldivia</i>, and said -he had been taken not long before in the North Sea, by <i>Jamaica</i> -Cruisers. We bore away by Agreement for the Island <i>Gorgona</i>. This -Morning we saw <i>Gallo</i>, near the Shore, a small Island, and the Main to -the North of it, which by the Shore is low Land. Our late Prize ran -aboard the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, and lost her Main Top-mast, but did little -Damage to the other Ship. The <i>Dutchess</i> took the Prize into a Tow. We -had a good Observation. Lat. 2°. 00´´. N.</p> - -<p><i>June 7.</i> Yesterday at 2 in the Afternoon we made the Island of -<i>Gorgona</i>; about 4 the Body bore E. N. E. 5 Leagues.</p> - -<p><i>June 8.</i> Yesterday at 4 in the Afternoon we got to an Anchor, about a -good Cable’s Length from the Shore in 30 Fathom Water, on the East side -of the Island; the Southermost point of it in sight bore S. E. about 3 -Miles, and the Rocks off the North Point bore N. half W. a Mile and a -half.</p> - -<p><i>June 8.</i> At 8 this Morning we spied a Sail to the Southward of the -Island, between it and the Main; our Pinnace being a-shore for Water, -the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Boat went first after her, ours followed on the other -side of the Island, that if the Prize bore away, she might meet her on -the West Side. In the mean time I took in Water from the Island.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Gorgona Road.</i></div> - -<p><i>June 9.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon our Boats return’d and brought the -Prize with them, being a small Bark of about 35 Tuns, call’d the <i>Golden -Sun</i>; she belong’d to a Creek within this Island, on the Main, and was -bound for <i>Guiaquil</i>, <i>Andros Enriques</i> Master, with 10 <i>Spaniards</i> and -<i>Indians</i>, and some <i>Negroes</i>; no Cargo but a very little Gold Dust, and -a large Gold Chain, together about 500 <i>l.</i> value, which were secur’d -aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>. The Prize design’d to purchase Salt and Brandy -with ’em. The Prisoners said they had no Notice of us, so that News does -not spread in this Country so fast as we believ’d, especially this Way; -the Land being, as I am informed, full of Woods and Rivers, and bad for -Travellers or Posts. About 6 in the Evening there was a Consultation on -board the <i>Dutchess</i>, with some of my Officers, Capt. <i>Dover</i> and -others; being discompos’d I was not with them, but resolved to act in -consortship, according<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_157" id="page_157"></a>{157}</span> to their Agreement. After they had examin’d the -Prisoners, they resolved to go to <i>Malaga</i>, an Island which had a Rode, -where we design’d to leave our Ships, and with our Boats row up the -River, for the rich Gold Mines of <i>Barbacore</i>, call’d also by the -<i>Spaniards</i>, the Mines of St. <i>Juan</i>, from a Village about two Tides up -the River of that Name; there we design’d to surprize Canoes, as fitter -than our Boats to go against the Stream; for this Time of the Year being -subject to great Rains, which makes a strong Fresh down the River, our -Pilot, an old <i>Spaniard</i>, did not propose to get up to the Mines in less -than 12 Days. I had often before suspected his Knowledge, but according -to their Resolutions on board the <i>Dutchess</i> we came to sail about 12 a -Clock at Night, and steer’d N. E. for the Place. In the Morning I -discours’d Captain <i>Morrel</i>, as I had done several Times before, and all -the rest of the Prisoners, who agreed that this Island, call’d <i>Malaga</i>, -was an unfrequented Place, and not fit for Ships, that ever they heard -of. I had also 2 Prisoners aboard, that were taken in the last Prize, -who had been at the said Island very lately; I examin’d ’em separately, -and they agreed, that a Ship could not be safe there, and the Place -being so narrow, ’twas impossible to get in, but with the Tide, which -ran very strong; that the Entrance was full of Shoals, and had not Water -enough, but at Spring Tides, for our Ships to get out or in; besides -that if a Ship gets loose (as we must moar Head and Stern) she would -turn all adrift, and very much endanger the whole; they added that the -River was so narrow before we could get to the Mines, that the <i>Indians</i> -and <i>Spaniards</i> might fell Trees a cross, and cut off our Retreat, there -being thick Woods on the Banks of the River, from whence the <i>Indians</i> -would gall us with their poison’d Arrows; for those about the Mines were -in Amity with the <i>Spaniards</i>, and a bold and a very numerous People. -Upon this Information I was surpriz’d that the Council had not inform’d -themselves better before they resolved on going to this Place, and -immediately sent Mr. <i>White</i> our Linguist with the two Prisoners, on -board the <i>Dutchess</i>, to undeceive Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and his Officers, -and to desire his Company with some of the rest without Loss of Time, -that we might agree how to act for our Safety and Interest, and not to -proceed farther on this hazardous Enterprize.</p> - -<p><i>June 10.</i> Yesterday Afternoon Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Cook</i> came -aboard us. We immediately agreed to return to <i>Gorgona</i>, to refit our -Prizes, and that there we would come to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_158" id="page_158"></a>{158}</span> a final Resolution. We saw the -Island at 6 in the Evening, bearing S. W. Distance about 8 Leagues. In -the Night, we had much Rain with Lightning and Squalls of Wind, by which -the <i>Havre de Grace</i> lost her main Top-mast. This Morning died <i>Jonathan -Smyth</i>, a Smith by Trade, and Armourer’s Mate of our Ship. I went on -board the <i>Havre de Grace</i> and <i>Dutchess</i>, and lent them what was -necessary for their Assistance. Our Men being very much fatigued, many -of them sick, and several of our Good Sailors dead, we are so weak, that -should we meet an Enemy in this Condition, we could make but a mean -Defence. Every thing looks dull and discouraging, but it’s in vain to -look back or repine in these Parts.</p> - -<p><i>June 11.</i> We had good Soundings, but came no nearer the Shore than 36 -Fathom Water, it being uncertain Soundings, and dangerous for Ships to -venture within that Depth here.</p> - -<p><i>June 12.</i> Had rainy Weather, with little or no Wind. At 8 this Morning -saw the Island of <i>Gorgona</i>; bore S. half W. distant about 9 Leagues. We -impatiently long to be there again, at an Anchor, being in an ordinary -Condition to keep the Sea, tho’ when there, we are open to all -Advantages against us, if the Enemy is out after us, which we expect, -and that this is a Place they will search, but having no other Place so -convenient, we must run the Risque of it.</p> - -<p><i>June 13.</i> About 4 in the Morning we came to an Anchor again at -<i>Gorgona</i>, in 40 Fathom Water, and most of both Ships Officers having -some Thoughts of Careening<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> here. We held the following Committee:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c"><i>GORGONA</i>: 13 June, 1709.<br /> At a Committee held on Board the <i>Duke</i>.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have agreed on Mr.</i> Lancelot Appleby <i>to succeed Mr.</i> Samuel -Hopkins, <i>and Mr.</i> Robert Knowlesman <i>to succeed Mr.</i> John Rogers, -<i>who being deceased, these we approve as the fittest Men to be -Members of a Committee in their Places; and having at the same time -consider’d the Necessity of cleaning our Ships, we do desire Capt.</i> -Courtney <i>to use all manner of Dispatch to get ready for a Careen, -and that the Men and Officers assist him as much as possible, and -then he to assist the</i> Duke, <i>as soon as his Ship is compleated, -and off the Careen, because one Ship</i></p></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Gorgona.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_159" id="page_159"></a>{159}</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p><i>ought to be in a Readiness to protect the other, whilst on a -Careen, in case we be attack’d by the Enemy.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">Wm. Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Cha. Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Step. Courtney,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Wm. Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Bridge.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Rob. Frye,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p>While we were together, we agreed to fit out the <i>Havre de Grace</i> with -twenty Guns, and put Men out of each Ship aboard her, under Captain -<i>Cook</i>’s Command, resolving to carry her home with us, and to make a -third Ship to cruise in our Company, whilst in these Seas.</p> - -<p><i>June 14.</i> I proposed before, we should careen at Port <i>a Penees</i>, -because it was an unfrequented Place, and good Harbour, where we might -lie sometime undiscover’d, and from thence go to the Bay of <i>Panama</i>, -when ready; but considering our present Condition, every body seem’d -most inclinable to stay here, which I the more readily agreed to, -because it was pleasing to the rest, and that, if any Casualty happen’d, -I might not be reflected on, if I had over-perswaded them to go -elsewhere. We began, according to agreement, to careen the <i>Dutchess</i> -first, and I to lye on the Guard the mean while, in case of being -attack’d, which we had reason to fear, having been so long from -<i>Guiaquil</i>. The <i>Dutchess</i> began to make ready for a Careen. Captain -<i>Courtney</i> and I went a fishing together, and had pretty good Luck, Fish -being plenty here.</p> - -<p><i>June 15.</i> We had indifferent fair Weather, but very sultry. We put all -our sick Men, with our Consort’s on board the Galeon, being about 70 in -Number, besides sick Officers, whom we put on board the <i>Havre de -Grace</i>.</p> - -<p><i>June 16.</i> We built a Tent a-shore for the Armourer and Cooper; set -several Men to cutting of Wood, and clearing a Place for the sick Mens -Tents.</p> - -<p>Nothing remarkable pass’d from the 16th, but that we had frequent -Thunder, Lightning and Rain, which retarded our Careening the -<i>Dutchess</i>, till the 21st that we finish’d her, and began upon our Ship: -We were forc’d to carry most of our Stores ashore, for want of Barks, -which are full of the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Provisions and Materials. We seldom -miss catching good Fish daily, and keep a Boat and Men imploy’d for that -purpose, there being very little Refreshment in the <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_160" id="page_160"></a>{160}</span>Island. We spent -till the 25th in careening; the Sea swelling into the Road hinder’d us -heaving our Keel wholly out; however we clean’d within less than 2 -Streaks of the Keel; and being upright again,</p> - -<p><i>June 28.</i> We got our Provisions aboard, and mounted all our Guns; so -that in 14 Days we had calk’d our Ships all round, careen’d, rigg’d and -stow’d them again, both fit for the Sea; which was great Dispatch, -considering what we had to do was in an open Place, with few Carpenters, -and void of the usual Conveniencies for careening. The <i>Spaniards</i> our -Prisoners being very dilatory Sailors, were amazed at our Expedition, -and told us, they usually take 6 Weeks or 2 Months to careen one of the -King’s Ships at <i>Lima</i>, where they are well provided with all -Necessaries, and account it good Dispatch.</p> - -<p><i>June 29.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we built a Tent ashore for the -Sick, who are now much better than when we came to the Island, neither -the Weather nor the Air here being half so bad as the <i>Spaniards</i> -represented, which made us think ’twould be worse than we found it. This -Morning we got the sick Men into their Tents, and put the Doctors ashore -with them: We unloaded the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, and chose a Place very easy -to lay her ashore, to clean her Bottom. A clear Sand about a Mile and -half from the Place where we rode, near the South End of the Island.</p> - -<p><i>June 30.</i> I went to her this Morning, and left Capts. <i>Courtney</i> and -<i>Cooke</i>, with the Carpenters, <i>&c.</i> to grave her Bottom, whilst I took -the most experienced Prisoners, and walked through the Island (which is -every where full of Wood) to look out Masts for her. The <i>Spaniards</i> -knew best what Wood was most fit for this Purpose here. We found one -Tree proper to be a Fore-mast, having before that cut down a great Tree -big enough, but a wrong sort of Wood. All the Timber here is too heavy, -but we must use it, her old Masts and Yards being unserviceable, her -Sails rotten, and very little of her Cordage fit to be us’d; so that -it’s near equal to rigging out a-new. She is a very sharp Ship, but lies -easy on soft red Sand, which is dry at little more than half Tide. The -Worms had not much damag’d her Bottom, but her Rudder and Cut-water<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> -were eaten to pieces. It flows 15 Foot at Spring Tides.</p> - -<p><i>July 1.</i> We have Men imploy’d in our Tents ashore, to prepare the -Rigging as fast as possible; a Rope-maker at work to make twice-laid -Cordage, and a Smith, Block-maker<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_161" id="page_161"></a>{161}</span></p> - -<p><a name="ill_006" id="ill_006"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_216_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_216_sml.jpg" width="500" height="380" alt="Image unavailable: CAPTAIN WOODES ROGERS, WITH HIS SON AND DAUGHTER, 1729 - -From the engraving by W. Skelton, after the painting by Hogarth." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">CAPTAIN WOODES ROGERS, WITH HIS SON AND DAUGHTER, 1729 -<br /> -From the engraving by W. Skelton, after the painting by Hogarth.</span> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Gorgona in Peru.</i></div> - -<p class="nind">and Sail-maker at the same time; so that we want no Tradesmen to fit her -out. Necessity makes us of all Trades on this occasion.</p> - -<p>The Natives of Old <i>Spain</i> are accounted but ordinary Mariners, but here -they are much worse; all the Prizes we took being rather cobled than -fitted out for the Sea: So that had they such Weather as we often meet -with in the <i>European</i> Seas in Winter, they could scarce ever reach a -Port again, as they are fitted, but they sail here hundreds of Leagues. -The <i>French</i> us’d her as a Victualling Ship, and sold her at <i>Lima</i>, as -they have done several others, for 4 times the Money they cost in -<i>Europe</i>. ’Tis certainly a good Method they took at first trading -hither, to bring a Victualling Ship with no other Goods but Provisions -and Stores along with ’em. Generally one of these small Ships comes out -with two Traders, and since in six, nine, or 12 Months time, which they -stay in these Seas, they expend their Provisions, and lessen their Men -by Mortality or Desertion, they sell their Victualling Ship, and being -recruited with Men and Provisions out of her, they return well -victualled and mann’d to <i>France</i>. But now they put into <i>Chili</i>, where -they sell the remaining Part of their Cargo, and salt up a new Stock of -Provisions for their homeward bound Passage, so that they need bring no -more Victuallers.</p> - -<p><i>July 2.</i> We had Showers of Rain, with Thunder and Lightning last Night, -and few Nights are without Rain, but ’tis pretty dry in the day-time. -This day I got a fine Tree for the Main-mast; the Island is so cover’d -with Trees, that we are forced to clear a Place for a Yard to work in. -The Wood that we us’d for Masts and Yards is 3 sorts, but the best is -<i>Maria</i> Wood, of the Colour and Grain of our <i>English</i> Oak, all of the -Cedar Kind, good Timber, but very heavy. There are several other sorts -fit for Masts, but Care must be taken not to use any that is -short-grain’d, or soft and white when green.</p> - -<p><i>July 3.</i> The Prize Flower we took in Bags being much damag’d by the -Rats, I order’d the Coopers to put it up in 36 Casks: The little -<i>English</i> Bread we have left is eaten as hollow as a Honeycomb, and so -full of Worms, that it’s hardly fit for Use. Last Night we met aboard -our Ship to consult of the quickest Method for Dispatch, and the -Officers agreed each to take his Share of looking after the Ships, and -forwarding the several Workmen: So that most of our little Commonwealth -being ashore very busy, ’twas a Diversion<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_162" id="page_162"></a>{162}</span> for me to oversee the several -Companies at work in our Yard, from Break of Day till Night, which -otherwise in this hot Country would have been very burthensome to me.</p> - -<p>We were imploy’d till the 9<i>th</i> in refitting the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, and -when finish’d call’d her the <i>Marquis</i>. We saluted each of the other -Ships with 3 Huzzas from on board her, distributed Liquor among the -Company, drank her Majesty’s and our Owners Healths, and to our own good -Success. The Ship look’d well, so that we all rejoic’d in our new -Consort to cruize with us. The next thing we did was to clear Mr. -<i>Selkirk’s</i> Bark to carry our Prisoners to the Main, who being 72 in -Number, were very chargeable to maintain; but we could not discharge -them sooner, lest they should have allarm’d the Country, and inform’d -the <i>French</i> and <i>Spanish</i> Men of War where to find us. But being now -almost ready to depart, we call’d a Committee, and came to the following -Resolutions.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee held on board the Duke, riding at Anchor in the Road -of <i>Gorgona</i>, <i>July 9, 1709</i>.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E think it convenient to turn all our Prisoners ashore, in a Bark -already provided for that purpose, and at the same time to Plunder -the Settlements on the Main opposite to this Island, and do desire -Capt.</i> Thomas Dover, <i>Mr.</i> Robert Fry, <i>and Mr.</i> William Stratton -<i>to command the Bark and 45 Men on the same Expedition, and to make -what Dispatch they can, and return hither with such Refreshments, -&c. as they can get for our sick Men</i>.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Cha. Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Ballett,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p>After this we gave them the following Instructions.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Capt.</i> Tho. Dover,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Robert Frye,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr. W.</i> Stratton,</td><td align="left">Gorgona, 9 July, 1709.</td></tr> -</table> - -<p> -<i>Gentlemen</i>,<br /> -</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Gorgona.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E having agreed with you in a Committee, That you take a Bark -under your Care, and transport our Prisoners to the Main, and -having order’d about 45 Men under your Command to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_163" id="page_163"></a>{163}</span> proceed with -you, and attempt the Plundering where you judge convenient: We only -recommend the utmost Dispatch, and that you keep in mind, we hope -to be ready in 8 Days, and shall earnestly expect you as much as -possible within that Time. Other things relating to this you’ll -know better how to act than we can here direct.</i></p> - -<p><i>Should a powerful Enemy attempt us in your Absence, we’ll be -certain to leave a Glass Bottle buried at the Root of the Tree -whence the Fore-mast was cut, to acquaint you, then</i> Quibo <i>is the -Place we will wait for you at, if we are well, and you must leave a -Glass Bottle at this Place in case we return hither again: But this -we don’t expect, if once chas’d away.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney, </td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">Geo. Milbourne,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Bath,</td><td align="left">John Ballett,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Cha. Pope,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p><i>July 10.</i> Early this Morning we put our 72 Prisoners aboard the Bark. -We had several times discours’d our Prisoners, the two <i>Morells</i>, and -<i>Don Antonio</i> about ransoming the Goods, and were in hopes of selling -them to advantage, but deferr’d coming to Particulars, till now that we -plainly saw, unless they could have the Cargoes under a quarter Value, -they would not deal with us. I propos’d going to <i>Panama</i>, and to lie 6 -Days as near it as they pleas’d, till they brought the Money we should -agree for at a moderate Rate; provided they left a Hostage aboard us, -whom on failure we would carry to <i>England</i>. To this they would have -agreed, provided we would take 60000 Pieces of Eight for all the Prize -Goods. Then I propos’d their ransoming the Galleon, and putting good -part of the Goods aboard her, provided one of them three and another -they could procure would be Hostages for the Sum. They answer’d, That -neither of them would go Hostage to <i>England</i> for the World. Then I -propos’d delivering the Galleon and Cargo to them here, provided 2 of -them would be Ransomers to pay us the Money at any other Place but -<i>Panama</i> or <i>Lima</i>, in Six Days, if they would give us 120000 Pieces of -Eight, being the lowest Price we could take for all the Prizes and -Goods, Negroes, <i>&c.</i> They told us that Trade with Strangers, especially -the <i>English</i> and <i>Dutch</i>, was so strictly prohibited in those Seas, -that they must give more than the prime Cost of the Goods in Bribes, to -get a License to deal with us: So that they could not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_164" id="page_164"></a>{164}</span> assure us of -Payment, unless we sold the Goods very cheap; therefore not finding it -worth our Time, and knowing the Danger we must run in treating with -them, we desisted, and order’d them all ashore, still hoping that this -would necessitate the <i>Morells</i> and <i>Navarre</i> to get Money for us, and -prevent our burning the Ships, and what we can’t carry away. Every one -now wish’d we had kept some others of the topping Prisoners, to have -try’d whether they had a better Foundation and Method to trade; the -Goods being of little value to us here, and we must fill our Ships so -full, that we fear ’twill spoil our sailing.</p> - -<p><i>July 11.</i> Yesterday our Bark and 2 Pinnaces sail’d with our chief -Prisoners. <i>Don Antonio</i>, the <i>Fleming</i>, Sen. <i>Navarre</i>, and the -<i>Morells</i>, who did not expect to part with us so suddenly, but by -continuing with us, and knowing we could not carry away all the Prizes -and Goods, they hop’d we should of course have freely given them what we -could not keep. We apprehended that was the principal Reason of their -not closing with our Terms, which were advantageous to them. Besides, -should we have been attack’d, they believ’d we must then put them in -possession of their Ships, which were of no use for fighting. But to -obviate all their Hopes of benefiting themselves at this easy Rate, -without our participating of their Money, the Magnet that drew us -hither, I made them sensible at parting, that as we had treated them -courteously like generous Enemies, we would sell them good Bargains for -whatever Money they could bring us in 10 Days time, but that we would -burn what we did not so dispose of or carry away. They beg’d we would -delay burning the Ships, and promis’d to raise what Money they could, -and return within the time to satisfy us.</p> - -<p>One of the chief Prisoners we now parted with was <i>Don Juan Cardoso</i>, -design’d Governor of <i>Baldivia</i>, a brisk Man of about 35 Years of Age; -he had serv’d as a Collonel in <i>Spain</i>, had the Misfortune to be taken -in the North Seas by an <i>English</i> Privateer near <i>Portobello</i>, and -carried to <i>Jamaica</i>, from whence he was sent back to <i>Portobello</i>: He -complain’d heavily of the Usage he met with from the <i>Jamaica</i> -Privateer; but we parted very good Friends, and he returned us his -hearty Thanks, and a Stone Ring for a Present to one of the Dutchess’s -Lieutenants that had lent him his Cabbin while he was sick on board.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Gorgona Road.</i></div> - -<p>We allow’d Liberty of Conscience on board our floating Commonwealth to -our Prisoners, for there being a Priest in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_165" id="page_165"></a>{165}</span> each Ship, they had the -Great Cabbin for their Mass, whilst we us’d the Church of <i>England</i> -Service over them on the Quarter-deck, so that the Papists here were the -Low Churchmen.</p> - -<p><i>July 13.</i> This Morning our Vessels return’d from landing our Prisoners, -and brought off 7 small Black Cattle, about 12 Hogs, 6 Goats, some Limes -and Plaintains, which were very welcome to us; they met with little else -of Value in the Village they were at, and the others being far up the -River, they did not think it worth while to visit them. The Country -where they landed was so poor, that our Men gave the Prisoners and -Negroes, some Bays, Nails, <i>&c.</i> to purchase themselves Subsistance. The -Inhabitants ashore had notice of our taking <i>Guiaquil</i>, and were jealous -of our being at this Island, because they heard our Guns, when we fired -in order to scale them after careening. This Place bears S.E. about 7 -Leagues from the Body of <i>Gorgona</i>, is low Land and full of Mangrove -Trees; but within the Country the Land is very high. The River is hard -to be found without a Pilot, and has Shole Water for above 2 Leagues -from Shore, There are some poor Gold Mines near it, but the Inhabitants -agree that those of <i>Barbacore</i> are very rich, tho’ difficult to be -attempted, as we were informed before.</p> - -<p><i>July 16.</i> Yesterday about Noon came aboard one <i>Michael Kendall</i>, a -free Negro of <i>Jamaica</i>, who had been sold a Slave to the Village we -plunder’d; but not being there when our People were ashore, he follow’d -them privately in a small Canoe; and the Account he gave of himself was, -that when the last War was declared at <i>Jamaica</i>, he embark’d under the -Command of one Capt. <i>Edward Roberts</i>, who was join’d in Commission from -the Governour of <i>Jamaica</i> with Capts. <i>Rash</i>, <i>Golding</i> and -<i>Pilkington</i>; they had 106 Men, and design’d to attempt the Mines of -<i>Jaco</i> at the Bottom of the Gulph of <i>Darien</i>: There were more -Commanders and Men came out with them, but did not join in this Design. -They had been about 5 Months out, when they got near the Mines -undiscover’d; they sail’d 15 Days up the River in Canoes, and travel’d -10 Days by Land afterwards. By this time the <i>Spaniards</i> and <i>Indians</i> -being alarm’d, laid Ambushes in the Woods, and shot many of them. The -Enemy having assembled at least 500 Men, and the <i>English</i> being -diminish’d to about 60, including the Wounded; the <i>Spaniards</i> sent them -a Flag of Truce, and offer’d them their Lives after a small Skirmish, -wherein the <i>English</i> lost 4, and the Enemy about 12<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_166" id="page_166"></a>{166}</span> Men. The <i>English</i> -being in want of Provisions, quite tir’d out, and not knowing their Way -back, agreed to deliver their Arms, on condition to be us’d as Prisoners -of War. Having thus yielded, the <i>Spaniards</i> and <i>Indians</i> carried them -in Canoes 3 Days up the River, that leads to the same Mines they -design’d to attempt, treated them very well, and gave them the same Food -that they eat themselves; but the 4<i>th</i> Day, when they came to a Town -beyond the Mines, and thought all Danger had been past, an Order came -from the chief <i>Spanish</i> Officer to cut them all off, which the -<i>Indians</i> and <i>Spanish</i> Troops did, as those poor disarm’d Wretches sat -at Victuals; so that in this barbarous manner they were all massacred in -a few Minutes, except a <i>Scots</i>, a <i>French</i>, and an <i>English</i> Boy, with -12 free Negroes, which at the Intercession of a Priest they kept for -Slaves. This Man being one of ’em, happen’d to be sold, first to the -Mines, where he says he clear’d at least 3 Pieces of Eight a day for his -Master, and from thence he was sold to this Place. By this we may see -what a mighty Advantage the <i>Spaniards</i> make of their Slaves to imploy -at these Mines, which are accounted the richest in <i>New Spain</i>. The rest -of the free Negroes being farther up the Country, could have no -Opportunity to escape. This is enough to shew what merciless and -cowardly Enemies we have to deal with in these Parts of the World. I -have heard of many such Cruelties in the <i>Spanish</i> Parts of <i>America</i>, -to the eternal Scandal of those who encourage or connive at them.</p> - -<p><i>July 17.</i> About 10 this Morning, the two <i>Morells</i>, Mr. <i>Navarre</i>, and -his Son in law, our old Prisoners came in a large Canoe, with some Money -to ransom what they could of us: We told them of the Barbarity of their -Countrymen, and of the different Treatment they met with from us; and -that we had reason to apprehend, that if we became Prisoners here, that -few of us would ever return to our native Country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Gorgona Road.</i></div> - -<p><i>July 18.</i> A Negro belonging to the <i>Dutchess</i> was bit by a small brown -speckl’d Snake, and died within 12 Hours, notwithstanding the Doctor -us’d his utmost Endeavours to save him. There’s abundance of Snakes on -this Island, and the <i>Spaniards</i> say some are as thick as the Middle of -a Man’s Thigh. I saw one as big as my Leg, and above 3 Yards long; their -Bite proves generally mortal. Yesterday in the Afternoon we had a -Consultation, and agreed that the small Bark we took belonging to the -Main right against this Island,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_167" id="page_167"></a>{167}</span> should be given the Lieutenant’s -Brother that we plunder’d, and who came over with our Bark; for being a -Man in some Authority ashore, we hope this Favour will have some -Influence on ’em to trade with us whilst we are here. This Morning Mr. -<i>Morell</i> and <i>Navarre</i> went a second time in our Bark for Money. One of -the same sort of Snakes that kill’d the Negro was found on our -Forecastle this Morning, and kill’d by our Men; we suppose it came -aboard on the Cable, they being often seen in the Water.</p> - -<p><i>July 19.</i> We continued discharging the Galleon, and lading the -<i>Marquiss</i>, and put a Part aboard of us and the <i>Dutchess</i>. We found in -the <i>Marquiss</i> near 500 Bales of Pope’s Bulls, 16 Reams in a Bale. This -took up abundance of Room in the Ship; we throw’d most of them overboard -to make room for better Goods, except what we used to burn the Pitch of -our Ships Bottoms when we careen’d ’em. These Bulls are imposed upon the -People, and sold here by the Clergy from 3 Ryals to 50 Pieces of Eight -a-piece, according to the Ability of the Purchaser. Once in two Years -they are rated, and all the People obliged to buy them against Lent; -they cannot be read, the Print looking worse than any of our old -Ballads, yet the Vulgar are made believe it’s a mortal Sin to eat Flesh -in Lent, without being licensed by one of these Bulls, the Negro Slaves -not being exempted. This is one of the greatest Branches of Income the -King of <i>Spain</i> has in this Country, being a free Gift from the Pope to -him, as the <i>Spaniards</i> and Natives told us. We should have made -something of them, if we had taken the Bishop before mentioned; but now -they are of no use to us.</p> - -<p><i>July 20.</i> At Noon <i>Navarre</i> return’d with a little more Money, some -Limes, Fowls, <i>&c.</i> He told us he had left Mr. <i>Morell</i> to get more, and -that he would be soon with us.</p> - -<p><i>July 21.</i> We sent aboard the <i>Marquiss 2</i> of our Main Deck Guns, and -the <i>Dutchess</i> did the like, which with 4 we took at <i>Guiaquil</i>, and 12 -taken in the same Ship, make 20 good ones. The Carriages are all new, or -very much repair’d, and as good and strong as if mounted in <i>England</i>. -Another Canoe came with Limes, Guavas, and other Fruit, and brought a -little Money to trade with us. The Main here is a poor Country, and I -believe we might have pick’d up a good Quantity of Money any where else -on this Coast, notwithstanding their severe Orders against trading with -us.</p> - -<p><i>July 22.</i> Two of our Negroes, and three of the <i>Dutchess</i>’s ran into -the Woods to hide themselves, and go to the <i>Spaniards<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_168" id="page_168"></a>{168}</span></i> after we are -gone: We caught one of ’em to day, and punish’d him severely.</p> - -<p><i>July 23.</i> At 6 last Night our Stream Cable broke, and we lost our -Anchor: The Ground here is a black Mud, which in all hot Countries rots -Cables in a very little time. We have often Thunder, Rain and Lightning -all the Night, tho’ clear dry Days. This is accounted by the <i>Spaniards</i> -the worst part of all the Coast for wet dirty Weather. We have had -enough of it, but God be thank’d are now pretty well, there not being -above 30 Persons in all our Ships unhealthy.</p> - -<p><i>July 24.</i> We caught our Negroes that ran away, and one of the -<i>Dutchess</i>’s, Hunger having brought ’em out of the Woods.</p> - -<p><i>July 25.</i> I put 35 Men aboard the <i>Marquiss</i>, and Capt. <i>Courtney</i> 26, -so that her Complement will be 61 White Men, and 20 Negroes. Captain -<i>Edward Cooke</i> Commander, and our Second Lieutenant, Mr. <i>Charles Pope</i>, -his Second. We design to agree, that the Captain with his Officers and -Men shall have equal Wages with others in the like Posts, to encourage -them.</p> - -<p><i>July 26.</i> Last Night the <i>Marquiss</i> sprung a Leak, and made 8 Inches -Water in an Hour; but the Carpenters stopt it. A Canoe came from the -Main, and bought some Negroes of us.</p> - -<p><i>July 27.</i> At 8 this Morning, the Canoe return’d, with Mr. <i>John -Morell</i>, who desir’d he might go ashore to his Brother, and forward his -getting of more Money to deal with us for Goods, since he saw that we -were resolved to leave nothing of Value behind us.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Gorgona Road.</i></div> - -<p><i>July 28.</i> Yesterday Afternoon, Mr. <i>John Morell</i> return’d, having met -his Brother coming with what Money he could get; he told us the Country -being alarm’d, he had much ado to get Leave to come to us; that the -Governour of <i>Barbacore</i> was at the Water-side, with above 200 Men -commanded by himself, to prevent our Landing, or that any thing should -be brought to us; and that all the Shore was lined with Men for that -End. We have took out of the Galleon 320 Bails of Linnen, Woolen, a -little Silks, and most Sorts of Goods, usually in Bails, besides Boxes -of Knives, Scizzars, Hatchets, <i>&c.</i> The <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Marquiss</i> have -also taken what they can; so that all our 3 Ships are full. We found -aboard the Galeon a great Quantity of Bones in small Boxes, ticketed -with the Names of <i>Romish</i> Saints, some of which had been dead 7 or 800 -Years; with an infinite Number of Brass Medals, Crosses, Beads, and -Crucifixes, religious Toys in Wax,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_169" id="page_169"></a>{169}</span> Images of Saints made of all sorts -of Wood, Stone, and other Materials, I believe in all near 30 Tun, with -150 Boxes of Books in <i>Spanish</i>, <i>Latin</i>, <i>&c.</i> which would take up much -more Stowage than 50 Tuns of other Goods: All this came from <i>Italy</i>, -and most from <i>Rome</i>, design’d for the Jesuits of <i>Peru</i>; but being of -small Value to us, we contented our selves to take only a Sample of most -Sorts to shew our Friends in <i>England</i>, and left the rest. A large -wooden Effigies of the Virgin <i>Mary</i> being either dropt or thrown over -board, from the Galeon, and drove ashoar near the North Point of the -Island, the <i>Indians</i> that came in the Canoes with Senior <i>Morell</i>, -<i>&c.</i> from the main Land, being then a Fishing, took up the Image, and -brought her in the Canoe to the Shoar just over against our Ship, where -we gave our Prisoners Liberty to walk that Day: As soon as they saw her, -they cross’d and bless’d themselves, and fancied that this must be the -Virgin <i>Mary</i> come by Water from <i>Lima</i> or <i>Panama</i>, to relieve them in -their Necessity: They then set it up on the Shoar, and wip’d it dry with -Cotton; and when they came aboard, told us, that tho’ they had wip’d her -again and again, she continued to sweat very much; and all but those -employ’d in wiping her, stood around devoutly amaz’d, praying and -telling over their Beads: They also shew’d the Cotton to our Linguist -and the Ransomers, wet by the excessive Sweat of the holy Virgin, as -they fondly seem’d to believe, and kept it as a choice Relick. The -<i>Morells</i> perceiving me laugh at the Story, they told me a much -stranger, in order to convince me, <i>viz.</i> That a few Years ago, at a -Procession in the Cathedral Church of <i>Lima</i>, which was at that time -very richly furnished, and worth some Millions of Pieces of 8 in Gold, -Silver and Jewels; the Image of the Virgin was more richly adorn’d with -Pearls, Diamonds and Gold, than the rest; and those Ornaments being left -in the Church, according to Custom, till the Night after Procession, -without any Guard, because the People concluded that none durst be so -sacrilegiously impious as to rob the Church; an unfortunate Thief, -resolving at once to enrich himself, got into the Church at Midnight, -and made up to the Image; but whilst he was going to take off a rich -String of Pearls from the Virgin’s Wrists, she caught him fast by the -Arm, and held him, till being found in that Posture he was apprehended -and executed. This Story was confirm’d as an unquestionable Truth by all -the other Prisoners, who assured us, That all the Fathers of the Church -at <i>Lima</i> confidently affirm the same, as well as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_170" id="page_170"></a>{170}</span> considerable Number -of Lay-Brethren, who (they say) were Eye-Witnesses of it; so that it -passes amongst them as currant, as an Article of their Faith: By this we -may see how the Belief of those false Miracles, by the Cunning of the -<i>Romish</i> Clergy in these Parts, obtains Credit among those Men who are -not so easily imposed on in their worldly Affairs. Thus I am apt to -believe those Gentlemen invented the Story of the sweating Miracle, out -of Zeal to their Church, and thinking thereby to deter us from carrying -away any more of the Relicks out of Senior <i>Morell’s</i> Galeon. Before -this, when I heard such Stories, I took ’em to have been invented meerly -to ridicule the <i>Romanists</i>, but when I heard such silly Stories related -by 8 grave Men, of a handsome Appearance and good Reputation amongst the -<i>Spaniards</i>, I was convinc’d of the Ignorance and Credulity of the -Papists.</p> - -<p><i>July 29.</i> Having for a long time been importun’d by the Companys of -each Ship, to divide what we was forc’d to agree to as Plunder, we -resolved on a Committee to be called to morrow to settle that Affair, -which we did in the following Manner.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee on board the <i>Duke</i>, the 29th Day of <i>July</i>, 1709. -It’s agreed, that the following Articles shall regulate Plunder, -and be in part a Satisfaction allow’d by the Committee of the -<i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i>, for past Services, more than each Man’s -Agreement with the Owners.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Impr.</div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">G</span>OLD Rings found in any Place, except in a Gold-smith’s Shop, is -Plunder. All Arms, Sea Books and Instruments, all Cloathing and -Moveables, usally worn about Prisoners, except Women’s Ear-rings, -unwrought Gold or Silver, loose Diamonds, Pearls or Money; all -Plate in use aboard Ships, but not on Shoar, (unless about the -Persons of Prisoners) is Plunder.</i></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Gorgona Road.</i></div> - -<p><i>All manner of Clothes ready made, found on the upper Deck, and -betwixt Decks, belonging to the Ships Company and Passengers, is -Plunder also, except what is above limited, and is in whole Bundles -and Pieces, and not open’d in this Country, that appears not for -the Persons use that owns the Chest, but design’d purposely for -Merchandize, which only shall not be plunder. And for -Encouragement, we shall allow to</i> James Stratton <i>40 Rupees to buy -him Liquor in</i> India, <i>in Part of Amends for his smart Money. To</i> -William Davis <i>and</i> Yerrick Derrickson <i>20 Rupees each, as <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_171" id="page_171"></a>{171}</span>smart -Money, over and above their Shares. We also give the Boats Crews -over and above their Shares, that were engag’d with the</i> Marquis, -<i>when taken, four Bails of Goods, to be sold when and where they -think convenient; which Bail, shall be 1 of Serges, 1 of Linnen, -and 2 of Bays; and this over and above their respective Shares. -Also a good Suit of Clothes to be made for each Man that went up -the River above</i> Guiaquil, <i>the last time in the</i> Dutchess’<i>s -Pinnace.</i></p> - -<p>In witness whereof, <i>We have hereunto set our Hands the Day and -Year above-mentioned</i>.</p> -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendal,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">Geo. Melbourne,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Rob. Frye,</td><td align="left">John Ballett,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Stretton,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p>The Cause why we delay’d adjusting what should be Plunder so long, was -the unreasonable Expectations of some among us: This made us wait till -now we had a proper Opportunity, and could better insist on our Owner’s -Interest: Besides, we were not willing that any Difference should arise -about this knotty Affair, when the Prisoners were on board, nor till we -had finish’d the Rigging of our Ships, lest it should have put a full -Stop to our Business, or at least have hinder’d our Proceeding -chearfully.</p> - -<p><i>July 30.</i> We over hall’d our Plunder-Chests, and what was judged to be -Plunder, (by Men appointed with the Owners Agents) was carried aboard -the Galeon, which was kept clear between Decks, in order to divide it. -Mr. <i>Frye</i> and Mr. <i>Pope</i> were to be Appraisers for the <i>Duke</i>, and Mr. -<i>Stratton</i> and Mr. <i>Connely</i> for the <i>Dutchess</i>, so I hope to get over a -troublesome Job peaceably.</p> - -<p><i>July 31.</i> Mr. <i>Navarr’s</i> Bark grew leaky, and <i>Benjamin Parsons</i>, one -of our Midshipmen, that had charge of her, ran her a-shore without -Orders, at high Water, thinking to have stop’d her Leak at low Water, -and got her off the next Tide; but contrary to his Expectation, the -Vessel strain’d and sunk; so that we had much ado to get out what we had -a-board her Time enough; and were forced to leave in her 10 Bails of -damag’d Bays, and a great deal of Iron Work, which we gave Senior -<i>Navarr</i>, in part of Payment for what we have received of him from the -Settlement on the Main.</p> - -<p><i>August 1.</i> The Officers we appointed to praise the Plunder<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_172" id="page_172"></a>{172}</span> met on -board the Galeon, and valued the Cloathing, in order to divide it -amongst the Officers and Men of each Ship, according to their respective -Shares.</p> - -<p><i>August 2.</i> We continued appraising the Plunder, and found it a very -troublesome Task.</p> - -<p><i>August 3.</i> Capt. <i>Cooke</i> told me they had discover’d another Leak, and -was troubled at so many Leaks in a Harbour; so that I began to dread -that all our Labour and Time was lost on the <i>Marquiss</i>, but hop’d for -the best.</p> - -<p><i>August 4.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon they made an End of appraising -the Clothes at a very low rate, amounting to upwards of 400<i>l.</i> and the -Silver-handled Swords, Buckles, Snuff-Boxes, Buttons, and Silver Plate -in use aboard every Prize we took, and allow’d to be Plunder at 4<i>s.</i> -6<i>d.</i> <i>per</i> Piece of 8, amounted to 743<i>l.</i> 15<i>s.</i> besides 3 ℔ 12℥ of -Gold, which was in Rings, Gold, Snuff-boxes, Ear-rings, and Gold Chains, -taken about Prisoners. This I believe to be an exact Account.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Gorgona Road.</i></div> - -<p>This Morning we had like to have a Mutiny amongst our Men: The Steward -told me, that several of them had last Night made a private Agreement, -and that he heard some Ring-leaders by way of Encouragement, boast to -the rest, that 60 Men had already signed the Paper. Not knowing what -this Combination meant, or how far it was design’d, I sent for the chief -Officers into the Cabin, where we arm’d our selves, secured two of the -chief of those mutinous Fellows, and presently seized two others. The -Fellow that wrote the Paper we put in Irons; by this time all Hands were -upon Deck, and we had got their Agreement from those who were in the -Cabin, the Purport of which was to oblige themselves, not to take their -Plunder, nor to move from thence till they had Justice done them, as -they term’d it. There being so many concern’d in this Design, Captains -<i>Dover</i> and <i>Fry</i> desired I would discharge those in Confinement upon -their asking Pardon, and faithfully promising never to be guilty of the -like, or any other Combination again. The Reason we shewed ’em this -Favour was, that there were too many guilty to punish them at once: And -not knowing what was design’d a-board the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Marquiss</i>, we -were of Opinion they had concerted to break the Ice first a-board the -<i>Duke</i>, and the rest to stand by them. Upon this I us’d what Arguments I -could offer, shew’d them the Danger and Folly of Combinations, and -exhorted them to believe they would have Justice in <i>England</i>, should -any thing seem uneasy to them now, or in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_173" id="page_173"></a>{173}</span> the whole Course of the -Voyage; adding that we had done all that we could for their good, and -would continue our Endeavours, not doubting their good Intentions, -provided they were not mis-led. With these and other healing Arguments, -all appear’d easy and quiet, and every Man seem’d willing to stand to -what had been done, provided the Gentlemen that were Officers, and not -Sailors, amongst us, had not such large Shares, which they alledg’d was -unreasonable, and that they could not possibly in a Privateer deserve -what they were allow’d in proportion to the rest of the Ships Company: -This we did in part yield to, in order to appease those Malecontents, by -making some Abatements on Mr. <i>White’s</i>, Mr. <i>Bath’s</i>, and Mr. -<i>Vanbrugh’s</i> Shares; so that we hoped this difficult Work would, with -less Danger than we dreaded, be brought to a good Conclusion: For -Disputes about Plunder is the common Occasion of Privateers Quarrelling -amongst themselves, and ruining their Voyages. Sailors usually exceed -all Measures when left to themselves, and account it a Privilege in -Privateers to do themselves Justice on these Occasions, tho’ in every -thing else I must own, they have been more obedient than any Ship’s -Crews engag’d in the like Undertaking that ever I heard of. Yet we have -not wanted sufficient Tryal of our Patience and Industry in other -things; so that if any Sea-Officer thinks himself endowed with these two -Virtues, let him command in a Privateer, and discharge his Office well -in a distant Voyage, and I’ll engage he shall not want Opportunities to -improve, if not to exhaust all his Stock. Had Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I -kept what is always allow’d to be Plunder in Privateers, and not -voluntarily given our Parts amongst the Men, but for a greater and more -generous Design in view, (<i>viz.</i> The Good of the Voyage) our Parts of -the Plunder would have been above 10 times so much as now it is, because -very little valuable Plunder was taken out of any Place but the Great -Cabbins; and all this in every Prize is of right due to the Commander -that takes it; but if we had acted thus, we foresaw the fatal -Consequences that we must have suffer’d by it, for the Officers and -Crews would plunder unaccountably, as is too often practis’d in -Privateers to keep their Men together, tho’ but meanly to their Duty; so -that we (to preserve a good Discipline) gave an eminent Example to them, -of preferring the common Interest before our own, to our particular -Loss.</p> - -<p>We have had lately almost a general Misunderstanding amongst our Chief -Officers, and some great Abuses which I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_174" id="page_174"></a>{174}</span> suppose sprung at first from -several unhappy Differences arising at and before our Attempt on -<i>Guiaquil</i>. This made me so particularly relate all that pass’d material -in that Attempt, so that I doubt not any ones contradicting this Journal -to my Disadvantage; yet in Differences of this kind amongst the Sailors -we all join, and I hope agree: Tho’ I long for a Reconciliation and good -Harmony amongst Us, which is so essential to the Welfare of the Voyage; -but not being willing to make the Reader a Party-taker, or trouble his -Patience to read over unreasonable Feuds, I have left ’em as much as -possible out of my Journal.</p> - -<p>Capt. <i>Morell</i>, that went for the Main to get Victuals, return’d. The -Negro we caught first and punished, we kept in Irons, but this Night -miss’d him. We suppose he got his Irons off, and swam ashore.</p> - -<p>We had the following Committees, confirmed the Officers of the -<i>Marquiss</i>, agreed to sell the Bark and her Cargo, got off all our Wood -and Water, and made Preparation for Sailing. We design to leave the -Launch we built at <i>Lobos</i> with Sen. <i>Morells</i> and <i>Navarre</i>, being of -no farther use to us, tho’ hitherto she had done us very good Service. -Here follows what we agreed on in Council.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee held on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, riding at <i>Gorgona</i>, -<i>August 6. 1709</i>.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E whose Names are hereunto subscribed, appointed as a Committee -on board the Ships</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess, <i>do hereby impower and -order Capt.</i> Cooke <i>to command the</i> Marquiss, <i>Mr.</i> Charles Pope -<i>Lieutenant, Mr.</i> Robert Knowlman <i>Master, Mr.</i> William Page <i>Chief -Master</i>, Joseph Parker <i>Second Mate, Mr.</i> John Ballet <i>Doctor</i>, -Benjamin Long <i>Boatswain</i>, George Knight <i>Gunner</i>, Edward Gormand -<i>Carpenter, and other Officers as the Captain shall direct aboard -the</i> Marquiss: <i>Each of the above Officers, or the others, on their -good Behaviour, to have such Wages as those in the same Offices on -board the</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess, <i>and to cruise on this Coast in our -Company, or where else Capt.</i> Cooke <i>shall think convenient, in his -Return to</i> Bristol, <i>should he be unfortunately separated from us. -Witness our Hands.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">Geo. Milbourne,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Stratton,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_175" id="page_175"></a>{175}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Gorgona Road.</i></div> - -<p>Memorandum,</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have now done careening, fixing, and loading our Ships, with -the</i> Marquiss, <i>and taken all manner of Goods out of our Prizes, as -much as our Ships can carry, having received a valuable -Consideration of Mr.</i> Morell <i>and</i> Navarre, <i>the Masters of our 2 -Prizes, we are all of opinion we had best leave them in possession -of their Ships, and what Negroes we can’t carry hence; our present -Circumstances and the Condition of the Prizes not allowing us to -remove them from this Place, could we make ever so great advantage -of ’em elsewhere. So judge it our present Interest to ply to -Windward, to try for other Purchases and Sale of the Goods, and if -possible to take or buy Provisions. We all agree to land one of -the</i> Guiaquil <i>Hostages at</i> Manta, <i>in order to procure Money to -pay for the Ransom of the Town, and a Bark we have sold the same -Man, laden with Prize Goods, Witness our Hands this</i> 6th <i>of</i> -August, 1709.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Ballett,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Cha. Pope,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p>I drew up the following Agreement, to which we Officers swore on the -Holy Evangelists, because I thought it the most proper Method to prevent -the Confusions which were like to happen among us, because of the -Jealousies that were entertain’d of one another, and came to such a -height, that I fear’d a Separation.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E having made a solemn Agreement, do this Instant sign -voluntarily, and give each other our Oaths on the Holy Bible; and -as we hope for Forgiveness of Sins, and Salvation by the alone -Merits and Intercession of our Blessed Lord Jesus Christ, to keep -severely and strictly this serious concerted</i> Memorandum. <i>First we -agree to keep company, and assist each other on all Occasions, and -with all Necessaries, as far as our Abilities reach, and our common -Safety requires. Secondly, that in case we engage at any time with -the Enemy, we design it in Consortship, and that each Commander and -Second in each Ship, hereto subscribed, shall on all Occasions, -without the least Reserve, and to the utmost of his Power, be -forward and ready to assist, rescue or defend each other, with the -utmost Dispatch, Bravery and Conduct, even to the apparent Hazard<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_176" id="page_176"></a>{176}</span> -of his Ship and all that is dear to him: Well knowing all of us, -that on whatever Occasion should either of our Ships be deserted by -the other two, and taken or lost in these barbarous and remote -Parts, it’s very improbable ever the Men will get home, and the -Survivors would be in as bad, if not in a worse Condition than the -Dead.</i></p> - -<p><i>On these and the like Considerations we do hereby solemnly agree -never to desert each other in time of Need, if possibly we can -avoid it, and to be to the utmost of our Power and Knowledge alike -brave in attacking or defending our selves against the Enemy to the -last Extremity.</i></p> - -<p><i>But if we are so unfortunate to see one Ship inevitably perish, -then the two remaining (after they have us’d their utmost -Endeavours for the distress’d Ship, and find all past Recovery) may -then agree on the best Methods for their own Security. The like for -one Ship if two are lost, but for no other Reason to desert this -firm and solemn Agreement of Consortship; and to shew that none of -us is so unbecoming a Man as to shrink back, or slight this -agreement in time of Action, we agree it shall not be alter’d -without the Consent of all us three Commanders, and the major part -of the Officers hereto subscrib’d, and to a Duplicate in each Ship -of the same Date in</i> Gorgona, <i>the sixth Day of</i> August, 1709.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Stretton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cooke,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendale.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Rob. Fry,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru.</i></div> - -<p>Another Paper was also drawn up for every Man to swear what Clothes, -Goods, <i>&c.</i> he had received of the Agents, and to restore whatever he -had taken without the Agents Knowledge, in order to a just distribution -of the Plunder, and every one was to oblige himself in a Penalty of -20<i>s.</i> for every Shilling Value that should be found about him -conceal’d, besides the former Penalty agreed on of losing his Share of -any Prize or Purchase for concealing above the Value of half a Piece of -Eight; and for the Incouragement of Discoveries the Informer was to have -half the Penalty, and the Protection of the Commanders. This Paper was -objected against by several of the Officers, who insisted, that there -ought to be a greater Latitude allowed them to advantage themselves, -since they had ventured their Lives hither on so difficult an -Undertaking, which made us defer the signing it till a better -Opportunity; for unless such Agreements as these had been constantly -promoted, as occasion<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_177" id="page_177"></a>{177}</span> required, the Temptation of Interest wou’d have -made us fall into irrecoverable Confusions abroad, which generally end -in a Separation, or worse.</p> - -<p><i>Aug. 7.</i> We gave Sen. <i>Morell</i> and <i>Navarre</i> their Ships, and all the -Goods we could not carry away, for what Money our Agents receiv’d of -’em, tho’ they expected to have had ’em at an easier Rate. We came to -sail this Morning; the dividing the Plunder has took up more Time than -we were willing to spare; but ’twas absolutely necessary to do it. We -took Sen. <i>Navarre</i> with us before we came to sail: I went ashore, and -shew’d Sen. <i>Morell</i> how we left things between his Ship and the other -Prize. Mr. <i>Navarre</i> left his Son-in-law in charge of this Vessel and -Goods, then came with me on board our Ships, expecting to have the Bark -betwixt him and our Ransomers, if they paid us at <i>Guiaquil</i>. Wind -veerable in the South West Quarter, a Lee Current.</p> - -<p><i>August 8.</i> Yesterday at 6 in the Evening the Island of <i>Gorgona</i> bore -S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. Just before Night we took our Men out of the -Bark, and left her in possession of an old <i>Indian</i> Pilot, and some -Negroes and <i>Indian</i> Prisoners, putting our ordinary Ransomer aboard to -go in her, as we agreed on before we came out. I and Capt. <i>Dover</i> -sign’d a Paper to protect them from being seiz’d by the <i>Spaniards</i>, if -they should lose Company with us; but order’d them not to stir from us. -I also desir’d the <i>Spaniards</i> aboard the <i>Duke</i>, who had agreed for -her, strictly to charge the Crew in the Bark not to leave us willingly, -which they did, because our Agreement was not in Writing, but only -Verbal, promising us 15000 Pieces of Eight for the Bark and her Cargo, -including the Remainder of the Towns Ransom, we designing to have it -under their hand in <i>Spanish</i> and <i>English</i> to morrow, before we would -wholly let go the Bark: But this Morning, to our surprize, the Bark was -out of sight. The <i>Marquiss</i> is very crank, and sails heavy on a Wind. -We held the following Committee to endeavour to help the <i>Marquiss</i>’s -sailing.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee held on board the <i>Dutchess</i> at Sea, off the Island -<i>Gorgona, August 8th, 1709</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Memorandum,</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">T</span>HE</i> Marquiss <i>not answering our Expectations, but proving crank -and sailing heavy: We now advise Capt.</i> Cooke <i>to heave the</i> -Dutchess’<i>s two heavy Guns overboard, and 20 Boxes of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_178" id="page_178"></a>{178}</span> Snuff, with -two spare Top-masts, and bring his Ship more by the Stern, stowing -every thing as low as possible in the Ship, to endeavour to make -her stiffer, and if he finds any thing more necessary for the -Benefit of the Ship, we desire him to do it. Witness our Hands.</i></p> - -<p>Signed by the Majority of our Council.</p></div> - -<p>Amongst our Prisoners taken on board Sen. <i>Navarre</i>’s Ship from -<i>Panama</i>, there was a Gentlewoman and her Family, her eldest Daughter a -pretty young Woman of about 18, was newly married, and had her Husband -with her. We assign’d them the Great Cabin aboard the Galleon, and none -were suffer’d to intrude amongst them, or to separate their Company; yet -the Husband (I was told) shew’d evident Marks of Jealousy, the -<i>Spaniards</i> Epidemick Disease; but I hope he had not the least Reason -for it amongst us, my third Lieutenant <i>Glendall</i> alone having charge of -the Galleon and Prisoners: For being above 50 Years of Age, he appear’d -to be the most secure Guardian to Females that had the least Charm, tho’ -all our young Men have hitherto appear’d modest beyond Example among -Privateers; yet we thought it improper to expose them to Temptations. At -this time Lieut. <i>Connely</i>, who behav’d himself so modestly to the -Ladies of <i>Guiaquil</i>, was some days in possession of <i>Navarre</i>’s Ship -before we stopt here, to remove these Prisoners aboard the Galleon, -where he gain’d their Thanks and publick Acknowledgments for his -Civilities to these Ladies, and even the Husband extols him. We had -notice these Ladies had some conceal’d Treasure about them, and order’d -a Female Negro that we took, and who spoke <i>English</i>, to search them -narrowly, and found some Gold Chains and other things cunningly hid -under their Clothes. They had before deliver’d to Capt. <i>Courtney</i> Plate -and other things of good Value. We gave them most of their wearing -Apparel and Necessaries, with 3 Female Mullatto Slaves, and parted very -friendly. They confess’d to our People, who put them ashore, that we had -been much civiller than they did expect, or believe their own Countrymen -would have been in the like case, and sent back the Husband with Gold to -purchase some Goods and two Slaves of us. I come next to the Description -of <i>Gorgona</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru.</i></div> - -<p><i>Gorgona</i> is 3 Leagues in Length, N. E. and S. W. but narrow. It’s about -6 Leagues from the Main, full of Wood and tall Trees, one of ’em call’d -<i>Palma Maria</i>, of which the <i>Spaniards</i> make Masts, and use a Balsam -that flows from it for several Diseases. The Island appears at a -distance indifferent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_179" id="page_179"></a>{179}</span> high, and in 3 Hummocks. There is Riding for Ships -all over against the North East Side; but in some places foul Ground, -and shoal’d near the Shore, particularly on the South East Side, and -near the South West End, where there’s a small Island almost joining, -with Shoal Ground, and Breakers near a Mile to the Eastward from that -End. Capt. <i>Dampier</i> has been here several times, but never rode where -we did, which is the best and only good Road in the Island. The -<i>Spaniards</i> told us of strange Storms and heavy Turnadoes of Wind about -this Island; but we found it otherwise, and had only frequent Showers -and Thunder: But in the time of Breezes, which the <i>Spaniards</i> call our -Winter Months, and in Spring, till the Beginning of <i>May</i>, here are now -and then Northerly strong Breezes of Wind, and then I believe the Road -must be shifted to the other Side of the Island, which may be at that -time the best Riding; but this we had no Time to try, neither do I think -it half so bad as these puny Mariners tell us. About this Island are -several remarkable Rocks, at the South West End there’s one looks like a -Sail half a Mile off shore; at the North East End there are several high -ones, round and steep, near a Cable’s Length off Shore, where the -Sea-Fowls breed. The Beasts and Insects, we saw in this Island are -Monkeys, Guinea Pigs, Hares, Lizards, Lion Lizards, which change their -Colours, and are fine Creatures to look at, several Species of great and -small Snakes, and so numerous, that ’tis dangerous for a Man to walk the -Island, for fear of treading on them. There’s great Variety of Plants -and Trees peculiar to these hot Climates, and little or nothing -resembling what we have in <i>Great Britain</i>; but it being out of my Road -to describe such things, I refer ’em to such whose Talents lie that way. -Here are also several sorts of Fish unknown in our Seas, besides Mullets -in great Plenty, but hard to be caught with Hook and Line, which I -suppose is occasion’d by the Clearness of the Water, so that they easily -see the Hook and avoid it. Here’s also some white Coral, and abundance -of Oysters, and as I am told by the Prisoners, good Pearls in them. We -caught an ugly Creature here, which I suppose may be of the Monkey Kind, -because it look’d like one of the middling sort, but with this -difference; his Hair was thicker and longer, his Face, Eyes and Nose -less, and more wrinkled and deformed; his Head of the same Shape, but -his Ears not so large; his Teeth longer and sharper, his hinder Parts -more clumsey, and his Body thicker in proportion, with a very short -Tail, and instead of 5 Claws<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_180" id="page_180"></a>{180}</span> like Fingers as a Monkey has, he had only -3 on each Paw, with the Claws longer and sharper. We let one of ’em go -at the lower part of the Mizon Shrowds, and it was about 2 Hours getting -to the Mast Head, which a Monkey would have performed in less than half -a Minute; he mov’d as if he had walk’d by Art, keeping an equal and slow -Pace, as if all his Movements had been directed by Clock-work, within -him. The <i>Spaniards</i> call it a <i>Sloth</i>, and not improperly; they say it -feeds on the Leaves of a certain lofty Tree, and when it has clear’d -one, before it can get down and walk a little Way to find and climb -another, would grow lean and be almost starved.</p> - -<p>I saw no Land Birds here; because I suppose the Monkeys destroy their -Nests and Eggs: We shot many of them, and made Fricassees and Broth for -our sick Men; none of our Officers would touch them, Provisions being -not yet so scarce; but Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, who had been accustomed to such -Food, says he never eat any thing in <i>London</i> that seemed more delicious -to him than a Monkey or Baboon in these Parts.</p> - -<p><i>August 9.</i> I propos’d sending the <i>Marquiss</i> to <i>India</i>, and thence to -<i>Brazil</i>; and then we could add to our own Stock of Bread and salt -Provisions, and if she got well to <i>Brazil</i>, would vend her Goods at an -extraordinary Rate, to the Advantage of the Voyage, and we two should be -strong enough to wait for the <i>Manila</i> Ship, but Capts. <i>Dover</i> and -<i>Courtney</i> did not think it reasonable.</p> - -<p><i>August 10.</i> We got to wind-ward very slowly, here being a constant -Current, which runs down to Leward into the Bay of <i>Panama</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru.</i></div> - -<p><i>August 11.</i> Yesterday Afternoon I went aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, and -carried with me Doctor <i>Dover</i>; we discoursed about parting with Capt. -<i>Cooke</i>, and giving him only a Sailing Crew to go for <i>Brazil</i>, and sell -his Cargo; but finding the Majority against my Proposition, I dropt it, -tho’ I fear we shall repent it, were there no other Reasons but to save -Provisions. Capt. <i>Cooke</i> came to us a-board the <i>Dutchess</i>, to put in -Execution the Order of the 8th instant, where we agreed as before to -throw 2 of the heaviest Guns over-board he had out of the <i>Dutchess</i>, -being less valuable than the Goods between Decks, and what Lumber they -had besides, which he did, and we perceive his Ship much stiffer, and -sails better; our Consort, Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and his Officers, with some -of mine, are uneasie at parting with the Bark, so that if<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_181" id="page_181"></a>{181}</span> we come up -with her, we must take to her again for Peace sake.</p> - -<p><i>August 12.</i> Yesterday Evening, the Island of <i>Gorgona</i> was in sight, -and bore E. half S. about 13 Leagues. At 6 this Morning, we met with the -Bark, and put Mr. <i>Selkirk</i> aboard her, with his Crew. At 9 this -Morning, we sent our Boat for Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. <i>Cooke</i>, when -we had a second Consultation, which again concluded with keeping the -<i>Marquiss</i> and Bark: Tho’ I was of Opinion, they’d be rather a Detriment -than Furtherance to us in any thing, so long as the <i>Marquiss</i> sails so -heavily, besides the Benefit of more Provisions that would have been -left for us that must stay behind.</p> - -<p><i>August 13.</i> In the Evening last Night, we saw the Island of <i>Gallo</i>, -bearing S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. We have a strong Current runs to -Leward, so that we lost Ground, and at 8 this Morning was again in sight -of <i>Gorgona</i>, bearing N. E. by E. distant about 12 Leagues; had rainy -Weather all Night, with Thunder and Lightning, but indifferent fair in -the Morning. Wind veerable in the S. W. Quarter. This Coast is more -subject to hot Weather than any other Part of <i>Peru</i>.</p> - -<p><i>August 15</i>. We sounded several Times in the Night, and had Ground in -about 50 Fathom Water, not above two Leagues off Shore.</p> - -<p><i>August 16.</i> This Day I muster’d our Negroes aboard the <i>Duke</i>, being -about 35 lusty Fellows; I told them, That if we met the <i>Spaniards</i> or -<i>French</i>, and they would fight, those that behav’d themselves well -should be free Men; 32 of ’em immediately promis’d to stand to it, as -long as the best <i>Englishman</i>, and desired they might be improv’d in the -Use of Arms, which some of them already understood; and that if I would -allow ’em Arms and Powder, these would teach the rest. Upon this, I made -<i>Michael Kendall</i>, the <i>Jamaica</i> free Negro, who deserted from the -<i>Spaniards</i> to us at <i>Gorgona</i>, their Leader, and charged him to be -continually exercising them, because I did not know how soon we might -meet an Enemy: I took down the Names of those that had any, and such as -wanted I bestow’d Names on them, and to confirm our Contract made them -drink a Dram all round to our good Success; at the same time I gave ’em -Bays for Clothes, and told them they must now look upon themselves as -<i>Englishmen</i>, and no more as Negro Slaves to the <i>Spaniards</i>, at which -they express’d themselves highly pleas’d: I promise my self good<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_182" id="page_182"></a>{182}</span> -Assistance from them, if need be, having this Proverb on their Side, -that Those who know nothing of Danger fear none; and for our own Parts, -we must not submit to be Prisoners, tho’ forced to engage at the -greatest Disadvantage, but every one resolve to stand to the last, for -if taken we shall be worse than Slaves.</p> - -<p><i>August 18.</i> At 6 this Morning we saw a Sail, which bore W. N. W. of us; -we and the <i>Dutchess</i> gave Chace, and took her in about an Hour. The -<i>Dutchess</i> had kept her Company ever since 12 at Night, and thought her -to be our Bark. She was a Vessel of about 70 Tun, bound from <i>Panama</i> to -<i>Lima</i>, but was to stop at <i>Guiaquil</i>. They had very little aboard -besides Passengers, for they knew of our being in these Seas: The best -of her Cargo was about 24 Negroes, Men and Women. I sent our Agent -aboard, to examine the Prize.</p> - -<p><i>August 19.</i> After Dinner aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, we examin’d the -Prisoners; they could tell us little News from <i>Europe</i>, but said there -came Advices by a Packet to <i>Portobell</i> from <i>Spain</i>, and by a <i>French</i> -Ship from <i>France</i>, not long before they came out of <i>Panama</i>; that all -was kept private, only they heard in <i>Panama</i>, that his Royal Highness -Prince <i>George</i> of <i>Denmark</i> was dead,<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> which we were not willing to -believe, but drank his Health at Night, which can do him no Hurt if he -is dead. We read several Letters from <i>Panama</i>, by which we understood, -that when they heard of our taking <i>Guiaquil</i>, they kept their Gates -shut Day and Night for above a Week, and that the Inhabitants kept Guard -on their Walls, being afraid we should attack them next, and by what I -can guess, we might have taken that Town as well as <i>Guiaquil</i>, had we -but double our Number of Men. They had various Conjectures about us when -at <i>Panama</i>, and were continually allarm’d, not knowing where to expect -us.</p> - -<p><i>August 20.</i> At 10 in the Morning we bore down to the <i>Dutchess</i>, who -had <i>Spanish</i> Colours flying, to make a sham Fight to exercise our Men -and the Negroes in the Use of our great Guns and small Arms. Here I must -not forget a <i>Welchman</i> that came to me, and told me, He took the Ship -we were going to engage for the <i>Dutchess</i>, till he saw the <i>Spanish</i> -Colours, and that being over-joyed with the Hopes of a good Prize, he -had loaded his Musket with Shot, and design’d to fire amongst the -thickest of ’em, which he would certainly have done, had he not been -forbid. By this it appears, that blundering Fools may have Courage. -During this sham</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Tecames Road.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_183" id="page_183"></a>{183}</span></p> - -<p>Engagement, every one acted the same Part he ought to have done, if in -earnest, firing with Ball excepted. Our Prisoners were secured in the -Hold by the Surgeons, who had their Instruments in order, and to imitate -Business for them, I order’d red Lead mixt with Water to be thrown upon -two of our Fellows, and sent ’em down to the Surgeons, who, as well as -the Prisoners in the Hold of the Ship, were very much surpriz’d, -thinking they had been really wounded, and the Surgeons actually went -about to dress them, but finding their Mistake, it was a very agreeable -Diversion.</p> - -<p><i>August 23.</i> Yesterday, at one in the Afternoon, we tack’d and stood for -the Shore, but at two we drew near discolour’d Water, and sounded, had -but 8 Fathom, and very near an ugly Shoal, which the <i>Spaniards</i> tell me -runs off about 2 Leagues from the Shore, off a high white Cliff, 3 -Leagues to the N. of <i>Tecames</i>. At 6 last Night, Cape St. <i>Francisco</i> -bore S. by W. distant about 6 Leagues. We sounded again, and had 40 -Fathom Water. We stood off at Night, and at 6 in the Morning tack’d for -the Shore. The Wind is here always more Southerly, as we draw near the -Equinox.</p> - -<p><i>August 24.</i> At 10 this Morning, I went with Captain <i>Dover</i> aboard the -<i>Dutchess</i>, where we agreed to send the Bark into <i>Tecames</i>, being now -under our Lee, and we to follow them. We order’d our Linguist to buy -Provisions of the <i>Indians</i> there, and put several Men well arm’d -a-board, to keep the Bark till our Ship could arrive near enough to -protect her, if occasion, in Case of an Attack.</p> - -<p><i>August 25.</i> About 2 Yesterday in the Afternoon we bore away for -<i>Tecames</i>, after the Barks. I went aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, and found our -Pilot, and most of the <i>Spaniards</i>, who are generally ignorant, -uncertain whether it was the Port under our Lee, tho’ I never saw more -remarkable Land; this made us the more timerous, and me in particular, -because Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, who was here last Voyage, and said he had -pass’d near it very often, was full as dubious as our selves, that never -saw it: This occasion’d me to hurry aboard our own Ship to secure her; -for I doubted our being near Shoals, because the Water was very thick -and white. Capt. <i>Courtney</i> sent his Pinnace a Head sounding, and we -follow’d, he having then all the Pilots aboard. We kept the Lead -sounding from 40 to 13 Fathom Water, very uneven Depths, till we came -within 2 Leagues of the Anchoring place. We had every Cast about 14 -Fathom Water, and saw the Houses by the Water-side; then I was easy and -satisfied. Before we got<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_184" id="page_184"></a>{184}</span> in, the Barks were at Anchor, and our -Linguist, Mr. <i>White</i>, without Orders, ventur’d a-shore with a <i>Spanish</i> -Prisoner; we design’d that the Prisoner alone should discourse the -<i>Indians</i>, and try to trade for a Refreshment: It was Night as they -landed, just against the Houses where the <i>Indians</i> lay in Ambush, with -Fire-Arms, Bows, Arrows, and Lances, among the Trees, and fir’d several -Times at our Boats, tho’ they told the <i>Indians</i> in <i>Spanish</i>, that they -were Friends, and call’d to them often to forbear firing. Our Men having -the good Luck to escape being shot, they hid themselves all Night, -whilst we feared they were either kill’d or taken; but at Day-light they -call’d again to the <i>Indians</i>, and prevail’d with them to trade for what -we wanted, provided their Padre would give Consent, he lived about 6 -Leagues off, and they promis’d to send and ask his Leave. Our Linguist -told them we had a Padre aboard, whom we esteemed, and he would absolve -them, if they traded with us: Upon this, they desired we would permit -him to come a-shoar, which we granted.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In Tecames Road.</i></div> - -<p><i>August 26.</i> The Padre aboard, who was zealous to conclude this Treaty -with the <i>Indians</i> to our Content, went this Morning a-shore, and -return’d a-board in the Evening; while he was a-shore, he writ a Letter -to the Priest of the place in our Favour, earnestly recommending a -Trade, and expressing the many Civilities we shewed to him and the other -<i>Spanish</i> Prisoners, beyond their Expectation, adding that we were -sensible of the smallest Favours, and would not fail of making very -grateful Returns. He convinc’d the Inhabitants ashore, and also inform’d -the Padre, how easily we could land, and burn the Church and Houses, and -lay waste all the adjacent Parts; but that we were full of Charity, and -very kind to those in our Power. This wrought so well on the People, -that they promis’d faithfully they would only wait till to morrow, and -if the Padre did not consent, would notwithstanding trade with us. They -brought with them a naked <i>Indian</i>, who like a Savage view’d very -narrowly every Part of our Ship; he was wonderfully taken with the Great -Cabbin, where he lay on his Side, scarce satisfy’d after an Hour’s -gazing wildly about him, till giving him a Dram of Brandy, and a few -Toys to be rid of this Visitant, I obligingly led the Gentleman out, and -giving him old Bays for Clothing, our Yall carried him ashore, to -influence the rest by our kind Usage of him. At the same time all the -rest of our Boats full of Casks, with the Men well arm’d, went up the -Creek between us and the Village, for fresh Water, where they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_185" id="page_185"></a>{185}</span> -accidentally met one of the chief <i>Indians</i> painted, and armed with Bows -and Arrows: He came friendly, and advised them to go higher up the -River, otherwise the Water would be brackish: They offer’d him a Dram -out of a Quart Bottle of strong Brandy; he drank the major Part of it at -once, and went away extreamly pleas’d, telling them we should be -supply’d with what we wanted from the Village.</p> - -<p><i>August 27.</i> Last Night the Boats came from the Village Laden with -Water, and brought a Letter from the <i>Tecames</i> Padre, assuring us he -would not obstruct our Trade. The Inhabitants also told us, that Cattle, -Hogs and Plantains would be ready for us, and desir’d we should bring -ashore Bays and other Goods to pay for ’em, which we did, and this -Morning our Boats return’d with Black Cattle and Hogs, leaving Capt. -<i>Navarre</i>, one of our chief Prisoners, and Mr. <i>White</i> our Linguist, to -deal with the <i>Indians</i>. This Morning we began to heel and clean our -Ships Bottoms, and sent several of our best Sailors, and two Carpenters, -to assist the <i>Marquiss</i>. Ashore our Men keep one half at Arms, while -the rest load the Boats, left the <i>Indians</i>, who are generally -treacherous, should watch an Opportunity to fall on ’em. Our People that -came off the Shore took particular notice, that the red Paint with which -the <i>Indians</i> were at first daub’d, was a Declaration of War, and after -we had amicably treated with them, they rub’d it off, but still kept -their Arms. We sent them 3 large Wooden <i>Spanish</i> Saints, that we had -out of <i>Morell</i>’s Ship, to adorn their Church, which they accounted a -great Present; and I sent a feather’d Cap to the chief <i>Indian’s</i> Wife, -which was likewise very well accepted, and I had a Present of Bows and -Arrows in requital.</p> - -<p><i>August 28.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we made an end of heeling and -cleaning our Ship; our Boats brought from the Shore at several times -Water, Plantains, and other Provisions, with Hogs, and 2 Black Cattle. -Our Linguist and Prisoner manage their Business beyond Expectation, -selling very ordinary Bays at 1 Piece of Eight and half <i>per</i> Yard, and -other things in proportion, so that we have Provisions very cheap.</p> - -<p><i>August 29.</i> Capt. <i>Cooke</i> buried one <i>John Edwards</i>, a Youth, who died -of a Complication of Scurvey and the Pox, which he got from a loathsome -Negro, whom we afterwards gave to the Prisoners, that she might do no -further Mischief on board.</p> - -<p>In the Afternoon we concluded how to proceed from this Place as -follows.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_186" id="page_186"></a>{186}</span></p> - -<p class="c">At a Committee held on board the <i>Duke</i> the <i>29th</i> of <i>August, 1709</i>. in -<i>Tecames</i> Road.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have consider’d our mean Stock of Provisions, and that our Time is -far spent; therefore do think it for the good of the Voyage to part with -several Negroes, besides those taken in the last Prize, and to make as -good a Contract as we can with two or more of the substantial Prisoners, -and to return their Produce to Alderman</i> Batcheller <i>and Company, our -Owners in</i> Bristol, <i>in the best manner we can, having no other Method -to make an advantage of them; we now being design’d to cruize for the</i> -Manila <i>Ship: But if any Accident parts us, then our Place of Rendevouz -is in the Latitude of Cape</i> Corientes <i>in sight of Land. It is likewise -agreed to sell the Hull of the last Prize, to carry the small Bark with -us, and to turn one of the</i> Guiaquil <i>Prisoners ashore here, in order to -save Provisions.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">William Stratton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Ballett,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Cha. Pope,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p>Then we found it necessary to agree as follows.</p> - -<p class="c">August 29. 1709.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">I</span>N consideration of the great Risque that Capt.</i> Edward Cooke <i>and -Capt.</i> Robert Frye <i>ran in attacking the</i> Marquiss, <i>when in the Hands -of the</i> Spaniards, <i>we do in behalf of the Owners agree to give Capt.</i> -Cooke <i>the Black Boy</i> Dublin, <i>and Capt.</i> Frye <i>the Black Boy</i> Emanuel -<i>of</i> Martineco, <i>as a free Gift.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Ballet,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Stratton,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -</table> - -<div class="sidenote">In Tecames Road.</div> - -<p><i>August 30.</i> Yesterday <i>Peter Harry</i> a <i>Frenchman</i>, and <i>Lazarus Luke</i> a -<i>Portuguese</i>, both good Sailors, ran from our Yall ashore. This <i>Peter -Harry</i> was he who shot a Centinel at <i>Guiaquil</i> as beforemention’d. We -did not punish him, because he was a Foreigner, and did not well -understand <i>English</i>, but suppose he was afraid of a Prosecution in -<i>England</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_187" id="page_187"></a>{187}</span> Yesterday Evening at the abovemention’d Committees aboard -our Ship, after a long dispute, some Measures were agreed on contrary to -my Expectations. If we had not grown irresolute since we left <i>Gorgona</i>, -but continued our Design to put our old Ransomer ashore at <i>Manta</i>, and -part with our Clog the <i>Marquiss</i>, which I so earnestly press’d the -<i>9th</i> instant, by this time in all human probability we should have made -good our Bargain to the advantage of the Voyage, besides getting -Provisions and Necessaries that we shall mightily want. The Goods that -we might have vended there for ready Money, I fear will rot before we -get the like Opportunity, Time being now so far spent, we must proceed -as we agreed for the <i>Gallapagos</i> to get Turtle to lengthen our -Provisions, and then for the Coast of <i>Mexico</i> to look for the <i>Manila</i> -Ship bound for <i>Acapulca</i>. The 2 Negroes given to Capt. <i>Cooke</i> and Mr. -<i>Frye</i> in the Committee yesterday, is not an equivalent Gratuity for the -Risques they voluntarily ran when they attack’d the <i>Havre de Grace</i>, -now call’d the <i>Marquiss</i>. Such Actions ought sometimes to be -particularly rewarded among us, else we may lose great Opportunities of -Advantage, for want of due Encouragement to personal Bravery, and in -this Action where there was but a few concerned, ’twas a fit and cheap -way of encouraging the rest, without Offence to any. We put our young -Padre ashore, and gave him, as he desir’d, the prettiest young Female -Negro we had in the Prize, with some Bays, Linnen, and other things, for -his good Services in helping to promote our Trade for Provisions here. -We sent also a <i>Male</i> Negro and Piece of Bays to the <i>Tecames</i> Padre, in -acknowledgment of his Kindness. The young Padre parted with us extremely -pleas’d, and leering under his Hood upon his black Female Angel, we -doubt he will crack a Commandment with her, and wipe off the Sin with -the Church’s Indulgence. The <i>Indians</i> ashore promise to bring our Men -to us, if they can find ’em, we having offer’d ’em a large Gratuity to -do it.</p> - -<p><i>August 31.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we put ashore our useless -Negroes, I having concluded with Sen. <i>Navarre</i>, and taken the best -Methods we could to be paid at <i>Jamaica</i> for them, he had also 4 Bales -of Bays, and one Piece of Camlet, and became obliged to our Owners for -3500 Pieces of Eight, to be remitted by way of <i>Portobello</i>, with the -<i>English</i> trading Sloops to <i>Jamaica</i>; which if he do, ’tis much better -than to turn the Negroes ashore as Prisoners of War, as otherwise <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_188" id="page_188"></a>{188}</span>we -must have done to save Provisions. Capt. <i>Courtney</i> took one Obligation, -and I the other, he having sign’d a Duplicate to us. We had the best -Opinion of this Man’s Honesty and Ability, which made us trust him -solely. In the Evening we clear’d our Prisoners, and put them all aboard -the Prize, which we left in the Road with only one ordinary Anchor and -Hawser, and no Rigging, except what belong’d to the Fore-sail and -Fore-yard, which we left them to run the Vessel at High Water into the -River. We turn’d ashore here our least responsible Hostage for -<i>Guiaquil</i>, resolving to keep but two, which must be carried home. -According to the last Conclusion in a Committee of the <i>29th</i> instant, -we came to sail at 6 this Morning. Capt. <i>Cooke</i> lost 2 <i>Spanish</i> -Negroes, which he supposed swam ashore from his Ship in the Night. A -fresh Gale at S. S. W. At Noon Cape <i>St. Francisco</i> bore S. by W. 1/2 W. -distant about 6 Leagues.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Description of Tecames.</i></div> - -<p>The Land to the Northward, which is the Limits of the Bay of <i>Tecames</i>, -is a long bluff high Point, and looks white down to the Water. The next -Land to the Southward of <i>Tecames</i> is also white Cliffs, but not so -high. I saw no Land on any part of the Shore, like those white Cliffs. -Between them, which is about 3 Leagues, the Land is lower, full of Wood, -and trimming inward makes a small Bay, and the Village of <i>Tecames</i> lies -in the Bottom, consisting of 7 Houses and a Church, all low built of -split Bamboes, cover’d with Palmetto Leaves, and standing on Posts, with -Hog-sties under them. These Houses have notch’d Pieces of Timber instead -of Stairs to get up to ’em. The Village lies close by the Water-side, -and may be seen when the Bay is open above 4 Leagues. ’Tis suppos’d they -had sent off their best Furniture on notice of our Approach, for there -was nothing of Worth in their Houses nor Church. The Women had only a -Piece of Bays tied about their Middle. The Men are dextrous at hunting -and fishing. There is a large Village about 4 Leagues off, where the -Padre resides, and several <i>Indians</i> live between these Villages. The -next River, 3 Leagues to the Northward, is very large, and call’d <i>Rio -de las Esmeraldas</i>, but shoal’d; the Country about is thinly inhabited -by <i>Indians</i>, Mullattoes and Samboes. By the Village of <i>Tecames</i> -there’s a River into which a Boat may enter at half Tide; it flows here -above 3 Fathom Water, the Flood runs to the Northward, and the Ebb to -the Southward; there is an infinite Number of Plantains for 3 Days -Journey into the Country, the nearest are about a League from the -Houses, and were brought to our Boats down this River in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_189" id="page_189"></a>{189}</span> their Canoes. -Here runs a great Surf on the Shore, so that were it not in these Parts -of the World, it would be but an ordinary Road. Ships generally come in -from the Southward, or at least directly in with the Southermost white -Land, and then bear away, because (as we were inform’d) there is an ugly -Shole runs off the Northernmost white Land, about 2 Leagues into the -Sea, being the Place where we had but 8 Fathom Water on the <i>23d</i> -instant, as I noted before. We now came in from abreast off Cape <i>St. -Francisco</i>, Lat. 1°. 00´´. N. and this lies in about E.N.E. near 6 -Leagues from Cape <i>St. Francisco</i>. We came no nearer than half a League -of the Shore, because there is a small Shole off of a Point about half -way between <i>Tecames</i>; and the Cape, which is an indifferent high -Promontory, and as we made it, falls down like Stairs to the Water. We -had good clean Ground where we rode near half a League from the Shore in -7 Fathom Water, but a League into the Bottom of the Bay, where the -Houses lie, there’s not above 3 Fathom a good Musket-shot from the -Shore. There is another River enters in by a single House between us and -<i>Tecames</i> Village, where we fetch’d our Water about 2 Leagues up this -River; and it’s very narrow, and shoal’d all from the Entrance; we went -in on half Flood. Here’s Sea and Land Breezes, as well as on all this -Coast near the Main Land; the Sea Breeze at W. and W.S.W. the Land -Breeze at S. and S. by E. The Sea Breeze comes generally in the -Afternoon, and holds till Midnight, when comes the Land Breeze, which -dies away calm towards the Middle of the Day. There’s a Rock under Water -at quarter Flood, and a Shoal above a Cable’s Length off Shore, from the -first Point as you go in for the narrow River where we water’d. A Ship -ought not to come to an Anchor near the Shore, if High Water, in less -than 6 Fathom, because at certain times, and out of course, as the -<i>Indians</i> told us, the Tide ebbs exceeding low. It’s dry Weather here, -tho’ showry to the Northward, being the Limits of the Rains at this time -of the Year. From <i>June</i> to <i>December</i> ’tis always dry, and from the -Beginning of <i>January</i> to the last of <i>May</i> there are Showers now and -then.</p> - -<p>The <i>Indians</i> about this Place are sometimes barbarous to the -<i>Spaniards</i>, as our Prisoners tell us. Our People saw here about 50 -armed with Bows and Arrows, and some good Fire-Arms; they are worse to -engage than double the Number of <i>Spaniards</i>, so that it would have been -folly in us to land Men here, where there is so little to be got; and -the <i>Indians</i> with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_190" id="page_190"></a>{190}</span> poison’d Arrows and Fire-Arms would line the Bushes -down to the Water-side, and no doubt we should have lost many of our -Men, had we landed by force; so that we are all extremely obliged to Mr. -<i>White</i> our Linguist, for negotiating a Trade in so peaceable a manner -with these poor mischievous Wretches, which must in Justice be ascrib’d -to his good Management, he accomplishing it voluntarily with the Danger -of his Life.</p> - -<p>’Twas off this Cape that Sir <i>Francis Drake</i> in 1578. took the rich -Plate Prize; and Sir <i>Richard Hawkins</i> was taken by the <i>Spaniards</i> in -this Bay off of <i>Tecames</i> in 1594. both in Queen Elizabeth’s Time.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 1.</i> At 6 this Morning Cape <i>St. Francisco</i> bore S. E. distant 10 -Leagues, from whence we take our Departure. Had fair Weather, Wind at S. -W. by S. We saw many Water-snakes, one of ’em crawl’d up the Side of -Capt. <i>Cooke’s</i> Ship, but was beat off by his Men. The <i>Spaniards</i> say -their Bite is incurable.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 6.</i> This day I had Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, Capt. <i>Cooke</i>, and Capt. -<i>Dampier</i> aboard, who dined with us. Capt. <i>Cooke</i> complain’d of his -Ship being crank, and that we need not have tack’d so near the Shore, -since we might easily fetch the <i>Gallapagos</i> without Tacking. All agree -to this except our Pilot, who is very positive of seeing other Islands -about 100 or 110 Leagues from the Main under the Equinox. He tells us he -was at them formerly when he was a Buccaneer, and has describ’d ’em in -one of the Volumes he calls his Voyages, and says that those Islands we -were at lay to the Westward of them; but he must be mistaken, or we had -seen them in the last Runs to and from these Islands.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 8.</i> We are run over and beyond where our Pilot affirm’d the -Islands were, and no sight of them; so we all agree that the Islands he -was at when a buccaneering can be no other but those we were at, and are -going to now; the nearest part of them lies 165 Leagues to the Westward -of the Main Land.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 10.</i> The <i>8th</i> we made one of the <i>Gallapagos</i> Islands, and in -the Morning hoisted out our Pinnace; Capt. Dover and Mr. <i>Glendall</i> went -in her for the Shore. The <i>Dutchess</i>’s Pinnace return’d very soon laden -with Turtle.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Arrival among the Gallapagos Islands.</i></div> - -<p><i> Sept. 11.</i> Yesterday we came to an Anchor in about 30 Fathom Water, -about 2 Miles off Shore, being rocky at bottom. In letting go the Anchor -the Buoy Rope was immediately cut off, and our Ship drove; so that we -thought our<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_191" id="page_191"></a>{191}</span> Cable was also cut, but after driving about half a Mile the -Ship rode very well. In the Evening our Boats that left us after we came -to an Anchor, return’d laden with excellent good Turtle: We sent our -Yawl and some Men ashore to turn those Creatures in the Night, but to no -purpose, because we afterwards found they only came ashore in the Day. I -sent away our Pinnace, and Lieut. <i>Frye</i> to sound out a better anchoring -Place, while we hove up the Anchor, and came to sail. Our Boat return’d, -and by 10 a Clock we had our Ship again to an Anchor within less than a -Mile off the Shore, right against a white sandy Bay. The outermost great -Rock being near the Middle of the Island, bore N. by E. distant 6 Miles; -the little Rock appearing like a Sail bore W. by S. about 4 Miles. Here -we rode very smooth in good sandy Ground; the Wind amongst these Islands -generally blows from the S. E. to the S. by W. I went ashore in the -Pinnace, and carried Men to walk round the Sandy Bay to get Turtle. The -Island is high like the rest, but some low Land on this side down to the -Sea; it’s very rocky, dry and barren, with out Water, like those we have -already seen.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 12.</i> This Morning I sent to the <i>Dutchess</i>, who was at an Anchor -a good distance from us, to know how they were stock’d with Turtle. At -10 the Boat return’d with an Account they had about 150 Land and Sea -Turtle, but not generally so large as ours: We had no Land Turtle as -yet, but about 150 Sea Turtle; the <i>Marquiss</i> had the worst Luck.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 13.</i> The <i>Dutchess</i>’s People having inform’d us where they got -their Land Turtle, I sent our Pinnace, which at Night return’d with 37, -and some Salt they found in a Pond; and the Yawl brought 20 Sea Turtle, -so that we are very full of them. Some of the largest of the Land Turtle -are about 100 Pound Weight, and those of the Sea upwards of 400: The -Land Turtle lay Eggs on our Deck; our Men brought some from the Shore -about the bigness of a Goose’s Egg, white, with a large thick Shell -exactly round. These Creatures are the ugliest in Nature, the Shell not -unlike the Top of an old Hackney Coach, as black as Jet, and so is the -outside Skin, but shrivel’d and very rough; the Legs and Neck are long, -and about the bigness of a Man’s Wrist, and they have Club Feet as big -as one’s Fist, shaped much like those of an Elephant, with 5 thick Nails -on the Fore Feet, and but 4 behind; the Head little, and Visage small, -like a Snake, and look very old and black; when at first surpriz’d, they -shrink their Neck, Head and Legs under their Shell. Two of our Men,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_192" id="page_192"></a>{192}</span> -with Lieut. <i>Stratton</i>, and the Trumpeter of the <i>Dutchess</i>, affirm, -they saw vast large ones of this sort about 4 Foot high; they mounted 2 -Men on the Back of one of them, who with its usual slow Pace carried -them, and never minded the Weight: They suppos’d this could not weigh -less than 700 Pound. I don’t affect giving Relations of strange -Creatures so frequently done by others already in print; but where an -uncommon Creature falls in my way, I shall not omit it. The <i>Spaniards</i> -tell us they know of none elsewhere in these Seas. This Morning we began -heeling our Ship, and found that abundance of Worms had entered the -Sheathing; we scrub’d, clean’d, and tallow’d as low as we could.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 14.</i> Yesterday Afternoon we sent a Boat ashore for Wood, they -brought off the Rudder and Boltsprit of a small Bark; we fancy’d it -might be Mr. <i>Hattley</i>’s that we lost amongst these Islands when here -before, but on view perceiv’d it to be much older. We also found 2 Jars, -and a Place where Fire had been made on the Shore, but nothing to give -us farther Hopes of poor Mr. <i>Hattley</i>. Our Pinnace came aboard and -brought about 18 Bushells of Salt, and 18 Land Turtle more; the Men -commend them for excellent Food, especially the Land Turtle, which makes -very good Broth, but the Flesh never boils tender: for my own part, I -could eat neither sort yet. Having got as much Turtle on board, as we -could eat while good, we agreed to make the best of our Way to the Coast -of <i>Mexico</i>, and this Morning our Consort and the <i>Marquiss</i> were under -Sail by 8 a Clock, but we lying farther in were becalm’d, and could not -follow them. We caught a good quantity of Fish here, which we split and -salted for our future Spending. About 12 a Clock, being calm, we weighed -our Anchor, and with the Help of our Boats and Ships Oars got off the -Shore.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 15.</i> We had a fine Breeze, came up to the rest, and agreed to lye -by with our Heads to the Eastward, till Midnight, being in sight of the -Island and Rock where we lost poor <i>Hattley</i>, when last here. In the -Morning we stood to the Westward amongst the Islands.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Departure from the Gallapagos Islands.</i></div> - -<p><i>Sept. 16.</i> At 4 a Clock in the Afternoon we sent our Yawl for Capt. -<i>Cooke</i> and Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, with whom we agreed to bear away, seeing -so many Islands and Rocks to the Westward, we did not care to incumber -our selves amongst them in the Night. By 6 we found the Remedy worse -than the Disease, and at Mast head could see all low Rocks almost -joining from Island to Island, that we seem’d Land-lock’d for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_193" id="page_193"></a>{193}</span> three -Parts of the Compass, and no Way open but to the S.E. from whence we -came, so we resolv’d to return that Way, and made short Trips all Night, -keeping continual Sounding for fear of Shoals, and had from 40 to 60 -Fathom Water. In the Morning we had got far enough to Windward to -return. We could have no Observation by the Sun, being in our Zenith, -tho’ we find the Weather here much colder than in any Latitude within 10 -Degrees of each side the Equinox.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 17.</i> Yesterday Afternoon I went a-board the <i>Marquiss</i>, being -brought too between the two Islands, in sight of the rendezvous Rock I -have so often mention’d: Mean while the <i>Dutchess</i> (not being so well -provided with Turtle as we) sent her Boat a-shore on another Island, -where they got her Lading of excellent Turtle, leaving a vast Number -a-shore that they could not bring away. We have as many a-board as we -have Room for, being, as we suppose, enough to last us to the <i>Tres -Marias</i>, if they live. At 7 we all join’d, and agreed to lie by, till 2 -in the Morning, when we again jogg’d on with an easy Sail till -Day-break. We were a-breast of the Thorowfare, where we tried for Water -the last time. I order’d a Gun to be fir’d at a venture, to see if it -were possible Mr. <i>Hattley</i> could be there alive, and then seeing or -hearing us, might make a Smoak a-shore, as a Signal, but we had no such -good Luck; so that our Hopes of him are all vanish’d, and we finally -conclude, that we can do no more for him than we have done already.</p> - -<p>The 18th and 19th we saw several more Islands, one of ’em a large one, -which we suppos’d reach’d near the Equinoctial, and abundance of small -Islands betwixt us; the 19th at Noon, we had an indifferent good -Observation. Lat. 2°. 2´´. N.</p> - -<p>The <i>Gallapagos</i> Islands need no further Description than I have at -several Places given of them; only that I believe, as others before have -observed, that the Turtle come a-shore in the sandy Bays of these -Islands, all the Year round.</p> - -<p>We saw in all (some that we searched and others that we viewed at a -Distance, at both times) no less than 50, but none that had the least -Appearance of fresh Water. The <i>Spanish</i> Reports agree that there is but -one that has any; which lies about Lat. 1°. 30´´. S. Sen. <i>Morell</i> tells -me, that a <i>Spanish</i> Man of War employed to cruize for Pyrates, was once -at an Island that lies by it self in the Lat. 1°. 20 or 30´´. S. They -call it <i>S. Maria de l’Aquada</i>, a pleasant Island and good Road,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_194" id="page_194"></a>{194}</span> full -of Wood, and Plenty of Water and Turtle, of both sorts, with Fish, <i>&c.</i> -lying about 140 <i>Spanish</i> Leagues West from the Island <i>Plata</i>, but I -believe it’s at least 30 Leagues more, and that it’s no other but the -same Island, where Capt. <i>Davis</i> the <i>English</i> Buccaneer recruited, and -all the Light he has left to find it again is, that it lies to the -Westward of those Islands he was at with the other Buccaneers, which as -I have before examin’d, can be no other than these Islands we have been -twice at. We had no occasion to look for this Island the second Trip, -tho’ I believe it’s easy to find it without farther Directions. Here’s -most sorts of Sea Birds amongst these Islands and some Land Birds, -particularly Hawks of several sorts, and Turtle Doves, both so very tame -that we often hit them down with Sticks. I saw no sort of Beasts; but -there are Guanas in abundance, and Land Turtle almost on every Island: -’Tis strange how the latter got here, because they can’t come of -themselves, and none of that sort are to be found on the Main. Seals -haunt some of these Islands, but not so numerous, nor their Fur so good -as at <i>Juan Fernando’s</i>. A very large one made at me 3 several times, -and had I not happen’d to have a Pike-staff pointed with Iron in my -Hand, I might have been kill’d by him; (one of our Men having narrowly -escap’d the Day before.) I was on the level Sand when he came -open-mouth’d at me out of the Water, as quick and fierce as the most -angry Dog let loose. I struck the Point into his Breast, and wounded him -all the three times he made at me, which forc’d him at last to retire -with an ugly Noise, snarling and shewing his long Teeth at me out of the -Water: This amphibious Beast was as big as a large Bear.</p> - -<p><i>Sept. 22.</i> The <i>Marquiss</i> had sprung a large Leak, for want of good -Caulking at first in <i>Gorgona</i>: I went aboard with our Carpenter, who -assisted theirs, and with a Piece of Lead nail’d over the Leak (being in -the Water’s Edge) soon stopt it, and we made Sail again in a little -time. Wind at S. by E. We had a good Observation. N. Lat. 6°. 9´´. Every -Day as we leave the Equinoctial more distant the Heat encreases very -much.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Arrival at the Island Tres Marias.</i></div> - -<p><i>October 1.</i> Yesterday we made the main Land of <i>Mexico</i>; it bore N. E. -distant about 10 Leagues. We hoisted out our Yawl, and fetch’d aboard -Capt. <i>Cooke</i>, and his Lieutenant Mr. <i>Pope</i>, Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and Capt. -<i>Dampier</i>; the latter says he knows this high Land; but the Latt. -directs us all to know it. Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, near this Place, five Years -past, met the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_195" id="page_195"></a>{195}</span> <i>Manila</i> Ship in the St. <i>George</i>, and had a Fight at a -Distance, but he says for want of Men could not board her, and after a -short Dispute, was forced to let her alone. We hall’d off the Shore, W. -N. W. not caring to be near enough to be seen from the Land, to allarm -the Coast too soon. We had often Showers of Rain, Wind at S.S.E.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 2.</i> Most part of this 24 Hours we had Squalls and then little -Wind at S.S.E. intermixt with sultry hot Weather. Our Men begin to be -unhealthy again, two having lately dropt down on the Deck, but after -bleeding came pretty well to themselves. We agreed with our Consort to -lie by from 8 at Night till day break. At Noon it clear’d up, and we saw -the Land, at least 8 Leagues off, tho’ we seem’d just under it, it was -so very high. We made Cape <i>Corientes</i> bearing N.E. about 8 Leagues, by -which we judge according to our Observation at Noon, that it lies in -Lat. 20°. 10´´. N. We know it to be Cape <i>Corientes</i>, because we could -see no Land to the Northward of it, and that it was a Head-land. Capt. -<i>Dampier</i> has been here also, but it’s a long Time ago. We all agreed it -was the Cape, and that we had best hall off N. W. to look for the -Islands <i>Tres Marias</i>, which are not far from this Cape, but we are not -certain of their Situation.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 4.</i> Yesterday Afternoon, at 4, the Cape bore E. N. E. about 10 -Leagues. We kept on under an easy Sail all Night. In the Morning we saw -2 Islands, being very clear Weather, at least 14 Leagues distant, one -bearing N. by W. and the other N. by E. At Noon we had a good -Observation. Lat. 20°. 45´´. N.</p> - -<p>Tho’ our Men have their Fill of Land and Sea Turtle, which keeps them -from the Scurvy, yet I find them weak, it being but a faintly Food, -except they had sufficient Bread or Flower with it, they having but a -Pound and a Quarter of Bread or Flower, for five Men a Day, to prolong -our Stock of Bread against we come to live wholly on our salt -Provisions, and then must be forced to allow more.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 6.</i> In the Morning we sent Lieutenant <i>Frye</i> in the Pinnace -ashore on the Eastermost Island, to try whether there was any good Road -or convenience for us to recruit there. At 9 they return’d, and told me -the Island had foul Ground near half a Mile from the Shore; bad -Anchoring, worse Landing, and no fresh Water; but Wood enough. A -melancholy Story, our Water growing short. We hall’d on a Wind, for the -middle Island, which Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, I do believe, can remember he was -at, when he belong’d to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_196" id="page_196"></a>{196}</span> Captain <i>Swann</i>,<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> and found Water. Being -little Wind we sent our Boat towards the Island, to view it before we -could get thither with the Ship.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 7.</i> The <i>Dutchess</i>’s People, and our Pinnace had been ashore at -several Places on the S. E. side of the Island, and found bitter Water -at every Place. Our Ship got soon to an Anchor near the <i>Dutchess</i>, in -11 Fathom Water and sandy Ground, about a Mile and a half off Shore.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 8.</i> Those that had been on the Island saw no Sign of Peoples -being lately there, but found a human Skull above Ground, which we -suppose to have been one of the two <i>Indians</i> Capt. <i>Dampier</i> tells us -were left here by Capt. <i>Swann</i>, about 23 Years ago; for Victuals being -scarce with these <i>Buccaneers</i>, they would not carry the poor <i>Indians</i> -any farther, but, after they had served their Turns, left them to make a -miserable End on a desolate Island. We kept a Light out all Night, and a -great Fire in the Island, that if the <i>Marquiss</i> and Bark, who had left -Company, saw it, and had a Gale, they might come into Anchor Ground. But -having no sight of them at Day-break, I went on board our Consort, and -propos’d my going out to look after ’em; but they made Light of it and -thought it needless, believing they would be in after us, without any -Assistance. The Recruit of Cattle, Hogs, and Plantains, at <i>Tecames</i>, -held to the <i>Gallapagos</i>, and we have fed on the Turtle we got there -ever since, excepting these two last Days. This accidental Stock of -fresh Food has been some Refreshment to our Men, and prolongs our Stock -of <i>European</i> Provisions. Now Bread or Flower will be the first thing -wanting. We had little Wind Northerly, and often calm.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 9.</i> Yesterday I sent Lieut. <i>Glendall</i> to view the other side of -the Island, and he brought me back word it was much better than this, -with sandy Bays, and signs of Turtle in the Sand, which he believed came -ashore the last Night. I sent back the Boat and Men to try to get -Turtle; and this Morning they came back with their Boats Load of very -good ones, and left another lading behind them ready turn’d; they also -had found indifferent good Water on the N. E. side of the Island, which -rejoiced us to be so unexpectedly supplied; for the other Water on this -side the Island, - -<span class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor at St. Marias Islands.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_197" id="page_197"></a>{197}</span> -had purg’d those that drank it aboard the <i>Dutchess</i> like Physick. We -had no sight yet of the Bark or <i>Marquiss</i>. ’Tis very hot, with an Air -of Wind Northerly, but almost calm. Our Consort has sent their Pinnace -in quest of the missing Ships.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 10.</i> Lieut. <i>Connely</i> of the <i>Dutchess</i>, that went in quest of -’em return’d without any News. And we having begun trimming our Ship, -and stripping the Rigging; the <i>Dutchess</i> desired to go and look for -them, mean while we were to employ our People to cut Wood and get a -Stock of Turtle against their Return. We found an excellent Run of Water -on the other side of the Island, and sent our Pinnace to view the -Westermost Island, to see if either of the missing Ships had got into -Anchor here.</p> - -<p>Capt. <i>Dover</i> being willing to remove aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, I desired -our Officers to make the following <i>Memorandum</i>.</p> - -<p class="cb">Tres S. Maria Islands.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E the under-written, appointed part of a Committee now present on -board the</i> Duke, <i>do certify, that Capt.</i> Dover <i>requested to go on -board the</i> Dutchess; <i>and desired us to take notice it was his own -Choice so to do. Witness our Hands, this 10th Day of</i> October, 1709.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney, </td><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Thomas Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">Lanc. Appleby.</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>At the same time the following Agreement was made where to meet with the -<i>Dutchess</i>, and they took a Copy with them.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">I</span>N case we aboard the</i> Duke <i>don’t see the</i> Dutchess <i>return in 10 -Days, then to be ready to sail, and first look in the Latitude -20°.</i> N. <i>in sight of the Land: If not to be found there, to run -off the Land farther into Sea, and then in sight again, but no -nearer than within 6 Leagues of the Land, to prevent Discovery. We -are to bring all full of Water and Turtle for a second Recruit, to -keep a continual Look-out for them, and leave a Signal at the South -End of this Island.</i></p></div> - -<p><i>Octob. 11.</i> According to this Agreement Capt. <i>Dover</i> went himself, and -sent his Servant with his Necessaries aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>. In the -Evening they came to sail, and carry’d above 100 large Turtle that we -brought to them in our Boats <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_198" id="page_198"></a>{198}</span>for victualling, to save Salt Provisions. -We hope the Current, that has hitherto run to Leeward, will quickly -shift, and facilitate their Return, that we may not be obliged to follow -them. I order’d 6 Yards of red and white Bays to be join’d together, to -spread it as a Signal on the Island for directing them to a Letter from -me in a Bottle by it, should we unexpectedly quit the Place in her -Absence.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 12.</i> Last Night our Pinnace, which had been in quest of the -missing Ships, return’d from the Westermost Island, and saw no Sign of -the Ships. Our People tell us, they heard aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, that -the Bark had not 2 Days Water when they left them, which made me very -uneasy lest she should go to the Main after Water, which would discover -us, and might prove the Occasion of losing her also.</p> - -<p>Yesterday we put Negroes ashore to cut Wood for the absent Ships, and -last Night our Boat came off, and brought but 3 out of 10, 7 having run -away into the Woods: Immediately we dispatch’d several Men round the -Island with Arms, to endeavour to catch ’em when they come down out of -the Woods to get Food at the Sea-side. These Negroes had an Antipathy -against <i>Michael Kendall</i> the <i>Jamaica</i> Negro, and design’d to have -kill’d him, had not one of those that came aboard given him timely -Notice of it. A Negro amongst the Runaways could write well, which made -me get our Ransomers to write 3 <i>Spanish</i> Papers of Encouragement to -incline the Fugitives upon sight of ’em to return, promising that Negro -his Freedom and every thing else he or the rest of them could reasonably -desire. These Papers we nail’d up against Trees by the Brook side, where -they will be sure to see them. My Reason for so doing was to prevent -these Fellows from giving notice of us on the Coast, if they reach’d the -Main on Bark Logs, which they could make with the Hatchets they had to -cut Wood for us. If this Method fails of Success, ’tis in vain to hope -for finding them by searching the Island, every part of it being full of -thick Woods and Prickles, which make it unpassable. On the sandy Shore -we began to imploy our Rope-makers to spin Twine for the <i>Dutchess</i> and -<i>Marquiss</i>, who complain their Stock is short. Our people found another -Spring of excellent Water on the other side of the Island.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor at St. Marias Islands.</i></div> - -<p><i>Octob. 13.</i> Yesterday Afternoon the <i>Dutchess</i> came in sight, with the -Bark in Tow, and soon after we saw the <i>Marquiss</i>. We kept a Light out, -that they might the better find us. In the Morning we saw them at Anchor -between the 2 Islands. I weigh’d in their sight, and put out our Ensign -for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_199" id="page_199"></a>{199}</span> ’em to follow us to the Watering Place on the other side of the -Island, which they did accordingly. The Wind continues Northerly, with a -Lee Current.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 14.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we came to an Anchor in 16 -Fathom Water off the N. E. Side of the Island. I went immediately in our -Pinnace aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, that was then under Sail with the Bark in -Tow, 2 Leagues from us. About 4 they and the <i>Marquiss</i> came to an -Anchor; I told them of our Negroes deserting us, which had prevented our -getting a good Stock of Wood in their Absence, and we agreed to keep all -our Negroes on board the Ships, and narrowly watch ’em to prevent their -Desertion for the future.</p> - -<p>Mr. <i>Duck</i>, who was Master of the Bark, told me the Day they lost sight -of us their Water was expended, and two of the Bark’s Crew in a very -small Canoe left her almost out of sight of Land, and being smooth calm -Weather, fortunately got aboard the <i>Marquiss</i> to acquaint Capt. <i>Cooke</i> -they had no Water, upon which he bore down to them, and took her in -Towe. Had he not done this, the Bark must have run for the Main Land to -get Water, which might have alarm’d the Enemy, and endanger’d the Loss -of the Vessel and Men. They were not above 8 Leagues off the Island, but -it being hazey Weather, and having little Wind, and a Lee Current, they -could not get in, or see us.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 15.</i> We could not get to the Watering Place near the N. W. -Corner of the Island, till 7 last Night, when we anchor’d in 7 Fathom -Water, clean sandy Ground, about half a Mile from the Shore; the -Westermost Point bore W. by N. about 3 Miles, and the Eastermost E. by -S. 6 Miles. The Body of the Westermost Island bore N. W. distant 4 -Leagues. This Morning we got our empty Casks ashore, and began filling -Water. Had we not very fair Weather at this Season, and little Wind, -this Place would be but an ordinary Road.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 16.</i> Capt. <i>Courtney</i> sent me word, that the <i>Marquiss</i>, who has -been again missing, was well moored at the S. E. Side of the Island, and -could not easily turn it hither; so we agreed she should lie there, and -we would water her from hence with our Boats.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 18.</i> Lieutenant <i>Fry</i> went in the Pinnace last Night to view the -Weather Island, and he returned this Morning, and told me there was a -Road, but not very good and that he could find no Water.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 19.</i> We hal’d the Sain [Sein], and caught some Fish.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_200" id="page_200"></a>{200}</span> This -Morning we found some Bail Goods damaged, which we believe they received -before we had ’em; we unpack’d and dry’d ’em, and sold what was most -damaged amongst the Ships Company, repacking and stowing away the rest. -Very hot Weather, and a little Air of Wind North.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 23.</i> We began this Morning to take aboard our Turtle, and the -Remainder of our Wood and Water, designing in the Evening to return, and -anchor on the S. E. Side of the Island, to join the <i>Marquiss</i>, and -agree on a Station to cruize for the <i>Manila</i> Ship. Our Men shot a Snake -ashore, and brought it aboard dead; I saw it measured 15 Inches round, -and near 10 Foot long; some of ’em are much larger; this was of a hazle -colour, and spotted, called by the <i>Spaniards</i> here a Leopard Serpent.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 24.</i> All the Officers met aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, and sign’d a -Duplicate of every Conclusion in all Committees since we have been in -these Seas. Many of the Resolutions wrote on board this Ship were in my -Custody, and others wrote aboard the <i>Dutchess</i> in Capt. <i>Courtney’s</i>; -but it was thought advisable that each of us should have all the Copies -signed alike. While we were together, we agreed on a Station to lie for -the <i>Manila</i> Ship; but I lately proposed parting, and to meet again at -Cape <i>Corientes</i>, or any other appointed Station, and for us in the -<i>Duke</i> to cruize off the same Place where Capt. <i>Dampier</i> met the -<i>Manila</i> Ship in the <i>St. George</i>, or else the <i>Marquiss</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> -to take that Station, and I would go to Cape <i>St. Lucas</i>; since by -either Method we should have 2 Chances for the Prize, and get -Provisions, which we begin to want very much. This Method might prove -much better than to be at one Place, where we could not be supply’d with -Provisions; but the Officers of the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Marquiss</i> seeming -unwilling to part Companies, and the Majority thinking Cape <i>St. Lucas</i> -the properest Place to lie for the <i>Manila</i> Ship bound for <i>Acapulco</i>, I -drew up our Resolution, which was signed by the whole Council, who on -this Occasion were altogether.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c">At a Committee held on board the <i>Dutchess</i> at the Islands <i>Tres -Marias, October 24. 1709</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Description of Tres Marias.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E whose Names are hereunto subscribed, being Members of a -Committee appointed to manage the Affairs of the</i> Duke, Dutchess -<i>and</i> Marquiss, <i>having recruited our Ships at these Islands, and -being in a readiness to put to Sea again; We have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_201" id="page_201"></a>{201}</span> examin’d the -Opinion of Capt.</i> Dampier, <i>appointed Pilot by the Owners of the -Ships</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess <i>in</i> Bristol, <i>and have been well -informed from all the Intelligences we have frequently had from -Prisoners since our being in the</i> South Seas, <i>and do now finally -determine to cruize off Cape</i> St. Lucas, <i>the Southermost Cape of</i> -California, <i>in such Methods, and with such Signals to each other, -as shall be agreed on in our next Committee.</i></p> - -<p><i>We resolve with the utmost Care and Diligence to wait here the -coming of the</i> Manila <i>Ship belonging to the</i> Spaniards, <i>and bound -for</i> Acapulco; <i>whose Wealth on board her we hope will prompt every -Man to use his utmost Conduct and Bravery to conquer. This is our -Opinion the Day above.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i></td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">William Bath,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">Geo. Milbourne,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">Robert Knowlman,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Frye,</td><td align="left">John Bridge,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Stratton, </td><td align="left">John Ballett,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Cha. Pope,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p>Being all supply’d with Wood, Water, and Turtle, we came to sail at -Eleven this Forenoon, Wind at N. by W. a fine Gale; but e’er I proceed -with my Journal, I will give a short Description of these Islands.</p> - -<p>The Islands of <i>Tres Marias</i> lie N. W. in a Range at equal Distances -from each other, about 4 Leagues asunder: The largest Island is the -Westermost, appears to be high double Land, and about 5 Leagues in -Length; the middle Island about 3 Leagues the longest way, and the -Eastermost scarce 2 Leagues; these are also middling high Lands, and -full of Trees. Near the least Island are 2 or 3 small broken white -Islands, one of the outermost of these appear’d so much like a Ship -under Sail at a distance, that we gave the usual Signal for a Chase, but -soon found our Mistake.</p> - -<p>These Islands have abundance of different sorts of Parrots, Pigeons, -Doves, and other Land Birds, of which we kill’d great Numbers, with -excellent Hares, but much less than ours. We saw abundance of Guanas, -and some Raccoons; the latter bark’d and snarl’d at us like Dogs, but -were easily beat off with Sticks.</p> - -<p>I think the Water more worthy of Remark than any thing we saw here, -because we found but two good Springs, which ran down in large Streams -near others, that were very bitter<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_202" id="page_202"></a>{202}</span> and disagreeable, which I suppose -might proceed from Shrubs and Roots that grow in the Water, or from some -Mineral.</p> - -<p>The Turtle here is very good, but of a different Shape from any I have -seen; and tho’ vulgarly there’s reckon’d but 3 sorts of Turtle, we have -seen 6 or 7 different sorts at several Times, and our People have eat of -them all, except the very large hooping or logger-head Turtle (as they -are call’d) found in <i>Brazil</i> in great plenty, and some of them above -500 <i>l.</i> Weight. We did not eat of that sort, because then our -Provisions were plentiful, which made those Turtles to be slighted as -coarse and ordinary Food. Those at the <i>Gallapagos</i> Islands, both He’s -and She’s, I observed came ashore in the Day-time, and not in the Night, -quite different from what I have seen or heard of the rest.</p> - -<p>All that we caught in this Island was by turning ’em in the Night, and -were She’s, which came ashore to lay their Eggs, and bury them in the -dry Sand: One of these had at least 800 Eggs in its Belly, 150 of which -were skin’d, and ready for laying at once. I could not imagine that -Turtle were 6 Weeks in hatching, as some Authors write, considering the -Sun makes the Sand so very hot wherever these Eggs are found, and -instead of a Shell they have nothing but a very thin Film. In order -therefore to be better informed, I order’d some of our Men ashore to -watch carefully for one, and suffer her to lay her Eggs without -disturbance, and to take good notice of the Time and Place. Accordingly -they did so, and assur’d me they found the Eggs addled in less than 12 -Hours, and in about 12 more they had young ones in ’em, compleatly -shap’d, and alive. Had we staid a little longer, I might have given my -self and others a thorough Satisfaction in this quick Production of -Nature. From hence I am inclinable to credit the Report of divers of our -Sailors, who assert, that where they have found Eggs in the Sand, and -look’d for ’em 3 Days after in the same place, they found nothing but -Films; this shews that the young ones are hatch’d within that time. They -assured me also, that they had observed oftener than once, that the -young Brood run out of the Sand every day directly for the Sea in great -Numbers, and quicker than the old ones.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor at Tres Marias.</i></div> - -<p>At this time here was little Fish about the Shores of this Island, and -of the same sorts mention’d at other Places in these Seas; but the -Plenty of Turtle at this time supplies that Defect. We the chief -Officers fed deliciously here, being scarce ever without Hares, Turtle -Doves, Pigeons, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_203" id="page_203"></a>{203}</span> Parrots of various Sizes and Colours, many had -white or red Heads, with Tufts of Feathers on their Crowns. I wish -’twould hold, but ’tis in vain to tantalize our selves; for we must soon -fare otherwise, and take to our old Food of almost decay’d Salt Pork and -Beef, which we must prize, and heartily wish we had more on’t. We found -good Anchor Ground about this middle Island, and gradual Soundings from -20 to 4 Fathom Water close by the Shore. Between this and the least -Island ’tis about the same Depth; where we were between them I found no -Shole, but what was visible, as a Rock off the S. W. Point, and a Shole -off the N. E. Point of the same, with another at a greater distance from -that Point off the least Island, but neither runs above half a Mile from -the Shore. I know no Danger about them, but what with Care might be -easily avoided.</p> - -<p>Where we rode we could see Spots of high Land, which I suppose was the -Continent join’d by low Land between it; the Northermost bore N. by E. -half E. about 16 Leagues distance: I take it to be the Starboard -Entrance into the Gulph or Strait of <i>California</i>; the nearest Land to -us bore E.N.E. about 12 Leagues, and the Southermost E. S. E. at least -17 Leagues, very high, which I believe is the next Headland to the -Northward of Cape <i>Corientes</i>. I had but two Opportunities to see it -just at Sun-rising, because ’twas very hazey during our Stay here, so -that I might err in the Distance; but the best Directions for these -Islands is thus: We account the nearest bears N.N.W. from Cape -<i>Corientes</i> 28 Leagues, and that it lies in the Lat. 21°. 15´´. N. and -Longit. 111°. 40´´. West from <i>London</i>. I return to my Journal.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 28.</i> At 6 this Evening the Westermost Island bore E.N.E. 15 -Leagues. The Wind has been very little, and veerable, with a great Swell -out of the N.W. I sent our Yawl with a Lieutenant aboard the <i>Dutchess</i> -and <i>Marquiss</i>, with whom we agreed to spread as we ran to the -Northward, that the <i>Acapulco</i> Ship might not pass us, if they should -arrive sooner than we expected: We agreed to be to the Leeward, the -<i>Marquiss</i> to Windward, and the <i>Dutchess</i> between us, and all to keep -in sight of each other. I order’d our Surgeons and Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> to see -the Inside of the Physick Chest that Capt. <i>Dover</i> left us, and take an -Inventory of what was in it. We saw no more of the Islands.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 29.</i> Still easy Gales, and sometimes quite calm, <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_204" id="page_204"></a>{204}</span>and extream -hot. We can hardly keep our Ground against the Current, that runs strong -to the Southward. We are in the same Latitude, and I judge about the -same Place we were 2 Days ago.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 30.</i> This Morning one of our Negro Women cry’d out, and was -deliver’d of a Girl of a tawny Colour; Mr. <i>Wasse</i> our chief Surgeon was -forced to discharge the Office of a Midwife in a close Cabbin provided -for that Purpose; but what we most wanted was good Liquor, to keep up, -or imitate the Womens laudable Custom of a refreshing Cup, on such an -Occasion. I accidentally found a Bottle of thick strong <i>Peru</i> Wine, a -good Part of which was given to the sick Woman, who desir’d more than we -could spare her. She had not been full 6 Months amongst us, so that the -Child could belong to none of our Company. But to prevent the other -she-Negro (call’d <i>Daphne</i>) from being debauch’d in our Ship, I gave her -a strict Charge to be modest, with Threats of severe Punishment, if she -was found otherwise. One of the <i>Dutchess</i>’s black Nymphs having -transgressed this Way, was lately whip’d at the Capston. This I mention -to satisfy the censorious, that we don’t countenance Lewdness, and that -we took those Women aboard, only because they spoke <i>English</i>, and -begg’d to be admitted for Landresses, Cooks and Semstresses.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 1.</i> This Day we saw high Land, being the Point of <i>California</i>. By -Noon the Westermost in sight bore W. by N. 8 Leagues, and the -Northermost N. half W. about 10 Leagues. We had an Observation Lat. 22°. -55´´. Long. 113°. 38´´. W. from <i>London</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 2.</i> The Westermost Land we set yesterday Noon, we make to be Cape -St. <i>Lucas</i>, the Southermost Head-land of <i>California</i>. We agreed on -Signals and Stations; and to spread S.W. into the See, off of this Cape -that now bore N. by W. from us.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Cruising off Cape St. Lucas.</i></div> - -<p><i>Nov. 3.</i> Our Stations being concluded, I was to be the outermost Ship, -the <i>Dutchess</i> in the middle, and the <i>Marquiss</i> next the Land; with the -Bark to ply and carry Advice from Ship to Ship: The nearest Ship to be 6 -Leagues at least, and 9 at most from the Land: By this Agreement, we -could spread 15 Leagues, and see any thing that might pass us in the -Day, within 20 Leagues of the Shore. And to prevent the Ships passing in -the Night, we were to ply to Windward all Day, and drive at Night. -Whilst we were together, we at last settled the Form of our Agreement -for each Ship; that all the Ships Companies might sign it, for every one -to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_205" id="page_205"></a>{205}</span> give an Account of all Plunder he has received, that he may be -charged with what’s more than his Share; and those (now or for the -future suspected or accus’d of Concealment) when demanded shall give -their Oaths before the Commanders, to the Truth of their Accounts, and -if any one was found to conceal above the Value of half a Piece of 8. he -is to be severely punished, and fined 20 Times its Value: This we did to -deter every one from fraudulent Practices, which if we should happily -take this Ship, might also prevent Disorders.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 4.</i> I order’d a Sailor into Irons, for threatning the Cooper; and -one <i>Peter Clark</i>, an ill abusive Fellow, I order’d to have the like -Punishment, because he had wished himself aboard a Pirate, and said he -should be glad that an Enemy, who could over-power us, was a-long-side -of us.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 5.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon the <i>Dutchess</i> being near, I sent -our Yawl aboard with Lieut. <i>Glendall</i>, to agree more exactly on some -remarkable Land, that each of us knowing the same Land Mark, might the -better keep our Stations. We agreed also, that the <i>Marquiss</i> should now -be in the middle, and the <i>Dutchess</i> next the Shore, as being the -properest Stations. This Morning we put all manner of Lumber and Chests -down, designing to keep all as clear as possible, that we might not be -in a Hurry if near the <i>Acapulco</i> Ship.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 6.</i> This Day ended our Stock of Turtle we had at the <i>Marias</i>; -being all Shes, with Eggs in them, they would not keep so long as those -we had at the <i>Gallapagos</i> Islands: We have for some Days thrown more -dead Turtle overboard than we kill’d for eating.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 7.</i> Yesterday I went aboard the <i>Marquiss</i>, and desir’d them to -tell Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, when he came off the Shore, that we would take -the inner Birth, and exchange again for the same Number of Days, that we -might have equal Chances for seeing the <i>Manila</i> Ship; because I now -think the inner Birth the likeliest. Sir <i>Thomas Cavendish</i>, in Queen -<i>Elizabeth</i>’s Time, took the <i>Manila</i> Ship in this Place on the 4th of -<i>November</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 12.</i> Yesterday Afternoon, all our Ships Company sign’d the -before-mention’d Agreement, finally to settle Plunder. At the same time -we sign’d another Agreement, to prevent gaming and wagering: some of our -Crews having already lost most of their Clothes, and what else they -could make away with. To prevent those loose and dissolute Courses, we -sign’d both Agreements as follows.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_206" id="page_206"></a>{206}</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E the Officers, Seamen and Landmen belonging to the Ship</i> Duke, -<i>having made several former Agreements concerning the equal sharing -of Plunder, do now desire and agree, That each Man give an exact -Account of all Clothes, Goods of Value, or Necessaries of any kind -he had, over and above his Dividend deliver’d him at</i> Gorgona, <i>or -had purchased of others since, to be rightly charged to him in his -Account of Plunder, by the Agents appointed; and to restore -whatever he had taken without the Agents Knowledge, and to prevent -any Persons detaining and concealing any Goods or Riches of any -kind, now or for the future, more than their respective Shares, in -order to a right Distribution of Plunder, except Arms, Chests, -Knives</i>, Roman <i>Relicks, Scizzars, Tobacco, loose Books, Pictures, -and worthless Tools and Toys, and Bedding in use, which are not -included in this Agreement; and those that have already only things -of this kind, are not liable to a Penalty: We do voluntarily sign -this, and offer our selves to be obliged firmly by these Presents, -to be under the Penalty of 20 Shillings for every Shilling value -taken hid or conceal’d by any of us, or removed out of any Prize -without written Orders from the Commanders publickly; and that none -but the Agents already named, or to be named hereafter, shall -detain in Possession any Plunder; but whatever is found conceal’d -shall be valued, and the Persons that hid it to be fin’d as -aforesaid, which Penalty we acknowledge to be laid on us by our own -Desire, Consent, and Approbation, over and above the former Penalty -agreed on, That any Person shall loose his share of every Prize or -Purchase taken, whether Cargo or Plunder, that conceals of either -the Value of half a Piece of 8. and this to remain in Force, to the -End of the Voyage.</i></p> - -<p><i>And to encourage Discoveries of such Concealments, what-ever -Person discovers the Fraud of any, who shall be so imprudent as to -detain more than his due, in any Goods that has not been shar’d -before as Plunder, or purchas’d of the Owners Agent or Commanders; -the Informer of such Fraud shall have one Half given him gratis, -out of the Offenders Shares and Wages; the other Half for the use -of the Ships Company as Plunder; which Information shall be -encouraged by the Commanders of each Ship, in order to prevent -Frauds, as long as this Voyage holds; and that ever hereafter -Accounts shall be made up, and the Plunder immediately adjudg’d to -prevent Confusion.</i></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Cruising off Cape St. Lucas.</i></div> - -<p><i>We likewise agree, That if any of us hereafter shall without -farther Proof be accus’d of concealing Plunder or Goods of Value, -belonging to any Prize, he shall, on request, before a Committee of -all or either of the Ships Commanders and chief Officers, -voluntarily make Affidavit to answer fully and satisfactorily to -such Questions<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_207" id="page_207"></a>{207}</span> as shall then and there be demanded of him, in -order to prevent fraudulent Concealments, and on his Refusal, -agrees to be punish’d or degraded, and to be subject to such -Penalty as a general Committee shall think fit to inflict on him or -them. Every one hereunto subscribed is within 3 Days from the Date -hereof to settle his Account of Plunder; after which time, this -Instrument is in full Force and not before.</i></p> - -<p class="r"> -Sign’d by the Officers and Men<br /> -of each Ship.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p class="c">The Agreement to prevent Gaming was as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E the Ship’s Company belonging to the Ship</i> Duke <i>now in the</i> -South Seas, <i>being Adventurers so far to improve our Fortunes in a -private Man of War, under the Command of Capt.</i> Woodes Rogers, <i>who -has a lawful Commission from his Royal Highness Prince</i> George <i>of</i> -Denmark,<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> <i>and considering the apparent Hazard of our Lives in -these remote Parts; do mutually agree to prevent the growing Evil -now arising amongst us, occasion’d by frequent Gaming, Wagering, -and abetting at others Gaming, so that some by chance might thus -too slightly get Possession of what his Fellow-Adventurers have -dangerously and painfully earn’d. To prevent this intolerable -Abuse, we shall forbear and utterly detest all Practices of this -kind for the future during the whole Voyage, till our safe Arrival -in</i> Great Britain, <i>where good Laws of this kind take place, and -designing effectually to confirm this our Desire and Agreement, We -do jointly remit all sorts of Notes of Hand, Contracts, Bills, or -Obligations of any kind whatsoever, that shall any ways pass, -directly or indirectly, sign’d by either of us after the Date -hereof, provided the Sum in each Note be for Gaming, Wagering, or -Abetting any way whatsoever by any of us; and to prevent our being -misled for the future, all manner of Obligations of this kind, and -for this Consideration, shall be wholly invalid, and unlawful here, -and in</i> Great Britain <i>or</i> Ireland; <i>And throughly to secure this -Method, we farther jointly agree, that no Debt from this Time -forward shall be lawfully contracted from Man to Man amongst us, -unless by the Commanders Attestation, and enter’d on the Ship’s -Book, it shall appear done publickly and justly to prevent each -others Frauds being conniv’d at amongst us; And that none of us may -fraudulently do ill things of this kind for the future, and make a -Pretence to Ignorance, We have all publickly and voluntarily set -our Hands, desiring the true Intent and Meaning hereof may take -place without the least Evasion, it being (as we very well know) -for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_208" id="page_208"></a>{208}</span> our common Interest and publick good, that not one of us -employ’d on this dangerous and remote Undertaking, might be so -unhappy to arrive at his wish’d for Country and Habitation poor and -dejected: And being throughly sensible of the Necessity of this -Agreement, we have set our Hands.</i></p> - -<p class="c">Sign’d by all the Officers and Men in each Ship in sight of -<i>California</i>, Nov. 11. 1709.</p></div> - -<p><i>Nov. 13.</i> The Water being discolour’d, and we near the Shore, we hove -the Lead but found no Ground.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 17.</i> Yesterday we sent the Bark to look for Water on the Main, and -this Morning they return’d, having seen wild <i>Indians</i> who padled to -them on Bark Logs; they were fearful of coming near our People at first, -but were soon prevail’d with to accept of a Knife or two and some Bays, -for which they return’d 2 Bladders of Water, a Couple of live Foxes, and -a dear Skin. Till now we thought the <i>Spaniards</i> had Missionaries among -those People, but they being quite naked, having no sign of <i>European</i> -Commodities, nor the least Word of <i>Spanish</i>; we conclude they are quite -savage. We dispatch’d the Bark and Boat a second Time with odd Trifles, -in hopes to get some Refreshment from ’em.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 19.</i> Before Sun set last Night we could perceive our Bark under -the Shore, and having little Wind she drove most part of the Night, that -she might be near us in the Morning. We sent our Pinnace, and brought -the Men aboard, who told us, that their new Acquaintance were grown very -familiar, but were the poorest Wretches in Nature, and had no manner of -Refreshment for us. They came freely aboard to eat some of our Victuals; -and by Signs invited our Men ashore; the <i>Indians</i> swam a-shore in the -Water to guide the Bark Logs, that our Men were on, there being too much -Sea to land out of our Boat: After they got safe on Shore the <i>Indians</i> -led each of our Men betwixt two of ’em, up the Bank, where there was an -old naked Gentleman with a Deer-skin spread on the Ground, on which they -kneeled before our People, who did the like, and wip’d the Water off -their Faces, without a Cloth; those that led them from the Water-side, -took the same Care of ’em for a quarter of a Mile, and led them very -slowly thro’ a narrow Path to their Hutts, where they found a dull -Musician rubbing two jagged Sticks a-cross each other, and humming to -it, to divert and welcome their new Guests. After the Ceremonies were -over, our People sat on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_209" id="page_209"></a>{209}</span></p> - -<p><a name="ill_007" id="ill_007"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_266_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_266_sml.jpg" width="500" height="369" alt="Image unavailable: WOODES ROGERS LANDING ON THE COAST OF CALIFORNIA - -From a print in the Macpherson Collection." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">WOODES ROGERS LANDING ON THE COAST OF CALIFORNIA -<br /> -From a print in the Macpherson Collection.</span> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Cruising off Cape St. Lucas.</i></div> - -<p>Ground with them, eat broil’d Fish, and were attended back in the same -manner, with the <i>Indian</i> Musick. The Savages brought a Sample of every -thing they had except their Women, Children, and Arms, which we find are -not common to Strangers: Their Knives made of Sharks Teeth, and a few -other of their Curiosities, our People brought aboard to me, which I -have preserved to shew what Shifts may be made.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 21.</i> Last Night we saw a Fire ashore, which we interpreted to be a -Signal from the Inhabitants, that they had got something extraordinary -for us; and we wanting Refreshments, sent our Bark and Boat this Morning -with one of our Musicians, to shew that we could at least equal them in -Musick.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 22.</i> Our Boat return’d and brought an Account, that they had found -a very good Bay, with a fresh Water River, and that they saw near 500 -<i>Indians</i>, who lived there in small Hutts, but had no Recruit for us, -besides a little Fish. They met them as customary, and pilotted the Bark -to that Place, which we suppose was the same that Sir <i>Thomas Cavendish</i> -recruited at in Queen <i>Elizabeth’s</i> Time, <i>Anno</i> 1588.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 23.</i> Our main Top-Gallant-Mast being broke, we got up another, but -the Rope breaking the Mast fell down upon the Deck, amongst the Men, but -by God’s Providence hurt no body. At 8 last Night our Ship sprung a -Leak; so that we were forced to keep one Pump a going.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 25.</i> Capt. <i>Courtney</i> came aboard in his Yawl, and complain’d his -Stock of Water was almost spent; I agreed with him to send in our -Pinnace, and a Bark, to supply them with Water.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 26.</i> This Morning our Pinnace return’d from Shore, brought 3 -Barrels of Water, and 2 very large Fish from the <i>Indians</i>, which serv’d -most of the Ships Company. Those that came from the Shore observed the -<i>Indians</i> were not so friendly to our Men as customary.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 27.</i> They refus’d to let them come ashore after it was Night, -which could not be to prevent their thieving, because the miserable -Wretches had nothing to lose; yet they are jealous to keep what they -have; and though they make no Use of their Land, might be afraid of -Rivals.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 28.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we heard the <i>Marquiss</i> fire a -Gun, which was answer’d by the <i>Dutchess</i>, who had the middle Birth. We -tackt immediately, and made all possible Sail, supposing they had seen a -Stranger; the <i>Marquiss<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_210" id="page_210"></a>{210}</span></i> stood to us towards the Shore, and we soon met -her; by 4 a Clock I was aboard them, and enquiring into the Cause of the -Alarm, was surpriz’d to hear they took us for the <i>Manila</i> Ship, and the -Gun they fired was to alarm the <i>Dutchess</i> to give chase, as she had -done all the day, tho’ not regarded by us, who knew the <i>Marquiss</i>, and -admir’d they could mistake the <i>Duke</i>. Immediately each Ship return’d to -his Station; soon after our Main-tye gave way, and our Main-yard came -down at once, but did no other Damage. This Morning we saw the Bark -coming off Shore, where she had been becalm’d; being longer wanting than -usual, we were afraid they were cut off by the <i>Indians</i>. We got our -Bale Goods up from abaft to see for the Leak, but all to no purpose; we -found some of the Bales that had receiv’d old Damages, which we dry’d -and re-pack’d, and sold what was damaged among the Ship’s Company.</p> - -<p><i>Nov. 29.</i> Last Night our Lazareto<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> Door being broke open, and -losing Bread and Sugar, this Morning I order’d a Search, and found the -Thief; I blam’d the Steward for his Remisness; he told me he lay next -the Door, with the Key fastned to his Privy Parts, because he had it -once stoln out of his Pocket, I suppose by the same Thief, who was so -dextrous to get it now without disturbing him; but not being ingenious -enough to fasten it to the same Place, he was discover’d. His Mess-mate -was also guilty, but knowing his Friends in <i>Bristol</i>, I was unwilling -to punish him, tho’ Provisions being scarce, it makes the Crime the -greater, for we expect no Recruit till we get to the <i>East Indies</i>. I -order’d the first to be severely whipt at the Geers,<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> and the other -and a <i>Dutchman</i> to be afterwards left with him in Irons.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 9.</i> Mr. <i>Duck</i> the Master of the Bark came aboard, and presented -me with some Dolphins he had from the <i>Indians</i>. I order’d our Master to -go with him, and endeavour, if possible, to discover the Shore along to -the Northward, to find out a better Harbour than that where the -<i>Indians</i> lived, and if they met with the <i>Dutchess</i>, to tell Capt. -<i>Courtney</i>, I thought it convenient for one of the Ships to go into the -Bay we had already discover’d, and there to take in Water and Wood, -<i>&c.</i> so to fit our Ships by turns to save time, and consequently -Provisions, which begin to grow short with us. We were now something -dubious of seeing the <i>Manila</i> Ship, - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Cruising off Cape St. Lucas.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_211" id="page_211"></a>{211}</span> - -because it’s near a Month after the time they generally fall in with -this Coast.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 14.</i> Yesterday I went aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, where ’twas agreed -the <i>Marquiss</i> should go into the Harbour and refit with all manner of -Dispatch. In the mean time we to keep the outer Birth, and the -<i>Dutchess</i> to be betwixt us and the Shore, and to cruize but 8 Days -longer, without we had a Prospect of the <i>Manila</i> Ship, because our -Provisions grow short.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 20.</i> Having compar’d our Stock of Bread, and of what would serve -to prolong it, we agreed that a Committee should be held, and that every -one should give his Opinion in Writing, whether we should attempt taking -a Town to victual us, and so continue the Cruize for some time longer; -or to make all possible Dispatch to refit, and sail hence for the Island -<i>Guam</i>, one of the <i>Ladrones</i>, and there if possible to get a fresh -Recruit. My Opinion was as follows.</p> - -<p class="c">On board the Ship <i>Duke</i>, cruising off Cape <i>St.</i> Lucas <i>in</i> California, -this 19<i>th</i> of <i>December</i>, 1709.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">E</span>Ight Days ago I was with Capts.</i> Courtney <i>and</i> Cooke, <i>and -computed what Bread there might be left aboard the 3 Ships; and we -all agreed there might be 64 Days Bread of all sorts for each Ship, -when equally divided</i>.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="margin:auto auto;max-width:65%;"> - -<tr><td valign="top"><i>Since which Time there is 8 Days spent, so that there should be left no more than</i> -</td> -<td valign="bottom"> <i>56 Days Bread</i>,</td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><i>But on a Rumage of both Ships</i> Duke -<i>and</i> Dutchess, <i>and strictly computing -every thing that will help prolong -our Bread, we hope to make</i></td> -<td valign="bottom"> <i>14 Days more Bread</i>,</td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="c" colspan="2"><i>Which may be in all 70 Days Bread to come</i>,</td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><i>We must expect before we can get fitted -hence to spend at least 9 Days, and -add to that our Passage to</i> Guam, -<i>which we can’t think will be less than -50 Days, is</i> -—— </td> -<td valign="bottom"> <i>59 Days Bread</i>,</td></tr> - -<tr><td> </td><td colspan="2" class="c" style="border-top:1px solid black;">11</td></tr> - -</table> - -<p class="c"><i>By this Account, which is the utmost,—11 Days Bread will be left -when we come to</i> Guam.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_212" id="page_212"></a>{212}</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p><i>I am of opinion now we have search’d each others Ships to prevent -Frauds, that there can be no more than 11 Days Bread left when we -come to</i> Guam, <i>as above, except we shorten our Allowance very -much, which we can’t do till driven to the last Extremity, our -Allowance being very small already; but if we should have an -unexpected long Passage from hence to</i> Guam, <i>it will go hard with -us at the present Allowance, besides we are not certain of a -Recruit at</i> Guam.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p><i>By the foregoing Account it’s plain what Flower and Bread-kind we -have left, and the risque we must now run to get to the</i> -East-Indies, <i>with so mean a Stock. This I doubt not will be full -Satisfaction to our Imployers, that we have prolonged our Cruize to -the utmost Extent, in hopes to meet the Rich</i> Manila <i>Ship: But -since Fortune has not favour’d us, we must think of other Methods -to promote our Safety and Interest. Except we resolve to take a -Town here to victual us, ’tis evident we can’t cruize, and ’tis my -Opinion, that now our Time is so far spent, we ought to attempt -nothing more in these Seas, lest our too long Stay might be the -Loss of all, because the Worm has already entred our Sheathing, For -these and other Reasons, I think it highly necessary, that from -this Instant we make all manner of Dispatch to fit, and sail hence -for the Island of</i> Guam, <i>one of the</i> Ladrones <i>Islands, and there, -if possible, to get a fresh Recruit, and consult how farther to -proceed for the Interest of our Imployers, and our own Advantage -and Reputation. This I give as my Opinion aboard the</i> Dutchess, -<i>this</i> 20th <i>of</i> December, 1709.</p> - -<p class="r"> -Woodes Rogers.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>This my Opinion being perused with the rest, we came to the following -Resolve.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E the Officers present in a Committee on board the</i> Dutchess, -<i>having farther considered our short Store of Bread and Bread-kind, -and finding it too little to continue our Cruize longer here for -the</i> Manila <i>Ship, do therefore now agree to get a Harbour, and -there to recruit with the utmost dispatch, and sail for the Island -of</i> Guam, <i>or any other Place where we can revictual. We design to -consult farther of our next Proceedings, when in Harbour. This is -our present Opinion. Witness our Hands this</i> 20th <i>of</i> December, -1709.</p> - -<p class="c"> -Signed by the Officers of the Committee.<br /> -</p></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Manilla Ship.</i></div> - -<p>At signing this in the Committee we all looked very melancholy and -dispirited, because so low in Provisions, that if we should not reach -<i>Guam</i> in the limited Time, or accidentally<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_213" id="page_213"></a>{213}</span> miss it, we shall not have -enough till we arrive at any other Place.</p> - -<p>Necessity forces us to design from hence to <i>Guam</i>, and thence to the -<i>East Indies</i>; for if we had Provisions to go back round Cape <i>Horne</i>, -and to stop in <i>Brazil</i>, and there to sell our <i>Europe</i> Prize Goods, it -might be much more for our Advantage, and be sooner at <i>Great Britain</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 21.</i> Pursuant to Yesterday’s Agreement we made the best of our Way -into the Harbour call’d by Sir <i>Tho. Cavendish</i> Port <i>Segura</i>, where the -<i>Marquiss</i> was refitting; but having Calms most part of the Afternoon, -and a Current setting to Leeward, we rather lost than got ground. -Towards Morning there sprung up a Gale, and we found our selves to -Leeward of the Port, tho’ we took all Advantages of the Wind: But to our -great and joyful Surprize, about 9 a Clock the Man at Mast-head cry’d -out he saw a Sail besides the <i>Dutchess</i> and Bark, bearing West half -South of us, distant about 7 Leagues. We immediately hoisted our Ensign, -and bore away after her, the <i>Dutchess</i> soon did the same; but it -falling calm, I order’d the Pinnace to be mann’d and arm’d, and sent her -away to make what she was: Some were of opinion ’twas the <i>Marquiss</i> -come out of the Harbour, and to confirm this, said they could discern -the Sail to have no Foretop mast; so the Boat being not out of call, -return’d back, and we put a Cap<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> in her for the <i>Marquiss</i>, then -sent her away again, by which time it was Noon. The Cape then bore -N.N.E. of us, distant about 5 Leagues.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 22.</i> We had very little Wind all Yesterday Afternoon; so that we -near’d the Ship very slowly, and the Boat not returning kept us in a -languishing Condition, and occasion’d several Wagers, whether ’twas the -<i>Marquiss</i> or the <i>Acapulco</i> Ship. We kept sight of our Boat, and could -not perceive her to go aboard the Ship, but made towards the -<i>Dutchess</i>’s Pinnace, who was rowing to them; they lay together some -time, then the <i>Dutchess</i>’s Boat went back to their Ship again, and ours -kept dogging the Stranger, tho’ at a good distance, which gave us great -hopes that ’twas the <i>Manila</i> Ship. I sent Mr. <i>Frye</i> aboard the -<i>Dutchess</i> in our Yawl, to know what News, and if the Ship was not the -<i>Marquiss</i>, to agree how to engage her. We then hoisted a <i>French</i> -Ensign, and fired a Gun, which the Stranger answer’d. Mr. <i>Frye</i> - -<span class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor on the Coast of California.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_214" id="page_214"></a>{214}</span> - -return’d with the joyful News that it was the Ship we had so impatiently -waited for, and despair’d of seeing her. We agreed the 2 Pinnaces should -tend her all Night, and keep showing false Fires, that we might know -whereabouts they and the Chase was; and if we were so fortunate to come -up with her together, agreed to board her at once. We made a clear Ship -before Night, had every thing in a Readiness to engage her at Day-break, -and kept a very good Look-out all Night for the Boat’s false Fires, -which we saw and answer’d frequently. At Day-break we saw the Chase upon -our Weather-Bow, about a League from us, the <i>Dutchess</i> a-head of her to -Leeward near about half as far. Towards 6 our Boat came aboard, having -kept very near the Chase all Night, and receiv’d no Damage, but told us -the <i>Dutchess</i> pass’d by her in the Night, and she fired 2 Shot at them, -but they return’d none. We had no Wind, but got out 8 of our Ships Oars, -and rowed above an Hour; then there sprung up a small Breeze. I order’d -a large Kettle of Chocolate to be made for our Ship’s Company (having no -spiritous Liquor to give them;) then we went to Prayers, and before we -had concluded were disturb’d by the Enemy’s firing at us. They had -Barrels hanging at each Yard-Arm, that look’d like Powder Barrels, to -deter us from boarding ’em. About 8 a Clock we began to engage her by -our selves, for the <i>Dutchess</i> being to Leeward, and having little Wind, -did not come up. The Enemy fired her Stern Chase upon us first, which we -return’d with our Fore Chase several times, till we came nearer, and -when close aboard each other, we gave her several Broadsides, plying our -Small Arms very briskly, which they return’d as thick a while, but did -not ply their great Guns half so fast as we. After some time we shot a -little a-head of them, lay thwart her Hawse close aboard, and plyed them -so warmly, that she soon struck her Colours two thirds down. By this -time the <i>Dutchess</i> came up, and fired about 5 Guns, with a Volley of -Small Shot, but the Enemy having submitted, made no Return. We sent our -Pinnace aboard, and brought the Captain with the Officers away, and -having examin’d ’em, found there was another Ship came out of <i>Manila</i> -with them, of a bigger Burthen, having about 40 Brass Guns mounted, and -as many Patereroes; but they told us they lost her Company 3 Months ago, -and reckon’d she was got to <i>Acapulco</i> before this time, she sailing -better than this Ship. This Prize was call’d by the long Name of <i>Nostra -Seniora de la Incarnacion Disenganio</i>, Sir <i>John Pichberty</i> Commander; -she<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_215" id="page_215"></a>{215}</span> had 20 Guns, 20 Patereroes, and 193 Men aboard, whereof 9 were -kill’d, 10 wounded, and several blown up and burnt with Powder. We -engag’d ’em about 3 Glasses, in which time we had only my self and -another Man wounded. I was shot thro’ the Left Cheek, the Bullet struck -away great part of my upper Jaw, and several of my Teeth, part of which -dropt down upon the Deck, where I fell; the other, <i>Will.</i> <i>Powell</i>, an -<i>Irish</i> Land-man, was slightly wounded in the Buttock. They did us no -great Damage in our Rigging, but a shot disabled our Mizen Mast. I was -forced to write what I would say, to prevent the Loss of Blood, and -because of the Pain I suffer’d by speaking.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 23.</i> After we had put our Ships to rights again, we stood in for -the Harbour, which bore N.E. of us, distant about 7 Leagues. Our -Surgeons went aboard the Prize to dress the wounded Men.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 24.</i> About 4 Yesterday Afternoon we got to an Anchor in Port -<i>Segura</i> in 25 Fathom Water, found the <i>Marquiss</i> in a sailing Posture, -and all the Company much overjoy’d at our unexpected good Fortune. In -the Night I felt something clog my Throat, which I swallow’d with much -Pain, and suppose it’s a part of my Jaw Bone, or the Shot, which we -can’t yet give an account of, I soon recover’d my self; but my Throat -and Head being very much swell’d, have much ado to swallow any sort of -Liquids for Sustenance. At 8 the Committee met aboard us, and agreed -that the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Marquiss</i> should immediately go out, and cruize -8 Days for the other Ship, being in hopes she had not pass’d us; in the -mean time we and the Prize to stay and refit, and dispatch the Prisoners -away in the Bark, and if we could get Security from the <i>Guiaquil</i> -Hostages for the Payment of the Remainder of the Ransom, to let ’em go -likewise. We lie land-lockt from the E. by N. to the S. S. E. distant -from the Eastermost Point about 4 Mile, from the Southermost Rock about -half a Mile, and near the same Distance off Shore. The Committee we held -resolv’d as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c">On board the <i>Duke</i> riding in Port <i>Segura</i> on the Coast of -<i>California</i>, <i>Dec. 24. 1709</i>.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">H</span>Aving Information from the Prisoners taken on board the Prize the -22d instant, bound from</i> Manila <i>to</i> Acapulco, <i>that they came out -in company with another Ship bound for the same Port from which -they parted in Lat. 35.</i> N. <i>It is resolved that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_216" id="page_216"></a>{216}</span> Capt.</i> Courtney -<i>in the</i> Dutchess, <i>and Capt.</i> Cooke <i>in the</i> Marquiss, <i>do -forthwith go out upon a Cruise for 8 Days, to look after the said -Ship</i>.</p> - -<p class="c"> -Signed by the Majority of the Council.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>Capt. <i>Courtney</i>, <i>Cooke</i>, and their Officers of the Council, would not -agree that the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i> should go out as I desir’d, with -most of the Men belonging to the <i>Marquiss</i> divided between them, in -order to cruise for the biggest <i>Acapulco</i> Ship, which we were in hopes -had not passed us; and by being thus well mann’d, might if they meet her -carry her by boarding at once, and that in the mean time the <i>Marquiss</i> -with a very small number of Men might be sufficient to stay in the Port, -and send off the Bark with the Prisoners.</p> - -<p>But there having been some Reflections amongst the Sailors because the -<i>Dutchess</i> did not engage this Prize before the <i>Duke</i> came up, it made -them obstinate to cruize for her without us, and the Officers of our -Consorts being agreed, made the Majority of our Council; so that -according to the foregoing Committee we were obliged to stay in the -Harbour against our Will.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 25.</i> Last Night the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Marquiss</i> went out: We put 10 -good Hands aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, that if they should be so fortunate as -to see the Great Ship, they might be the better able to attack her. In -the Morning we began to put part of the Goods aboard the Bark into the -Prize, in order to send the Prisoners away. Capt. <i>Dover</i> and Mr. -<i>Stretton</i>, who were aboard the Prize, came to me, and we all agreed to -send off the <i>Guiaquil</i> Hostages, the Captain of the <i>Manila</i> Ship (who -was a <i>French</i> Chevalier) having given us 5 Bills of Exchange for the -same, payable in <i>London</i> for 6000 Dollars, being 2000 more than the -Ransom Money, for which we allow’d him the Benefit of the Bark and -Cargo, the Captain and Hostages giving us Certificates, that it was a -Bargain concluded at their own Requests, and very much to their -advantage. Sir <i>John</i> <i>Pichberty</i> being, we hope, a Man of Honour, will -not suffer his Bills to be protested, since we have so generously -trusted him, tho’ a Prisoner, without a Hostage, which is always -demanded for less Sums.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 25.</i> We plac’d two Centries to keep a good Lookout upon the Top of -a Hill, with Orders if they saw 3 Sail in the Offing, to make 3 -Waffs<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> with their Colours.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 26.</i> Yesterday Afternoon the Centrys made 3 Waffs, - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Cruising off Cape St. Lucas.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_217" id="page_217"></a>{217}</span> -and we immediately sent the Yawl to them for better Satisfaction, and -found there were 3 Sail out at Sea; upon which we immediately put all -the Prisoners aboard the Bark, taking away her Sails, and fetched our -Men aboard, leaving only 22 Hands belonging to us, aboard the Prize, to -help refit and look after her. The Prisoners, who were about 170, being -secur’d aboard our Bark, without Arms, Rudder, Sails, or a Boat, and -moar’d near a Mile from our Prize, a few more of our Men than was -sufficient to give them Victuals and Drink, might have guarded them very -safely; yet for the more Security, we left a Lieutenant of each Ship, -and the above Men well arm’d aboard our Prize, and immediately weigh’d -in order to go and assist our Consorts to attack the great Ship, which -then came in sight. Capt. <i>Dover</i> thought fit to go on board the Prize, -and exchange Posts with one of the Lieutenants that guarded the -Prisoners, and sent him to us in his stead. I was in so weak a -Condition, and my Head and Throat so much swell’d, that I yet spoke in -great Pain, and not loud enough to be heard at any distance; so that all -the rest of the chief Officers, and our Surgeons, would have perswaded -me to stay in the Harbour in Safety aboard our Prize. We weigh’d our -Anchors, and got under Sail by 7 a Clock: We saw Lights several times in -the Night, which we took to be our Consorts Boats making false Fires. In -the Morning at Day-break we saw 3 Sail to Windward of us, but were so -far distant, that we could not make which were our Consorts, and which -the Chase, till about 9 a Clock, when we saw the <i>Dutchess</i> and Chase -near together, and the <i>Marquiss</i> standing to them with all the Sail she -could crowd. We made what Sail we could, but were to Leeward of them 3 -or 4 Leagues, and having a scant Wind, made little Way. At Noon they -bore S.E. of us, being right to Windward about 3 Leagues.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Engaging the bigger Manila Ship.</i></div> - -<p>In the Afternoon we saw the <i>Marquiss</i> come up with the Chase, and -engage her pretty briskly; but soon fell to Leeward out of Cannon-shot, -and lay a considerable Time, which made us think she was some way or -other disabled. I order’d the Pinnace to be mann’d, and sent her away to -her, that if what we suspected prov’d true, and we had not Wind to get -up with them before Night, our Boat might dog the Chase with Signals -till the Morning, that she might not escape us and the other Ships; but -before the Boat could get up with them, the <i>Marquiss</i> made sail and -came up with the Chase, and both went to it again briskly for 4 Glasses -and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_218" id="page_218"></a>{218}</span> upwards: Then the Ship which we took to be the <i>Dutchess</i> stretch’d -a-head to Windward of the Enemy, I suppose to fix her Rigging, or stop -her Leaks; mean while the other kept her in play till she bore down -again, and each firing a Broadside or two, left off, because ’twas dark: -They then bore South of us, which was right in the Wind’s Eye, distant -about 2 Leagues. By Midnight we were pretty well up with them, and our -Boat came aboard, having made false Fires, which we answer’d: They had -been on board the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Marquiss</i>, and told me the former had -her Foremast much disabled, and the Ring of an Anchor shot away, with -several Men wounded, and one kill’d, having receiv’d a Shot in their -Powder Room, and several in their upper Works, but all stopt. They -engag’d the Ship by themselves the Night before, which was what we took -to be the Boats Lights, being out of the hearing of the Guns. At that -time they could perceive the Enemy was in disorder, her Guns not being -all mounted, and consequently their Netting-deck and Close Quarters -unprovided; so that had it been my good Fortune in the <i>Duke</i> to -accompany the <i>Dutchess</i>, as I desired, we all believe we might then -have carried this great Ship; or if they in the <i>Dutchess</i> had thought -of taking most of the Men out of the <i>Marquiss</i>, who did not sail well -enough to come up to their Assistance at first, they alone might very -probably have taken her by Boarding at once, before the <i>Spaniards</i> had -experienc’d our Strength, being afterwards so well provided, as -encouraged them to lie driving, and give us all Opportunity to board -them when we pleas’d. Capt. <i>Cooke</i> sent me word, that the <i>Marquiss</i> -had fired near all her Shot and Powder, but had escap’d very well both -in Masts, Rigging and Men. I sent our Boat with 3 Barrels of Powder, and -Shot in proportion, and Lieut. <i>Frye</i>, to consult our Consorts how to -engage the Enemy to the best advantage at Break of Day. The Chase had -made Signals to our Ship all the Day and Night, because she took us for -her Consort, which we had in possession, and after ’twas dark had edg’d -away to us, else I should not have been up with her, having very little -Wind, and that against us. In the Morning as soon as ’twas Day, the Wind -veering at once, put our Ship about, and the Chase fired first upon the -<i>Dutchess</i>, who by means of the Wind’s veering was nearest the Enemy; -she return’d it smartly: we stood as near as possible, firing as our -Guns came to bear; but the <i>Dutchess</i> being by this time thwart the -<i>Spaniards</i> Hawse, and firing very fast, those Shot that miss’d the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_219" id="page_219"></a>{219}</span> -Enemy flew from the <i>Dutchess</i> over us, and betwixt our Masts, so that -we ran the risque of receiving more Damage from them than from the -Enemy, if we had lain on her Quarters and cross her Stern, as I -design’d, while the Enemy lay driving. This forced us to lie along side, -close aboard her, where we kept firing round Shot, and did not load with -any Bar or Partridge, because the Ship’s Sides were too thick to receive -any Damage by it, and no Men appearing in sight, it would only have been -a Clog to the Force of our Round Shot. We kept close aboard her, and -drove as she did as near as possible. The Enemy kept to their close -Quarters, so that we did not fire our Small Arms till we saw a Man -appear, or a Port open; then we fired as quick as possible. Thus we -continued for 4 Glasses, about which time we received a Shot in the Main -Mast, which much disabled it; soon after that the <i>Dutchess</i> and we -firing together, we came both close under the Enemy and had like to have -been all aboard her, so that we could make little use of our Guns. Then -we fell a-stern in our Birth along side, where the Enemy threw a -Fire-ball out of one of her Tops, which lighting upon our Quarter-deck, -blew up a Chest of Arms and Cartouch Boxes<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> all loaded, and several -Cartridges of Powder in the Steerage by which means Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i>, our -Agent, and a <i>Dutchman</i>, were very much burnt; it might have done more -Damage, had it not been quench’d as soon as possible. After we got clear -of each other, the <i>Dutchess</i> stood in for the Shore where she lay -braced to, mending her Rigging, <i>&c.</i> The <i>Marquiss</i> fired several Shot, -but to little purpose, her Guns being small. We were close aboard -several times afterwards, till at last we receiv’d a second Shot in the -Main Mast not far from the other, which rent it miserably, and the Mast -settl’d to it, so that we were afraid it would drop by the board, and -having our Rigging shatter’d very much, we sheer’d off, and brought to, -making a Signal to our Consorts to consult what to do; in the interim we -got ordinary Fishes<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> for a port<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> to the Main mast, and fasten’d -it as well as we could to secure it at present. Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and -Capt. <i>Cooke</i> came aboard with other Officers, where we consider’d the -Condition the 3 Ships were in, their Masts and Rigging being much -damnified in a Place where we could get no Recruit, that if we engag’d -her<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_220" id="page_220"></a>{220}</span> again, we could propose to do no more than what we had already -done, which was evident did her no great Hurt, because we could perceive -few of our Shot enter’d her Sides to any purpose, and our Small Arms -avail’d less, there being not a Man to be seen above-board; that the -least thing in the World would bring our Main-mast, and likewise the -<i>Dutchess</i> Fore-mast by the board, either of which by its Fall might -carry away another Mast, and then we should lie a Battery for the Enemy, -having nothing to command our Ships with, so that by his heavy Guns he -might either sink or take us: That if we went to board her, we should -run a greater hazard in losing a great many Men with little Hopes of -Success, they having above treble the Number aboard to oppose us, and -there being now in all our 3 Ships not above 120 good Men fit for -boarding, and those but weak, having been very short of Provisions a -long time; besides we had the Disadvantage of a Netting-deck<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> to -enter upon, and a Ship every other way well provided; so that if we had -boarded her, and been forc’d off, or left any of our Men behind, the -Enemy by that means might have known our Strength, and then gone into -the Harbour and took possession of the Prize in spight of all we could -do to prevent it: Besides, our Ammunition was very short, having only -enough to engage a few Glasses longer. All this being seriously -consider’d, and knowing the Difficulty we should have to get Masts, and -the Time and Provisions we must spend before we could get ’em fitted, -’twas resolved to forbear attempting her further, since our battering -her signify’d little, and we had not Strength enough to board her: -Therefore we agreed to keep her company till Night, then to lose her, -and make the best of our way into the Harbour to secure the Prize we had -already took. We engag’d first and last about six or seven Hours, during -all which time we had aboard the <i>Duke</i> but eleven Men wounded, 3 of -whom were scorch’d with Gun-powder. I was again unfortunately wounded in -the Left Foot with a Splinter just before we blew up on the -Quarter-deck, so that I could not stand, but lay on my Back in a great -deal of Misery, part of my Heel-bone being struck out, and all under my -Ankle cut above half thro’, which bled very much, and weaken’d me, -before it could be dressed and stopt. The <i>Dutchess</i> had about 20 Men -killed and wounded, 3 of the latter and one of the former were my Men. -The <i>Marquiss</i> had none kill’d or wounded, but 2 scorch’d with Powder. -The</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Engaging the bigger Manila Ship.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_221" id="page_221"></a>{221}</span></p> - -<p>Enemy’s was a brave lofty new Ship, the Admiral of <i>Manila</i>, and this -the first Voyage she had made; she was call’d the <i>Bigonia</i>, of about -900 Tuns, and could carry 60 Guns, about 40 of which were mounted, with -as many Patereroes, all Brass; her Complement of Men on board, as we -were inform’d, was above 450, besides Passengers. They added, that 150 -of the Men on board this great Ship were <i>Europeans</i>, several of whom -had been formerly Pirates, and having now got all their Wealth aboard, -were resolved to defend it to the last. The Gunner, who had a good Post -in <i>Manila</i>, was an expert Man, and had provided the Ship extraordinary -well for Defence, which made them fight so desperately; they had filled -up all between the Guns with Bales to secure the Men. She kept a -<i>Spanish</i> Flag at her Main-top mast Head all the time she fought us; we -shatter’d her Sails and Rigging very much, shot her Mizon-yard, kill’d -two Men out of her Tops, which was all the Damage we could see we did -’em; tho’ we could not place less than 500 Shot (6 Pounders) in her -Hull. These large Ships are built at <i>Manila</i> with excellent Timber, -that will not splinter; they have very thick Sides, much stronger than -we build in <i>Europe</i>. Whilst the Officers were aboard us, Capt. -<i>Courtney</i> and others desir’d that what we had agreed upon might be put -in Writing, and sign’d by as many as were present, to prevent false -Reflections hereafter, which was done as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="hang">At a Committee held on board the <i>Duke</i>, after we had engag’d the -bigger <i>Manila</i> Ship, <i>December 27. 1709</i>.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E having consider’d the Condition of all our 3 Ships, and that -our Masts are much damnified in engaging the</i> Manila <i>Ship, do -think it for the Interest of the whole to forbear any further -Attempts upon her, having no Probability of taking her, but to do -our endeavours to secure the Prize we have already took, which will -be much more for the Honour and Interest of our selves and Country. -This is our Opinion, in witness whereof we have set our Hands, the -Day and Year above-written.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Stephen Courtney, </td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">William Dampier,</td><td align="left">Henry Oliphant,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">Alex. Selkirk,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Rob. Frye,</td><td align="left">John Kingston,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td><td align="left">Nath. Scotch,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">John Connely,</td><td align="left">John Piller.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">John Bridge,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_222" id="page_222"></a>{222}</span></p> - -<p>Thus ended our Attempt on the biggest <i>Manila</i> Ship, which I have heard -related so many ways at home, that I thought it necessary to set down -every particular Circumstance of it, as it stood in my Journal. Had we -been together at first and boarded her, we might probably have taken -this great Prize; but after the Enemy had fixed her Netting-deck and -close Quarters, they valued us very little. I believe also we might have -burnt her with one of our Ships, but that was objected against by all -the Officers, because we had Goods of Value on board all our 3 Ships. -The Enemy was the better provided for us, because they heard at <i>Manila</i> -from our <i>English</i> Settlements in <i>India</i>, that there were 2 small Ships -fitted from <i>Bristol</i>, that design’d to attempt them in the <i>South -Seas</i>. This was told us by the Prisoners we took on board the other -Ship.</p> - -<p>When I proposed parting Companies at the <i>Tres Marias</i>, and to cruise -for the <i>Acapulco</i> Ship from <i>Manila</i> with our Ship and Bark at one -Station, and the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Marquiss</i> at another, we then expected -but one Ship from <i>Manila</i>, and she not so well provided as the least -Ship now was; tho’ as we have found it, we might probably have been -better asunder, for then I make little question but we should have got -some Recruit of Provisions, and consequently our Men had been stronger -and better in heart to have boarded this great Ship at once, before they -had been so well provided; but since Providence or Fate will have it as -it is, we must be content.</p> - -<p><i>Dec. 28.</i> The Enemy lay braced to all the time the Council held, and -run out 4 Guns of her lower Teer, expecting we would have the other -Brush with her; but when we made sail, she fil’d and made away, W.N.W. -and we betwixt the S.S.E. and the S. close upon a Wind. At 6 a Clock we -sent the Pinnace with some Men into the Harbour to secure the Prize, not -knowing what might happen before we could get in with our Ships. We -unrigg’d the Main-top-gallant Mast, and got it down, securing our -Main-mast with Runners and Tackles every way we could contrive, had -little Wind all the Afternoon and Night, but this Morning a fresh Breeze -sprung up at E.S.E. and soon after we saw nothing more of the great -Ship.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor in Port Segura on California.</i></div> - -<p><i>Jan. 1.</i> After we arriv’d again at Port <i>Segura</i>, we dispatch’d the -Prisoners away in the Bark, and likewise the <i>Guiaquil</i> Hostages: having -got Security for the Money as aforesaid, we supplied them with Water and -Provisions<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_223" id="page_223"></a>{223}</span> enough to carry ’em to <i>Acapulco</i>; and gave Capt. -<i>Pichberty</i> and his chief Officers, with a Padre, their Clothes, -Instruments, Books, <i>&c.</i> So that they parted very friendly, and -acknowledged we had been very civil to ’em, of which they desired me to -accept the following Testimony;</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E, whose Names are hereto subscrib’d, do acknowledge, that ever -since we have been in the Hands of Capt.</i> Woodes Rogers, <i>and -Capt.</i> Stephen Courtney, <i>Commanders of the</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess, -<i>two</i> British <i>private Men of War, we have been by them very -civilly treated</i>; <i>and whatsoever we have transacted or done, had -been voluntary, and by our Consent, and particularly in passing -Bills, and Obligations, thro’ the Hands of Sir</i> John Pichberty, -<i>for the Ransom of the Town of</i> Guiaquil, <i>and other valuable -Considerations. Witness our Hands on the Coast of</i> California.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 1. 1709.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Don</i> John Pichberty,</td><td align="left">Manuel de Punta.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Don</i> Antonio Guttera, </td><td align="left">Manuel Hemanes.</td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<p>I wrote a Letter to my Owners, to acquaint ’em with our good Success, -but could not be so full as I would, because I sent it by the Hand of an -Enemy. We spent our Time till the 7th, in refitting, wooding, and -watering; and were very glad to find as much Bread on board the Prize as -we hop’d might, with what we had left of our old Store, make enough to -subsist us in our next long Run. Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and his Officers, with -those on board the <i>Marquiss</i>, are too willing to complement Capt. -<i>Dover</i> with the chief Command of the Prize; which till now I thought he -would not have accepted, his Posts already being above a Commander of -any of our Prizes; but I and my Officers are against it; because we -believe Capt. <i>Frye</i> or others, are fitter Persons to take Charge of -her, which we insisted on; and Capts. <i>Courtney</i> and <i>Cooke</i> came to me, -where they agreed to a Paper that was drawn up while we were all -together, in such a Manner as I thought would have satisfied every one. -Capt. <i>Courtney</i> carried this Agreement to Capt. <i>Dover</i> to sign it, not -doubting but all would be content with what we had concluded; yet to our -Surprize, they spent the Remainder of the Day, and instead of making -Capt. <i>Dover</i> comply with it, undid all, and brought a Paper which -impower’d him to be sole Commander, without the least Restraint, of not -molesting those that should navigate the Ship, but to order every thing -as he should think fit.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_224" id="page_224"></a>{224}</span><i>Jan. 9.</i> We fetch’d our 3 wounded Men from on board the <i>Dutchess</i>; -one of ’em was <i>Tho. Young</i>, a <i>Welchman</i>, who lost one of his Legs; the -other, <i>Tho. Evans</i>, a <i>Welchman</i>, whose Face was miserably torn; the -third, <i>John Gold</i>, wounded in the Thigh; and one died of his Wounds, -<i>viz. Emanuel Gonsalves</i>, a <i>Portuguese</i>: So that out of ten that went, -only 6 return’d safe. I sent a Letter to Capt. <i>Courtney</i> this Morning, -to know what Measures were going forward; having heard nothing from him -since the 7th Instant, and desired that there might be no loss of time, -but that the Committee might meet once more, to try if they would make -use of their unbyass’d Reason. They were than all aboard the <i>Marquiss</i>, -where I heard they had, ever since our last Meeting, concerted how to -frame a Protest against me, and my Officers of the Committee, which was -immediately answer’d by a Protest from us, both which are as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">K</span>NOW all Men, by these Presents, That We, the Commanders of the -Ships</i> Dutchess <i>and</i> Marquiss, <i>and other Officers, being the -major Part of a Committee appointed by the Owners, for the -regulating the Affairs of the Ships</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess, <i>private -Men of War, till their Return to</i> Great Britain, <i>as more largely -appears in their Orders and Instructions. Now, whereas we have -lately taken a rich Prize bound from</i> Manila <i>to</i> Acapulco, <i>and -the said Ship being safe at Anchor in a Bay near Cape</i> St. Luke, -<i>on</i> California, <i>We held a general Committee on board the</i> Duke -<i>the 6th Day of</i> January 1709-10. <i>for appointing a Commander and -other Officers for the said Prize, call’d by the</i> Spaniards, <i>when -in their Possession</i>, Nostra Seniora del Incarnation de Singano, -<i>but now named by us</i> The Batchelor Frigate, <i>wherein it was -carried by Majority of Votes for Capt.</i> Thomas Dover, <i>who came out -second Captain of the</i> Duke, <i>and President of this Committee, and -Owner of a very considerable Part of both Ships</i>, Duke <i>and</i> -Dutchess, <i>to command the said Prize, we thinking him the most -proper Person for the Interest of the Owners and Company; we -likewise proposing to put two of the best of our Officers on board, -to command under him, and manage the navigating Part of the said -Ship during the Voyage, with other substantial Officers and Men, -sufficient to work the Ship and take Care of her.</i></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor in Port Segura.</i></div> - -<p><i>Now whereas Capt.</i> Woodes Rogers, <i>Commander of the</i> Duke, <i>and -several of his Officers, Members of this Committee, did refuse to -sign to the Agreement of the said Committee (the Like never having -been refus’d by any before, when carried by Majority of Voices) to -acknowledge the said Capt.</i> Thomas Dover <i>Commander of the Ship</i> -Batchelor Frigate; <i>we do hereby, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_225" id="page_225"></a>{225}</span> behalf of the Owners of -the Ships</i> Duke <i>and</i> Dutchess, <i>our selves and Company, Protest -against the unadvis’d Proceedings and Practice of the said Capt.</i> -Woodes Rogers, <i>and the rest of the Officers of the Committee, that -refus’d to sign and agree to the same, it being directly contrary -to the Owners Orders and Instructions, (Reference being had -thereto) and the Union and Peace of the Ships Companies (by them -likewise recommended). And whatever Damage may ensue, either by -Loss of Time, Want of Provisions, or Men sufficient to manage the -said Ship, or any Mutiny or Disagreement that may arise from hence -between the Ships Companies, or any other Disaster whatsoever</i>, &c. -<i>we do likewise Protest against, in the behalf of the Owners, -ourselves, and Company, as aforesaid; expecting from the said -Captain</i> Woodes Rogers, <i>and Officers of the Committee aforesaid, -full Satisfaction and Reparation of all Losses and Damages -whatsoever, that may happen to the said Ship during her Voyage to</i> -Great Britain.</p> - -<p><i>In witness whereof, we the Commanders and Officers, being the -major Part of the Committee, have set our Hands, this 9th Day of</i> -January, 1709-10. <i>on board the</i> Marquiss, <i>at Anchor near Cape -St.</i> Luke, <i>on</i> California.</p> - -<p class="c"> -Sign’d by the Officers of the <i>Dutchess</i> and<br /> -<i>Marquiss</i>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p class="nind">Which Protest was answer’d by another from our Ship.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E the chief Officers in behalf of ourselves and the rest of the -Ship’s Company of the</i> Duke, <i>having taken a rich</i> Spanish <i>Prize, -in Consortship with the</i> Dutchess <i>and</i> Marquiss, <i>call’d</i> Nostra -Seniora del Incarnacion de ingano, <i>and did design to use the -securest Methods to carry her to</i> Great Britain, <i>both for our -Employers interest and our own Advantage. But being in a remote -part of the World, we offer’d and desired our Consorts to put one -or more able Officers in the principal charge of the aforesaid -Prize, it being so valuable that a Retaliation for all our Risques -and Hardships is in her Riches, which highly behoves us to be very -careful in preserving. But against all our Ships Company’s Consent, -(tho’ we are so nearly concern’d) our said Consorts Officers, -Capt.</i> Stephen Courtney, <i>Capt.</i> Edward Cooke, <i>Capt.</i> William -Dampier, <i>Mr.</i> William Stretton, <i>Mr.</i> Charles Pope, <i>Mr.</i> John -Connely, <i>Mr.</i> George Milbourne, <i>Mr.</i> Rob. Knowlman, <i>and Mr.</i> -John Ballett, <i>have sign’d an Instrument, and combin’d together, to -put Capt.</i> T. Dover <i>in Command of the said Ship.</i></p> - -<p><i>We therefore (being inclin’d to Peace and Quietness aboard and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_226" id="page_226"></a>{226}</span> -not to use any Violence to remove the said Captain</i> Dover <i>out of -the aforesaid forc’d Command, although he is utterly uncapable of -the Office) do hereby publickly Protest against the aforesaid -Commander, and every one of those that have already, or shall -hereafter combine to place him in. The Ship now being in safety, we -declare against all Damages that may arise or accrue to the said -Ship, or Cargo under his Command; and that the aforesaid Combiners, -who have put the Care of the said Ship under an uncapable Command, -we expect are accountable and liable to us for all Damages that may -happen. This is our publick Protest. Witness our Hands, aboard the -said Ship</i> Duke, <i>riding at Anchor in a Port of</i> California, <i>the -9th of</i> January, 1709-10.</p> - -<p class="r"> -Sign’d by the Officers of the <i>Duke</i>.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>’Twas our great Unhappiness, after taking a rich Prize, to have a -Paper-War amongst our selves. I am sorry to trouble the Reader with -these Disputes, which continued for two Days about a proper Commander -for this Prize; because it highly concern’d us to take the utmost -Precautions for her Safety, having a long Run through dangerous unknown -Passages, into the <i>East Indies</i>, and most of the Recompence for our -great Risques and Hardships lay in her Riches. I had always desired that -Capt. <i>Dover</i> might be aboard her, for being a considerable Owner, we -all agreed he was a very proper Person to take Care of her Cargo, and to -have all the Freedom and Accommodation that could be made for him in -that Ship, which was of such vast Consequence to us and our Employers, -that in their Instructions to me, they strictly charged me to use the -securest Methods to bring her safe home, in case we should be so -fortunate as we now are, to take one of the <i>Acapulco</i> Ships: So that -after the Protests were over on both sides, I desired they might -assemble together, and finally determine what the Majority would agree -on, that no Time might be lost. So all the Council met again on board -the <i>Batchelor</i>, to endeavour an Accommodation. I being very weak, and -in much Pain, was not able to stir, therefore sent my Opinion in -Writing, as follows.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor in Port Segura.</i></div> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">M</span>Y Opinion is, That ’tis not for the Safety of the rich</i> Spanish -<i>Prize, that Capt.</i> Dover <i>command her, because his Temper is so -violent, that capable Men cannot well act under him, and himself is -uncapable. Our Owners directed me to use the securest Method to -bring the Ship home, if we should have the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_227" id="page_227"></a>{227}</span> good Fortune to take -her; and ’tis not so, if an ignorant Person have the Command: And -tho’ it may be pretended that he’ll not command the sailing Part, -there are other Parts necessary for a Commander; so that whosoever -had the Charge of one, ought to act wholly in the rest, or else -Confusion follows a mix’d Command, that would be very pernicious in -this Case; and which it highly concerns us to beware of. I am -content, and desire Capt.</i> Dover <i>may be aboard, and have Power to -take Care of the Cargo, and all the Liberty and Freedom in her, he -can in reason otherwise desire, and that none may have the like -Power on board the Prize but himself. This is my Opinion.</i> Jan. 9. -1709-10.</p> - -<p class="r"> -Woodes Rogers.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>This Dispute is against my Desire already put in Print, from the publick -Notes of the Voyage, otherwise I had left it wholly out of my Journal, -as I had done several other of our Differences, being unwilling to -trouble the Reader with the Contests that too often happen’d in the -Government of our sailing Common-wealth.</p> - -<p>After a long Debate, they voted Mr. <i>Frye</i> and Mr. <i>Stretton</i>, both to -act in equal Posts, to take Charge of the navigating the Ship, tho’ -under Capt. <i>Dover</i>, but they were to be no ways molested, hinder’d nor -contradicted in their Business by him, whose Duty ’twas to see that -nothing should be done contrary to the Interest of the Owners, and Ships -Companies, in the Nature of an Agent, almost in the same Manner I -proposed at first, only he had the Title of Chief Captain in that Ship, -which was so small a Difference, where Titles are so common, that we all -consented to it; and at the same time they chose Officers, agreeing that -we should put 30 Men aboard her, the <i>Dutchess</i> 25, and the <i>Marquiss</i> -13, which with 36 <i>Manila Indians</i>, call’d <i>Las-Carrs</i>, and other -Prisoners we have left, her Complement will be about 110 Men. The -Majority keeping to their first Agreement I was obliged to come into it, -according to my Instructions from our Owners; so that all our -Differences about this Affair were at an end, and we drank to our safe -Arrival in <i>Great Britain</i>.</p> - -<p>The Council agreed as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c">At a Council held on board the <i>Batchelor Frigate</i>, at Anchor in -Port <i>Segura</i>, on <i>California</i>, Jan. 10. 1709/10.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">I</span>T is agreed, by the Majority of this Council, that Capt.</i> Robert -Frye <i>and Capt.</i> William Stretton, <i>shall both act in equal Posts -in the sole Navigating, Sailing and Ingaging, if Occasion should<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_228" id="page_228"></a>{228}</span> -be, under Capt.</i> Tho. Dover, <i>on board the</i> Batchelor Frigate, <i>and -that the said Capt.</i> Tho. Dover <i>shall not molest, hinder or -contradict ’em in their Business; and we do appoint</i> Alexander -Selkirk <i>Master</i>, Joseph Smith <i>chief Mate</i>, Benj. Parsons <i>second -Mate</i>, Charles May <i>Surgeon</i>, John Jones <i>Carpenter</i>, Rob. -Hollinsby <i>Boatswain</i>, Rich. Beakhouse <i>Gunner</i>, Peirce Bray -<i>Cooper</i>, James Stretton <i>and</i> Richard Hickman <i>Midshipmen</i>, Denis -Reading <i>Steward, and all other inferior Officers, as the -Commanders shall think fit.</i></p> - -<p class="c"> -Sign’d by the Majority of our Council.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>In the Morning we put 35 good Hands aboard her. The <i>Dutchess</i> and -<i>Marquiss</i> put no more than their Share. Mean while Capts. <i>Courtney</i> -and <i>Cooke</i>, and 2 or 3 more of the Committee came to me, where we -sign’d a Paper for Capt. <i>Dover</i> and the two Commanders, recommending -Peace and Tranquility amongst them. And that in case of Separation, the -Place of Rendezvous was to be <i>Guam</i>, one of the <i>Ladrones</i> Islands, -where we design’d to touch at, God willing, to get Provisions: Every -thing being thus settled, and all in a Readiness to sail; before I -proceed with the Relation of our Voyage from hence, I shall give an -Account of <i>California</i>.</p> - -<h3>California <i>described</i>.</h3> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>California Described.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span>T is not yet certainly known whether it be an Island, or joins to the -Continent, nor did either our Time or Circumstances allow us to attempt -the Discovery. I heard from the <i>Spaniards</i>, that some of their Nation -had sail’d as far up betwixt <i>California</i> and the Main, as Lat. 42 N. -where meeting with Shoal Water, and abundance of Islands, they durst not -venture any further: So that if this be true, in all Probability it -joins to the Continent, a little further to the Northward; for Shoal -Water and Islands is a general Sign of being near some main Land: but -the <i>Spaniards</i> having more Territories in this Part of the World than -they know how to manage, they are not curious of further Discoveries. -The <i>Manila</i> Ships bound to <i>Acapulco</i> often make this Coast in the -Latitude of 40 North, and I never heard of any that discover’d it -farther to the Northward. Some old Draughts make it to join to the Land -of <i>Jesso</i>, but all this being yet undetermin’d, I shall not take upon -me to affirm whether<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_229" id="page_229"></a>{229}</span> it’s an Island, or joins to the Continent. The -<i>Dutch</i> say, they formerly took a <i>Spanish</i> Vessel in those Seas, which -had sail’d round <i>California</i>, and found it to be an Island; but this -Account can’t be depended on, and I choose to believe it joins to the -Continent. There is no certain Account of its Shape or Bigness, and -having seen so little of it, I shall refer the Reader to our common -Draughts for its Scituation. What I can say of it from my own Knowledge -is, That the Land where we were is for the most part mountainous, barren -and sandy, and had nothing but a few Shrubs and Bushes, which produce -Fruit and Berries of several Sorts. Our Men who went in our Bark to view -the Country about 15 Leagues to the Northward, say it was there cover’d -with tall Trees. The <i>Spaniards</i> tell us of several good Harbours in -this Country, but we found none of them near this Cape. We frequently -saw Smoak in several Places, which makes us believe the Inhabitants are -pretty numerous. The Bay where we rode had but very indifferent -Anchoring Ground, in deep Water, and is the worst recruiting Place we -met with since I came out. The Wind at this Time of the Year generally -blowing over Land, makes it good Riding on the Starboard Side of the -Bay, where you ride on a Bank that has from 10 to 25 Fathom Water; but -the rest of that Bay is very deep, and near the Rocks on the -Larboard-side going in there’s no Ground.</p> - -<p>During the Time of our Stay the Air was serene, pleasant, and healthful, -and we had no strong Gales of Wind, very little Rain, but great Dews -fell by Night, when ’twas very cool.</p> - -<p>The Natives we saw here were about 300, they had large Limbs, were -straight, tall, and of a much blacker Complexion than any other People -that I had seen in the South Seas. Their Hair long, black, and straight, -which hung down to their Thighs. The Men stark naked, and the Women had -a Covering of Leaves over their Privities, or little Clouts made of Silk -Grass, or the Skins of Birds and Beasts. All of them that we saw were -old, and miserably wrinkled. We suppose they were afraid to let any of -their young ones come near us, but needed not; for besides the good -Order we kept among our Men in that respect, if we may judge by what we -saw, they could not be very tempting. The Language of the Natives was as -unpleasant to us as their Aspect, for it was very harsh and broad, and -they pronounc’d it so much in the Throat, as if their Words<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_230" id="page_230"></a>{230}</span> had been -ready to choak them. I design’d to have brought two of ’em away with me, -in order to have had some Account of the Country, when they had learn’d -so much of our Language as to enable them to give it; but being short of -Provisions, I durst not venture it. Some of them wear Pearl about their -Arms and Necks, having first notch’d it round, and fasten’d it with a -String of Silk Grass; for I suppose they knew not how to bore them. The -Pearls were mix’d with little red Berries, Sticks, and Bits of Shells, -which they look’d upon to be so fine an Ornament, that tho’ we had Glass -Beads of several Colours, and other Toys, they would accept none of -them. They coveted nothing we had but Knives, and other cutting -Instruments, and were so honest, that they did not meddle with our -Coopers or Carpenters Tools, so that whatever was left ashore at Night, -we found it untouch’d in the Morning.</p> - -<p>We saw nothing like <i>European</i> Furniture or Utensils among ’em. Their -Huts were very low, and made of Branches of Trees and Reeds, but not -sufficiently cover’d to keep out Rain. They had nothing like Gardens or -Provisions about them. They subsisted chiefly on Fish while we were -here, which with the Miserableness of their Huts, that seem’d only to be -made for a time, made us conclude they had no fix’d Habitation here, -whatever they may have elsewhere, and that this was their Fishing -Season. We saw no Nets or Hooks, but wooden Instruments, with which they -strike the Fish very dextrously, and dive to admiration. Some of our -Sailors told me they saw one of ’em dive with his Instrument, and whilst -he was under Water put up his Striker with a Fish on the Point of it, -which was taken off by another that watch’d by him on a Bark Log. The -Reader may believe of this what he pleases, but I give it the more -credit, because I my self threw some rusty Knives overboard, on purpose -to try those Divers, who seldom miss’d catching a Knife before it could -sink about 3 or 4 Fathom, which I took to be an extraordinary Proof of -their Agility.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>California Described.</i></div> - -<p>Instead of Bread they us’d a little black Seed, which they ground with -Stones, and eat it by Handfuls; some of our Men thicken’d their Broth -with it, and say it tastes somewhat like Coffee. They have some Roots -that eat like Yams, a sort of Seeds that grow in Cods, and taste like -green Pease, a Berry which resembles those of Ivy, and being dry’d <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_231" id="page_231"></a>{231}</span>at -the Fire, eats like parch’d Pease. They have another like a large -Currant, with a white tartish Pulp, a Stone and a Kernel; this sort of -Fruit they seem to value much. They have also a Fruit which grows on the -prickle Pear-tree, tastes like Gooseberries, and makes good Sawce. They -have many other Seeds and Plants unknown to us, but I was not in a -condition to view or describe them.</p> - -<p>They seem to have a Season of Hunting by the Skins of Deer, <i>&c.</i> we saw -among them: They paid a sort of Respect to one Man, whose Head was -adorn’d with Feathers made up in the Form of a Cap; in other respects -they seem’d to have all things in common; for when they exchang’d Fish -with us for old Knives, of which we had plenty, they gave the Knives to -any that stood next, and after they had enough, we could get no Fish -from them. They appear’d to be very idle, and seem to look after no more -than a present Subsistance. They stood and look’d upon our Men very -attentively, while they cut Wood and fill’d Water; but did not care to -lend us a Hand at either, or indeed to do any thing that requir’d hard -Labour. Their Arms are Bows and Arrows, with which they can shoot Birds -flying. Their Bows are about 7 Foot long, and of a tough pliant Wood -unknown to us, with Strings of Silk Grass; their Arrows about 4 Foot and -a half, made of Cane, and pointed with Fish Bones that they shape for -the purpose. Most of their Knives and other cutting Instruments are made -of Sharks Teeth. I saw 2 or 3 large Pearl in their Necklaces and -Bracelets, and the <i>Spaniards</i> told me they had Store of them from the -inner part of the Gulph of <i>California</i>, where they have Missionaries -planted among them. Our Men told me they saw heavy shining Stones -ashore, which look’d as if they came from some Mineral, but they did not -inform me of this till we were at Sea, otherwise I would have brought -some of ’em to have try’d what Mettal could be extracted out of ’em. The -<i>Spaniards</i> likewise inform’d me, that the Country in general within on -the main Land of <i>Mexico</i>, is pleasant and fruitful, and abounds with -Cattle and Provisions of all sorts. The Natives grew very familiar with -us, and came frequently aboard to view our Ships, which they mightily -admir’d. We saw no Boats or Canoes among them, nor any other Sailing -Craft, but Bark-Logs, which they steer’d with Paddles at each End. We -gave one of the Natives a Shirt, but he soon tore it in pieces, and gave -it to the rest of his Company to put the Seeds in which they us’d for -Bread. We saw no Utensils for Cookery about them, nor<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_232" id="page_232"></a>{232}</span> do I suppose they -have any; for they bury their Fish in a Heap of Sand, and make a Fire -over it, till they think it fit for eating. There were all the Fishes -usual in those Seas to be found in the Bay. The fresh Water here is -good, and they have abundance of Samphire. They make a Fire in the -middle of their Huts, which are very low and smoaky. We saw no -extraordinary Birds here. I am told by our People that have been ashore, -that they get Fire by rubbing two dry Sticks against each other, as -customary among the wild <i>Indians</i>.</p> - -<p>The Entrance into the Harbour may be known by four high Rocks, which -look like the Needles at the Isle of <i>Wight</i>, as you come from the -Westward; the two Westermost in form of Sugar-loves. The innermost has -an Arch like a Bridge, through which the Sea makes its way. You must -leave the outermost Rock about a Cable’s Length on the Larboard side, -and steer into the deepest part of the Bay, being all bold, where you -may anchor from 10 Fathom to 20 or 25 Fathom Water. Here you ride -land-lockt from E. by N. back to the S. E. by S. yet it is but an -ordinary Road, if the Wind should come strong out of the Sea, which it -never did while we lay there.</p> - -<h3>Mexico <i>describ’d</i></h3> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span> Shall next give a brief Account of <i>Mexico</i> from the best Information -and Authors. This Country lies betwixt Lat. 8. and 50 or 55 North, but -it is little known or inhabited by the <i>Spaniards</i> to the Northward of -35. ’Tis divided into Old and New, and the former is also called <i>New -Spain</i>, The Country in general includes all the West Side of Northern -<i>America</i>, as far as ’tis known. ’Tis divided into the <i>Audiences</i>, or -Jurisdictions of <i>St. Domingo</i>, <i>Mexico</i> properly so call’d, -<i>Guadalajara</i> or <i>New Gallicia</i>, and <i>Guatimala</i>; and these again are -subdivided into several Provinces, with which I shall not trouble the -Reader, since that is the Business of a Geographer, and not of a Sailor. -That part of it call’d <i>New Spain</i> is the best and most famous Part of -all <i>North America</i>, and the Name is sometimes extended by the -<i>Spaniards</i> to the whole.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mexico Described.</i></div> - -<p>The Air in general is mild, temperate and healthful, and the Soil so -fertile, that in some places it produces 100 for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_233" id="page_233"></a>{233}</span> one of Corn, and of -Maiz 200; but the great Rains in Summer hinder their having good Oil and -Wine. Their most remarkable Plant is that call’d <i>Maguey</i>, which abounds -in this Country, and some of it we found in the <i>Maria Islands</i>; of the -Juice the <i>Spaniards</i> and Natives make a small Wine, Vinegar, and Honey; -and of the Leaves and other Parts they make Cordage, Thread, and Cloth -for Sacks and Shirts. They have great and small Cattle, and Fowl in such -plenty, that they frequently kill them only for the Skins and Feathers. -They have also excellent Horses of the best <i>Spanish</i> Breed. There are -few Gold Mines in this Country, but abundance of Silver, and tho’ not so -rich as those of <i>Peru</i>, are much easier to be work’d, with less Expence -of Money, and far less Danger of Mens Lives. Their other chief -Commodities are Iron, Steel, Copper, but none of ’em much wrought, -Hides, Wool, Cotton, Sugar, Silk, Cochineal, Scarlet-Dy, Feathers, -Honey, Wax, Balm, Amber, Ambergrise, Salt, abundance of Medicinal Drugs, -Cocoa, Cassia, Gold in the Sands of their Rivers, Figs, Oranges, -Citrons, and other Fruit peculiar to the Climate, besides all those -common in <i>Europe</i>; wild Beasts, and Fowl of all sorts, Chrystal, -Turquoises, Emeralds, Marcasites, Bezoar Stones, and Pepper. This must -be understood of <i>Mexico</i> in general; for all those Commodities are not -in one Province, but some have one sort and some another. Nor is the -Temper of the Climate every where the same, for those Places towards the -<i>South Sea</i> are warm, but in and about the Mountains ’tis cold; and in -some places they have continu’d Rains almost for 8 or 9 months in a -Year, and are much infected with Serpents, Moskitto’s, and other -Insects, especially near the Torrid Zone.</p> - -<p>I shall not swell my Book with the fabulous Accounts of the Origin of -the antient <i>Mexicans</i>, which are shocking to common Sense, nor pretend -to give the Reader the History of their Kings, because ’tis not my -Business; besides ’twould puzzle the ablest Critick to distinguish -betwixt Truth and Falshood in those pretended Histories, preserv’d by -fanciful Hieroglyphicks, which will bear what Sense any Author pleases -to impose upon them. Therefore I shall only say in general, that the -<i>Spanish</i> Authors who write of those Countrys say the Kings of <i>Mexico</i> -were very potent, that they had 25 or 30 petty Kings their Tributaries, -that their ordinary Guards did usually consist of 2 or 3000 Men, and -that on occasion they could raise 2 or 300000; that their Palaces were -magnificent,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_234" id="page_234"></a>{234}</span> their Temples sumptuous, and their Worship barbarous, it -being ordinary for them to sacrifice their Enemies, and sometimes their -own Subjects. The Natives of Old <i>Mexico</i> say they are not of that Race -of People, but that their Ancestors came from divers Nations, who -inhabited the Northern parts of the Continent, and particularly that -call’d <i>New Mexico</i>; and by the Account their Historians give of their -Travels to settle here, ’twould seem those who compos’d the Story had -heard something of the Travels of the Children of <i>Israel</i> in the -Wilderness, and design’d to write something like it; and by calling -their Leader <i>Mexi</i>, they would make his Name resemble that of <i>Moses</i>. -’Twas a long time before they united into one Monarchy; for <i>Montezuma</i>, -who reign’d when <i>Fernando Cortez</i> invaded them, was only the 9<i>th</i> in -their Catalogue. The Divisions among the Natives, and the Hatred which -the Neighbouring Princes bore to their Kings, made the Conquest of -<i>Mexico</i> much easier to the <i>Spaniards</i> than they expected; so that in -the Bishoprick of <i>Los Angeles</i>, &c. there are many thousands of -<i>Indians</i> exempted from extraordinary Taxes, because their Ancestors -assisted the <i>Spaniards</i> in the Conquest of the Country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mexico Described.</i></div> - -<p>The Natives of <i>Mexico</i>, properly so call’d, are the most civiliz’d, -industrious and ingenious; they are noted for admirable Colours in their -Paintings, tho’ their Figures are not proportionable; they draw ’em with -the Feathers of their Cincons, a small Bird, which they say lives only -upon Dew. They make use of certain Characters instead of the Letters of -the Alphabet, by which they have preserv’d some Fragments of their -History. The <i>Spanish</i> Governour of <i>Mexico</i>, our Author says, with much -difficulty got it out of the Hands of the Natives, with an Explanation -in their own Language, and had it translated into <i>Spanish</i>. The Ship in -which ’twas sent to the Emperor <i>Charles</i> V. being taken by a <i>French</i> -Ship, the Manuscript fell into the Hands of <i>Andrew Thevet</i> at <i>Paris</i>, -from whose Heirs our <i>Hackluyt</i>, being then Almoner to the <i>English</i> -Ambassador, purchas’d it. Sir <i>Walter Raleigh</i> got it translated into -<i>English</i>, and the Learned Sir <i>Henry Spelman</i> prevail’d with <i>Purchas</i> -to get the Figures engraven. They represent Princes and others in -several Postures, and bring down their History from the Year 1324. to -the Beginning or Middle of the 16<i>th</i> Century, or thereabouts. This -History is divided into 3 Parts; the first contains little but an -Account of the Names and Conquests of their Princes, with a Summary of -their Vices and Virtues,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_235" id="page_235"></a>{235}</span> so that it is not worth insisting upon. The -second has an Account of the Tributes paid by the People, which were -Proportions of the Product of the Country for Provisions, Clothes, Arms, -warlike Habits and Ornaments, Paper and Houshold Furniture. The third -gives an account of the Oeconomy, Customs and Discipline of the -<i>Mexicans</i>, which because they are odd enough, I shall give a short -Account of the most remarkable.</p> - -<p>Four Days after a Child was born, the Midwife carried it to the Yard of -the House, laid it upon Rushes, and after washing it, desir’d 3 Boys, -who were there at a sort of Feast, to name it how they pleas’d. If it -was a Boy, she put into its Hand the Tools belonging to its Father’s -Imployment; and if a Soldier, his Arms. If ’twas a Girl, she put a -Distaff or other Utensils of Women by it. If the Boy was design’d for -the Church, they carried it to a Temple with Presents, when of a -sufficient Age, and left it with the High Priest to be educated; and if -design’d for War, they carried him to an Officer to teach him the Use of -Arms. The Parents corrected them by Blows, or pricking them with Needles -made of the Maguey Tree: The Father prick’d the Boys, if unlucky, all -over their Body, and the Mother prick’d her Daughters only in the Fists. -When Boys were pretty well grown, they ty’d ’em Hand and Foot, and laid -’em in muddy Water naked a whole Day, and then their Mothers took ’em -out and clean’d ’em at Night. When a Maid was to be married, the -Marriage-maker carried her on his Back to the Bridegroom’s House, 4 -Women bearing Torches before her; the Bridegroom’s Friends receiv’d her -in the Yard or Court, carried her to a Room, and set her down by him on -a Mat, and ty’d the Skirts of their Garments together, offer’d Incense -to their Idols, and had 4 old Men and Women to be Witnesses; after a -Feast the Witnesses exhorted ’em to live well together, and so the -Ceremony concluded.</p> - -<p>The Priests train’d up their Novices in sweeping the Temples, carrying -Branches, <i>&c.</i> to adorn them, to make Seats of Cane, to bring Needles -or Thorns of Maguey to draw Blood for Sacrifices, and Shrubs to keep a -perpetual Fire; and if they fail’d in their Duty, return’d to their -Parents, or were catch’d with Women, they prick’d ’em with those -Needles. One of the chief Priests went by Night to a Mountain, where he -did Penance, carried Fire and Perfume to sacrifice to the Devil, and was -always attended by a Novice; others of the Priests play’d on Musical -Instruments<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_236" id="page_236"></a>{236}</span> by Night, and some of ’em observ’d the Stars, and told the -Hours. The Novices arriv’d to the chief Dignities of the Priesthood by -degrees, and some of ’em always attended the Armies to encourage the -Men, and perform their Rites.</p> - -<p>Those who train’d the Youth to War, punish’d their Scholars by throwing -burning Coals on their Heads, pricking them with Sticks of Pine -sharpen’d at one End, or by burning off their Hair. Their Kings rewarded -the Soldiers according to the Number of Prisoners they took, with -Military Habits of several Colours, or Posts in the Army, till they came -to the highest. Their Chief Priests were also Men of Arms, and capable -of all Military Preferments.</p> - -<p>Their capital Punishments were Strangling or Stoning to Death. If a -Caicque or petty Prince rebell’d, all his Subjects shar’d in his -Punishment, except they found some Method to appease the King. They -punish’d Drunkenness in young Men by Death, but allow’d it in old Men -and old Women of 70. Highway-men and Adulterers they ston’d to Death. -They had Assemblies for publick Affairs, wherein the Great Master of the -Emperor or King’s Houshold exhorted the Youth to avoid Idleness, Gaming, -Drunkenness, and other Vices.</p> - -<p>This is the Sum of what that Hieroglyphical History says of the antient -<i>Mexicans</i>.</p> - -<p>As to the present Natives, most of ’em are subject to the <i>Spaniards</i>; -but in some of the Mountains and Northern Parts they are not reduc’d; so -that they frequently attack the <i>Spaniards</i>, when they meet with a -favourable Opportunity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mexico Described.</i></div> - -<p>In that call’d <i>New Mexico</i> some of the Natives are very barbarous, and -much given to Arms, the Men wear nothing but Skins, and the Women scarce -any other Covering than their Hair; they live for the most part on raw -Flesh, and go together in Troops, changing their Habitation as the -Season requires, or for the Conveniency of Pasturage. Their Oxen and -Cows are large, with small Horns, their Hair almost like Wooll, long -before, and short behind, with a Bunch on their Backs, great Beards like -Goats, and their Fore Legs short; they are of an ugly Aspect, but very -strong; they are the principal Riches of the Natives, their Flesh serves -them for Diet, their Skins for Clothes and Coverings to their Huts, they -make Thred of their Hair, Bow-strings of their Nerves, Utensils of their -Bones, Trumpets of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_237" id="page_237"></a>{237}</span> their Horns, keep their Drink in their Bladders, and -use their Dung for Firing, because they are scarce of Wood. They have -Sheep as large as our Asses, and Dogs so strong, that they make ’em -carry their Baggage. This Country is inhabited by People of different -Languages and Manners; some of them live in Cities, of which ’tis said -there are several that contain from 30 to 50000 Inhabitants; others -wander about in Herds like the <i>Arabs</i> or <i>Tartars</i>; but in short, this -Country is so little known, and Travellers differ so much in their -Accounts of it, that there’s not much to be depended upon.</p> - -<p>I think it proper here to say something of the peopling of it. There are -many Opinions about the peopling of <i>America</i>, but the most reasonable -to me is, that it was peopled from <i>Tartary</i> by way of the North Pole, -where they suppose it to join with some part of <i>Asia</i>. This I think -very probable, because the <i>Spaniards</i>, who come yearly hither from -<i>Manila</i> or <i>Luconia</i>, one of the <i>Philipine</i> Islands in the <i>East -Indies</i>, are forced to keep in a high Latitude for the Benefit of -Westerly Winds, and have often sounded, finding Ground in Lat. 42. N. in -several Places of the Ocean betwixt the <i>East Indies</i> and <i>America</i>, -which makes me conclude that there must be more Land, tho’ none of ’em, -as I have heard of, ever saw any Continent till they fall in with -<i>California</i>, in about 38 or 39°. N. Lat. I have often admir’d that no -considerable Discoveries have yet been made in South Latitude from -<i>America</i> to the <i>East Indies</i>: I never heard the South Ocean has been -run over by above three or four Navigators, who varied little in their -Runs from their Course, and by consequence could not discover much. I -give this Hint to encourage our <i>South Sea Company</i>, or others, to go -upon some Discovery that way, where for ought we know they may find a -better Country than any yet discover’d, there being a vast Surface of -the Sea from the Equinox to the South Pole, of at least 2000 Leagues in -Longitude that has hitherto been little regarded, tho it be agreeable to -Reason, that there must be a Body of Land about the South Pole, to -counterpoise those vast Countries about the North Pole. This I suppose -to be the Reason why our antient Geographers mention’d a <i>Terra -Australis Incognita</i>, tho’ very little of it has been seen by any body. -The Land near the North Pole in the <i>South Sea</i>, from <i>California</i> to -<i>Japan</i>, is wholly unknown, altho’ the old Maps describe the Streights -of <i>Anian</i>, and a large Continent, it is but imaginary; for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_238" id="page_238"></a>{238}</span> the <i>Dutch</i> -themselves, that now trade to <i>Japan</i>, say they do not yet know whether -it be an Island, or joins to the Continent.</p> - -<p><i>Gemelli</i><a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> having been in this Country in 1697, who is the latest -Traveller that has publish’d any thing about it, and his Accounts being -in the main confirmed to me by our <i>Spanish</i> Prisoners, I shall give a -brief Hint of what he says, especially of what relates to Trade and -Provisions.</p> - -<p>Their best Product is Gold and Silver, Pearl, Emeralds, and other -precious Stones: He saw the Silver Mines of <i>Pachma</i>, 11 Leagues from -the City of <i>Mexico</i>: One of ’em he says is 225 <i>English</i> Yards deep, -the other 195: He adds, that in the Space of 6 Leagues there are about -1000 Mines, some laid aside, others still in use. There are many -thousands of People imploy’d to dig ’em, from some the Metal and the -Water is brought up by Engines, and from others the Metal is brought up -on Mens Backs to the great Danger of their Lives, besides Numbers that -are lost by the falling in of the Earth, and pestilential Damps: They go -down to them by notch’d Poles, which being wet and slippery, the poor -<i>Indian</i> Slaves many times fall, and break their Necks. Our Author says -he was in danger of doing the like, when he went to see them. He adds, -the Workmen inform’d him, that from one of the Veins, where near 1000 -Men work’d <i>per diem</i>, they had in 10 Years Dug 40 Millions of Silver, -that 2 Millions had been laid out in Timber-work to support it, and that -it became so dangerous, as the Owner stop’d it up. I refer to him for -the Manner of separating the Metal from the Oar. Every Discoverer of a -Mine must pay the 5<i>th</i> of the Product to the King, who allows him only -60 <i>Spanish</i> Yards round from the Mouth, or all on one side, if he -pleases. <i>Gemelli</i> says there’s 2 Millions of Marks, of 8 Ounces each, -entred at <i>Mexico</i> in a Year from those Mines, besides what is stole, -and 700000 Marks of it are coin’d annually into Pieces of Eight there, -for which the King has a Ryal <i>per</i> Mark. There being Gold mix’d with -the Silver, they make use of <i>Aqua Fortis</i> to separate them. The -Officers of the Mint have very profitable Places, but I can’t insist -upon their Sallaries.</p> - -<p>’Tis needless to be particular in describing the Birds and Beasts of -this Country; they having been so often done by others, I shall only -say, they have enough for Provisions, - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Mexico Described.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_239" id="page_239"></a>{239}</span> - -and many of both sorts unknown to us. ’Tis the like as to their Fruits -and Plants, which serve them for Food and Physick; but I have not room -to be particular.</p> - -<p><i>Mexico</i> is the Capital City of this vast rich Country, and lies in N. -Lat. 19. 40. in the Middle of a Valley, which is 14 <i>Spanish</i> Leagues -long, and 7 broad, encompass’d by a Ridge of Mountains. The City is -surrounded by a Lake, and is square, with long, wide, and well pav’d -Streets, cross one another. ’Tis 2 Leagues round, and the Diameter half -a League. There are 5 Causeys or Banks through the Lake into the City, -which vies with the best in <i>Italy</i> for noble Structures and beautiful -Women, who prefer <i>Europeans</i> to their own Country-men; this occasions -irreconcilable Prejudices betwixt them, so that an <i>European</i> can scarce -pass the Streets without being insulted. The Inhabitants are about -100000, the major part Blacks, and Mulatto’s, because of the vast Number -of Slaves carried thither. <i>Europeans</i> seldom marry there, because -finding no way to get real Estates, they generally become Clergymen, -which takes up most of those that come from <i>Old Spain</i>. There are 22 -Nunneries and 29 Friaries of several Orders within the City, and all -richer than they ought to be, says <i>Gemelli</i>. The Cathedral is exceeding -rich, maintains 10 Canons, 5 dignify’d Priests, 6 Demi-Canons, 6 half -Demi-Canons, 1 Chief Sacristain, 4 Curates, 12 Royal Chaplains, and 8 -others chosen by the Chapter, besides many others nam’d by the King. The -Revenue of the Cathedral is 300000 Pieces of Eight <i>per Annum</i>. The -Climate here is uncertain, as through all the Country, being for most -part both cold and hot at the same time, <i>viz.</i> cold in the Shade, and -hot in the Sun, but is never excessive either way; yet the Inhabitants -complain of the Cold in the Mornings, and of the Heat from <i>March</i> till -<i>July</i>; from thence to <i>September</i> the Rains cool the Air, and from that -time till <i>March</i> the Rains are but small. The <i>Indians</i> reckon those -Nights cold, but the <i>Europeans</i> like the Climate well enough. Their -Water is very cool. The neighbouring Country produces 3 Harvests <i>per -Ann.</i> one in <i>June</i>, the 2<i>d</i> in <i>October</i>, and the 3<i>d</i> uncertain, as -the Weather proves. Maiz or <i>Indian</i> Corn is their chief Grain, the -earliest being sow’d in <i>March</i>, the latest in <i>May</i>. It yields a -wonderful Increase, and other Provisions being plentiful, one may live -well here for half a Piece of Eight <i>per</i> Day, and all the Year round -there’s Fruit and Flowers in the Market. There’s no Brass Money here,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_240" id="page_240"></a>{240}</span> -and the least Piece of Silver is Three-pence; so that they buy Herbs and -small Fruit with Cocoa Nuts, 60 or 70 of which, as the Time goes, are -valu’d at 6<i>d.</i> I cannot insist on the particular Description of the -Churches and Monasteries. The Archbishop has 11 Suffragans under him, -whose Revenues in all amount to 5160000 Pieces of Eight. The Cathedral -founded by <i>Fernando Cortez</i>, who conquer’d this Country, was not -finished in 1697. ’tis carried on at the King’s Charge. They have -admirable Conveyances to let the Water run out of the Lake by Canals, to -prevent its overflowing the City, as sometimes it has done. The Expence -of these Canals is so prodigious, that it seems incredible; the Curious -may find it in <i>Gemelli</i>, as also an Account of the Royal Palace and -other Structures. I say nothing of the fabulous Accounts which the -Natives give of the Foundation of this City.</p> - -<p>The present Habit generally wore by the Natives of this Country is a -short Doublet and wide Breeches, a Cloak of several Colours on their -Shoulders, which they cross under the Right Arm, and tye on the Left -Shoulder by the 2 Ends in a great Knot: Some wear Sandals, the rest go -bare footed and bare-legg’d, and all wear their Hair long, which they -will by no means part with. The Women wear a fine white Cotton Cloth, -and under it a thing like a Sack; they wear another upon their Backs, -with which they cover their Heads when abroad or in Church. The Natives -adorn their narrow Coats with Figures of Beasts, Birds and Feathers. -Both Sexes are of a dark Colour, but endeavour to make themselves fair -with pounded Herbs. They daub their Heads with thin Clay, to refresh -them, and make their Hair black. The Mestizzo, Mullatto, and black -Women, are most in Number, but not being allow’d to wear Veils, or the -<i>Spanish</i> Habit, and despising the <i>Indian</i> Garb, they wear a thing like -a Petticoat a-cross their Shoulders, or on their Heads, which makes ’em -look like so many Devils. The Blacks and Mullattoes are very insolent, -and so much increas’d, that if it ben’t prevented, they may at one time -or other endanger the Country. The <i>Indians</i> of most Parts of <i>Mexico</i> -are nothing so industrious as formerly, and the <i>Spaniards</i> say they are -cowardly, cruel, Thieves, Cheats, and so beastly, that they use Women in -common, without regard to the nearest Relations, lie on the bare Ground, -and are nasty in their Way of living, which perhaps may proceed from the -Slavery they are kept under, being worse treated than those<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_241" id="page_241"></a>{241}</span></p> - -<p><a name="ill_008" id="ill_008"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<a href="images/i_299_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_299_sml.jpg" width="500" height="352" alt="Image unavailable: CAPTURE OF THE ACAPULCO GALLEON OFF THE COAST OF -CALIFORNIA - -From a copper-plate engraving." /></a> -<br /> -<span class="caption">CAPTURE OF THE ACAPULCO GALLEON OFF THE COAST OF -CALIFORNIA -<br /> -From a copper-plate engraving.</span> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mexico Described.</i></div> - -<p class="nind">in the Mines. He adds that there’s scarce one fair dealing Man to be -found among 100 Mullattoes.</p> - -<p><i>Acapulco</i> lies in Lat. 17. bating some few Minutes, he says it is -rather like a poor Village of Fishermen, than fit to be the chief Mart -of the <i>South Sea</i>, and Port for <i>China</i>. The Houses are mean, built of -Wood, Mud and Straw, it is cover’d by high Mountains on the East side, -and very subject to Distempers from <i>November</i> till the End of <i>May</i>, -during which time they have no Rain, or very little. ’Tis as hot here in -<i>January</i>, as in our Dog-days; they are much pester’d with Gnats and -Earthquakes. He observes that it never rains in <i>New Spain</i> in a -Morning. This Town is dirty, and ill furnish’d with Provisions, so that -a Man can scarce live for a Piece of Eight <i>per</i> Day. Most of the -Inhabitants are Blacks and Mullattoes, for the <i>Spanish</i> Merchants are -gone as soon as their Business is over at the Fair, for Goods brought -hither from <i>China</i> and <i>Peru</i>. It has nothing good but the Harbour, -which is surrounded with High Mountains, and the Ships are moar’d to -Trees that grow on the Shore. It has two Mouths, the small one at N.W. -and the great at S.E. The Mouth is defended by 42 Brass Cannon. The -Castellan, who is chief Magistrate during the Fair, has 20000 Pieces of -8, from the Duties paid in the Harbour, and the Comptroller and other -Officers as much; the Curate has 14000 <i>per Ann.</i> tho’ the King allows -him but 180, but he exacts terribly on Baptisms and Burials, so that he -will scarce bury a rich Merchant under 1000. The Trade of this Place -being for many Millions, every one, in his Profession gets a great deal -in a short time; for a Black will scarce work for less than a Piece of 8 -<i>per diem</i>, All the Dependance of the Inhabitants is on the Port, which -also maintains the Hospitals, Monasteries and Missionaries.</p> - -<p>During the Fair, this Town resembles a populous City, because of the -great Concourse of Merchants from <i>Peru</i> and <i>Mexico</i>; then the -miserable Huts, in which there was nothing before but a few nasty -Mullattoes, are fill’d with gay <i>Spaniards</i>, and rich Merchants, and the -very Porters do generally earn 3 Pieces of 8 <i>per Diem</i>, by loading and -unloading of Goods, <i>&c.</i> but when this Trade is over, the Porters make -a sort of a Funeral, carry one of their Number about upon a Bier, and -pretend to bewail his Death, because their Harvest for Gain is then at -an End, till the next Year.</p> - -<p>I shall not here say any thing further of the Seaports of <i>Mexico</i>, -because the Reader will find them in the Appendix,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_242" id="page_242"></a>{242}</span> which gives a full -Account of all the noted Harbours in the South Sea, but shall add, that -the Trade of <i>Mexico</i>, on this Coast, is very little, compar’d with that -of <i>Peru</i>, because those of the former have their Goods brought to their -chief Ports in the N. Sea, directly from <i>Europe</i>; so that except when -the two Ships come yearly from <i>Manila</i> to <i>Acapulco</i>, they have little -Commerce in this Sea. I must here observe, that the Ships which come -from <i>Manila</i> use to be much richer than our Prize; for she waited a -long time for the <i>Chinese</i> Junks to bring Silk, which not arriving, she -came away with a Cargo mix’d with abundance of coarse Goods. The -Prisoners told me, that the <i>Manila</i> Ship did often return from -<i>Acapulco</i>, with 10 Millions of Dollars, and that the Officers never -clear’d less than from 20 to 30000 Dollars each in a Voyage; and the -Captain, whom they call General, seldom got less than 150 or 200000 -Pieces of 8; so that it would have been an extraordinary Prize, could we -have met with them at the Time.</p> - -<p>I think it proper to observe here, because it belongs to the Subject, -that when we arrived at the <i>Texel</i> in <i>Holland</i>, there were two -<i>Spanish</i> Ships there, bound for <i>Cadiz</i>, and on board of one of ’em a -Sailor, who told us he was aboard the large <i>Spanish</i> Ship from -<i>Manila</i>, when she arriv’d at <i>Acapulco</i>, very much disabled by the -Engagement she had with us off of <i>California</i>; that ’twas the Gunner -who made them engage us so resolutely at first, and forced them to -continue the Fight by keeping in the Powder-Room himself, and having -taken the Sacrament to blow up the Ship in case we had boarded and -over-power’d her. I was the more apt to believe this Man had seen the -Ship, and this Story might be true, because he related almost every -Passage of the Fight, as I have given it before in my Journal.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mexico Described.</i></div> - -<p>I shall also take Notice here that Capt. <i>Stradling</i>, who was taken -Prisoner in <i>America</i>, when his Ship stranded, and came off Prisoner in -a French Ship, some Months after we left the South Seas, inform’d me, -that the Corregidore of <i>Guiaquil</i> sent an Express to <i>Lima</i>, upon the -first Notice of our being in those Parts, that they then apprehended us -to be part of a Squadron of Men of War, and therefore lay still until -they had certain Advice of our Strength, and in about 3 Weeks after we -took the Town, they fitted out 3 <i>Spanish</i> Men of War, which was all -their South Sea Strength, against us; the biggest carried not above 32 -Guns, but they were join’d by 2 <i>French</i> Ships, one of 50, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_243" id="page_243"></a>{243}</span> -other of 36 Guns, and all well Mann’d. They stop’d at <i>Payta</i>, till Mr. -<i>Hatley</i> and his 4 Men, who lost Company with us at the <i>Gallapagos</i> -Islands, being in want of Provisions, and having had no Water for 14 -Days, stood in for the Main, and landed near Cape <i>Passao</i>, almost under -the Equinox, among a barbarous sort of People, who are a mix’d Breed of -<i>Negroes</i> and <i>Indians</i>. They voluntarily surrendered themselves, being -in a starving Condition, yet those Brutish People, instead of giving -them Food, tied their Hands, then whipp’d them and hang’d them up, so -that they must unavoidably have lost their Lives, had not a Padre, who -liv’d in the Neighbourhood, came time enough by good Providence, to cut -’em down, and save them. There are several Letters from Mr. <i>Hatley</i> -since, which signify that he is a Prisoner at <i>Lima</i>. Capt. <i>Stradling</i> -likewise told me that the <i>French</i> Ship, which brought him to <i>Europe</i>, -was the very Ship that we chas’d in sight of <i>Falkland</i> Island, before -we passed Cape <i>Horn</i>. She had before attempted to sail round Cape -<i>Horn</i>, to the South Sea; but it being the wrong Season, she met with -bad Weather, and was forc’d to bear away to recruit at the River of <i>La -Plata</i>, and there wait for a more proper Season to go round <i>Terra del -Fuego</i>, into the South Sea. When we chas’d her, she had not above 100 -healthful Men on board, so that had we been able to come up with her, -she must certainly have been our Prize.</p> - -<p>Capt. <i>Stradling</i> told me they ran their Ship on an Island, and -afterwards surrendered Prisoners to the <i>Spaniards</i>, to save their -Lives, she being ready to sink; so that the Report I formerly mention’d, -that part of their Crew was drown’d in the Ship, proves a Mistake.</p> - -<p>In <i>Mexico</i>, the Prisoners who are employ’d in cutting Logwood, have no -way to escape the Cruelty of the <i>Spaniards</i>, but to turn Papists, and -be baptized after their Manner; then they have the Liberty to chuse a -Godfather, who is generally a Man of Note, and they serve him as -Liverymen, <i>&c.</i> One <i>Boyse</i>, who fled to us at <i>Guiaquil</i>, was baptized -thus by an Abbot, in the Cathedral of <i>Mexico</i>, had Salt put in his -Mouth, and Oil poured upon his Head, and small parcells of Cotton, which -rub’d it off, were distributed as precious Relicks among the Penitents, -because taken off the Head of a converted Heretick, as they call them. -The native <i>Spaniards</i> enjoy all the Posts in the Church and -Monasteries, and admit no <i>Indians</i>, nor any mix’d Breed, to those -Preferments; which they think a necessary Piece of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_244" id="page_244"></a>{244}</span> Policy, that they -may the better keep the Country in Subjection to <i>Spain</i>. Some of these -Prisoners who are forced to be pretended Converts, do now and then make -their <i>Escape</i>, tho’ it be dangerous to attempt it, for if taken they -are generally confin’d to the Workhouses for Life. There are several -<i>Englishmen</i> who were Prisoners in this Country, that, by Compliance, -have obtain’d their Liberty, with the Loss of their Religion in exchange -for Riches; particularly one <i>Thomas Bull</i>, who was born in <i>Dover</i>, and -taken in <i>Campeche</i>; he is a Clock-maker, has been 18 Years there, is -about 45 Years old, lives in the Province of <i>Tabasco</i>, and grown very -rich. One Capt. <i>James Thompson</i>, born in the Isle of <i>Wight</i>, has been -there about 20 Years, is about 50 Years old, grown rich, and commanded -the Mullattoes who took Capt. <i>Packe</i>, at the Beginning of the War. The -Person who told me this was a Comb-maker, and endeavour’d to escape from -<i>La Vera Crux</i>, but was taken, and sent Prisoner to <i>Mexico</i>, where he -came off to <i>Peru</i>, after he had his Liberty, by pretending he went to -buy Ivory to make Combs; he gave me a long Account of his Ramble amongst -the <i>Indians</i>, and says, he was at the Mouth of the River <i>Missisippi</i>, -which falls into the Gulph of <i>Mexico</i>, but could not pass it: He adds, -That the <i>Indians</i>, on the Bay of <i>Pillachi</i>, have murder’d several of -the Padres, out of an Aversion to the <i>Spaniards</i>, but show a great -Inclination to trade with the <i>English</i>. There are other <i>Englishmen</i> -who now live near the Bay of <i>Campeche</i>, as I was inform’d; one of ’em -is <i>Tho. Falkner</i>, he was born at the Hen and Chickens in <i>Pall-mall</i>, -where his Friends kept an Alehouse. He is married to an <i>Indian</i> Woman. -Such of them as won’t comply to turn Papists are kept in miserable -Slavery, either in the Mines or Workhouses at <i>Mexico</i>, which City he -says, is about as large as <i>Bristol</i>. Those that are put in Workhouses -are chain’d and imploy’d in carding Wool, rasping Logwood, <i>&c.</i> They -have more Manufactures of Woollen and Linnen in <i>Mexico</i> than in <i>Peru</i>. -Abundance of raw Silk is brought from <i>China</i>, and of late Years worked -up into rich Brocades equal to any made in <i>Europe</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mexico Described.</i></div> - -<p>The <i>Mullattoes</i> and <i>Indians</i>, on light Occasions, are put into the -Workhouses, and kept there, till they pay their Debts or Tribute; but no -<i>Spaniards</i>, except for the worst of Crimes: There are many -<i>Englishmen</i>, who were taken cutting Logwood in the Bay of <i>Campeche</i>, -in several of these Workhouses, kept at hard Labour, and will end their -Days in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_245" id="page_245"></a>{245}</span> Slavery, unless their Liberty be demanded by her Majesty at the -general Peace.</p> - -<p>There’s abundance of Sheep in this Country, which yield excellent Wool, -of which, I am inform’d, the <i>English</i> Prisoners have taught them to -make Cloth, worth about 15<i>s.</i> a Yard in <i>England</i>, which there yields 8 -Pieces of 8; They have also taught them to make Bays and other coarse -Woollen.</p> - -<p>At <i>Chopa</i> in <i>Mexico</i>, about Lat. 12. N. there’s a great River which -sinks into the Earth at once, runs under the Mountains, and rises -<i>bigger</i> about 15 Leagues from the Place where it sunk. ’Tis twice as -large as the <i>Thames</i>. This River afterwards joins that of <i>Tabasco</i>, -and falls into the North Sea, as most of the great Rivers of this vast -Continent do, he told me, about this Place. There are high Mountains, -with Plains on the Top, where the Air is very temperate, and all our -<i>European</i> Fruits grow; whereas at the Bottom of these Mountains they -have none but the Fruits of hot Climates, tho’ ’tis not above 5 Leagues -asunder.</p> - -<p>There are also Woods of Pines, <i>&c.</i> on those Mountains, among which -there are Flocks of harmonious Birds, which sing together in an -agreeable Consort, that resembles a fine Organ, so that Strangers are -amaz’d to hear such Musick strike up of a sudden in the Woods. There’s -also a strange Creature in those Woods, call’d by the <i>Spaniards</i> an -Ounce, much of the Form and Size of a Woolf-dog; but it has Talons, and -the Head is more like that of a Tyger: It kills Men and Beasts, which -makes travelling through the Woods dangerous; ’tis said to eat nothing -but the Heart of its Prey.</p> - -<p>I had many more Relations from this Man, who had been 7 Years a Prisoner -in this Country; but they being too tedious, I shall add nothing more -concerning <i>Mexico</i>, but that the Worm is larger, and eats the Bottoms -of the Ships more on its Sea-Coasts, than any other Place where we were. -All the Coast from <i>Guiaquil</i> in <i>Peru</i> to the Northward, as far as the -Latitude of 20 in <i>Mexico</i>, ’tis reckon’d unhealthful, but the contrary -from <i>Guiaquil</i> to the Southward.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_246" id="page_246"></a>{246}</span></p> - -<h3>Peru <i>Described</i>.</h3> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span> Shall not trouble the Reader with the History of its Conquest by the -<i>Spaniards</i>, nor the fabulous Stories of its <i>Incas</i> or Princes, the -Curious may find them in the <i>Spanish</i> Writers, and for the Natives, -they are much the same as those I have described in other Parts.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p><i>PERU</i>, properly so called, is about 1000 Leagues long, but the Breadth -various, from 100 to 300 Leagues. The best known Part of it lies on the -<i>South Sea</i>, and is divided into the 3 Audiences of <i>Quito</i> in the -North, <i>Lima</i> in the Middle, and <i>La Plata</i> in the South. The Air of -<i>Quito</i> is temperate enough, tho’ under the Line; the Soil is fruitful, -abounds with Cattle and Corn, and they have Mines of Gold, Silver, -Quick-silver and Copper; they have also Emeralds and Medicinal Drugs. -The Audience of <i>Lima</i> is most noted, because of its Capital of the same -Name, being the Residence of the Viceroy of <i>Peru</i>. This Country abounds -with Mines of Gold, Silver, Quicksilver, Vermilion, and Salt. The -Audience of <i>La Plata</i> I have already described in my Account of that -River. I shall only add, that tho’ the Silver Mines of <i>Potosi</i> be much -decay’d, yet some say the King of <i>Spain</i> has annually about 2 Millions -of Crowns <i>per Annum</i> for his Fifth; and that those of <i>La Plata</i> and -<i>Porco</i>, in the same Province, which were, upon discovery of the Mines -of <i>Potosi</i>, less used, may probably be open’d again to advantage; now -Goods are sold so cheap by the continual Supplies from <i>France</i>, that -the <i>Indians</i>, who were imploy’d in the Manufactures, must again work at -the Mines, their own coarse Goods being brought thither cheaper than -they can make ’em.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Peru Described.</i></div> - -<p>The <i>Spanish</i> Writers in general say, that for 500 Leagues in Length, -from <i>Tumbez</i> to <i>Chili</i>, it never thunders, lightens nor rains, which -agrees with the Informations that I had from our Prisoners, <i>viz.</i> that -from Cape <i>Blanco</i> in S. Lat. 4. to <i>Coquimbo</i>, Lat. 30. it never rains, -but the Want of this is supply’d by great Dews, so that they have as -good Corn and Fruit, particularly Wheat, about <i>Truxillo</i>, as any in -<i>Europe</i>. In the Vallies near the Sea the Climate is hot, but temper’d -with Breezes from the Ocean and Mountains. In the Hilly part, far into -the Country, ’tis Winter, and very rainy, when ’tis Summer in the -Plains, though in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_247" id="page_247"></a>{247}</span> same Latitude. The Product, Beasts and Birds, -being much the same with other Parts of the <i>South Sea</i> Coast, I shall -not insist upon ’em.</p> - -<p>They have their Cordage, Cotton, Cloth, Pitch and Tar from <i>Chili</i> and -<i>Rio Lezo</i> in <i>Mexico</i>, and tho’ the Country abounds with Provision, -’tis always dear near the Mines, because there Husbandry is neglected. -The Cordage they use is made of coarse Silk Grass, which is very tough, -draws small when strain’d, but grows twice as big when slack’d.</p> - -<p>Capt. <i>Stradling</i> told me he travel’d the great Road from <i>Quito</i> -towards <i>Cusco</i>, in his way to <i>Lima</i>, which has Piles of Stone on each -side for some hundreds of Miles. When he and his Men were brought -Prisoners to <i>Lima</i>, the <i>Spaniards</i> put them in a close Dungeon, used -them very barbarously, and threaten’d to send them to the Mines, because -he attempted his Escape, and sail’d in a Canoe from <i>Lima</i> towards -<i>Panama</i>, near 400 Leagues, intending to cross the Isthmus, and to get -to <i>Jamaica</i> by some of our trading Sloops, but was taken and brought -back to <i>Lima</i>. Before he came thence he saw several of the <i>Spaniards</i>, -who had been our Prisoners, and said, they all own’d we had treated them -very civilly, which has in part taken off the bad Impression they had -conceiv’d of the <i>English</i> in those Parts; for not being used to War, -they account all alike that come to cruize, because of the unheard of -Cruelties and Debaucheries which were committed about 25 Years ago by -the Buccaneers in those Parts, which their Priests did improve to give -them an ill Idea of all those they think fit to call Hereticks, not -considering that most of those Disorders were committed by <i>French</i> -Buccaneers of their own Religion.</p> - -<p>Having said so much of <i>Peru</i> in several Parts of my Journal, I need not -enlarge upon it here; the Spaniards extend it from <i>Panama</i> to -<i>Coquimbo</i>, which is about 800 Leagues, but the Breadth various. The -Gold Mines are most of ’em in the North Parts, betwixt <i>Panama</i> and the -Equinox.</p> - -<p>Before the <i>French</i> traded hither round Cape <i>Horne</i>, there was a -considerable Commerce from <i>Panama</i> to all the Ports of the <i>South Sea</i>, -as I noted before; but now they have supplied the Country so much with -<i>European</i> Goods, and so cheap, that this Trade is in a manner sunk; so -that from hence forward there will be little sent over Land from -<i>Panama</i> to the North Sea, but the King’s Revenue. The <i>Spaniards</i> have -a great many Ships and small Vessels belonging<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_248" id="page_248"></a>{248}</span> to the several Ports of -<i>Peru</i>, which are chiefly imploy’d in carrying Timber, Salt, Salt-fish, -Wine, Brandy, Oil, and other Commodities, from one part of the Coast to -another, without which they could not well subsist; for this Country is -laid to be more populous and better inhabited than <i>Mexico</i>. They make -Woollen Cloth here of several sorts; I have seen some made at <i>Quito</i> -worth about 8<i>s.</i> <i>per</i> Yard, that is sold here for 5 Dollars. The -<i>Indians</i> do likewise make a coarse sort of Cotton Cloth; but since the -<i>French</i> furnish them better and cheaper, those Manufactures will come -to nothing, and the People must betake themselves to digging of Mines, -or what other Imployment they can get.</p> - -<p>The <i>Spanish</i> Settlements in this Country, as well as in <i>Mexico</i> and -<i>Chili</i>, are not so full of <i>Indians</i> as formerly; for many of ’em are -gone to remote Parts, and live in Colonies by themselves, to avoid the -Slavery and Taxes impos’d on them by the <i>Spaniards</i>, for they were -oblig’d to pay from 8 to 14 Dollars <i>per Ann.</i> <i>per</i> Head to the King, -which had it been duly collected and faithfully paid, would have -amounted to the greatest Poll Tax in the World; but ’tis now lessen’d by -the removal of so many Natives as abovemention’d, and the Impoverishment -of the rest, who are sensible enough of their Oppression, but are so -dispirited, that they can do nothing to assert their Liberty, and they -are besides kept under by the Artifices of the Priests.</p> - -<p>The <i>Spaniards</i> here are very profuse in their Clothing and Equipage, -and affect to wear the most costly things that can be purchas’d; so that -those who trade hither with such Commodities as they want, may be sure -to have the greatest Share of their Wealth.</p> - -<h3>Chili <i>describ’d</i>.</h3> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Chili Described.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span> come next to the Kingdom of <i>Chili</i>, which lies nearest to those who -shall think fit to attempt a Trade from <i>England</i> into the <i>South Sea</i>. -Father <i>Ovalle</i>, a Native of this Country, and Procurator for it at -<i>Rome</i>, agrees with our Maps, that it lies farthest South of any part of -<i>America</i> on that call’d the <i>South</i> or <i>Pacifick Sea</i>. He bounds it -with <i>Peru</i> on the North, the Straits of <i>Magellan</i> on the South, -<i>Paraguay</i>, <i>Tucuman</i>, and <i>Patagonia</i> on the East, and the <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_249" id="page_249"></a>{249}</span><i>South Sea</i> -on the West. He begins it at S. Latitude 25, and extends it to Lat. 59, -which is near 500 Leagues. The Breadth of it varies, and the broadest -Place from East to West he makes about 150 Leagues, tho’ <i>Chili</i> -properly so call’d is not above 20 or 30 Leagues broad, from the Chain -of Mountains named <i>Cordillera</i> to the <i>South Sea</i>; but when the King of -<i>Spain</i> divided <i>America</i> into particular Governments, he added to -<i>Chili</i> the vast Plains of <i>Cuio</i>, which are of an equal Length, and -twice as broad as <i>Chili</i> it self. The Country in general <i>Ovalle</i> -places in the 3<i>d</i>, 4<i>th</i> and 5<i>th</i> Climates; the longest Day in the -3<i>d</i> is 13 Hours, and in the 5<i>th</i> above 14.</p> - -<p>The first <i>European</i> who took possession of it was <i>Don Diego -d’Almagro</i>, a <i>Spaniard</i>, in 1535. He is said to march hither from -<i>Peru</i> by Order of the King of <i>Spain</i>, with a Body of <i>Spanish</i> Troops -and 15000 <i>Indians</i> and Blacks commanded by some <i>Indian</i> Princes, who -had submitted to the <i>Spaniards</i>. I shall not trouble the Reader with -the particular History of the <i>Spanish</i> Conquests till they reduced this -Country, which they may find at large in <i>Ovalle</i>, <i>Herrera</i>, and -others; but shall only say in general, that it was not totally in -subjection to the <i>Spaniards</i> till the Year 1640, when the Inhabitants -submitted to the Crown of <i>Spain</i>, on Condition that they should not be -given in Property as Slaves. The <i>Spaniards</i>, who sufficiently -experienc’d the Valour of this People, treat them with more Civility -than they do the rest of the <i>Americans</i>, on purpose to keep them in -Obedience, and for the most part they have submitted to the Church of -<i>Rome</i>.</p> - -<p>The <i>Sansons</i> say that <i>Chili</i>, in the Language of the Country, -signifies Cold, which is so excessive in the Mountains call’d <i>Sierra -Nevada</i>, a part of the <i>Cordillera</i>, that it freezes Men and Cattle to -Death, and keeps their Corps from Putrefaction; so that <i>Almagro</i> lost a -great many of his Men and Horses as he past those Mountains. But the -Vallies toward the Sea are very healthful, the Climate temperate, and -the Soil excellent and fruitful, tho’ with some difference, according as -it lies nearer or further from the Equator; but the Coasts are subject -to strong Gales of Wind.</p> - -<p>The Country is divided into 3 Quarters, and those 3 into 13 -Jurisdictions. The Quarter of <i>Chili</i> proper extends from the River -<i>Copiapo</i> to that of <i>Maule</i>, and is hotter than <i>Spain</i>. The 2<i>d</i> -Quarter call’d Imperial, reaches from the River <i>Maule</i> to that of -<i>Gallegos</i>, and much resembles the Climate of <i>Spain</i>. The Proximity of -the Mountains on one side, and of the Sea on the other, makes it colder -than otherwise it<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_250" id="page_250"></a>{250}</span> would be; but it has Warmth enough to make it one of -the best Countries in <i>America</i>. The Valley of <i>Copiapo</i> is so fruitful, -that it frequently yields 300 for one single Measure, those of <i>Guasco</i> -and <i>Coquimbo</i> fall very little short of it, and that of <i>Chili</i> proper -is so excellent, that it gives Name to the whole Country by way of -Eminence.</p> - -<p>I come now to give a brief View of what <i>Ovalle</i>, a Native, says to it -in general.</p> - -<p>He tells us, that in <i>Chili</i>, properly so call’d, <i>viz.</i> the Country -betwixt the Mountains and the Sea, the Soil and Climate exceed those of -any part of <i>Europe</i> in Goodness, by the Confession of the <i>Europeans</i> -themselves: He says it is like the best part of <i>Europe</i> in every thing, -except the Opposition of the Seasons, it being Spring and Summer in the -one, when it is Autumn and Winter in the other; but in the Vallies the -Heat and Cold are not so excessive as in <i>Europe</i>, especially from Lat. -36, or thereabouts to Lat. 45, so that neither the Heat of the Day nor -the Cold of the Night can be complain’d of, from whence it is that the -Inhabitants make no difference between the Summer and Winter in their -Bedding and Clothes. He adds, that they are not troubled here with -Lightning, and seldom hear Thunder, except at a great distance. They -have no Storms of Hail in the Spring, and seldom above 2 or 3 rainy Days -together in the Winter, after which the Sky is serene without the least -Cloud. The North Winds bring the Clouds and Rain, and the South Winds -speedily make all clear. They have no poysonous or ravenous Creatures, -except a small sort of Lions, which sometimes prey on their Flocks, but -always fly from Men; nor are these Lions numerous, there being only a -few of them in the Woods and Desarts. He observes as a peculiar Property -of the Air of <i>Chili</i>, that no Bugs will live in it, tho’ they swarm in -<i>Cuio</i> on the other side of the Mountains. From the whole he infers, -that there is no Country in <i>America</i> so agreeable to <i>European</i> -Constitutions as <i>Chili</i>, and Air and Provisions are so like their own, -but rather better.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Chili Described.</i></div> - -<p>The Spring begins about the Middle of our <i>August</i>, and lasts till the -Middle of <i>November</i>; then the Summer holds to the Middle of <i>February</i>, -the Autumn continues to the Middle of <i>May</i>, and the Winter from thence -to the Middle of <i>August</i>. During this Season the Trees are depriv’d of -their Leaves, and the Ground is cover’d with white Frosts, <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_251" id="page_251"></a>{251}</span>which are -dissolved about 2 hours after the Sun rises. The Snow falls seldom in -the Vallies, but in great Quantity in the Mountains, from whence it is -melted in the Summer, and fructifies the Vallies and Plains with -Rivulets. In the Spring the Fields are adorn’d with beautiful Flowers of -all Colours and sorts, and of an admirable Scent, from whence they -distil a fine Liquid called Angels Water, which makes a noble Perfume. -The choicest Flowers and Plants that we cultivate grow wild there; they -have Groves of Mustard Trees higher than a Man on Horseback, and the -Birds build their Nests in them. They have many Physical Plants and -Herbs, with which their <i>Indian</i> Physicians perform wonderful Cures, -when the Patients are despair’d of by our <i>European</i> Doctors, but they -are very shy of communicating those Secrets. Fruits and Seeds brought -hither from <i>Europe</i> thrive very well, but those of <i>Mexico</i> and <i>Peru</i> -don’t. They have all our sorts of Fruit in such abundance, that every -one may take what they please; so that none is sold, except a sort of -extraordinary large Strawberries, which they cultivate. They have Oats, -Wheat and Maiz in such plenty, that they are seldom troubled with Want -of Grain. Their Pastures are so rich, and their Cattle of all sorts so -numerous, that they don’t value the Flesh, but salt the Tongues and -Loins, and send ’em to <i>Peru</i> with the Hides and Tallow, which is a -great Branch of their Trade. They have Store of noble and generous -Wines, both white and red; their Vines are larger, and their Clusters of -Grapes much bigger than any in <i>Europe</i>. They have also plenty of -Olives, Groves of Cocoa Trees of several Leagues long. Almond-trees, and -such Store of Silk grass, which they use instead of Hemp, that they -furnish all the Coasts of the <i>South Sea</i> with Cordage for their Ships; -they have also great Quantities of Annise and Cummin-seed, Salt, Flax, -Wool, Leather, Timber, Pitch, Amber, <i>&c.</i> So that according to -<i>Ovalle</i>, Merchants may trade from hence to other Parts in the <i>South -Sea</i>, and especially to <i>Lima</i>, from 100 to 300 <i>per Cent.</i> Profit, of -which I have also been informed by our Prisoners. Though they have -abundance of Mulberry-trees, they breed no Silk-worms; so that the -Ladies, who are extravagant in their Apparel, impoverish the Country by -purchasing the richest Silks, tho’ they might easily have enough of -their own. They have plenty of Bees, yet have their Wax from <i>Europe</i>, -for want of Industry to improve their own, and they have Pepper and -other Spice from the <i>East Indies</i>, tho’ they have a kind of Spice of -their own, which might very well<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_252" id="page_252"></a>{252}</span> supply them. He adds, that the -Herbage, Fishing, Hunting, Wood for Fuel and Timber, and Salt Mines, are -here in common, so that every one may take what they please. They make -little use of their Mines of Lead and Quicksilver; for <i>Peru</i> has enough -of the latter to purify their Silver. <i>Ovalle</i> says the Gold Mines are -so many, that from the Confines of <i>Peru</i> to the Straits of <i>Magellan</i> -there is no part of the Country without ’em; but they are not so much -follow’d as in <i>Peru</i>, and they don’t so much apply themselves to the -Silver Mines, because those of Gold are wrought with less charge; their -Silver is dug from hard Rocks, ground to Powder in their Mills, and then -refin’d with Quicksilver, which is laborious as well as expensive; -whereas they have no other trouble with the Gold than to wash the Earth -from it; yet sometimes they follow the Veins of Gold through Rocks, when -they have hopes that they will grow larger, as they frequently do, and -one of these Veins is often enough to enrich the Discoverers. Gold is -not dug here in such Plenty, since the War betwixt the <i>Spaniards</i> and -<i>Araucanos</i>; but the Natives wait for the Winter Rains, which wash it -down from the Mountains, into Rivers, Ponds, <i>&c.</i> when the Women go -into the Water, feel out the Grains with their Toes, and make up as much -as supplys their present Necessities, as our Author says, but to me this -appears a very odd Way to get Gold. He tells us that he sent one of -those Grains to <i>Seville</i>, where being touch’d, it was found to be 23 -Carats fine, without any manner of Purification. Most of the Bells and -great Guns us’d in <i>Peru</i>, are made of the Copper of this Country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Chili Described.</i></div> - -<p>He comes next to give an Account of the Chain of Mountains, named -<i>Cordillera</i>, from his own Observation, and what he has read in Authors: -He says they run from N. to S. from the Province of <i>Quito</i> to the -Straits of <i>Magellan</i>, which is above a Thousand Leagues, and accounts -them the highest Mountains in the World; they are generally 40 Leagues -broad, and intermix’d with Abundance of habitable Valleys: These -Mountains form 2 Ridges, the lowermost is cover’d with Woods and Groves, -but the higher barren, because of the excessive Cold and Snow on them. -The most remarkable Animals in these Mountains are, 1. that Species of -Hogs which have their Navels on their Backs, call’d Pecarys, these go in -great Herds, with each their Leader, and till he be kill’d, ’tis not -safe for Hunters to attack them, but when <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_253" id="page_253"></a>{253}</span>he falls, they immediately -disperse. 2. Wild Goats, whose Hair is as soft as Silk, and much us’d -for fine Hats. 4. Their Sheep call’d Guanacos, shap’d like Camels, but -of a far less Size, with Wool so fine that it is preferr’d to Silk for -Softness and Colour. He adds, that the ancient <i>Yncas</i>, or Princes, cut -two Roads through those Mountains, and if we may believe <i>Herrera</i>,<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> -one of them was pav’d for 900 Leagues from <i>Cusco</i> to <i>Chili</i>, ’twas 25 -Foot broad, and at every 4 Leagues, there was a noble Structure, and at -each half League Couriers to relieve one another, in carrying Messages -from the State. He says, there are still a sort of Inns on this Road, -where Travellers find all Necessaries; but the Paths into the Mountains -are so narrow, that a single Mule can scarce pass them. The Ascent -begins at the very Shore of the Sea, but that which is properly call’d -the Mountains, requires three or four Days Journey to the Top of them, -where the Air is so very piercing and cold, that he found difficulty to -breath, when he pass’d them, so that he and his fellow Travellers were -obliged to breath quicker and stronger than ordinary and to apply their -Handkerchiefs to their Mouths, to break the extreme Coldness of the Air. -<i>Herrera</i> says, That those who pass them from <i>Peru</i> are troubled with -Reachings and Vomitings. <i>Ovalle</i> adds, That there are Meteors upon -those Mountains sometimes so high in the Air, that they resemble Stars, -and at other times so low, that they frighten the Mules and buz about -their Ears and Feet. He says, on the Top of those Mountains they can’t -see the Country below for Clouds, tho’ the Sky over their Heads is clear -and bright, and the Sun shines with admirable Beauty. When he pass’d the -highest Part of that which is properly call’d the <i>Cordillera</i>, he found -no Snow, tho’ in the beginning of Winter, whereas, in the lower Parts, -’twas so deep, that the Mules could scarce travel. He supposes the -Reason why there was no Snow on the Top is, that it reaches above the -middle Region of the Air. There are 16 Vulcanos in this Chain of -Mountains, which sometimes break out with dreadful Effects, cleave the -Rocks, and issue great Quantities of Fire, with a Noise resembling -Thunder. I refer to our Author for the particular Names and Places of -those Vulcanos. He doubts not but there are many rich Mines among those -Mountains, tho’ the Natives industriously conceal them, and make it -Death to discover them, which has defeated several Attempts of that -Nature by the <i>Spaniards</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_254" id="page_254"></a>{254}</span> The Natives have no occasion for those Mines -themselves, because they have Plenty of Provisions, which is all they -desire, and they are afraid that such Discoveries will occasion the -<i>Spaniards</i> to dispossess them, or to make them work in the Mines as -Slaves. He concludes this Head with an Account that very rich Mines were -discover’d at the Foot of those Mountains on the side of <i>Cuio</i>.</p> - -<p>Those Mountains of the <i>Cordillera</i> are passable only in Summer, or in -the Beginning of the Winter. There are frightful Precipices, and deep -Rivers, at the sides of the narrow Passes, which frequently occasions -the Loss of Mules and Travellers. The Streams run with such Violence, -and so far below the Roads, that to look at them turns ones Head. The -Ascents and Descents are so steep, that they are difficult to pass on -Foot, but the Irksomeness of the Way is alleviated by the beautiful -Cascades which the Water naturally forms as it falls from the Rocks and -Mountains; and in some of the Valleys the Water springs up to a great -Height, like Fountains made by Art, amongst odoriferous Plants and -Flowers, which make an Agreeable Prospect. All these Streams and Springs -are so very cool, that a Man can’t drink above 2 or 3 Sips at once, nor -hold his Hand in them above a Minute. In some Places there are hot -Springs, good against many Distempers, and leave a green Tincture in the -Channels thro’ which they run. One of those Rivers, call’d <i>Mendoca</i>, -has a natural Bridge of Rock over it, from the Vault of which there -hangs several Pieces of Stone, resembling Salt, which congeal like -Icecles, as the Water drops from the Rock, and are form’d into several -Shapes and Colours. This Bridge is broad enough for 3 or 4 Carts to pass -a-breast. There’s another Bridge near this, call’d the <i>Yncas</i>, laid -over by Art, betwixt 2 Rocks, as some say, but our Author thinks it is -the Work of Nature: It is so very high from the River, that he could not -hear the Stream, which runs with great Rapidity, and though it be a -large River, it appear’d like a Brook when he look’d down from the -Bridge, which he could not do without being struck with Horror.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Chili Described.</i></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Chili Described.</i></div> - -<p>He comes next to describe the particular Rivers which run from these -Mountains; but I shall only mention the chief of them; and tho’ most of -them don’t run above 30 Leagues, yet some of them, towards their Mouths, -are navigable by Ships of the greatest Burthen. The first is that which -rises in the Confines of <i>Peru</i>, about S. Lat. 25.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_255" id="page_255"></a>{255}</span> ’tis call’d the -River of Salt, because ’tis so salt that it can’t be drank, and -petrifies what’s thrown into it. 2. <i>Copiapo</i>, which rises in Lat. 26. -runs 20 Leagues from E. to W. and forms a Bay and a Harbour, at its -Entrance into the Sea. 3. <i>Guasco</i> rises in Lat. 28. and forms likewise -a Bay and Harbour. 4. The River of <i>Coquimbo</i>, which rises in Lat. 30, -forms a noble Bay and a Port, with beautiful Myrtles, and other Trees on -the Bank, that make a noble and a pleasant Grove. 5. <i>Aconcagua</i>, a -large deep River that rises about Lat. 33. runs thro’ several fruitful -Valleys. 6. <i>Maypo</i> rises about Lat. 33 and a half. It is so rapid, that -it admits no Bridge but one made of Cables; it enters the Sea with so -much Force, that its Waters form a Circle, and are distinguished a great -Way. It is brackish, noted for excellent Trouts, and the Sheep which -feed on its Banks, afford Mutton of a curious Relish. There are several -other Rivers which fall into it; the first is, that of St. <i>Jago</i>, alias -<i>Mapocho</i>; ’tis divided into several Streams, to water the District of -St. <i>Jago</i>, which sometimes it over-flows: Not far from the City it -sinks under Ground, and rises again in a Grove, about 2 or 3 Leagues -distant. 2. The River <i>Poangue</i>, its Water is extraordinary clear and -sweet, and flowing thro’ Veins of Metal, very much helps Digestion. It -runs for several Leagues under Ground, fructifies the Valley which lies -over it, and produces excellent Corn and Melons. The Banks of this River -are adorn’d with beautiful Trees. 3. The Rivers <i>Decollina</i> and <i>Lampa</i>, -which unite together within 10 or 12 Leagues off their Rise, and form -the noted Lake of <i>Cudagues</i>. It is so deep, that great Vessels may sail -in it, is about 2 Leagues long, and its Banks cover’d with Trees that -are verdant all the Year. It abounds with excellent Trouts and Smelts, -which are a great Conveniency to the City of St. <i>Jago</i>. 7. <i>Rapel</i> is -nothing inferior to <i>Maypo</i>, enters the Sea about Lat. 34. and a half, -and receives several other rapid Streams. The adjacent Country has -excellent Pastures for fattening of Cattle. 8. <i>Delora</i> rises in Lat. 34 -three quarters, and is exactly like the former. 9. <i>Maul</i>, a great -River, which rises in Lat. 35. and bounds the Jurisdiction of St. -<i>Jago</i>. The Natives call all the Country betwixt those Rivers, -<i>Promocaes, i.e.</i> a Place of Dancing and Delight, which our Author says -is very just, for he never saw a more pleasant Country, nor one better -furnish’d with Provisions of all sorts. The <i>Spaniards</i> have many noble -Farms in these <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_256" id="page_256"></a>{256}</span>Parts. Near the Mouth of this River, there’s a Dock for -building of Ships, and a Ferry belonging to the King for the Conveniency -of Passengers. 10. <i>Itata</i>; ’tis 3 times as large and deep as the -<i>Maul</i>, and enters the Sea about Lat. 36. In most Places they pass it on -Rafts, and in some it is fordable. 11. <i>Andalien</i>, a River which runs -slow, and enters the spacious and pleasant Bay of <i>Conception</i>, at Lat. -36 three quarters. There’s another small River, which runs through the -middle of the City of <i>Conception</i>, a little above which it falls from a -high Rock, and gives the Inhabitants an Opportunity to form all sorts of -Water-works from it, among pleasant Groves of Lawrels, Myrtles, and -other odoriferous Plants. 12. <i>Biobio</i>, a famous River, which enters the -Sea, in Lat. 37. ’tis the largest in <i>Chili</i>, and is from 2 to 3 Mile -broad at its Mouth. Our Author says its Waters run thro’ Veins of Gold, -and Fields of Sarsaparilla, which make them very wholesom, and good -against several Distempers. This River is the Boundary betwixt the -<i>Indians</i> who are Friends to the <i>Spaniards</i>, and those who are their -Enemies, and make frequent Incursions upon them. This obliges the -<i>Spaniards</i> to keep many Garrisons in those Parts, but the Natives trust -to their Mountains. This River swells so much in the Winter, that it -becomes unpassable, and occasions a Cessation of Arms on both sides. -These People, says <i>Ovalle</i>, have given the <i>Spaniards</i> more trouble -than all the other Natives of <i>America</i>; so that they are forced to -maintain 12 Forts, well provided with Men and Cannon, besides the City -of <i>Conception</i> and <i>Chillam</i>, to over-aw the Natives. 13. <i>Imperial</i>, a -pleasant River, which falls into the Sea, about Lat. 39. after having -receiv’d many other Rivers, and among ’em two which run into the famous -Lake of <i>Buren</i>, where the <i>Indians</i> have an impregnable Fortress. 24. -<i>Tolten</i>, about 30 Miles from the River <i>Imperial</i>, is deep enough for -great Ships, where it enters the Sea. 15. About 8 Leagues farther, the -River <i>Quenale</i> enters the Sea, and is capable of small Barks. 16. -<i>Valdivia</i>, so called from <i>Pedro de Valdivia</i>, one of the Conquerors -and Governors of <i>Chili</i>, who built a Port and City, near the Mouth of -it, where great Ships may come up about 3 Leagues from the Sea. This -River opens to the North, and over-against the City lies the pleasant -Island of <i>Constantine</i>, with two others; the River is navigable on both -sides of the Island, but deepest on the South side. 17. <i>Chilo</i>, which -rises from a Lake at the Foot of the <i>Cordillera</i>, where there are Baths -good against <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_257" id="page_257"></a>{257}</span>the Leprosy and other Distempers. Our Author says so -little of the Rivers on the East side of the <i>Cordillera</i>, that we pass -them over.</p> - -<p><i>Ovalle</i> gives an Account of many remarkable Fountains, both hot and -cold, good against most Distempers; but I shall not insist on them. He -says, they have many Sea Lakes or Bays, which bring great Profit to the -Owners, because their Fisheries are more certain than those of the Sea; -and furnish most part of the Lenten Fair to the Inhabitants, and in the -hot Season abundance of Salt.</p> - -<p>He adds, that in the Valley of <i>Lampa</i>, near St. <i>Jago</i>, there’s an -Herb, about a Foot high, resembling Sweet <i>Basil</i>. In Summer it is -cover’d with Grains of Salt, like Pearl, which is more savoury, and has -a finer Flavour than any other Salt. Our Author comes next to treat of -the Fertility of the Coast, which, he says, among other Fish produces -Shell-Fish in greater Quantities, larger than any where else, and 1. -Oisters, valuable both for their Meat and Pearls. 2. Choros, a fine Sort -of Shell-fish, which also breed Pearl. 3. Manegues, which have 2 round -Shells, the inside of which resembles Mother of Pearl. In short, he -says, the Sea throws up Shell-fish, in such Quantities, upon some Parts -of the Coast, that Ships may be loaded with them, and their Shells are -of such Variety of Colours and Shapes, that our <i>European</i> Virtusos -might from hence have a curious Collection, whereas the <i>Indians</i> only -burn them for Chalk. There are other Sorts of Fish on these Coasts, some -of which they call Sea-Stars, others Suns and Moons, because they -resemble those Planets, as they are usually painted, which are common -elsewhere, but not so large as here. These Fish reduc’d into Powder, and -drank in Wine, are an infallible Remedy against Drunkenness, and -frequently us’d for that end, because it creates an Abhorrence of Wine -in those who drink it, says our Author. He adds, that great Quantities -of Amber are found on this Coast, particularly, the grey sort, which is -the best. They have all other sorts of Fish, common to us in <i>Europe</i>, -besides others, peculiar to themselves.</p> - -<p>He comes next to their Birds, and besides those which are common in -<i>Europe</i>, there are 1. Flamencos, bigger than Turkeys, their Feathers of -a white and scarlet Colour, of which the Natives make Ornaments, and -their Legs are so long that they walk thro’ Lakes and Ponds. 2. The -Child Bird, so call’d, because they look like a swadled Child, with its -Arms at Liberty: They are very good Meat.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_258" id="page_258"></a>{258}</span> 3. Airones, so much valued -for the Feathers, to make Tufts, that formerly, they say, every Feather -upon their Heads cost 2 Reals. These Birds are rare. There are others -call’d Garcolos, whose Feathers are generally us’d by Soldiers. 4. -Voycas, from whose Notes the <i>Indians</i> pretend to foretel Death, -Sickness, or other Misfortunes; the Feathers on their Breasts are of a -deep scarlet Colour, and the rest brown. 5. Pinguedas, their Body is of -the size of an Almond; they feed upon Flowers, and shine like polish’d -Gold, mix’d with green; the Males have a lively Orange Colour, like Fire -on their Heads, and the Tails of those Birds are a Foot long, and 2 -Inches broad. 6. Condores, which are white as Ermin; their Skins are -extreme soft and warm, and therefore us’d as Gloves. They have abundance -of Ostriches, and Variety of Hawks in this Country.</p> - -<p><i>Ovalle</i> comes next to treat of their Beasts. He says, they had no Cows, -Horses, Sheep, Hogs, House-Cats, nor common Dogs of any sort, Goats, -Asses, or Rabbits, till they were brought hither by the <i>Spaniards</i>, but -now all these are increas’d to a wonderful Degree by the Richness of -their Country and Pasture, so that one Cow frequently yields 150 lb -Weight of Tallow. <i>Herrera</i> says, that when the <i>Spaniards</i> came first -hither, a Horse was commonly sold for 1000 Crowns, but now they are so -plenty that they send them yearly to <i>Peru</i>. The most remarkable -Animals, which are not common with us, are, 1. Their Sheep, mention’d -before, shap’d like Camels, tho’ not so large: The Natives us’d them for -Ploughing and Carriage, before they had <i>European</i> Cattle: Their upper -Lips are slit, with which they spit at those who vex them, and wherever -their Spittle falls, it causes a Scab. They govern’d them by a kind of -Bridle put thro’ their Ears, and they would kneel like Camels, to take -on their Burden. 2. Wild Goats, which very much resemble those Sheep, -but are all of a red clear Colour, so very swift that they out-run -Horses, and are never to be tamed. They feed in great Herds, and are -hunted by Dogs, which easily catch the young ones, that are excellent -Meat. The Flesh of the old ones, dried and smoaked, is reckon’d the best -of its kind. These Creatures, especially the oldest, have Bezoar Stones, -in a Bag under their Belly. Our Author says, he brought one of those -Stones to <i>Italy</i>, which weigh’d 32 Ounces, and was as perfect an Oval -as if it had been form’d by a Turner; he gave the <i>Indian</i> who found it -70 Pieces of 8 for it.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_259" id="page_259"></a>{259}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Chili Described.</i></div> - -<p>Their most remarkable Trees, besides what are common to <i>Europe</i>, are 1. -The Cinnamon Tree, so call’d, because the Bark resembles Cinnamon, in -such Plenty, that they cover their Houses with them: They keep their -Leaves all the Year, and resemble the <i>Italian</i> Lawrel Royal. 2. The -Guyac Tree grows in the <i>Cordillera</i>, is as hard and heavy as Iron: The -Decoction is good against many Diseases. 3. The Sandal Tree, that is -very odoriferous, a Preservative against infectious Distempers, and -therefore us’d by the Priests when they visit the Sick. 4. The Maguey, -whose Leaves are admirable against Burnings; the Fruit is like -Myrtle-Berries, and of an excellent Relish. 5. The Quelu, of whose Fruit -they make a very sweet Drink. 7. Iluigan, the <i>Spaniards</i> call it -<i>Molde</i>, ’tis of the Shape and Colour of Pepper: It grows on a small -Tree, and makes an agreeable Liquor, coveted by those of Quality. 8. The -Myrtilla which grows on the Mountains, from Lat. 37. and upwards: -<i>Herrera</i> says, its Fruit is a common Good to the Natives, not unlike a -Grape, and of this they make a Wine that exceeds all other Liquors. ’Tis -of a bright gold Colour, will bear more Water than any other Wine, -chears the Heart, and never offends the Stomach, but increases Appetite. -The Vinegar made of it exceeds all other sorts. Our Author adds, that -their Cypress, Cedar and Oak Trees are extraordinary good.</p> - -<p>He comes next to the Islands of <i>Chili</i>. The first are those of <i>Juan -Fernandez</i>, already describ’d. The second are the Islands of <i>Chiloe</i>, -which lie about Lat. 43, and form an Archipelago of 40 Islands. He says -the Nature of the Climate is such, that it rains almost all the Year, so -that only Maiz or such other Grain can ripen here, as need little Sun. -The chief Diet of the Inhabitants is the Root <i>Papas</i>, which is larger -here than any where else. They have excellent Shell-fish, very good -Poultry and Hogs, some Beeves and Sheep. The Capital of this Country is -the City of <i>Castra</i>, which lies in the chief Island, and is garrison’d -by the <i>Spaniards</i>. Here they have great Store of Honey and Wax, and -some Gold Mines on the Coast. Their chief Manufacture is Clothing for -the <i>Indians</i>, and they have vast Woods of Cedar Trees of a prodigious -size, with the Planks of which they drive a great Trade to <i>Chili</i> and -<i>Peru</i>. 3. The Islands of <i>Chonos</i>, in Lat. 45. but of little Use, -because of the excessive Rains which drown the Soil. 4. The Fine Island, -which lies almost in the same Latitude with <i>Val<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_260" id="page_260"></a>{260}</span> Paraiso</i> and <i>St. -Jugo</i>: It has a safe Harbour for Ships, where they may ride in 20 or 30 -Fathom Water. The <i>Spaniards</i> say ’tis a very beautiful Island, abounds -with Trees, wild Boars, and other Game, and excellent Water; and there’s -Plenty of Fish on the Coast. 5. The Island of <i>Mocha</i>, where the -<i>Dutch</i>, under <i>Spilberg</i>, found a very generous Reception by the -Natives, who furnish’d them with Plenty of Sheep, and other Provisions, -in exchange for Clothes, Axes, <i>&c</i>. The North side of it is plain and -low, but the South side rocky. 6. The Island of <i>St. Maria</i>, 13 Leagues -S.W. from the City of <i>Conception</i>, and 3 from <i>Arauco</i>: It is very -fruitful and temperate, lies about Lat. 37, and is well inhabited. 7. -The Islands of <i>Pedro de Sarmiento</i>, so call’d, because he discover’d -them, when in Pursuit of Sir <i>Francis Drake</i>. They are about 80 in -Number, and lie about Lat. 50. so that we suppose them to be those now -call’d <i>The Duke of York’s Islands</i>, which lie a little to the Northward -of the Straits of <i>Magillan</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing towards the Island of Guam.</i></div> - -<p>Our Author comes next to <i>Guio</i>, the third Quarter of <i>Chili</i>, which -lies on the other side of the <i>Cordillera</i>, towards the East. ’Tis -divided into several Provinces, and quite differs in Temperature from -<i>Chili</i>. The Summer is excessive hot, and the Inhabitants so annoy’d -with Bugs and Muskettos, that they lie abroad in their Gardens and -Yards. They have almost perpetual Thunders and Lightnings, and are -mightily infested with poisonous Insects: These are the bad Qualities of -the Country, to compensate which, the Soil, in many places, if possible, -exceeds that of <i>Chili</i> in Fruitfulness; the Crops are richer, the -Fruits larger, and of a better Taste, because of the greater Heats. They -have Store of Corn, Wine, Flesh, and all the Fruits, Roots, and Herbs of -<i>Europe</i>, with large Plantations of Olives and Almonds. The Cold is not -so sharp in Winter as that of <i>Chili</i>, and the Air much clearer, so that -the Season is then very temperate: they have great Quantities of large -excellent Trouts, and other River Fish. Their peculiar Fruits are, 1. -Algaroba, of which they make a Bread so sweet, that Strangers can’t eat -it. They supply <i>Tucuman</i> and <i>Paraguay</i> with Figs, Pomgranates, Apples, -dry’d Peaches and Grapes, and excellent Wine and Oil. <i>Ovalle</i> says, -That in his time there were rich Mines of Gold and Silver discover’d -here, which were reckon’d to be better than those of <i>Potosi</i>, and that -in short it had all Necessaries for Life in as great abundance as any -other Country, and in general is very<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_261" id="page_261"></a>{261}</span> healthful. The Provinces of -<i>Tucuman</i> and <i>Paraguay</i>, which bound this Country we have already -describ’d.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 10.</i> I now go on with my Journal, being on our Departure from -<i>California</i>, and returning to <i>Great Britain</i>. I shall not trouble the -Reader with every Day’s particular Transactions in this long and tedious -Passage, but only take notice of such Occurrences as are worth remark, -and to satisfy the Curious, shall subjoin a particular Table of each -Day’s Run, with the Latitude, Longtitude and Variation betwixt Cape <i>St. -Lucas</i> on <i>California</i>, and <i>Guam</i>, one of the <i>Ladrones</i> Islands. We -resolved to keep an exact Account of the Distance and Variation not -being certainly known to us from any former Voyagers.</p> - -<p><i>Jan. 11.</i> We weigh’d from Port <i>Segura</i> last Night, but were becalm’d -under the Shore till the 12<i>th</i> in the Afternoon, when there sprung up a -Breeze, which soon run us out of sight of the Land. We took our -Departure from Cape <i>St. Lucas</i>, which bore N. by E. at 12 a Clock, -distant about 15 Leagues. We were forc’d to go away with little or no -Refreshment, having but 3 or 4 Fowls, and a very slender Stock of -Liquor, which we got out of the <i>Batchelor</i>. Several of our Men were in -a weak Condition, besides my self, Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i>, and the rest that -were wounded. We were forc’d to allow but 1 Pound and half of Flower, -and 1 small Piece of Meat to 5 in a Mess, with 3 Pints of Water a Man -for 24 Hours, for Drink and Dressing their Victuals. We struck down 10 -of our Guns into the Hold, to ease the Ship; for being out of the way of -Enemies, they are altogether useless betwixt this and the <i>East Indies</i>. -On the 16<i>th</i> the <i>Batchelor</i> made a Signal to give us some Bread, they -having found a good Quantity of Bread and Sweet-meats aboard her, but -little of Flesh-kind: We had 1000 Weight of Bread for our Share, the -<i>Dutchess</i> as much, and the <i>Marquiss</i> 500 Weight; in lieu of which we -sent back to the Prize 2 Casks of Flower, one of <i>English</i> Beef, and one -of Pork, they having but 45 Days Provision aboard in Flesh. This Morning -<i>Thomas Conner</i>, a Boy, fell overboard, but the Launch being a-stern, we -cut her Moarings, and took him up just as he was tired with Swimming, -and ready to sink.</p> - -<p>On the 26<i>th</i> in the Morning the Water was very much discolour’d, at -which being surprized, we immediately sounded, but found no Ground. We -spoke with the <i>Dutchess</i>, and agreed to go away W.S.W. till we got into -the Lat. of 13°,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_262" id="page_262"></a>{262}</span> because our <i>Spanish</i> Pilot told us it was dangerous -going in 14, by reason of Islands and Shoals, where a <i>Spanish</i> Vessel -was lost some time ago, ever since which the <i>Manila</i> Ship, in her -Return from <i>Acapulco</i>, runs in Lat. 13. and keeps that Parallel till -they make the Island of <i>Guam</i>.</p> - -<p>On the 28<i>th</i> the Steward missing some Pieces of Pork, we immediately -search’d, and found the Thieves, one of ’em had been guilty before, and -forgiven, on promise of Amendment, but was punish’d now, lest -Forbearance should encourage the rest to follow this bad Practice; -Provisions being so short, and our Run so long, may prove of ill -consequence. I order’d ’em to the Main Jeers, and every Man of the Watch -to give ’em a Blow with a Cat of Nine-tails, and their Messmates being -privy to the Theft, were put in Irons.</p> - -<p><i>Feb. 1.</i> We buried one <i>Boyce</i>, betwixt 40 and 50 Years of Age, whom we -brought from <i>Guiaquil</i>, where and in other Parts of <i>New Spain</i> he had -been a Prisoner above 7 Years, since he was taken in the Bay of -<i>Campeachy</i>.</p> - -<p>On the 5<i>th</i> a Negro we named <i>Deptford</i> died, who being very much -addicted to stealing of Provisions, his Room was more acceptable than -his Company at this time. On the 6<i>th</i> we spoke with the <i>Dutchess</i>; I -was for augmenting the Mens Allowance in Meat, since we had such a -favourable Gale, which was like to continue; but Capt. <i>Courtney</i> -objected against it, alledging that if we miss’d <i>Guam</i>, we should all -be starved; so we deferr’d it a Week longer. We have had very bad luck -in fishing hitherto, having took only one Albicore since we came from -Cape <i>St. Lucas</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Arrival at the Island of Guam.</i></div> - -<p>On the 11<i>th</i> I agreed with Capt. <i>Courtney</i> to continue a W. by S. -Course till we get clear of the Rocks call’d the <i>Bartholomews</i>, which -are laid down in 13° and a half; but the Distance of them being -variously computed, makes us the more cautious, and keep a constant good -Look-out. On the 13<i>th</i> the <i>Spanish</i> Pilot we took in the <i>Batchelor</i> -died; we kept him, thinking he might be of use to us, if he recover’d of -his Wounds; but he was shot in the Throat with a Musket-ball, which -lodg’d so deep, the Doctors could not come at it. On the 14<i>th</i> we -agreed with Capt. <i>Courtney</i> to give half a Pound of Flower or Bread -more to a Mess. That same Day, in Commemoration of the ancient Custom in -<i>England</i> of chusing <i>Valentines</i>, I drew up a List of the fair Ladies -in <i>Bristol</i>, that were any ways related to or concern’d in the Ships, -and sent for my Officers into the Cabbin, where<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_263" id="page_263"></a>{263}</span> every one drew, and -drank the Lady’s Health in a Cup of Punch, and to a happy Sight of ’em -all; this I did to put ’em in mind of Home. On the 17<i>th</i> I was troubled -with a swelling in my Throat, which incommoded me very much, till this -Morning I got out a Piece of my Jaw Bone that lodg’d there since I was -wounded. Our Ship began to make more Water, so we clapt on a new Bonnet -where we took the old one off; but after many fruitless Attempts, were -forc’d to keep one Pump continually going, every two Men in the Watch -taking their Posts once an Hour; which Labour, with the want of -sufficient Food, make our People look miserably.</p> - -<p>On the 18<i>th</i> we threw a Negro overboard, who died of a Consumption and -Want together. Our Men began to be very much out of order, and what adds -to their Weakness is our continual Pumping, nor can we pretend to make -any further Addition to their Allowance.</p> - -<p>On the 25<i>th</i> <i>Tho. Williams</i>, a <i>Welch</i> Taylor, died; he was shot in -the Leg at engaging the 2<i>d</i> <i>Manila</i> Ship, and being of a weak -Constitution, fell into a Dysentery, which kill’d him. On the 26<i>th</i> we -caught a Couple of fine Dolphins, which were very acceptable to us, -having had but very indifferent Luck of Fish in this long Passage.</p> - -<p>On <i>March</i> the 3<i>d</i> we buried a Negro call’d <i>Augustine</i>, who died of -the Scurvy and Dropsy. We agree to give 6 Negroes the same Allowance as -five of our own Men, which will but just keep those that are in health -alive.</p> - -<p>On the 10<i>th</i> we made Land, being the Island <i>Serpana</i>, which bore N.W. -distant about 8 Leagues. The <i>Dutchess</i> made another Island to the -Westward, which bore W. by S. distant about 10 Leagues; the latter they -took to be the Island <i>Guam</i>, so we clapt upon a Wind, and stood for it.</p> - -<p><i>March 11.</i> This Morning we had sight of both Islands, the Northermost -bearing N.N.W. distant about 7 Leagues, and the Body of the Westermost -W.S.W. 5 Leagues. The <i>Spaniards</i> say there is a great Shoal between -these Islands, but nearest to <i>Serpana</i>. We ran along the Shore, being -satisfied it was the Island of <i>Guam</i>, from whence there came several -flying Prows to look at the Ships; they run by us very swift, but none -would venture aboard. At Noon the Westermost part of the Island bore -West, and at the same time we made a small low Island joining to <i>Guam</i>, -with a Shoal between it and <i>Guam</i>; the Island appear’d green and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_264" id="page_264"></a>{264}</span> very -pleasant, off of it there runs a Spit of Sand to the Southward, but -keeping it a good Birth from you as you near it, there’s no Danger, -being gradual Soundings to the Shoal. After we were clear of it we -sprung our Luff, and stood in for the Harbour, which lies mid-way -betwixt this and the North part of the Island. There came heavy Flaws of -Wind off Shore, sometimes for us, and at other times against us; but we -got to an Anchor in the Afternoon in 12 Fathom Water, about half a Mile -off Shore, where there was a little Village. The small Island to the -Southward bore South of us, distant about 3 Leagues, and another small -one to the Northward bore N. N. W. about 2 Leagues. The Necessity of our -stopping at these Islands to get a Refreshment of Provisions, was very -great, our Sea Store being almost exhausted, and what we had left was -very ordinary, especially our Bread and Flower, which was not enough for -14 Days at the shortest Allowance. In order to recruit quietly, we -endeavour’d to get some of the Natives aboard that were in the Prows, to -keep ’em as Hostages in case of sending any of our Men to the Governour: -One of ’em, as we were turning into the Harbour with <i>Spanish</i> Colours, -came under our Stern. There were 2 <i>Spaniards</i> in the Boat, who asked -what we were, and from whence we came? Being answer’d in <i>Spanish</i>, that -we were Friends, and came from <i>New Spain</i>, they willingly came aboard, -and ask’d if we had any Letter to the Governour? We had one ready, but -before we could get it signed by all the Commanders, there came a -Messenger from the Governour, who demanded the same Account of us. We -immediately sent him away with 2 of our Linguists, detaining one of the -<i>Spaniards</i> till they return’d. The Letter was thus:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p><i>S I R</i>,</p></div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Island of Guam.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E being Servants to Her Majesty of</i> Great Britain, <i>and stopping -at these Islands in our Way to the</i> East Indies, <i>will not molest -the Settlement, provided you deal friendly by us. We will pay for -whatever Provisions and Refreshments you have to spare, in such -manner as best agrees with your Conveniency, either in Money, or -any Necessaries you want. But if after this civil Request you deny -us, and do not act like a Man of Honour, you may immediately expect -such Military Treatment, as we are with ease able to give you. This -we thought fit to confirm under our Hands, recommending to you our -Friendship and kind Treatment,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_265" id="page_265"></a>{265}</span> which we hope you’ll esteem, and -assure your self we then shall be with the strictest Honour</i>,</p> - -<p class="r"> -<i>Your Friends and humble Servants</i>,<br /> -</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr valign="top"><td> -To the Honourable Governour <br /> - of the Island of <i>Guam, March<br /> - 23. 1709</i></td> -<td> -W. Rogers.<br /> -S. Courtney.<br /> -E. Cooke.</td></tr> -</table> - -<p><i>March 11.</i> In the Morning we and the <i>Dutchess</i> mann’d our Pinnace, and -sent her ashore with a Flag of Truce, where they were entertained -curteously by the Natives, who promis’d to supply us with such -Provisions as they could spare, provided the Governour would give ’em -leave. About Noon our Linguist return’d, and brought with him 3 -<i>Spanish</i> Gentlemen from the Governour, who in answer to our Letter sent -another, expressing all Readiness imaginable to accommodate us with what -the Island afforded, and that he had sent those Gentlemen to treat with -us. I immediately sent for Capt. <i>Dover</i>, <i>Courtney</i>, and <i>Cooke</i>, &c. -being not able to stir out of the Ship, and desir’d they would come and -consult with me how to act.</p> - -<p><i>March 13.</i> This Morning we had 4 Bullocks, 1 for each Ship, with some -Limes, Oranges, and Cocoa Nuts. Our Misunderstandings at <i>California</i> -have been very much augmented since by our Want of Provisions, one -Ship’s Company being jealous the other had most and best; but now being -arriv’d at a Place of Plenty, we are all indifferently well reconciled, -and an Entertainment was provided aboard the <i>Batchelor</i> for the -<i>Spanish</i> Gentlemen, where most of our Officers appointed to meet. I -being not able to move my self, was hoisted in a Chair out of the Ship, -and also out of the Boat into the <i>Batchelor</i>; there we had a good -Entertainment, and agreed, that on Thursday next a Representative for -each Ship should wait upon the Governour, and make him a handsome -Present for his Civility and Readiness to supply us.</p> - -<p><i>March 15.</i> This Morning we had another Entertainment aboard the -<i>Marquiss</i>, where I likewise went in the same manner as before.</p> - -<p><i>March 16.</i> This Morning our Pinnace went with several of our Officers -to accept of the Governour’s Invitation ashore, who received them with -all imaginable Friendship and Respect, having near 200 Men drawn up in -Arms at their Landing, and the Officers and Clergy of the Island to -conduct them to the Governour’s House, which was a very <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_266" id="page_266"></a>{266}</span>handsome Seat, -considering where we are: They entertain’d them with at least sixty -Dishes of several sorts, the best could be got on the Island, and when -they took their Leaves, each fired a Volley of Small Arms. They -presented the Governour, according as we had agreed, with 2 Negro Boys -dress’d in Liveries, 20 Yards of Scarlet Cloth-Serge, and 6 Pieces of -Cambrick, which he seem’d wonderfully pleas’d with, and promis’d to -assist us in whatever lay in his Power.</p> - -<p><i>March 17.</i> This Day we got our Dividend, being about 60 Hogs, 99 Fowls, -24 Baskets of <i>Indian</i> Corn, and 14 Bags of Rice, 44 Baskets of Yams, -and 800 Cocoa Nuts.</p> - -<p><i>March 18.</i> There was an Entertainment aboard us to day, where we had -most of our Officers, and 4 <i>Spanish</i> Gentlemen from the Governour. I -made ’em as welcome as Time and Place would afford, diverting ’em with -Musick, and our Sailors Dancing till Night, when we parted very -friendly. We got some more Bullocks on board, being small lean Cattle, -but what we gladly accepted of; each Ship had 14 in all.</p> - -<p><i>March 20.</i> This Morning each Ship had 2 Cows and Calves more, being the -last we are like to get. We had a Meeting on board the <i>Marquiss</i>, where -’twas agreed to make a handsome Present to the Governour’s Deputy, who -had the Fatigue to get our Provisions together, wherein he us’d all -possible dispatch. We gave him and the rest of the Gentlemen what they -esteem’d double the Value of what we received of them, which they -certify’d under their Hands, and that we had been very civil to them. We -also gave them the like Certificate, sign’d by all our Officers, to shew -to any <i>English</i> that might have occasion to recruit there, and parted -very friendly. Having finish’d that Affair, it was agreed, that we -should steer from hence a West and by South Course to go clear of some -Islands that lie in our way, and then thought it proper to steer -directly for the South East part of <i>Mindanao</i>, and from thence the -clearest Way to <i>Ternate</i>. It was also agreed, that our Ship being very -leaky, I should deliver to Capt. <i>Courtney</i> one Chest of Plate and -Money, to be put on board the <i>Dutchess</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Island of Guam Described.</i></div> - -<p><i>March 21.</i> At Break of Day we hoisted our Colours, and fired a Gun for -our Consorts to unmoar. In the meantime, with the Consent of the other -Officers I put an old <i>Spaniard</i> ashore, call’d <i>Ant. Gomes Figuero</i>, -whom we took in the 1<i>st</i> Bark in the <i>South Seas</i>, and design’d to -carry him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_267" id="page_267"></a>{267}</span> to <i>Great Britain</i>, to condemn all our Prizes took there; but -he being now in all appearance not likely to live, we agreed to dismiss -him, he giving us a Certificate that he saw us attack and take several -Prizes, all Subjects to <i>Philip</i> V. King of <i>Spain</i>, &c. I gave him some -Clothes and other odd things to help him in his Sickness, then put him -ashore to the Deputy Governour, and the rest of the <i>Spanish</i> Officers, -who gave us a Certificate, that they receiv’d such a Person.</p> - -<p>I shall here give a Description of the Isle of <i>Guam</i>.</p> - -<h3><i>The Island of</i> Guam <i>Describ’d</i></h3> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>His Island is about 40 Leagues round; the Anchoring Place is on the W. -Side, and about the Middle there’s a large Cove, with several Houses -built after the <i>Spanish</i> Mode, with Accommodations for the Officers and -Crew of the <i>Acapulco</i> Ship, the Settlement being made here on purpose -for that Ship to recruit at, in her Way to <i>Manila</i>. There are about 300 -<i>Spaniards</i> on this and the Neighbouring Islands; most of the Natives -are their Converts. They told us they have 8 Fathers, 6 of whom teach -School, besides performing their Offices as Clergymen. They have also -Schools taught by <i>Mullattoes</i> and <i>Indians</i>, who have learn’d the -Language, so that most of the Natives understand <i>Spanish</i>. The -<i>Spaniards</i> inform me, that there’s a Range of Islands from hence to -<i>Japan</i>. Among which there are several abound with Gold, and they were -now building a small Vessel to discover them, in order to get a Trade.</p> - -<p>The Island of <i>Guam</i> it self abounds with Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, Musk -and Water Melons, which were brought hither by the <i>Spaniards</i>. The -Orange Trees thrive very well here. The Island is full of Hills and -Dales, and Streams of good Water. They have Plenty of Cattle, but small, -poor, and generally white. The <i>Indico</i> Plant grows wild in such -Abundance, that were they industrious, and had Coppers to boil it up, -they might have great Quantities of that Commodity; but being so remote -and out of the Way of Trade, they make no Use of it, nor do they improve -any thing but what contributes to their present Subsistance; and having -that, they are easie. Money is of so little Use, and so scarce among -them, that they could not raise 1000 Dollars in the whole Island to -purchase Commodities from<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_268" id="page_268"></a>{268}</span> us, which they would gladly have done. Here -are about 200 Soldiers, who receive their Pay from <i>Manila</i> by a small -Ship once <i>per Ann.</i> This Ship brings them Cloaths, Sugar, Rice, and -Liquor, for which she carries back most of the Money again. This has -made them of late sow Rice in their Valleys, and make other -Improvements. They abound with Hogs, which are the best Pork in the -World, because they feed altogether on Cocoa-Nutts, and Bread-Fruit, -which are plentiful here; and were not the <i>Spaniards</i> slothful, they -might have most Necessaries of their own Growth for the Maintenance of -Life.</p> - -<p>Their Bread Fruit I thought the most remarkable Thing on the Island. I -saw some of it which was as large as Oranges, and much resembled them. -They tell me, that when ripe they are three Times as large, and grow in -many other Places near the Equinox in the <i>East Indies</i>. The Leaves are -almost as large as those of Figs, something like them, but of a brown -Colour. The Tree is large, and they have such Plenty of this Fruit in -the Season, that they fatten their Hogs with them. The Fruit has no -Stone, and by the Account they gave, the Inside resembles a dry Potato -or Yam, with which they likewise abound.</p> - -<p>The Wind blows constantly a S. E. Trade here, except during the Westerly -Monsoons, which last from the Middle of <i>June</i> to the Middle of -<i>August</i>.</p> - -<p>The Governour lives on the N. side of the Island, where there’s a small -Village, and a Convent, being the chief Habitation of the <i>Spaniards</i>. -They marry with the Natives, and had not above four <i>Spanish</i> Women on -the Island. The <i>Indians</i> are tall and strong, of a dark olive Colour, -go all naked, except a Clout about their Posteriors, and the Women have -little Petticoats. The Men are dextrous at flinging of Stones, which -they make of Clay, of an oval Form, burning them, till as hard as -Marble, and are so good Marks-men, that the <i>Spaniards</i> say, they seldom -miss hitting any Mark, and throw it with such a Force, as to kill a Man -at a considerable Distance. I heard of no other Weapons that they used, -but a Stick or Lance made of the heaviest Wood in the Island.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Island of Guam</i>.</div> - -<p>The Governour presented us with one of their flying Prows, which I shall -describe here because of the Odness of it. The <i>Spaniards</i> told me -’twould run 20 Leagues <i>per</i> Hour, which I think too large; but by what -I saw, I verily believe, they may run 20 Miles or more in the Time, for -when they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_269" id="page_269"></a>{269}</span> viewed our Ships, they passed by us like a Bird flying. These -Prows are about 30 Foot long, not above 2 broad, and about 3 deep; they -have but one Mast which stands in the Middle, with a Mat Sail, made in -the Form of a Ship’s Mizen. The Yard is slung in the Middle, and a Man -sits at each End with a Paddle to steer her, so that when they go about, -they don’t turn the Boat as we do to bring the Wind on the other side, -but only change the Sail, so that the Tack and Sheet of the Sail are -used alike, and the Boat’s Head and Stern are the same, only they change -them, as Occasion requires, to sail either Way; for they are so narrow -that they could not bear any Sail, were it not for Booms, that run out -from the Windward Side, fasten’d to a large Log shap’d like a Boat, and -near half as long, which becomes contiguous to the Boat. On these Booms -a Stage is made above the Water, on a Level with the Side of the Boat, -upon which they carry Goods or Passengers. The greatest inconveniency in -sailing these Boats is before the Wind, for by the Out-layer, which is -built out on one Side, if the Wind presses any thing heavy on the -contrary Side, the Boat is over-set, which often happens; having brought -one of these Boats to <i>London</i>, it might be worth fitting up to put in -the Canal in St. <i>James</i>’s Park for a Curiosity, since we have none like -it in this Part of the World.</p> - -<p>As soon as the Boat return’d from landing Senior <i>Figuro</i>, we put under -Sail, having a fine Breeze of Wind at E.N.E. We had generally fair -Weather here in the Day Time, and Showers commonly in the Night, but -very sultry. The Wind always off Shoar betwixt the E. and N.E. Our Decks -are filled with Cattle and Provender.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Table of Runs.</i></div> - -<p> </p> - -<p>According to Promise, I have here inserted my Run from <i>California</i> to -<i>Guam</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_270" id="page_270"></a>{270}</span></p> - -<p><i>A Table of each Days Run between Cape</i> St. Lucas <i>in</i> California, <i>and -the Island of</i> Guam.</p> - -<table border="1" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="1" summary="" -style="font-size:85%;"> -<tr class="c" valign="middle"><td class="rt">1709/10 -<i>January</i></td><td> -</td><td> - <i>Course.</i> -</td><td> -<i>Dist.</i> -</td><td> - <i>Lat. by - Reck. & -Observat.</i> -</td><td> -<i>Long. W. -from</i> - London. -</td><td> -<i>Diff. Lon. - from Cape</i> - S. Lucas. -</td><td> -<i>Variation -Easterly.</i></td></tr> - -<tr class="c"><td> </td><td class="c"> </td><td class="c"> </td><td class="c"> </td><td class="c"> N. </td><td class="c"> W. </td><td class="c"> W. </td><td class="c"> </td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">12 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> S. 22 30 W. </td><td class="c"> 45 </td><td class="c"> 22 16 </td><td class="c"> 114 09 </td><td class="c"> 00 09 </td><td class="c"> 03 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">13 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> S. 28 00 W. </td><td class="c"> 66 </td><td class="c"> 21 18 </td><td class="c"> 114 42 </td><td class="c"> 00 42 </td><td class="c"> 02 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">14 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> S. 33 45 W. </td><td class="c"> 54 </td><td class="c"> 20 24 </td><td class="c"> 115 15 </td><td class="c"> 01 15 </td><td class="c"> 02 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">15 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> S. 33 45 W. </td><td class="c"> 52 </td><td class="c"> 19 25 </td><td class="c"> 115 45 </td><td class="c"> 01 45 </td><td class="c"> 02 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">16 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> S. 33 45 W. </td><td class="c"> 68 </td><td class="c"> 18 56 </td><td class="c"> 116 24 </td><td class="c"> 02 24 </td><td class="c"> 02 45</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">17 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> S. 33 45 W. </td><td class="c"> 72 </td><td class="c"> 18 00 </td><td class="c"> 117 06 </td><td class="c"> 03 06 </td><td class="c"> 02 45</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">18 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> S. 35 10 W. </td><td class="c"> 41 </td><td class="c"> 17 11 </td><td class="c"> 117 30 </td><td class="c"> 03 30 </td><td class="c"> 02 15</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">19 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> S. 33 45 W. </td><td class="c"> 62 </td><td class="c"> 16 32 </td><td class="c"> 118 05 </td><td class="c"> 04 05 </td><td class="c"> 02 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">20 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> S. 43 40 W. </td><td class="c"> 68 </td><td class="c"> 15 44 </td><td class="c"> 118 54 </td><td class="c"> 04 54 </td><td class="c"> 01 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">21 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> S. 68 00 W. </td><td class="c"> 83 </td><td class="c"> 15 00 </td><td class="c"> 120 15 </td><td class="c"> 06 15 </td><td class="c"> 01 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">22 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> W. 06 48 S. </td><td class="c"> 94 </td><td class="c"> 14 49 </td><td class="c"> 122 05 </td><td class="c"> 08 05 </td><td class="c"> 01 10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">23 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> W. 05 20 S. </td><td class="c"> 152 </td><td class="c"> 14 36 </td><td class="c"> 124 25 </td><td class="c"> 10 25 </td><td class="c"> 00 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">24 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> W. 04 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 142 </td><td class="c"> 14 24 </td><td class="c"> 126 45 </td><td class="c"> 12 45 </td><td class="c"> 00 40</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">25 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> W. 04 10 S. </td><td class="c"> 151 </td><td class="c"> 13 14 </td><td class="c"> 129 05 </td><td class="c"> 15 05 </td><td class="c"> 00 45</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">26 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> W. 05 25 S. </td><td class="c"> 147 </td><td class="c"> 13 50 </td><td class="c"> 131 23 </td><td class="c"> 17 25 </td><td class="c"> 00 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">27 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> W. 18 50 S. </td><td class="c"> 97 </td><td class="c"> 13 29 </td><td class="c"> 132 58 </td><td class="c"> 18 58 </td><td class="c"> 01 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">28 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 88 </td><td class="c"> 13 29 </td><td class="c"> 134 41 </td><td class="c"> 20 41 </td><td class="c"> 01 10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">29 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> W. 03 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 122 </td><td class="c"> 13 22 </td><td class="c"> 136 48 </td><td class="c"> 22 48 </td><td class="c"> 01 15</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">30 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> W. 04 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 146 </td><td class="c"> 13 27 </td><td class="c"> 139 21 </td><td class="c"> 25 21 </td><td class="c"> 01 25<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_271" id="page_271"></a>{271}</span></td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">31 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> W. 04 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 160 </td><td class="c"> 13 32 </td><td class="c"> 142 07 </td><td class="c"> 28 07 </td><td class="c"> 01 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt"><i>Feb.</i> 1 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 143 </td><td class="c"> 13 32 </td><td class="c"> 144 37 </td><td class="c"> 30 37 </td><td class="c"> 01 40</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">2 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> W. 04 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 168 </td><td class="c"> 13 36 </td><td class="c"> 147 32 </td><td class="c"> 33 32 </td><td class="c"> 01 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">3 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> W. 06 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 160 </td><td class="c"> 13 26 </td><td class="c"> 150 18 </td><td class="c"> 36 18 </td><td class="c"> 02 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">4 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 156 </td><td class="c"> 13 26 </td><td class="c"> 153 02 </td><td class="c"> 39 02 </td><td class="c"> 02 10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">5 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 130 </td><td class="c"> 13 26 </td><td class="c"> 155 19 </td><td class="c"> 41 19 </td><td class="c"> 02 25</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">6 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 137 </td><td class="c"> 13 26 </td><td class="c"> 157 43 </td><td class="c"> 43 43 </td><td class="c"> 02 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">7 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> W. 02 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 161 </td><td class="c"> 13 25 </td><td class="c"> 160 31 </td><td class="c"> 46 31 </td><td class="c"> 02 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">8 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> W. 08 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 144 </td><td class="c"> 13 41 </td><td class="c"> 163 00 </td><td class="c"> 49 00 </td><td class="c"> 03 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">9 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 130 </td><td class="c"> 13 41 </td><td class="c"> 165 18 </td><td class="c"> 51 18 </td><td class="c"> 03 20</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">10 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> W. 01 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 124 </td><td class="c"> 13 44 </td><td class="c"> 167 26 </td><td class="c"> 53 26 </td><td class="c"> 03 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">11 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> W. 03 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 146 </td><td class="c"> 13 36 </td><td class="c"> 169 56 </td><td class="c"> 55 56 </td><td class="c"> 03 45</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">12 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> W. 01 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 146 </td><td class="c"> 13 33 </td><td class="c"> 172 27 </td><td class="c"> 58 27 </td><td class="c"> 04 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">13 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> W. 01 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 148 </td><td class="c"> 13 36 </td><td class="c"> 175 00 </td><td class="c"> 61 00 </td><td class="c"> 04 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">14 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> W. 02 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 136 </td><td class="c"> 13 32 </td><td class="c"> 177 21 </td><td class="c"> 63 21 </td><td class="c"> 05 20</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">15 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> W. 04 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 125 </td><td class="c"> 13 40 </td><td class="c"> 179 28 </td><td class="c"> 65 28 </td><td class="c"> 06 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">16 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> W. 04 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 112 </td><td class="c"> 13 47 </td><td class="c"> 181 24 </td><td class="c"> 67 24 </td><td class="c"> 07 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">17 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> W. 04 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 114 </td><td class="c"> 13 54 </td><td class="c"> 183 22 </td><td class="c"> 69 22 </td><td class="c"> 07 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">18 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> W. 01 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 130 </td><td class="c"> 13 52 </td><td class="c"> 185 37 </td><td class="c"> 71 37 </td><td class="c"> 09 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">19 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> W. 07 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 122 </td><td class="c"> 13 40 </td><td class="c"> 187 42 </td><td class="c"> 73 42 </td><td class="c"> 10 15</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">20 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> W. 07 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 124 </td><td class="c"> 13 28 </td><td class="c"> 189 49 </td><td class="c"> 75 49 </td><td class="c"> 11 00<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_272" id="page_272"></a>{272}</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="rt">21 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> W. 04 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 98 </td><td class="c"> 13 21 </td><td class="c"> 191 30 </td><td class="c"> 77 30 </td><td class="c"> 11 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">22 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> W. 05 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 113 </td><td class="c"> 13 12 </td><td class="c"> 193 25 </td><td class="c"> 79 25 </td><td class="c"> 12 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">23 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> W. 04 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 70 </td><td class="c"> 13 07 </td><td class="c"> 194 37 </td><td class="c"> 80 37 </td><td class="c"> 11 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">24 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> W. 01 30 N. </td><td class="c"> 72 </td><td class="c"> 13 10 </td><td class="c"> 195 51 </td><td class="c"> 81 51 </td><td class="c"> 11 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">25 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> W. 04 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 118 </td><td class="c"> 13 03 </td><td class="c"> 197 51 </td><td class="c"> 83 51 </td><td class="c"> 10 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">26 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> W. 01 30 S. </td><td class="c"> 70 </td><td class="c"> 13 00 </td><td class="c"> 199 03 </td><td class="c"> 85 03 </td><td class="c"> 9 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">27 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> W. 02 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 71 </td><td class="c"> 12 57 </td><td class="c"> 200 16 </td><td class="c"> 86 16 </td><td class="c"> 9 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">28 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> W. 02 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 120 </td><td class="c"> 12 54 </td><td class="c"> 202 20 </td><td class="c"> 88 20 </td><td class="c"> 9 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt"><i>Mar.</i> 1 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> W. 02 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 108 </td><td class="c"> 12 58 </td><td class="c"> 204 12 </td><td class="c"> 90 12 </td><td class="c"> 8 40</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">2 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> W. 03 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 110 </td><td class="c"> 13 04 </td><td class="c"> 206 06 </td><td class="c"> 92 06 </td><td class="c"> 8 20</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">3 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> W. 01 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 84 </td><td class="c"> 13 05 </td><td class="c"> 207 33 </td><td class="c"> 93 33 </td><td class="c"> 8 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">4 </td><td class="c"> G </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 88 </td><td class="c"> 13 05 </td><td class="c"> 209 04 </td><td class="c"> 95 94 </td><td class="c"> 7 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">5 </td><td class="c"> A </td><td> W. 02 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 106 </td><td class="c"> 13 02 </td><td class="c"> 211 54 </td><td class="c"> 96 54 </td><td class="c"> 7 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">6 </td><td class="c"> B </td><td> W. 02 48 N. </td><td class="c"> 105 </td><td class="c"> 13 07 </td><td class="c"> 212 42 </td><td class="c"> 98 42 </td><td class="c"> 7 10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">7 </td><td class="c"> C </td><td> W. </td><td class="c"> 82 </td><td class="c"> 13 07 </td><td class="c"> 214 07 </td><td class="c"> 100 07 </td><td class="c"> 7 00</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">8 </td><td class="c"> D </td><td> W. 03 00 S. </td><td class="c"> 78 </td><td class="c"> 13 03 </td><td class="c"> 215 28 </td><td class="c"> 101 28 </td><td class="c"> 6 50</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">9 </td><td class="c"> E </td><td> W. 03 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 100 </td><td class="c"> 13 08 </td><td class="c"> 217 11 </td><td class="c"> 103 11 </td><td class="c"> 6 30</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">10 </td><td class="c"> F </td><td> W. 06 00 N. </td><td class="c"> 74 </td><td class="c"> 13 16 </td><td class="c"> 218 27 </td><td class="c"> 104 27 </td><td class="c"> 5 40</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>At 3 a Clock in the Afternoon the Island of <i>Guam</i> bore W. by S. distant -10 Leagues.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_273" id="page_273"></a>{273}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>From the Island of Guam towards Ternate.</i></div> - -<p><i>1710 March 22.</i> At 6 last Night, the Body of the Island <i>Guam</i> bore E. -N. E. Dist. 8 Leagues, from whence we took our Departure, designing for -<i>Ternate</i>, one of the <i>Melucca</i> Islands belonging to the <i>Dutch</i>, and -distant from <i>Guam</i>, about 400 Leagues. We had a fresh Gale of Wind at -N. E. and N. E. by E. with fair Weather, but very sultry. Lat. 12. 45. -Var. 5. 30. E.</p> - -<p><i>April 11.</i> Nothing remarkable has occurr’d worth noting, but that we -have generally had a strong Current setting to the Northward. At Two -Yesterday Afternoon we made Land, bearing S. E. distant about 5 Leagues, -being a low flat Island, all green, and full of Trees. Lat. 2. 54. N. -This Island is not laid down in any Sea Chart; our Ship continues very -leaky.</p> - -<p><i>April 14.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we saw Land, bearing W. S. W. 12 -Leagues, being very high. The Current has set to the Northward this 24 -Hours very strong. Lat. 1. 54.</p> - -<p><i>April 15.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon we made other Land, which bore W. -N. W. distant about 10 Leagues, and suppos’d it to be the N. E. Part of -<i>Celebes</i>. We saw 3 Water-Spouts; one of which had like to have broke on -the <i>Marquiss</i>, but the <i>Dutchess</i> by firing two Shot, broke it before -it reach’d her. We saw a very large Tree a-float, with a Multitude of -Fish about it; and 2 large Islands, the Southermost bearing S. W. -distant about 8 Leagues, and the Northermost W. N. W. 7 Leagues, both -being the same Land we saw Yesterday; and the latter we now suppose to -be the S. E. Part of <i>Moratay</i> [Mortai] and the other the N. Part of -<i>Gilolo</i>. At Noon the Southermost Land bore S. W. by S. 10 Leagues, and -the Westermost 5 Leagues. N. Lat. 02. 13.</p> - -<p><i>April 17.</i> We having a Westerly Gale, and the Current setting against -us, we gained little Ground in turning to get about <i>Moratay</i>. We had -indifferent fair Weather all Night and Morning, but standing pretty much -to the Southward, lost Sight of the Land, a strong Current setting to -the Northward.</p> - -<p><i>April 23.</i> We had very stormy Weather for most Part since the 17<i>th</i>, -the <i>Marquiss</i> and we suffer’d both in our Rigging. So that we begin to -despair of getting to Windward of this Island <i>Moratay</i>, to reach -<i>Ternate</i>, which is now near us; but we are obliged to keep Company with -the <i>Marquiss</i> and <i>Batchelor</i>, who sail but very indifferent upon a -Wind; and it’s the hardest upon our Ship’s Company, who are<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_274" id="page_274"></a>{274}</span> wearied -almost to Death with continual Pumping, the Leak having encreas’d upon -us since we came out of <i>Guam</i>, so that it is as much as 4 Men are able -to keep her free Half an Hour, all the Watch being oblig’d to come to it -once in 4 Hours.</p> - -<p><i>April 29.</i> We got 292 <i>Lib.</i> Weight of Bread from the <i>Batchelor</i> -Yesterday Afternoon, in Exchange for Meat we sent ’em, which with what -we had before, will last us about 20 Days, and not much longer. We begin -to be very much disheartned, because Captain <i>Dampier</i>, who has been -twice here, tells us, that if we can’t get <i>Ternate</i>, or find the Island -<i>Tyla</i> [Tulur], we can reach no Port or Place to recruit at, and that it -will be impossible to get Provisions for us on the Coast of <i>New -Guinea</i>, should we be forc’d to go thither; upon which I sent my Opinion -aboard of our Consorts, and desir’d they would call a Committee, and -agree how to proceed next; which they did as follows.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c">At a Committee held on Board the <i>Batchelor</i> Frigat, <i>April 29, -1710</i>.</p></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">I</span>T is agreed to make the best of our Way to the Island of</i> Tula, <i>where -we are in Expectation of supplying our selves with Wood, Water and -Provisions, to cruize</i> 10 <i>or</i> 12 <i>Days for this Island, being uncertain -of its Scituation; and in Case the Wind should present sooner, that we -can fetch</i> Ternate, <i>then to make the best of our Way for it; but if the -Wind should not present for</i> Ternate, <i>nor the Island</i> Tula, <i>then, if -we see Occasion, to make the best of our Way to some Port in</i> Mindanao. -<i>And for all Opportunities in going about and carrying a Light, we leave -it to Captain</i> Courtney <i>in the</i> Dutchess.</p> - -<p><i>May 2.</i> We shaped our Course for <i>Ternate</i> a second Time, being in all -Probability to the Westward of <i>Gillolo</i>, having made by our Reckoning 3 -Degrees of Longitude to the Westward of <i>Moratay</i>.</p> - -<p><i>May 3.</i> About 8 this Morning we made Land, which we took to be some of -the Islands lying off the N. East Part of <i>Celebes</i>. It bore W. S. W. of -us, distant about 15 Leagues.</p> - -<p><i>May 7.</i> Fair Weather till 4 this Morning, when there came up a violent -Shower, with great Flashes of Lightning. At Break of Day we saw Land -trending from S. E. by S. to S. S. W. which at first appear’d like 5 -Islands, but after it clear’d up, we plainly perceiv’d it was one -continued Land;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_275" id="page_275"></a>{275}</span> we also saw other Lands to the Westward of that, which -bore W. by S. distant about 10 Leagues, and were of Opinion, that we -were got to the Eastward of <i>Gillolo</i> a second Time. We were the more -inclinable to believe this, because whenever we try’d the Current, we -generally found it set to the Eastward very strong, tho’ we little -thought it could have driven us so far back.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing towards Gillolo, etc.</i></div> - -<p><i>May 9.</i> Yesterday in the Afternoon all the Officers met aboard us to -consult about the Land, and what Course to take; but being divided in -Opinions, we defer’d coming to a Resolution, till such Time as we were -better satisfy’d. We try’d the Current at 4 a Clock, when it set N. N. -W. after the Rate of 20 Miles in 24 Hours. We made no other Land all Day -than that we first saw, so stood on and off all Night, expecting a Gale -to run in with it in the Morning, but having Calms for the most Part, -and a Current setting against us, we still lost Ground, and made another -round high Hummock about Noon, which bore S. E. by E. distant 8 Leagues; -the Southermost Land bearing at the same Time S. by E. 7 Leagues, and -the Westermost W. by S. 8 Leagues.</p> - -<p><i>May 10.</i> I sent the Pinnace aboard the <i>Marquiss</i> with 12 Hogsheads and -a Barrel of Water, their Stock being almost spent, and in their Way -order’d ’em to speak with the <i>Batchelor</i> and <i>Dutchess</i>, to be -satisfy’d what Allowance of <i>Pady</i> (being Rice in the Husk) their Men -were at; because ours had a Notion they had more than we, I having -order’d ’em but a Pound and a Quarter for 5 Men, whereas before they had -two Pound. Upon Enquiry I found the Ship’s Companies far’d all alike; -but to make ’em easie, agreed with Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and the rest to make -it 2 Pound again; at which Allowance we have not above 12 Days at most, -being all the Bread Kind we have in the Ship.</p> - -<p><i>May 12.</i> We were satisfied that the many Islands and Land that we saw -for these several Days was the Straights of <i>New Guinea</i>; we spoke with -the <i>Dutchess</i>, who had been near that Land where we perceived the -greatest Opening, and they told us the Reason of their keeping in with -the Shore was with a Design to have anchored, but meeting with irregular -Soundings, did not think fit to adventure it. They sent their Boat -ashore to the Eastermost small Island, to see what they could meet with. -We stood within a Mile and half of the Shore, when the Water began to -discolour. We sounded and had 30 Fathom Water, and presently after but -6; so we went about, and stood off till the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_276" id="page_276"></a>{276}</span> <i>Dutchess’s</i> Boat return’d, -who gave us an account that they had seen the Tracks of Turtle, and Mens -Feet, with Fire-places lately made. These Islands are in the same -Climate with the Spice Islands, and no doubt would produce Spice, if -planted. I went on board the <i>Dutchess</i>, and agreed with Capt. -<i>Courtney</i> to send the Pinnace ashore, standing on and off with our -Ships all Night. Lat. 00. 24. S. Long. 236. 25. West from <i>London</i>.</p> - -<p><i>May 13.</i> We kept turning to Windward this 24 Hours, betwixt the -Southermost long Track of Land we made first of all, and the Islands to -the Eastward of it, where we expected to find the Passage betwixt -<i>Gillolo</i> and <i>New Guinea</i>.</p> - -<p><i>May 15.</i> We being jealous of each other, who had the most Provisions, -we this Day met aboard the <i>Batchelor</i>, and carried an Account with us -of what each Ship had left, and on making a strict Rummage there, we -found more Rice than we expected; so that with the shortest Allowance we -may subsist at Sea above 3 Weeks longer. Each Ship’s Proportion of the -Provisions we had left being weigh’d, we then return’d to our Ships in a -better state than we expected.</p> - -<p><i>May 18.</i> We have passed several Islands, and are now in sight of what -we account the Point or Cape of <i>New Guinea</i>, and the South End of -<i>Gillolo</i>, which appears about 8 Leagues asunder, with some Islands near -each side; we have commonly little Wind, and very verable. This being -the Time that the S. East Monsoon begins, which made the Weather and -Wind very uncertain. Lat. 2. S.</p> - -<p><i>May 20.</i> The <i>Dutchess</i> generally kept a-head in the Night, with her -Pinnace a-head of her, because the Currents are so very uncertain, and -being in an unknown Track, we cannot be too careful in the Night. We are -still in sight of the High Lands of <i>New Guinea</i>, and several Islands to -the Northward, which we find laid down in no Draught, so we noted them -as we past by. This Way into <i>India</i> would not be half so dangerous as -it is imagined, were it well known. While we had any Breeze of Wind, in -the Day we towed our Prize. We made another long high Island trending -from S. by E. to W.S.W. distant about 12 Leagues, and crowded along -Shore to make what it was, judging it to be the Island <i>Ceram</i>. We -likewise made another Island to the Northward, which bore N. by W. -distant about 7 Leagues. S. Lat. 03.</p> - -<p><i>May 21.</i> Being close under it, I sent the Pinnace aboard the <i>Dutchess</i> -yesterday Afternoon to know what they made<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_277" id="page_277"></a>{277}</span> of the Land, and what they -design’d to do; their Boat met ours, and told ’em Capt. <i>Dampier</i> was of -the same Opinion with us, that it is the Island <i>Ceram</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing towards the Island of Bouton.</i></div> - -<p><i>May 22.</i> Had an ugly Gale of Wind, which drove us clear off the Island -we took to be <i>Ceram</i>. Since the 18<i>th</i> that we past the Streights of -<i>New Guinea</i>, we have had a Westerly Current, but before the Current -generally set to the Eastward. We have now dark gloomy Weather, with a -strong Gale of Wind at S. E. and S. E. by E. runs us out of sight of all -the Land. Our Ship is still very leaky, and we begin to be in the utmost -want of all manner of Refreshments and Necessaries, and doubtful where -to harbour or refit, the Land being unknown to us for want of good -Drafts, or an experienc’d Pilot. Lat. 3. 40. S. Long. 237. 21. W. from -<i>London</i>.</p> - -<p><i>May 24.</i> We were in expectation of making Land this Morning, being in -the Latitude of the Island <i>Bouro</i>, which is about 20 Leagues to the -S.W. of <i>Ceram</i>, and near the same Distance in a parallel with -<i>Amboyna</i>; the latter of which we design’d to have touch’d at, had the -Wind been favourable; but the S. E. Monsoon being now set in, we are -almost out of hopes of fetching it, and still doubtful what Islands we -pass’d by last, not agreeing whether it was <i>Ceram</i> or <i>Bouro</i>. We found -by our Observation at Noon, that we were in the Latitude of the -Southermost part of <i>Bouro</i>, and the Reason of our not seeing of it we -impute to the Current’s setting us to the Westward of it. S. Lat. 04. -30. Long. 237. 29. West from <i>Lond.</i></p> - -<p><i>May 25.</i> I spared the <i>Dutchess</i> a But of Water, they having little or -none but what they catch when it rains. We came to a Resolution to spend -no more Time in search of <i>Bouro</i>, nor to wait for a Wind to carry us to -<i>Amboyna</i>, but to make the best of our way for the Straights of -<i>Bouton</i>, where if we arrived safe, we might get Provisions enough to -carry us to <i>Batavia</i>; pursuant to which Agreement we hall’d away S.W. -by S. for ’em, having a fresh Gale of Wind at East; but by 2 in the -Morning we fell in with a parcel of Islands to the Eastward of <i>Bouton</i>, -and had infallibly been ashore upon one of ’em, had not the Weather -cleared up at once. We made a Shift, and wore the Ships, then stood off -N. E. from the Land till Day-break, when we saw it trenting from S. by -E. to S. W. by S. about 6 Leagues distant, which made like a fine large -Bay, but as we stood in perceived an Opening, and that there were 2 -Islands, with 3 lying<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_278" id="page_278"></a>{278}</span> thwart the Out-let to the Southward of both. We -hoisted out our Pinnace, and sent her ashore, the <i>Dutchess</i> did the -same; from whence they brought off some Cocoa Nuts, which were very -plentiful here, and told us there were <i>Malayan</i> Inhabitants, who seem’d -to be very friendly. We kept turning in with our Ships, and our Boats -sounding a-head, designing to anchor, if we could find any Ground, but -found none with 60 and 80 Fathom Line. We saw Land to the N.W. of us, -which we took to be the Island <i>Bouton</i>, being pretty high, and distant -8 or 10 Leagues. S. Lat. 05. 00. Long. 237. 51.</p> - -<p><i>May 26.</i> We could get no Anchor Ground all Yesterday Afternoon, tho’ we -run our Boltsprit almost ashore, and having the Current setting against -us, made it a tiresome Piece of work to fetch within the reach of the -Houses. At last some of the Inhabitants came off in a Canoe to our -Boats, as they were sounding a-head; they brought ’em aboard, and by -Signs we understood there was plenty of Provisions ashore. So I sent the -Pinnace and Yawl to see what they could meet with. In the mean time came -several Canoes full of <i>Malayans</i>, with Cocoa Nuts, Pumpkins, <i>Indian</i> -Corn, Fowls, <i>&c.</i> to truck with our People. Ashore they had Sheep and -Black Cattle in plenty. The Officers I sent were admitted into the -Presence of their King and Nobles, who were all bare-foot, and most -naked, save a Clout about their Posteriors; they seem’d to be very -courteous, and ready to supply us with what we wanted. We lay by and -drove till Morning (having little Wind) that we might be nearer the -other Ships, and resolve what to do. We found no Anchor-ground, but too -near the Shore, and the Current setting strong to the S. W. and driving -us out; which together with our having no Anchor-ground, if the Wind -should take us out of the Sea, made us desist to attempt any farther -here. We agreed to stand over for the Land to the Westward of us, the -Northermost part of which bore W. N. W. distant 9 Leagues, and the -Westermost W. by S. 10 Leagues. The Inhabitants call’d the Eastermost of -these Islands <i>Vanseat</i>, the other next to it <i>Capota</i>, and the -Westermost <i>Cambaver</i>. S. Lat. 05. 13. Long. 238. 11. W.</p> - -<p><i>May 27.</i> We stood from these Islands to the Westward, and ran along -Shore as near as we durst, to weather the Westermost Point of Land, -where we expected to find a Harbour, but as we near’d it, found a long -Tract of High Land, trending to the Southward, as far as S.W. by S.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_279" id="page_279"></a>{279}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Island of Bouton.</i></div> - -<p>We agreed in Opinion that ’twas the Island <i>Bouton</i>, but that we had -over-shot the Straights. We made Sail to see if we could discover any -Land further to the Southward; but finding none, we jogg’d on, keeping -the Wind as near as possible, because of the Current, which sets strong -to the S.W. By 2 a Clock in the Morning we were hors’d near a small -Island, that bore S. S. W. of us about 2 Leagues; but having clear -Weather, we stood from it till Day-break, there being no other Land near -it that we saw, except that we came from, which we had open’d 5 Points -farther to the Westward. I was unwilling to act any farther without the -Consent of the Committee; so the major part of us met aboard the -<i>Dutchess</i>, where we agreed to stand back and make the Land plain, so as -to be fully satisfied what it was, and withal to find a Recruit of Water -and Wood before we proceed any farther, being in want of every thing. S. -Lat. 05. 50. Long. W. from <i>London</i>, 238. 38.</p> - -<p><i>May 28.</i> According to Agreement we stood back, and having a fresh -Breeze of Wind at East, came up with the Land, which trended from N. E. -by E. to N. We stood away with the Northermost, and by 6 a Clock brought -it to bear E. by N. distant about 2 Leagues, having open’d Land farther -to the Northward, which made like a Bay, and trimming to the Westward as -far as W. N. W. distant about 10 Leagues. We made little or no Sail all -Night, because the <i>Batchelor</i> and <i>Marquiss</i> were a-stern, and we were -not willing to run too far in with the Land in the Night. In the Morning -’twas calm, and being clear Weather, we made all the Land very plain -from W. S. W. to the E. S. E. making high double Land, with Islands -under it. Most of it look’d as if it was inhabited, being pretty thick -of Wood, and promised fair for other Refreshments, but we could find no -Anchor-ground hitherto.</p> - -<p><i>May 29.</i> A Breeze sprung up, and we ran farther in, keeping nearest the -Southern Shore, where we open’d a sandy Spit, off which we could -perceive blue Water like Shold-ground running a-cross the Bay near half -a League. A little to the Westward of this we got Ground in betwixt 30 -and 40 Fathom Water, with good gradual Soundings, where we let go our -Anchor. The <i>Dutchess</i> and the rest standing over to the other side of -the Bay, could meet with no Ground, so they came back, and anchored by -us. S. Lat. 05. 41. Long. 238. 34. W. from <i>London</i>. A little before -this, our Boat we had sent returned from the Shore, having<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_280" id="page_280"></a>{280}</span> by Presents -engag’d a Canoe with some <i>Malayans</i> to come aboard with them, but for -want of a <i>Linguist</i> we were little the better. I sent to the -<i>Batchelor</i>, who had one, but Capt. <i>Dover</i> refus’d to let him come to -me, altho’ he had no use for him; then I sent a second time, that I -might know the best anchoring Place for our Ships, and treated the -People (who were impatient to be gone) with Sweet-meats and other things -they fancy’d, but could not keep ’em, or send them aboard the -<i>Batchelor</i> to secure her, seeing white Shole Water near us. But they -pass’d by us in danger of running on the Sholes, not knowing the best -anchoring Place, for want of the Linguist I so earnestly desir’d, to -understand the <i>Malayans</i> that had now left us. At parting they made -Signs, and pointed to the Land to the Northward, which they call’d -<i>Booloo</i>. Our Pilot, Capt. <i>Dampier</i>, says he has been formerly thro’ -the Streights, and in his Book tells us of a Town near the South part of -’em, where the King resided, but he knew nothing of it now, except the -bare Story. Upon this we agreed to send one of the Pinnaces along with -him and the Linguist to find out the Town, being willing to venture him -to wait on his Majesty the King of <i>Bouton</i> to solicit for a Supply of -Provisions, which we would gladly pay for; and to make the better -Appearance, we sent Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> and Mr. <i>Connely</i> along with him. The -Water flows here above 15 Foot; there are Places near to the Town which -lie to the Northward about 6 Leagues, from whence we rode where a Ship -might, on Occasion, be laid a-shoar to refit; and we should have carry’d -the <i>Duke</i> there to stop her Leak, but were not willing to loose Time, -since we found it did not encrease more than one Pump could vent, which -we had Men enough to keep continually going.</p> - -<p>The King of <i>Bouton</i> has several Galleys built after a peculiar Form, -and other small Imbarkations, on which, they say, he can imbark eight -Thousand Men on any Expedition; our People that were upon the Island -tell me, all their Towns are built on Precipices, and hard to get at, -and that the Chief City was built on the Top of a Hill, to which there -was only one Passage very steep. We found a watering Place from a Spring -out of the Rocks, but difficult to fill out of, because of its Ebbing -and Flowing here, almost 3 Fathom, which dries the Rock near the Shoar.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At Anchor at the Island of Bouton.</i></div> - -<p><i>May 30.</i> This Morning a Messenger came from the King, with a Letter -from our Officers that went to wait upon him, who were receiv’d very -courteously, and promis’d<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_281" id="page_281"></a>{281}</span> a Supply of Provisions, in Case we could come -to an Agreement. We show’d the Gentlemen Samples of what we had to -dispose of, which they seem’d very well pleas’d with, and having made -’em a Present of some odd Things, and entertain’d ’em as well as we -could, we dispatch’d ’em with a Letter of Directions to our Officers -what to do, and at their going off saluted ’em with 5 Guns and 3 Huzza’s -from each Ship. We made a Present to the King of a Bishop’s Cap, being -of little or no Value to us, but what he highly esteem’d and gratefully -accepted of. The Inhabitants began to come off fast enough with <i>Indian</i> -Corn, Cocoa-Nutts, Pumpkins, Fowles, <i>&c.</i> to truck with our People, but -they were very dear, compar’d with the other Islands we had been at.</p> - -<p><i>June 1.</i> We supply’d our selves indifferent well with Wood and Water, -and our Pinnace return’d from the Town, with a mysterious Account of -their Proceedings, and presently after Captain <i>Dampier</i> came with a -small Quantity of Provisions, as a Present to the Commanders, having -left our other two Officers to dispatch away what they could agree for.</p> - -<p><i>June 2.</i> This Morning there came 3 or 4 of the better Sort from the -Town, with a <i>Portuguese</i> Linguist that belong’d to <i>Batavia</i>, under -Pretence of looking upon Goods, and carrying Samples of ’em to their -King, but by their Trifling, we are afraid we shall get nothing of ’em -at last. We made much of the <i>Portuguese</i>, and gave him a small Present, -hoping he would influence the People to dispatch our Business. We sent -the <i>Dutchess</i> Pinnace with a Letter to our Officers, to hurry away as -fast as possible with what Provisions they had got, and to agree if they -could with the <i>Portuguese</i> Linguist for a Pilot, if they should give -him 10 or 20 Dollars or more for a Present.</p> - -<p><i>June 3</i> and <i>4</i>. Our Ships have done Watering and Wooding, and the -Country People have brought off much Provisions: so we conclude we are -pretty well supplied for a Fortnight or Three Weeks; which, with what we -had before, may carry us to <i>Batavia</i>, without any further Recruit from -the Town; so that if we had our Boat and Men, it would be much more for -our Interest to be gone, than to lie here, and spend time to no Purpose. -An Officer aboard our Ship, and other Officers and Men aboard Capt. -<i>Courtney</i>, began to be mutinous, and form a Conspiracy against us; but -we prevented it, by chastising their Leaders, whom we<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_282" id="page_282"></a>{282}</span> put in Irons, on -board different Ships, to break the Knot, which might otherwise have -ruin’d the Voyage.</p> - -<p><i>June 5.</i> The <i>Dutchess’s</i> Pinnace return’d with Mr. <i>Connely</i>, who -acquainted us with the dilatory Proceedings of the King of <i>Bouton</i>, who -having got a Quantity of Provisions together, would have oblig’d us to -take it at an extravagant Price, and detain’d Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i>, till such -time as the Money was paid. In the Morning, there came some of his -Nobility, with about 4 Last of Rice, which (for Dispatch-sake) we -immediately agreed for, and a Cask of Rack, and after we had entertain’d -’em as well as Time and Place would afford, we sent ’em off in our -Pinnance. This Morning, the <i>Portugueze</i> Linguist came with some -Provisions of his own, to sell, without any News from our People, which -made us suspect they had some ill Design upon us, therefore we design’d -to keep him till the Boat return’d, but he got out of the Ship, before -we were aware, (he being jealous by his cold Reception, that we were -uneasy) and rowed away as fast as possible. I sent the Yawl after him, -which overtaking his Canoe, the Men all jumpt over board, but the -<i>Dutchess’s</i> Pinnace took ’em up, and our Boat brought the <i>Portugueze</i> -Linguist aboard us, where seeing he was likely to be confin’d, he sent -the Boat with the Men up to the Town, to desire our People might be -dismiss’d as soon as possible.</p> - -<p><i>June 7.</i> This Morning our Pinnace return’d with Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i>, and all -our Men, having parted very friendly with his Majesty, but could not get -a Pilot for Money; however we resolv’d to stay no longer, and to trust -wholly to Almighty Providence for our future Preservation. We dismiss’d -the <i>Portugueze</i> Linguist, and began to unmoor our Ships.</p> - -<p>We weigh’d on the 8th, about 4 in the Afternoon, and by six a Clock the -Westermost Land in sight bore W. N. W. 9 Leagues, and the Southermost -S.W. by S. distant 5 Leagues.</p> - -<h3>Bouton <i>Describ’d</i>.</h3> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing from Bouton to Batavia.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE Island of <i>Bouton</i> is in Lat. 05. 20. S. and near about 30 Leagues -long; the King, they say, can raise fifty Thousand Men, and has all the -adjacent Islands under him; they boast of not valuing the <i>Dutch</i>, but I -am satisfied, their Poverty is their greatest Security; they speak the -<i>Malayan</i> Language, which is universal amongst all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_283" id="page_283"></a>{283}</span> Islands of -<i>India</i>. They are a well-set People, of a middle Stature, or rather -small, of a dark Olive Colour, with the most indifferent Features of any -People, that ever I saw; they profess the <i>Mahometan</i> Religion, but know -little of it, save Bathing; a few other Ceremonies, as Forbearance of -Hogs Flesh, keeping many Wives, <i>&c.</i> Here were several <i>Mahometan</i> -Missionaries that came from <i>Arabia</i> and <i>Persia</i> to propagate their -Doctrine; the <i>Dutch</i> have no Settlement here, but trade for Slaves and -a little Gold, the Climate being near the same with the <i>Dutch</i> Spice -Islands, I admire, they don’t raise Quantities of Spice, but no Sort of -it grows here, save a few Nutmegs.</p> - -<p><i>June 9.</i> In the Morning we made Land, from S. W. to N. W. by W. distant -about 8 Leagues, which we took to be the Islands of <i>Zalayer</i> [Salayer], -S. Lat. 5. 45. Long. W from <i>Lond.</i> 240°. 21´´. We likewise saw a Sail -to Windward of us, and taking it to be a <i>Dutch</i> Vessel, we hall’d -nearer the Wind, till 8 a Clock, then the <i>Dutchess</i> and we made Sail at -once, to speak with her, but the Wind abating soon after, and she making -the best of her Way from us, we mann’d our Pinnace, and sent it after -her. We made 3 Islands to the Northward of <i>Zalayer</i>, and the Looming of -other Land to the Westward of all, which we took to be the Southermost -part of <i>Celebes</i>.</p> - -<p><i>June 10.</i> Our Pinnaces came up with this small Vessel, who told them -they were bound for <i>Macassar</i>, a <i>Dutch</i> Factory on the South Part of -<i>Celebes</i>: The Pinnace took the Master of her aboard, (being a -<i>Malayan</i>) who promis’d to pilot us not only through the Streights of -<i>Zalayer</i>, but to <i>Batavia</i>, if we would keep it secret, for fear of the -<i>Dutch</i>. He sent his Vessel to lie in the narrow Passage, between the -Islands, till such Time as our Ships came up. About 4 a Clock we enter’d -the Streight, and came betwixt the Islands that are next to <i>Zalayer</i>. -And another little one to the Northward of that being the middlemost of -the three; where we found a good Passage, 3 Leagues over, all deep -Water, steering through N. W. by W. to give the Larboard Islands a good -Birth; then we made the Southermost Part of <i>Celebes</i>.</p> - -<p><i>June 11.</i> The Pilot promis’d to carry us thro’ the Channel the great -<i>Dutch</i> Ships generally went for <i>Batavia</i>, and by that Means avoid the -Shoals call’d the <i>Brill</i> and <i>Bunker</i> Ground; the <i>Brill</i> has very -uneven Soundings, and in many Places but 3 Fathom Water and less, so we -hall’d away to the Northward,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_284" id="page_284"></a>{284}</span> keeping the Islands <i>Celebes</i> aboard, the -S. W. Part of which trents away in low Land, with high Mountains at the -back of it; and off the Point their lies a Rock pretty high and -remarkable; at 4 a Clock we came into Soundings, and had 10 Fathom the -first Cast; the Rock off the S. W. Point bore then N. distant about 6 -Leagues, and we had an Island a head of us, from N. W. by W. to N. N. W. -being low and level, about 3 Leagues long, and near the same Distance -from the main as we enter’d betwixt ’em, it grew narrower. We stem’d -with the North Part of the Island, till we came within a League and half -of it, then steer’d North a little to weather a Spit of Sand, lying off -the Island, by which Means we open’d 3 small Keys; after we were clear -of the Shoal, we hall’d up N.W. about 7, and came to an Anchor under the -Island, behind the Spit of Sand, in 10 Fathom Water, very good clean -Ground. The Rock of <i>Celebes</i> then bore N. E. by N. 4 Leagues; the -Northermost of the Keys, W. 2 Leagues; and the middlemost W. S. W. 3 -Leagues: The other being shut in with the long Island. We kept the Lead -going all the way constantly through, and had never less than 6 Fathom, -nor more than 10. As soon as it was Day we weigh’d, and went betwixt the -two small Keys, keeping nearest the Northernmost, sounding all the Way, -and had no more than 10 Fathom. The Water still deepning, being clear of -them, we hall’d away West, and then S. W. having a fresh Gale of Wind at -S. E. and S. E. by E. no Land in sight at Noon but Part of the high Land -of <i>Celebes</i>, which bore East, distant about 12 Leagues. It is well for -us, that we met with this Pilot, for having no good Charts, nor any one -acquainted with those Seas, we had run greater Hazards.</p> - -<p><i>June 13.</i> We made Land a second time, which bore S. W. by W. distant 6 -Leagues.</p> - -<p><i>June 14.</i> We ran by the Island <i>Madura</i>, which is about 40 Leagues -long, lying East and West, on the N. Side of <i>Java</i>, the Land we made in -the Morning, being the N. E. part of it, which agreeing with the Pilot’s -Knowledge made us the more certain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sailing from Bouton towards Batavia.</i></div> - -<p><i>June 15</i>. In the Morning we fell in with the Coast of <i>Java</i>, near the -high Land of <i>Japara</i>, which bore W. by S. distant about 5 Leagues. We -had Soundings betwixt 10 and 20 Fathom good easy Ground, and saw -abundance of Fishing-boats, but all kept at a Distance. We got our Guns -out of the Hold, and scal’d them, in order to be in a Readiness<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_285" id="page_285"></a>{285}</span> against -we come to <i>Batavia</i>, where in all Probability we shall get in 2 or 3 -Days more, it being not above 90 Leagues from this Place: By Noon we -brought the Land of <i>Japara</i> to bear S. by E. distant 4 Leagues, having -open’d a large deep Bay, with other high Land, further to the Westward, -which bore W. N. W. distant 9 Leagues, Lat. 6°. 19´´. S. Long. 248°. -47´´. W. from <i>London</i>.</p> - -<p><i>June 16.</i> We made a small high Hummock to the Westward of the high Land -we set yesterday Noon, which, at 6 a Clock bore W. by S. distant 5 -Leagues. We hall’d off N. W. by W. and W. N. W. and in the Morning made -the Islands of <i>Caraman Java</i> [Crimon Java], which bore N. E. by N. -distant 3 Leagues, as also a ragged Island to the Eastward of it, -bearing E. N. E. 5 Leagues, and 5 small Keys to the Westward, which are -all call’d <i>Caraman Java</i> [Crimon Java]. We had Soundings most part of -this 24 Hours, betwixt 20 and 30 Fathom ouzy Ground. Lat. 6. 7. S. Long. -250. 14. W. from <i>London</i>.</p> - -<p><i>June 17.</i> We made the high Land of <i>Cheribon</i>, which bore S. W. In the -Morning we saw a great Ship right a head, and being very eager to hear -News, I sent our Pinnace aboard to know what she was. She prov’d a -<i>Dutch</i> Ship, about 600 Tuns, and 50 Guns, belonging to <i>Batavia</i>, and -was plying to some of the <i>Dutch</i> Factories for Timber. They told us of -Prince <i>George’s</i> Death, which we heard of in the <i>South Seas</i>, but gave -no Credit to it then; That the Wars continued in <i>Europe</i>; and that we -had good Success in <i>Flanders</i>, and but little else where. They likewise -told us, that ’twas about 30 <i>Dutch</i> Leagues from hence to Batavia; but -no Danger. We borrowed a large Draft, which was very useful to us, and -left ’em at Anchor. Towards Noon we made the Land, being very low, but -had gradual Soundings, by which we was satisfied in the Night how to -sail by the Sand.</p> - -<p><i>June 20.</i> In the Afternoon we saw the Ships in the Road of <i>Batavia</i>, -betwixt 30 and 40 Sail, great and small, and got happily to Anchor just -after Sun set, betwixt 6 and 7 Fathom Water, at the long desired Port of -<i>Batavia</i>. Lat. 6. 10 S. Long. 252. 51. W. from <i>London</i>. By our -Reckoning here, we alter’d our Account of Time, having, as customary, -lost almost one Day in running West so far round the Globe.</p> - -<p><i>June 22.</i> We waited on his Excellency the Governour-General, whom we -acquainted with the Necessity we lay<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_286" id="page_286"></a>{286}</span> under to refit our Ships. He was -pleased to see and approve of our Commissions, as Private Men of War, -and promis’d he would meet the Council, and soon resolve us how far he -could afford such Assistance as we desired.</p> - -<p><i>June 30.</i> I am still very weak and thin, but I hope to get Time and -Leisure to recover my Health. During these 10 Days, I was not able to go -much on board, and whenever I went, found, that till then I was a -Stranger to the Humours of our Ship’s Company. Some of them were hugging -each other, others blessing themselves that they were come to such a -glorious Place for Punch, where they could have Arack for 8 Pence <i>per</i> -Gallon, and Sugar for 1 Peny a Pound; others quarrelling who should make -the next Bowl, for now the Labour was worth more than the Liquor, -whereas a few Weeks past, a Bowl of Punch to them was worth half the -Voyage. 8 Days ago the Doctor cut a large Musket Shot out of my Mouth, -which had been there near 6 Months, ever since I was first wounded; we -reckon’d it a Piece of my Jaw-bone, the upper and lower Jaw being much -broken, and almost closed together, so that the Doctor had much ado to -come at the Shot, to get it out. I had also several Pieces of my Foot -and Heel-bone taken out, but God be thanked, am now in a fair way to -have the Use of my Foot, and to recover my Health. The Hole the Shot -made in my Face is now scarce discernable. I propos’d the calling of a -Committee to regulate our Affairs, wherein we agreed as follows.</p> - -<p>At a Committee, held on board the <i>Batchelor</i> Frigat, <i>June 30. 1710.</i> -in the Road of <i>Batavia</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Impr.</div> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">I</span>T is agreed to pack and repack all Goods that appear -damag’d, and to let other Bails, that are not, nor have not been -apparently damag’d, to be only new cover’d with Wax cloth, or -Tarpawlins, if necessary, in every Ship, and that Mr.</i> Vanbrugh -<i>and Mr.</i> Goodall <i>be at every Place, and the rest of the Agents be -accountable to ’em, and they to leave a Duplicate of the whole with -the other two, and be always ready to give an Account to a general -Committee.</i></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Transactions in Batavia Road.</i></div> - -<p>2dly, <i>That Capt.</i> Courtney <i>do provide the Ships with all manner -of Necessaries, as fast an wanting; and as soon as Captain</i> Rogers -<i>is in Health, that he assist in it, and that every one give a List -to ’em of what they want from time to time; that Mr.</i> Charles Pope -<i>do continue a-shore, and send off Provisions<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_287" id="page_287"></a>{287}</span> for all the Ships, -and keep a Book of the whole. Let every Ship take their daily turn -to divide the Meat, and send it off as early as possible, in a -Country Boat, and as near at he can no more nor less than</i> 350 lb -<i>weight; every other Day, or as often as he can conveniently. Let -him send off Greens, Carrots, Eggs, or any other small Refreshment, -more than the common Allowance, to be equally divided with the -Meat.</i></p> - -<p>3dly, <i>That a suitable Quantity of Rack and Sugar be sent aboard -each Ship, to give a Quart a Mess to the Ships Companies, but -whilst on the careen, the Allowance may be enlarg’d as the -commanding Officers think convenient.</i></p> - -<p>4thly, <i>If any thing not included is necessary to the Dispatch and -Out-set of our Ships, considering the Trouble and Loss of Time, to -meet in a whole Committee, we to prevent dilatory Proceedings, -unanimously leave such things to Capt.</i> Thomas Dover, <i>Capt.</i> -Woodes Rogers, <i>Capt.</i> Stephen Courtney, <i>and Capt.</i> Edward Cooke, -<i>who are to agree on a Time and Place to meet, and have the same -Power in this Affair as a whole Committee. That if any thing -required such Dispatch that the four cannot be present at a time, -then any three of them together, agreeing and signing what they -have done for the Satisfaction of the rest shall be sufficient; but -otherwise we desire them to act in conjunction.</i></p> - -<p>5thly, <i>We agree to continue Mr.</i> Carleton Vanbrugh <i>Agent of the</i> -Duke. <i>Mr.</i> James Goodall <i>Agent of the</i> Dutchess, <i>to make Mr.</i> -John Viger <i>Agent of the</i> Batchelor, <i>and Mr.</i> Joseph Parker <i>Agent -of the</i> Marquiss, <i>to keep a strict Account of what they can in -each Ship, and to preserve and take Care of the general Interest, -to the utmost of their Power.</i></p> - -<p>6thly, <i>We likewise agree to divide the Plunder on board the</i> -Batchelor, <i>and in order thereto, we appoint Capt.</i> William -Dampier, <i>and Mr.</i> Thomas Glendall, <i>to be Judges what ought to be -divided as Plunder, who are to govern themselves as near as -possible by our Resolutions, in a Committee of the 9th of</i> July, -1709. <i>And in order to dispatch Matters quietly without loss of -time, we appoint Mr.</i> John Ballett, <i>Mr.</i> Lancelot Appleby, <i>Mr.</i> -Alexander Selkirk, <i>and Mr.</i> Joseph Smith, <i>to act for the -Officers, in apprising and dividing the said Plunder, and we allow -the Sailors to agree on a Man from each Ship, who is to act in -conjunction with them, and in the whole to promote the general Good -with the utmost Sincerity and Dispatch. We also appoint Mr.</i> -Carleton Vanbrugh, <i>and Mr.</i> James Goodall <i>to be in the Place when -the Plunder is open’d or divided, and to receive what belongs to -the Cargo.</i></p> - -<p>7thly, <i>It’s farther resolved for our general Safety that all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_288" id="page_288"></a>{288}</span> -trading be prohibited by any of us with the Inhabitants of this -City of</i> Batavia, <i>or this Island of</i> Java, <i>or any part of</i> India. -<i>And to the End that no Person may plead Ignorance, a Protest shall -be drawn up and published at the Mast of each Ship, prohibiting the -aforesaid Commerce, and protesting against all Damages arising -through the same, and the Person found guilty of it.</i></p> - -<p>8thly, <i>It is also agreed, That a Reward of 100 Rix-Dollars shall -be given to the Pilot we made use of from the Streights of</i> Zelaya -<i>to this Port.</i></p> - -<p>9thly, <i>It is further agreed, That the</i> Marquiss <i>shall go first -upon the careen; and then to be next followed by the</i> Duke; <i>the</i> -Dutchess <i>to be the last.</i></p> - -<p>10thly, <i>We have consider’d the Charge and Method of our Out-sett, -and do agree, in order to promote Dispatch, that 10000 Pieces of 8 -be deliver’d to Capts.</i> Dover, Rogers, Courtney, <i>and</i> Cooke, <i>to -morrow being the 1st of</i> July, 1710.</p> - -<p>Sign’d by the Majority of our Council.</p></div> - -<p>The Committee did likewise resolve on a Supply of Money to the Officers, -as follows.</p> - -<p>At a Committee held in <i>Batavia</i> Road, <i>July 1. 1710</i>.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">W</span>E have resolved to supply these Officers of the</i> Duke, Dutchess, -Marquiss, <i>and</i> Batchelor, <i>with the following Sums, to provide -themselves with Necessaries in our long Passage to</i> Europe.</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="font-size:90%;"> -<tr><td align="left"> </td><td class="rt">Pieces of Eight.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>To Captain</i> Thomas Dover</td><td class="rt">2000</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Captain</i> Rogers, <i>and Captain</i> Courtney, <i>for their present Expences</i></td><td class="rt">400</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Captain</i> Cook</td><td class="rt">800</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Fry <i>and Mr.</i> Stretton</td><td class="rt">1000</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Captain</i> Dampier</td><td class="rt">200</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Pope</td><td class="rt">350</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Glendall, <i>and Mr.</i> Connely</td><td class="rt">700</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Vanbrugh</td><td class="rt">250</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Tho. Bridge, <i>and Mr.</i> Milbourne</td><td class="rt">100</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>Mr.</i> Knowlman, <i>and Mr.</i> Selkirk</td><td class="rt">80</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>To the Three Doctors of the</i> Duke, Dutchess, <i>and</i> Marquiss</td><td class="rt">90</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>To the Doctor of the</i> Batchelor</td><td class="rt">20</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left"><i>To Mr.</i> Goodall, <i>and Mr.</i> Appleby</td><td class="rt">80</td></tr> -<tr><td class="rt">Total</td><td class="rt"> -<span style="border-top:1px solid black;border-bottom:3px double black;">6070</span></td></tr> -</table> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Transactions at Batavia.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_289" id="page_289"></a>{289}</span></p> - -<p><i>All these Sums we order’d Mr.</i> Vanbrugh <i>and Mr.</i> Goodall <i>to -discharge out of the Money on Board the</i> Duke <i>or</i> Dutchess, <i>as -either Commanders shall think convenient, whenever the -above-mentioned Officers shall demand it, and the Receipts to Mr.</i> -Vanbrugh <i>and Mr.</i> Goodall, <i>so far as is here order’d, shall be -sufficient. Witness our Hands</i>, July 1, 1710.</p> - -<p class="hang"> -Signed by the<br /> -Majority of<br /> -our Council.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p><i>July 2.</i> From the <i>22d</i> of the last Month we lay leaky and in a very -ordinary Condition, not knowing when and how the General would please to -order us Assistance, according to our present Necessities, which were -then laid open to him; and this Day, to shew that we could sufficiently -vindicate and justifie all our Proceedings like honest Men, we gave in -an Abstract of our Voyage, from the Day we set sail out of <i>King</i> Road, -to the Day we arrived in <i>Batavia</i>, which they desir’d to see, before -they would assist us; so we gave it ’em as short as possible.</p> - -<p><i>July 7.</i> To Day our Men finished appraising and dividing the -Plunder-Cloth in the <i>Batchelor</i>; which being tolerable good, amounts to -about 400 <i>l.</i> <i>Sterling</i>.</p> - -<p><i>July 8.</i> This Day, after a great many dilatory Answers, we were at last -permitted to make Preparations for careening at <i>Horn</i> Island, which is -about 2 or 3 Leagues to the Northward of the Road, (but were by no Means -suffer’d to go to the Island <i>Unrest</i>, where all the <i>Dutch</i> Ships are -clean’d) being only allow’d 8 or 10 <i>Malayan</i> Caulkers and small Vessels -to put our Goods in. The <i>Marquiss</i> began to careen aboard her; but the -Carpenters having view’d her betwixt Wind and Water, finding her very -bad, and that she had but a single Bottom, eat to a Honey-comb by the -Worms, they judg’d her altogether unfit to go to <i>Europe</i>; whereupon I -desir’d the Committee to meet and agree to dispose of her, as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">I</span>T is agreed, that having now discharged the</i> Marquiss <i>of her -Cargoe brought from the</i> South <i>Sea, and finding great Part thereof -perish’d thro’ the Weakness of the Ship, and Damage of the Worms, -which had eaten thro’ her Bends, and good Part of her Bottom like a -perfect Honey-Comb; we have consider’d our present Condition, with -the great Charge and Lost of Time to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_290" id="page_290"></a>{290}</span> repair her here, and judging -our 3 Ships sufficient, and capable to carry the remaining Part of -her Cargoe: We, according to the best of our Judgment and -Information from a View made by the Carpenters, do believe it for -our Safety and Benefit for the Concern’d, to sell she said Ship -the</i> Marquiss <i>here, as soon as possible, for the most she will -yield; and we do appoint Capt.</i> Woodes Rogers, <i>Capt.</i> Steph. -Courtney, <i>Capt.</i> Edw. Cook, <i>and Capt.</i> Tho. Dover, <i>to treat of -and conclude the Sale, letting the Purchaser have sufficient Power -(as far as we are capable) to condemn her.</i></p> - -<p class="r"> -Sign’d by the Officers of the Committee.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p><i>July 20.</i> The <i>Marquiss</i> being condemned to Sale, we had the Caulkers -aboard us to make all Manner of Dispatch for careening. Our Ship being -very leaky, we thought it high Time to wait on the Governour with the -following Representation, which we got put into <i>Dutch</i>, but could not -get the <i>Sabandar</i> to introduce us, as the Custom is here, therefore we -went our selves, and gave Presents to the <i>Dutch</i> Guards to let us in to -see the General; after an Hours waiting we were admitted, and deliver’d -him a Copy of our Commissions, and were promis’d Assistance, but find -it’s no more than what he can’t have a Pretence to deny us.</p> - -<p>Our Memorial was as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c">To His Excellency the Governour-General and Council of the <i>Dutch -East-India</i> Company.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">A</span>Bout four Weeks ago we arriv’d here, and waited upon your -Excellency, acquainting you with our Circumstances, which according -to your Order we delivered the same Day in Writing to your</i> -Sabandar, <i>and have daily waited upon him for your Resolution -thereupon. He has since visited our several Ships, and we question -not but all Things appear’d to him agreeable to our -Representation.</i></p> - -<p><i>We have lain some time ready with leaky Ships to go to the Place -appointed us to careen at, only waiting for a careening Vessel to -heave down by. Which we humbly crave you will be pleas’d to order -us.</i></p> - -<p><i>Delays are very prejudicial to our Ships, that have been long -without the Benefit of a Friend’s Port. Which we earnestly request, -you’ll please to consider.</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_291" id="page_291"></a>{291}</span></p> - -<p><i>We have deferr’d troubling you, in daily Hopes of an Order for our -Assistance by the proper Officer, till we can no longer account for -our Loss of Time, without a direct Application.</i></p> - -<p><i>We hope for a Continuance of the common Benefits and Refreshments, -and on our Parts shall persevere to behave our selves with all due -Regard and Respect to the Government and Customs of this City.</i></p> - -<p>Batavia, <i>July 20. 1710</i>.</p> - -<p class="r"> -Woodes Rogers.<br /> -Steph. Courtney.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p>The Governour immediately order’d us a Vessel to careen, and we took our -Leaves.</p> - -<p><i>July 23.</i> We went over to <i>Horn</i> Island, having a Pilot to direct us, -and a Sampan<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> ready to heave down by, and take in our Guns, -Carriages, <i>&c.</i> anchor’d on the South side of the Island, in 5 Fathom -Water, about a Stone’s Cast off Shore, where we careen’d.</p> - -<p>We continued refitting our Ships, and re-packing our Goods, with a great -deal of difficulty, till the 13<i>th</i> of <i>September</i>, during which time -nothing remarkable happen’d, but that, after I had refitted as well as I -could on <i>Horn</i> Island, I return’d to the Road of <i>Batavia</i>. Many of our -Men fell ill of Fevers and Fluxes, occasion’d, as I was inform’d, by -their drinking the Water upon the Island. We buried here <i>John Bridge</i> -our Master, as also the Gunner of the <i>Dutchess</i>, with another of her -Crew, and one belonging to the <i>Batchelor</i>. The Season being so far -spent, and the Wind blowing fresh on <i>Horn</i> Island, I could not go again -thither to careen my Ship, tho’ she needed it much; therefore we try’d -to get an Order to careen at <i>Unrest</i>, where the <i>Dutch</i> careen their -own, as we might have done ours, in a few Days, and with little Trouble. -I wrote from hence on the 21<i>st</i> of <i>August</i> to my Owners by the -<i>Nathanael</i>, an <i>English E. India</i> Ship bound directly for <i>England</i>, to -let them know of our safe Arrival here with our Effects, and that we -hoped to be with them in a very short time.</p> - -<p>On the 15<i>th</i> we called a Committee, and came to the following -Resolutions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_292" id="page_292"></a>{292}</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p>Batavia, Sept. 15. 1710.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">A</span>T a Committee held then, it it agreed to divide the Money -received for a Quantity of Plate sold amongst the several Ships -Company, being what had been adjudged Plunder. Also that we should -make out a Request, and deliver it the first Opportunity to the -General, to the following Purpose</i>, viz. <i>to gain Leave, if -possible, to careen the</i> Duke <i>at</i> Unrest, &c. <i>Also for Leave to -set up the</i> Marquiss <i>for Sale here, and for a Supply of 10 -Hogsheads of</i> Dutch <i>Beef and Pork, with a Permission to buy and -carry aboard some Rack and Sugar for the 3 Ships Stores for our -Company, &c.</i></p> - -<p><i>It is also agreed to allow the following Particulars for the use -of the Officers in the Great Cabbin of each Ship</i>, viz.</p> - -<p class="c"> -<i>To each Ship as followeth.</i></p> - -<ul><li><i>Two Firkins of Butter.</i></li> -<li><i>Two Gallons of Sweet Oil.</i></li> -<li><i>400 Cask of Bread or Rusk.</i></li> -<li><i>100 Pound Weight of Flower.</i></li> -<li><i>400 Pound Weight of</i> Tamarinds.</li> -<li><i>Half a Leaguer</i><a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> <i>of</i> Spelman’<i>s</i> Neep, <i>or the best sort of</i></li> -<li><i>Arrack.</i><a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></li> -<li><i>3 Cheeses.</i></li> -<li><i>The Third part of a Leaguer of Cape Wine.</i></li> -<li><i>3 Peckel of fine Sugar.</i></li> -<li><i>Also 60 Dollars of</i> Spanish <i>Money to buy small Necessaries.</i></li> -</ul> - -<p class="c"> -<i>Signed</i>,</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i></td><td align="left">William Dampier,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Cha. Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Steph. Courtney, </td><td align="left">William Stretton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edw. Cooke,</td><td align="left">John Connely.</td></tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p>Rummaging to day in the Powder room, we found a Leak 3 or 4 Foot under -Water, which we did our best to stop.</p> - -<p>All <i>English</i> Ships are allowed by the Government here half a Leaguer of -Arrack a Man for the Ships Use, and ’tis counted as part of the -Provisions, but our Boats are not suffer’d to bring the least thing off -Shore, without being first severely searched. This, tho’ we pay more, -will likewise hinder all manner of Traffick with any one here. Our chief</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Transactions at Batavia.</i></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_293" id="page_293"></a>{293}</span></p> - -<p>Officers have also prevented it aboard, and narrowly watch our Crews; so -that I doubt they’ll want several Necessaries that this Place affords. -This we do to avoid giving the <i>India</i> Company in <i>England</i> any Pretence -to clamour against us at home, on account of our trading here without -their Permission. We requested the Governour to have Liberty to sell the -<i>Marquiss</i> by Inventory to the highest Bidder at a publick Sale; but the -Sabandar, or chief Custom-house Officer for Foreigners, told us it was -the Governour and Council’s Resolution to publish at the Sale, that if -any <i>Dutch</i> Freeman should purchase the Ship, they must either rip her -up or burn her. This we thought another great Hardship, that we could -not get <i>Dutch</i> Carpenters at Liberty to careen and refit her at -<i>Unrest</i>, nor get Freedom of Sale; so we drew up a Request, and got it -put in <i>Dutch</i>, resolving to wait on the General, to set forth the -Hardships we were under; and likewise requested to careen the <i>Duke</i> at -<i>Unrest</i>, where we might have <i>Dutch</i> Carpenters, that being the only -fit Place; now the Weather and Wind was changeable, and we could not do -it at any other Island: But when Capt. <i>Courtney</i> and I came to the -Castle, to wait on the General, the Guards told us, They had Orders, -that no <i>Englishman</i> should be admitted without the <i>Sabandar</i>, and that -they durst carry no Paper or Message from us to the Governour-General. -We waited till past the middle of the Day, and then address’d our selves -to one of the Rads of <i>India</i>, who us’d to listen to the <i>English</i>, when -any was impos’d on: He treated us very handsomly, with our Linguists, -Mr. <i>Vanbrugh</i> and Mr. <i>Swart</i>, at his House, and said, He believed we -had not Justice done us; but the <i>Sabandar</i> being the General’s near -Relation, he should make Enemies, if he appear’d in our Affair, and -could advise us no better than to try what we could do again with the -<i>Sabandar</i>, who we knew was inflexible; so we were forced to be silent -and let this drop, that we might dispatch for the Cape of <i>Good Hope</i>, -as fast as possible; the best Season for our Passage being now at hand.</p> - -<p><i>July 30.</i> The Plunder-Money was shar’d on the 24th Instant, which -amounted to 26 <i>Shillings</i> a-share, being what was adjudg’d as Plunder, -when at the Island <i>Gorgona</i>, to which I refer.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 7.</i> This Week we made all Preparation for sailing, having got -most of our Stores aboard, and discharged the <i>Marquiss</i>, which was so -leaky that we sold her to Capt.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_294" id="page_294"></a>{294}</span> <i>John Opey</i>, Commander of the <i>Oley</i> -Frigate, lately arriv’d from <i>London</i>, for 575 <i>Dutch</i> Dollars, being an -extraordinary Bargain; we had been offer’d much more before by another -Person, but then I could not prevail with the Majority of our Council to -consent to the Sale.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 12.</i> At Day-break this Morning, we, our Consort and Prize, -weigh’d out of the Road, taking the first of the Land Breeze: About Noon -came too again, in 11 Fathom Water, about a Mile to the Northward of -<i>Horn</i> Island. We had several <i>English</i> Gentlemen a-board our Ships, who -favour’d us with their Company out of the Road, there being several that -arriv’d during our Stay here.</p> - -<p>English <i>Ships that arriv’d and sail’d hence during our Stay</i>.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p><i>Frederick</i>, Capt. <i>Phrip</i>, arriv’d <i>June 23.</i> sail’d <i>July 29.</i> -from <i>Bencouli</i>, bound to <i>ditto</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Rochester</i>, Capt. <i>Stains</i>, arriv’d <i>July 6.</i> sail’d the <i>21st</i>, -from <i>England</i>, bound to <i>China</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Nathanael</i>, Capt. <i>Neagers</i>, arriv’d <i>July 27.</i> sail’d <i>Aug. 27.</i> -from <i>Bencouli</i>, bound to <i>England</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Stringer</i>, Capt. <i>Pike</i>, arriv’d <i>Aug. 30.</i> from <i>England</i>, bound -to <i>China</i>. We left her there, she having lost her Passage for -<i>China</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Oley</i>, Capt. <i>Opie</i>, arriv’d <i>Sept. 9.</i> from <i>England</i>, left there -behind us.</p></div> - -<p>Here follows,</p> - -<p> </p> - -<h3><i>A Description of</i> Batavia.</h3> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Description of Batavia.</i></div> - -<p>Altho’ this Place is well known, and has been so frequently describ’d, -yet being such a noble Settlement, and a Proof of the Industry of the -<i>Dutch</i> in these Parts; I can’t omit giving the following Account of it. -The Town lies on the N. W. side of the Island of <i>Java</i>, Lat. 5°. 50´´. -S. The Time we were here it was not very healthy. The East and West -Winds blow all the Year along the Shore, besides the ordinary Land and -Sea Winds, which qualifie the Air, and makes it pleasant, otherwise it -would be excessive hot. Their Summer begins in <i>May</i>, with continual -Breezes from the East, and a very clear Sky till the latter End of -<i>October</i>, or Beginning of <i>November</i>, when the Winter begins with hard<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_295" id="page_295"></a>{295}</span> -Rains, which holds sometimes 3 or 4 Days without Intermission. In -<i>December</i> the West Winds blow very violently, so that then there’s -little Trade on the Coast of <i>Java</i>. In <i>February</i> ’tis changeable -Weather, with sudden Thunderstorms. In <i>March</i> they begin to sow: <i>June</i> -is their pleasantest Month; in <i>September</i> they gather in their Sugar -and Rice; and in <i>October</i> they have Plenty of Fruit and Flowers, Plants -and Herbs of most Sorts: There’s a large fenny plain Country before the -City, but it’s well improv’d by the <i>Dutch</i>, and to the Eastward, ’tis -very full of Woods and Morasses. The City is four square, with a River -running through it, and fortified by a Stone Wall and 22 Bastions. About -10 Years past there was an Earthquake, which broke down part of the -Mountains, in the Country, and alter’d the Course of the River, so that -the Canals in and about <i>Batavia</i>, are not near so commodious as they -have been, nor the Entrance into the River so deep, and for want of a -strong Current of Water, to keep it open, they are forced to employ a -large Engine work’d with Horses, to preserve the Entrance of the River -navigable for small Vessels to come into the Canals of the City. It lies -on a Bay in and about which there are 17 or 18 Islands, which so break -off the Sea, that tho’ the Road is very large, yet it is safe. The Banks -of the Canals through the City are fac’d with Stone on both Sides, as -far as the Boom, which is shut up every Night, at 9 a Clock, and guarded -by Soldiers; there’s Channels cut out of the main River for smaller -Vessels, and every one that passes the Boom pays Custom. All the Streets -run in a streight Line, most of them being above 30 Foot broad, on each -side clear of the Canals, and pav’d next the Houses with Bricks. All the -Streets are very well built and inhabited, 15 of which have Canals, and -they reckon 56 Bridges on them, most of them made of Stone. The Country -Seats and Buildings round the City, are generally neat and well -contriv’d with handsom Gardens for Fruit and Flowers, and adorn’d with -Springs, Fountains, Statues, <i>&c.</i> The vast Quantity of Coco nut Trees, -every where afford delightful and profitable Groves. They have fine -Structures here, particularly the Cross Church, built of Stone, and the -inside very neat. There are 2 other Churches for the <i>Dutch</i>, and 2 for -the <i>Portugueze</i> Protestants; who are a mixed Breed of People. There is -one Church also for the Protestant <i>Malayans</i>. The Town-house is built -of Brick, in a Square, about the Center of the City; ’tis two lofty -Stories high, and very<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_296" id="page_296"></a>{296}</span> finely built, where all Courts of Advice are -held, and all Matters relating to the Civil Government of the City are -determin’d, and the Senators and Directors of military Affairs meet. -There’s an inner Court inclos’d with a high Wall, and a double Row of -Stone Pillars, where the Officers of Justice live. Here are Hospitals, -Spin-houses, and Rasp-houses, the same as in <i>Amsterdam</i>, with all other -publick Buildings, equal to most Cities in <i>Europe</i>. The <i>Chinese</i> have -also a large Hospital in this City for their Aged and Sick Persons, and -manage their Charity so well, that you never see a <i>Chinese</i> look -despicable in the street. The <i>Dutch</i> Women have greater Privileges in -<i>India</i> than in <i>Holland</i>, or any where else; for on slight Occasions -they are often divorc’d from their Husbands, and share the Estate -betwixt them. A Lawyer told me at <i>Batavia</i>, he has known out of 58 -Causes, all depending in the Council-Chamber, 52 of them were Divorces. -Great Numbers of the Natives, who are Criminals, and not executed after -Condemnation, are chain’d by Pairs, and kept at hard Labour under a -Guard, perpetually clearing the Canals and Moats round the City, or any -other Labour for the publick. Three Leagues West from the Town, is the -Island <i>Unrest</i>, where all the Company’s Ships are refitted. There are -great Magazines of Naval Stores, defended by Platforms of Guns; and the -Castle at <i>Batavia</i> is Quadrangular, lies in a Level, and has 4 Bastions -and Courtins, fac’d with white Stones, and provided with Watch-houses. -In this Castle, or rather Citadel, the <i>Dutch</i> Governour-General, and -most of the Members of the Council of <i>India</i>, with the other Officers -of <i>Batavia</i>, have their Residence. The Governour’s Pallace is of Brick, -large and well built. In this Pallace is the Council-Chamber, the -Secretary’s Office and Chamber of Accounts. The great Hall is hung with -bright Armour, Ensigns, Flags, <i>&c.</i> taken by the <i>Dutch</i> here. The -Governour gives Audience to Strangers who are introduc’d to him by the -<i>Sabandar</i>, who is chief Custom-master. Here is also a Church within the -Castle, and an Armory with Apartments for all the Artificers belonging -to the Castle, which has 4 Gates, and all the Avenues well defended, the -whole being surrounded with Ditches and the Works well mounted with -Brass Cannon, as are the Bastions of the Town with Block-houses within -the Walls, so that they can fire upon Mutineers within, as well as upon -an Enemy without. The Out-works of the Town, of which there are several -every way at 4 Leagues Distance, are<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_297" id="page_297"></a>{297}</span> made of Earth, surrounded with -Ditches and Quick-set Hedges, which render them Arbours for Beauty, and -some of them fac’d with Brick. The Garrison on Duty is generally about -1000 strong, and all the Out-works are said to be furnish’d with a good -Stock of Provisions as well as the Castle; but the Soldiers are kept -much under, except the Governour’s Guards, who have large Privileges, -and make a fine Appearance. The Governour-General lives in as great -Splendor as a King; he has a Train and Guards, having a Troop of Horse, -and a Company of Foot, with Halberds, in Liveries of yellow Satin, -richly adorn’d with Silver Laces and Fringes, to attend his Coach when -he goes abroad. The Guards are as well equipp’d as most Princes in -<i>Europe</i>: His Lady has also her Guards and Train. He is chosen but for 3 -Years, out of the 24 Counsellors call’d Rads of <i>India</i>, 12 of whom must -always reside in the City. The <i>Chinese</i> have the greatest Trade here, -farm most of the Excise and Customs, live according to their own Laws -and idolatrous Worship, and have a Chief that manages their Affairs with -the Company, who allow them great Privileges, and particularly a -Representative in Council, who has a Vote when any <i>Chinese</i> is tried -for Life: But these Privileges are allow’d only to such <i>Chinese</i> as -inhabit here, for others are not admitted to stay above 6 Months in the -Town, or on the Island <i>Java</i>. The other Strangers, who inhabit here, -besides <i>Europeans</i>, are <i>Malayans</i>, with some People from most part of -<i>India</i>. The <i>Javanese</i>, or ancient Natives are numerous, and said to be -barbarous and proud, of a dark Colour, with flat Faces, thin short black -Hair, large Eye-brows and Cheeks. The Men are strong limb’d, but the -Women small; the former have a Wrapper of Callicoe, 3 or 4 times round -their Bodies, and the latter from their Arm-pits to their Knees. The Men -have 2 or 3 Wives besides Concubines, and the <i>Dutch</i> say, they are much -addicted to lying and stealing: Those on the Coast are generally -<i>Mahometans</i>, but the others <i>Pagans</i>. The Women are not so tawny as the -Men, and many of them handsom, but in general amorous, and unfaithful to -their Husbands or others, being very apt to give Poison, which they do -very cunningly. It would be too tedious for me to describe all the -remarkable Things I saw at <i>Batavia</i>. In short, I was perfectly -surpriz’d, when I came hither, to see such a noble City, and <i>Europeans</i> -so well settled in the <i>Indies</i>. The Town is very populous, but <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_298" id="page_298"></a>{298}</span>not one -Sixth of them <i>Dutch</i>. The <i>Chineze</i> here go all bare-headed, with their -Hair roul’d up, and long Gowns, carrying Fans in their Hands. The -<i>Dutch</i> say they are more industrious and acute in Trade than -themselves. The Discipline and Order of the <i>Dutch</i> here, both in Civil -and Military Affairs, is admirable. They have all Necessaries for -Building and Careening Ships, as well as in <i>Europe</i>, and their Officers -as regular as in her Majesty’s Yards; whereas we have nothing like it in -<i>India</i>. They keep the Natives very much in Awe, being perfectly -despotical in their Government over them, because they say the Natives -are naturally so treacherous that they are obliged to punish them -severely, for small Faults; but they are favourable to the <i>Chineze</i>, -because of the great Trade they have by their Means, and that they pay -great Rents for their Shops, besides large Taxes, and from 16 to 30 <i>per -Cent.</i> for Money, which they frequently borrow of the <i>Dutch</i>. I was -told, there are about 80000 on the Island, who pay the <i>Dutch</i> a Dollar -a head, each Month, for Liberty to wear their Hair, which they are not -allow’d to do at home, since they were conquer’d by the <i>Tartars</i>. There -comes hither from <i>China</i> 14 or 16 large Junks yearly, being flat -bottom’d Vessels, from 3 to 500 Tuns a-piece. The Merchants come along -with their Goods, which are lodg’d in different Partitions in the -Vessel, like Ware-houses, for which they pay a certain Price, and not -for the Weight or Measure of their Cargo, as we do; so that they fill -them with what they please. They come in with an Easterly Monsoon, and -generally arrive in <i>November</i> or <i>December</i>, and return the Beginning -of <i>June</i>, so that the <i>Dutch</i> have all <i>Chineze</i> Commodities brought to -them cheaper than they can fetch them; and being conveniently situated -for the Spice Trade, they have all in their own Hands. <i>Batavia</i> wants -no Commodities that <i>India</i> affords. ’Tis Pity our <i>East India</i> Company -has no Settlement to which the <i>Chineze</i> might resort; which I presume -would turn to a much better Account than our going to <i>China</i> does, -where our Traders are but indifferently us’d. ’Tis about 5 Years since -we quitted <i>Benjar</i>, in the Island of <i>Borneo</i>, which, by all the -Accounts I had here, might, if well improv’d, have been as serviceable -to our <i>East India</i> Company as <i>Batavia</i> is to the <i>Dutch</i>, who have -seldom less than 20 Sail of Ships at the Isle of <i>Java</i>, from 30 to 50 -and 60 Guns each, with Men enough for them on all Occasions, so that -they might easily drive us out of most Parts, if not all <i>India</i>, should -we ever have an unfortunate War with them. Their Soldiers are<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_299" id="page_299"></a>{299}</span> - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Sailing from Batavia.</i></span> very well -train’d, and there’s a Company always on Duty at every Gate of the City -and Citadel; and they have 7 or 8000 disciplin’d <i>Europeans</i> in and -about the City, who can be ready for Action, at a very short Warning: -’Tis the Metropolis of their <i>Indian</i> Settlements, and sends Governours -and Officers to all the rest: The late General, before we came hither, -had War with the <i>Indians</i>, which, I was inform’d, had like to have -spoil’d their Settlements; but at last, they divided the Natives amongst -themselves, brought them to a Peace on advantageous Conditions, and are -now pretty secure of the Sea-Coasts. There are many pleasant Seats about -the City, and the adjacent Country abounds with Rice, Sugar-Cane-fields, -Gardens and Orchards, Mills for Sugar, Corn, and Gun-powder; so that -this City is one of the pleasantest in the World. I don’t think it so -large as <i>Bristol</i>, but ’tis more populous: They have Schools for -<i>Latin</i>, <i>Greek</i>, <i>&c.</i> and a Printing House. They have lately begun to -plant Coffee here, which thrives very well, so that in a little time -they may be able to load a Ship or two; but I am told it is not so good -as that of <i>Arabia</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Octob.</i> 12. We, according to Order from our Owners to keep our Ships -full mann’d, if the War continued till our Return, ship’t here seventeen -Men, most of them <i>Dutch</i>; the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Batchelor</i> near the same -Number, so that we are all well mann’d; and tho’ we look’d upon our -Hardships to be over, several ran from us here that came out of -<i>England</i> with us, being stragling Fellows that can’t leave their old -Trade of Deserting, tho’ now they have a good Sum due to each of them, -so that their Shares are by Contract due to those that continu’d.</p> - -<p><i>Octob.</i> 17. We got to the watering Place on the Main, within <i>Princes</i> -Island to <i>Java</i> Head. The Chief of our Business here, was to get Water -and Wood for our Passage to the Cape of <i>Good Hope</i>, which we compleated -in 4 Days Time: But in the Interim a Misfortune befel us, which -occasion’d our Stay longer on Account of a Boat lent us by Capt. <i>Pike</i>, -Commander of the <i>Stringer</i> Gally, who followed us hither from -<i>Batavia</i>, after a Servant of his who was brought away by Captain -<i>Dover</i> in the <i>Batchelor</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Octob.</i> 23. The Boat was missing, but came back with all the Men safe, -and we return’d her to Captain <i>Pike</i>, who had his Servant, and took his -Leave of us.</p> - -<p>We held the following Council just before we came to sail.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_300" id="page_300"></a>{300}</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"><p class="c">In a Committee on Board the <i>Duke</i>, <i>Octob.</i> 23. 1710. at <i>Java</i> -Head.</p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">I</span>T is agreed, that we make the best of our Way from hence to the -Cape of <span class="nrmtx">Good Hope</span>; and if through Misfortune any Ship should loose -or part Company, either by bad Weather or otherwise, they are to go -to the Cape of</i> Good Hope, <i>and if they don’t find the other Ships, -to stay there 20 Days: But if within that Time the missing Ship or -Ships don’t appear, then to make their utmost Dispatch for the -Island St. <span class="nrmtx">Hellena</span>; and if not there, to proceed thence according -to the Owners Orders for <span class="nrmtx">Great Britain</span>.</i></p> - -<p class="r"> -Signed by the Majority of our Council.<br /> -</p></div> - -<p><i>Octob.</i> 24. At 4 in the Afternoon <i>Java</i> Head bore N. E. by E. distant -10 or 12 Leagues, which being the last Sight we had of it, from that we -took our Departure.</p> - -<p><i>Octob.</i> 25. A fresh Gale of Wind at S. E. with fair Weather, but an -ugly swelling Sea. This Morning in Stowing our best Anchor, <i>Joseph -Long</i>, a Sailor, fell over Board, and being no Swimmer, before we could -get the Boat out to his Assistance, was lost.</p> - -<p>Nothing remarkable happen’d till the 27th of <i>December</i>, but that my -Ship prov’d so leaky, that on the 31st of <i>October</i> she had near 3 Foot -Water in the Hold, and our Pumps being choak’d, we were in such Danger, -that we made Signals, and fir’d Guns for our Consorts to come to our -Relief, but had just suck’d her as the <i>Dutchess</i> came up. The 10th of -<i>October</i>, she sprung a new Leak, which we could not fully stop, tho’ we -us’d all our Endeavours, and at the same time I had been for the most -Part confin’d to my Cabbin by Illness, ever since I left <i>Batavia</i>. The -28th of <i>December</i>, Mr. <i>James Wase</i> our chief Surgeon died, and we -buried him decently next Day, with our Naval Ceremonies as usual, being -a very honest useful Man, a good Surgeon, and bred up at <i>Leyden</i>, in -the Study of Physick as well as Surgery. We made Land the 15th of -<i>December</i>, came in with the Shoar the 18th, and had Soundings in 60 and -70 Fathom, the Ground grey Grett, with small Stones and Shells; had a -strong Southerly Current, S. Lat. 34. 2. Lon. W. from <i>London</i> 334. 34.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">At the Cape of Good Hope.</div> - -<p>The 27th of <i>December</i>, we came up with Cape <i>Falso</i>, betwixt which and -the Cape of <i>Good Hope</i>, there’s a deep<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_301" id="page_301"></a>{301}</span> Bay, and about a 3d over from -the Cape, there’s a Shold which breaks for a good Distance, but plain -enough to be seen. By Noon we were a-breast of the Cape, and saw the -Table-Land S. Lat. 34. 14.</p> - -<p>The 28th We had very hard Flaws of Wind off the High Land, till we came -within Sight of the <i>Lions Head</i> and <i>Rump</i>, two Hills over the Cape -<i>Toun</i>. This Day we arriv’d in the Harbour of the Cape, saluted the -<i>Dutch</i> Fort with 9 Guns, and were answer’d by 7. We anchor’d in 6 -Fathom Water, about a Mile off Shoar, and found only one <i>English</i> Ship, -call’d the <i>Donegal</i>, Capt. <i>Cliff</i> Commander, homeward bound from -<i>Mocha</i>, and 2 <i>Middleburgers</i> outward bound for <i>Batavia</i> in the -Harbour, besides the Guard-Ship, and 2 or 3 Galliots.</p> - -<p>The 29th. We moor’d our Ship, and got down our Yards and Topmasts to -guard against the hard Flaws of Wind off the Table-Land, which -frequently blow very fresh betwixt E. S. E. and S. E. We sent 16 sick -Men a-shoar. We spent till the 18th of <i>January</i>, 1710-11. in watering -and re-fiting, and then held the following Committee.</p> - -<p>On the 18th the Committee met a-shoar, and agreed as follows.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">T</span>HE Three Ships wanting several Necessaries and Provisions, we agree, -that Captain <span class="nrmtx">Rogers</span> and Captain <span class="nrmtx">Courtney</span> do bring 100 Weight of Plate -a-shoar from either <span class="nrmtx">Duke</span> or <span class="nrmtx">Dutchess</span>, and 60 Ounces of unwrought Gold, -with all the coined Gold or Silver that is in both Ships. We likewise -empower them, in Conjunction with Captains <span class="nrmtx">Dover</span> and <span class="nrmtx">Cook</span>, to purchase -what Necessaries are wanting for the Whole, and to sell what Goods are -fit to be dispos’d of here, if not too much to our Disadvantage, rather -than exchange more Gold or Silver. We also desir’d they would agree for -a Cable and Anchor, now wanting for the <span class="nrmtx">Duke</span>, in Place of her Sheet -Anchor and Cable, lately put aboard the <span class="nrmtx">Batchelor</span> for her Security.</i></p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres.</i> </td><td align="left">Robert Fry,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Steph. Courtney,</td><td align="left">Lan. Appleby.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Wm. Dampier,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> - -<p>On the 1st of <i>February</i>, I offer’d some Proposals in Writing to -Captains <i>Dover</i> and <i>Courtney</i>, with the rest of the Committee, wherein -I told them ’twas my Opinion we should loose too much Time to stay for -the <i>Dutch</i> Fleet, in order to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_302" id="page_302"></a>{302}</span> the Benefit of their Convoy to -<i>Holland</i>, which would not only be out of our Way, but very tedious and -chargeable; and we having large Quantities of decaying Goods on Board, -the Time we should loose by waiting for the <i>Dutch</i>, might be -advantagiously imploy’d in <i>Brazile</i>, where we could lie in very little -Danger of the Enemy, and vend them at great Rates, and thence get to -<i>Bristol</i> through the <i>North</i> Channel, having the Summer before us. -Continuing in the Lat. of 55 or 56 Degrees, 2 or 300 Leagues, before we -get the Length of the North of <i>Ireland</i>, and by that Means might avoid -the Track of the Enemy. I earnestly press’d, that if they could not -agree to this, one of our Privateers might take this Run alone, and the -other keep with the <i>Batchelor</i> and <i>Dutch</i> Fleet, but the Majority was -against any Thing, but going Home with the <i>Dutch</i> Fleet altogether, so -that all I could do more was to remind them of examining the Goods -aboard the <i>Batchelor</i>, and to take out of her so much Goods in safe -Package, as would lie in the like Room of <i>European</i> Goods on Board the -<i>Dutchess</i>, That if any Accident should happen to the <i>Batchelor</i>, we -might have Part of her Value in another Bottom. I desir’d, if any -amongst them were not of this Opinion, they would give their Reasons to -the contrary in Writing; but we could agree to nothing. So I was forced -to yield to the Majority of a Committee to go home with the <i>Dutch</i> -Fleet, and having a good Conveyance by two Ships to advise our Owners, I -wrote ’em a full Account of all our Transactions since we left <i>Grande</i>, -and other Matters relating to the Voyage. And also sent what we had -agreed in the Committee to our Owners, which was as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p> -Gentlemen,<br /> -</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Cape of Good Hope.</i></div> - -<p class="nind"><i><span class="letra">T</span>His is to acquaint you of our safe Arrival at the Cape of <span class="nrmtx">Good -Hope</span>, December, 29, 1710. with our Prize the <span class="nrmtx">Acapulco</span> Ship, call’d -<span class="nrmtx">Nuestra Señora de’l Incarnation y Disengano</span>, commanded by Monsieur -<span class="nrmtx">John Pechberty</span>, and now call’d by us the <span class="nrmtx">Batchelor</span> Frigat, mounted -with 20 Great Guns, and 20 Brass Pattereroes, and mann’d with 116 -Men, a firm Ship, and each of our Ships are mann’d with 120 Men -each, in Company with 3 <span class="nrmtx">English East-India</span> Ships, and do expect 3 -Sail more every Day. The <span class="nrmtx">Dutch</span> Ships from <span class="nrmtx">Batavia</span> (which are 12 -Sail of stout Ships) are expected here every Hour, and six Sail -more from <span class="nrmtx">Ceilon</span>, which Fleet we are resolved in Council to -accompany to <span class="nrmtx">Holland</span>, except we have an Account of Peace, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_303" id="page_303"></a>{303}</span> -happen to meet with an <span class="nrmtx">English</span> Convoy in crossing our Latitudes. -Our Ships are all fitted with every thing necessary, and only wait -for the Fleet, which we expect will sail by the last of <span class="nrmtx">March</span>. -Hoping God will so direct us, that we shall come with Speed and -Safety to yourselves, and the rest of our Friends, to whom we -render all due Respects, and remain, <span class="nrmtx">Gentlemen</span>,</i></p> - -<p class="r">Your most humble and most obedient Servants,</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td align="left">Tho. Dover, <i>Pres</i>. </td><td align="left">William Stretton,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Woodes Rogers,</td><td align="left">Charles Pope,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Steph. Courtney,</td><td align="left">Tho. Glendall,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Edward Cook,</td><td align="left">John Connely,</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Wm. Dampier,</td><td align="left">John Ballett.</td></tr> -<tr><td align="left">Robert Fry,</td><td align="left"> </td></tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p>We being now likely to spend so much Time here, and the <i>Duke</i> having -been very leaky all the way betwixt <i>Batavia</i> and this Place, and -considering the long Passage we had to <i>England</i>, I moved to the Council -that we might go to <i>Sardinia</i> Bay to careen. ’Twas debated some time -before betwixt me and Capt. <i>Courtney</i> <i>pro</i> and <i>con</i>; and to be -farther satisfy’d, on the 13<i>th</i> Capts. <i>Cook</i>, <i>Fry</i> and <i>Stretton</i> -were appointed to come aboard, and we had a Survey of Carpenters -concerning the Leak. After some Rummage, they agreed ’twould be very -dangerous to attempt any thing within-board, and no other way but -Careening would do, which Capt. <i>Dover</i> and the Majority would not -consent to; so that we are forc’d to lie in as bad a condition as ever, -only now and then mitigate the Leak with a Bonnet,<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> which is of no -long continuance in the Harbour, much less when we come to Sea. This Day -about Noon the <i>Batavia</i> Fleet came in, being 11 Sail. The Fort saluted -the Flag with 21 Guns, and all the <i>English</i> Ships saluted likewise, -except mine, which being upon the Heel,<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> could not do it.</p> - -<p><i>Feb.</i> 26. Having been very weak, and kept my Chamber for several Days, -but now something better, I sent for most of my Officers ashore, that I -might be thoroughly satisfied what was wanting aboard, in order to go -home with the <i>Dutch</i> Fleet; and being too weak, and made uncapable of -assisting to get any thing, I deliver’d in the said Account to Capts. -<i>Dover</i>, <i>Courtney</i> and <i>Cooke</i>, with the rest of the Committee,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_304" id="page_304"></a>{304}</span> that -we might not be hurried to Sea without Necessaries for Subsistance.</p> - -<p>On the 27<i>th</i> we made a Rummage for Bale Goods to dispose of ashore, -having Leave of the Governour, and provided a Store-house, where Capt. -<i>Courtney</i>, with the Owners Agent took their turns weekly during the -Sale of them.</p> - -<p>Nothing remarkable happen’d till the 3<i>d</i> of <i>April</i>, but that on the -13<i>th</i> of <i>March</i> 4 <i>Dutch</i> Ships came in from <i>Ceylon</i>, 3 of them -having lost their Main Masts, and being otherwise much damaged by a -violent Storm they met with in Lat. 18. S.</p> - -<p>I took in more Water and Provisions, sent more Goods ashore to the -Storehouse, and disposed of 12 Negroes.</p> - -<p>On the 28<i>th</i> of <i>March</i> a <i>Portuguese</i> Ship from <i>Brasile</i> came in with -advice, that 5 Stout <i>French</i> Ships attempted <i>Rio Janiero</i>, but were -repuls’d, and had a great Number of Men kill’d, and 400 taken Prisoners -by the <i>Portuguese</i>.</p> - -<p><i>April</i> 3. Being in a readiness to sail, the Flag came off Shore, was -saluted first by the <i>Dutch</i>, and then by all the <i>English</i> Ships; but a -contrary Wind prevented our sailing. Most of the Goods sold at the Cape -were taken out of the <i>Duke</i>, being in much worse Package than those -aboard the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Batchelor</i>; so that most of our Bales that -could be come at, have been open’d, and we find abundance of Damage, our -Ship having been so long leaky, that we have not a tight Place in the -Ship fit to secure dry Goods.</p> - -<p><i>April</i> 5. At Day-break this Morning the Flag hoisted a blue Ensign, -loos’d his Fore-top-sail, and fired a Gun as a Signal to unmoor: As we -were heaving in our Cable, it rubb’d against the Oakham, which had got -into the Leak, and occasion’d the Ship to be as leaky again as ever, she -having been indifferent tight for some time, and we were in hopes it -would have continu’d. About Noon I came aboard very thin, and in no -better Health than I was when I went first ashore at our Arrival here. -Presently after I went aboard the Flag, there being a Signal made for -all the <i>English</i> Commanders. We had before received our Orders, which -were very particular, and as obligatory to be punctually observed. About -4 in the Afternoon the Flag, Vice and Rear Admirals weigh’d, with part -of the Fleet, and fell down to <i>Robins</i> or <i>Penguin</i> Island, where they -lay for the rest of the Ships.</p> - -<p><i>April</i> 6. In the Afternoon we all weigh’d from <i>Penguin</i> Island, 16 -<i>Dutch</i> and 9 <i>English</i> Ships, having a fresh Breeze at S. S. E.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_305" id="page_305"></a>{305}</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>At the Cape of Good Hope.</i></div> - -<p>We buried ashore here, <i>George Russel</i>, a Foremast-man, <i>Dec.</i> 30. 1710. -<i>John Glasson</i>, dº. 5 <i>Jan.</i> Mr. <i>Carleton Vanbrugh</i>, Owners Agent, 3 -<i>Feb.</i> Mr. <i>Lancelot Appleby</i>, 2<i>d</i> Mate, 21 dºo. and four deserted.</p> - -<p>Here follows a List of the Ships that arrived during our Stay at the -Cape; all those homeward bound are now in company with us, except Capt. -<i>Opie</i> in the <i>Olie</i>, and a <i>Dane</i> that sailed in <i>February</i>, designed -home before us.</p> - -<div class="blockquott"><p class="nind"><i>The Ships that arriv’d at the Cape while we were there.</i></p> - -<p><i>Donnegall</i>, Capt. <i>Cliff</i>, found here, from <i>Mocha</i> bound to -<i>England</i>.</p> - -<p>A <i>Dutch</i> Ship, arriv’d <i>Jan.</i> 6, from <i>Batavia</i>, and bound -thither.</p> - -<p><i>Loyal Bliss</i>, Capt. <i>Rob. Hudson</i>, arriv’d <i>Jan.</i> 10. from -<i>Bengall</i>, bound to <i>England</i>.</p> - -<p>A <i>Dane</i>, arriv’d <i>Jan.</i> 15. from <i>Trincombar</i>, bound to <i>Denmark</i>.</p> - -<p>A <i>Dutch</i> Ship, arriv’d <i>Jan.</i> 16. from <i>Zealand</i>, bound for -<i>Batavia</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Blenheim</i>, Capt. <i>Parrot</i>, <i>Jan.</i> 22. arriv’d from <i>Mocha</i>, bound -to <i>England</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Oley</i>, Capt. <i>Opie</i>, arrived <i>Jan.</i> 25. from <i>Batavia</i>, bound for -<i>England</i>.</p> - -<p>A <i>Dutch</i> Ship, arrived <i>Feb.</i> 4. from <i>Holland</i>, bound to -<i>Batavia</i>.</p> - -<p>The <i>Batavia</i> Fleet, 11 Ships, arrived <i>Feb.</i> 22. bound to -<i>Holland</i>.</p> - -<p>The <i>Ceilon</i> Fleet, 4 Ships, arrived <i>March</i> 7. bound for -<i>Holland</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Loyal Cook</i>, Capt. <i>Clark</i>, arrived <i>March</i> 12. from <i>China</i>, -bound for <i>England</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Carleton</i>, Capt. <i>Litton</i>, arrived <i>March</i> 17. from <i>Batavia</i>, -bound for <i>England</i>.</p> - -<p>King <i>William</i>, Capt. <i>Winter</i>, arrived <i>March</i> 26. from <i>Bengall</i>, -bound to <i>England</i>.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_306" id="page_306"></a>{306}</span></p> - -<h2><i>A Short Description of the Cape of</i> Good Hope.</h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span> Shall not trouble the Reader with what has been writ by others -concerning this noted Place: And since I had neither Time, Health, nor -Permission to ramble the Country, I can relate no Adventures that we had -with Bears, Tygers or <i>Hottentots</i>; but what I shall say is from my own -Observation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Description of the Cape of Good Hope.</i></div> - -<p>The <i>Dutch</i> have here a well built small Town, containing about two -hundred and fifty Houses, with a Church, and several fine Gardens and -small Vineyards near it. There are divers Villages in the Country, from -10 to 30 Miles distance, and scattering Plantations near a hundred Miles -from the Cape; so that from the whole they are supposed to be capable of -raising 3000 well armed Horse and Foot at a short warning. The Climate -being in about 35 S. Lat. is excellent and healthful, and the Soil very -fruitful. They have many pleasant Seats in the Neighbourhood, with -Gardens, Vineyards, and Plantations of young Oaks, and other Trees -raised by themselves; there being no large Timber nearer than 50 Miles -off the Cape. I was inform’d that these Farms and Plantations bring in -their <i>East India</i> Company a considerable Sum <i>per Annum</i>, besides -Maintenance for the Garrison. They let the Land so cheap, for -Encouragement of Planters, and it produces such a large Increase of -Corn, Wine and Cattle, that it enables the People to pay a great Excise -for their Commodities, which are also continually exported for the -<i>Dutch</i> Settlements in <i>India</i>, and spent in recruiting their Fleets -that stop here; so that in a few Years they hope this Place will be so -considerable, as to afford them Recruits on any Occasion for their -Garrisons in <i>India</i>; and if they be pressed by a War there, they may -always lodge such a Number of Men at this noble Settlement, which they -esteem a second Fatherland, as may arrive at <i>India</i> in so good a -Condition, that no <i>European</i> Power can be so capable of holding the -<i>India</i> Trade as themselves. This makes me think it to have been a great -Omission in our <i>East India Company</i> to quit this Settlement for <i>St. -Hellena</i>, which is no way comparable to it, nor able to answer the same -End. Amongst other Advantages, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_307" id="page_307"></a>{307}</span> <i>Dutch</i> have here a noble Hospital, -furnished with Physicians and Surgeons as regularly as any in <i>Europe</i>; -and this Hospital is capable of entertaining 6 or 700 sick Men at one -time; so that as soon as the <i>Dutch</i> Ships arrive here, their -distemper’d Men are put ashore, and they are supplied with fresh Men in -their stead. They have all sorts of Naval Stores here, with proper -Officers to attend on all Occasions, which is a mighty Addition to their -Strength, and enables them to preserve their <i>India</i> Trade. An Express -comes hither annually from <i>Holland</i> by a small Ship, to meet their -homeward bound <i>E. India</i> Fleet, which is generally from 17 to 20 great -Ships. The Express brings a private Order to the Commander in chief, who -is appointed by the Government in <i>India</i>; so that none knows where they -are to meet their Convoy in the North Seas, but himself; and he gives it -sealed up to each Ship, to be open’d in a proper Latitude near home. By -this Method their Fleets have for many Years escaped the Enemy, and -arrived safe in <i>Holland</i>. Their Form of Government, their Industry and -Neatness abroad, is justly to be admired, and worthy to be imitated. I -saw nothing I could blame, unless it be their Severity, for which no -doubt they have very good reason, tho’ it seemed harsh to me, who was -born with <i>English</i> Liberty. They have an Island call’d <i>Robin</i>, which -lies at the Entrance of the Cape Bay, about 3 Leagues from the Town, -where they confine Mutineers, or other heinous Offenders, to hard Labour -during Life, by Sentence of the Fiscal.</p> - -<p>The <i>Dutch</i> generally send a Ship every Year from hence to <i>Madagascar</i> -for Slaves, to supply their Plantations; for the <i>Hotentots</i>, who are -very numerous, and love their Liberty and Ease so much, that they cannot -be brought to work, even tho they should starve.</p> - -<p>I spoke with an <i>English</i> and an <i>Irish</i>-man, who had been several Years -with the <i>Madagascar</i> Pirates, but were now pardoned, and allowed to -settle here: They told me, that those miserable Wretches, who had made -such a Noise in the World, were now dwindled to between 60 or 70, most -of them very poor and despicable, even to the Natives, among whom they -had married. They added, that they had no Embarkations, but one Ship, -and a Sloop that lay sunk; so that those Pirates are so inconsiderable, -that they scarce deserve to be mentioned; yet if Care be not taken after -a Peace to clear that Island of them, and hinder others from joining -them, it may be a Temptation for loose stragling<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_308" id="page_308"></a>{308}</span> Fellows to resort -thither, and make it once more a troublesome Nest of Free-booters.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p> - -<p>The <i>Dutch</i> have seldom less than 500 Soldiers in the Cape Castle, which -is very large, built with Stone, and has 70 Guns well mounted on its -Ramparts, with convenient Dwellings for the Officers and Soldiers; but -it lies too deep in the Bay to protect the Ships in the Road; therefore -they talk of erecting a Battery on the Starboard sandy Point, as you -enter the Bay. The Road is so much exposed to the sea, that in the -Winter Months, when the Wind blows strong from thence, it is unsafe -Riding, and Ships are very often lost here; so that whoever comes hither -in that Season, ought to be well provided with Cables and Anchors to -ride out a Storm: But in the Summer it seldom blows from the Sea; yet -scarce a Day passes without very strong Flaws at S. E. which come down -from the Table Mountains that lie over the Fort, so violently, that -Boats cannot go to or from the Ships, but in the Morning and Evening, -when it is generally very moderate and calm.</p> - -<p>The <i>Dutch</i> have found out a noble hot Spring of Water above 100 Miles -up in the Country, which is of excellent virtue against all Distempers -contracted in <i>India</i>; so that few have been carried thither, tho’ in a -desperate Condition, but they have recover’d to admiration by drinking -and bathing in that Water.</p> - -<p>This Place having been so frequently describ’d by others, I shall only -add, that I found the Character of the <i>Hotentots</i> to be very true, and -that they scarce deserve to be reckon’d of the Human Kind, they are such -ill look’d stinking nasty People: Their Apparel is the Skins of Beasts, -their chief Ornament is to be very greasy and black, so that they -besmear themselves with stinking Oil, or Tallow and Soot, and the Women -twist the Guts of Beasts or Thongs of Hides round their Legs, which -resembles a Tobacco-roll. Here’s plenty of all sorts of Beasts and Fowl, -wild and tame; and in short, there’s nothing wanting at the Cape of -<i>Good Hope</i>, for a good Subsistence; nor is there any Place more -commodious for a Retirement to such as would be out of the Noise of the -World, than the adjacent Country in possession of the <i>Dutch</i>.</p> - -<p>Nothing remarkable happen’d till the <i>1st</i> of <i>May</i>, only I continued -very ill, as my Ship did leaky, and sometimes we - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Sailing from the Cape towards Europe.</i></span> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_309" id="page_309"></a>{309}</span> - -had Thunder, Lightning, Rain, and Squalls of Wind. Yesterday Afternoon -we had sight of the Island <i>St. Hellena</i>, bearing N. W. by N. about 6 -Leagues, lying in S. Lat. 16.</p> - -<p>On the <i>7th</i> we made the Island of <i>Ascension</i>, S. Lat. 8. 2. Longit. W. -from <i>London</i> 13. 20.</p> - -<p>On the <i>14th</i> at Noon we found we had just cross’d the Equator, being -the <i>8th</i> time we had done so in our Course round the World. There was a -strong Current setting to the Northward, after the rate of about 1 Mile -an Hour, Longit. W. from <i>London</i>. 21. 11. So that we have run much -continually to the Westward, over and above the Circumference of the -Globe.</p> - -<p>The <i>17th</i> in Lat. 3. 13. we found the Current still continuing to set -to the N.W. 20 Miles in 24 Hours. The <i>Dutch</i> Commadore was very civil -to us, and because our Prize sailed heavy, he allow’d her to keep a-head -in the Night, which he did not to any other Ship. We and the <i>Dutchess</i> -often tow’d her in the Day, to keep her up with the Fleet.</p> - -<p><i>June 7.</i> In the Lat. of 24°. 55´´. The 3 Admirals hall’d down their -Flags, and hoisted Pennants at their Main topmast Heads, to appear more -like Ships of War, every <i>Dutch</i> Ship doing the same. Now we draw near -home, they scrape and clean their Ships, bending new Sails, so that they -look as if newly come out of <i>Holland</i>.</p> - -<p><i>June 13.</i> Yesterday Afternoon the Flag made a Signal for all the -<i>Dutch</i> Commanders to go aboard with their Latitude and Longitude. We -took the <i>Batchelor</i> in towe this Morning, having a fine moderate Gale -at E. by N. with smooth pleasant Weather.</p> - -<p><i>June 14.</i> We cast the <i>Batchelor</i> off about 5 Yesterday Afternoon, I -being unwilling to run too far a head with her, now we are got so far to -the Northward, where we may expect not only the Danger of the Enemy, but -also veerable Winds and thick Weather, by which means she may loose the -Fleet. I advis’d Capt. <i>Courtney</i> the same in the Evening by a Letter. -This Morning we rummaged our Hold, and found very little new Damage -amongst the Bails, but all in general much decay’d by lying so long in -ordinary Package.</p> - -<p><i>June 15.</i> The Admiral made a Signal this Morning for all the <i>English</i> -Commanders, and some of the <i>Dutch</i> Skippers to come aboard him, where -we found an excellent Entertainment, and the good Humour of the <i>Dutch</i> -Admiral soon made all the Company understand each other without a -Linguist,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_310" id="page_310"></a>{310}</span> tho’ we had much ado to get one at first Meeting. We parted -before the Sun set, and had a fine Day.</p> - -<p><i>June 28.</i> Being got into the Latitude of 51 N. we had thick foggy -Weather, so that the Flag fired two Guns every half hour; each Ship -answer’d with one. This continu’d several Days, which consumed a great -deal of Powder, but by the Noise of the Guns it was easy to keep -Company, tho’ sometimes so thick for several Hours, that we could not -see three Ships Lengths.</p> - -<p><i>July 14.</i> This Morning we fancied we saw Land, and some of the <i>Dutch</i> -Ships made the concerted Signal, but none was positive, having sounded, -and found no Ground with above 100 Fathom of Line.</p> - -<p><i>July 15.</i> We saw 2 Ships Yesterday Afternoon, one of which we spoke -with, being a <i>Dane</i> bound for <i>Ireland</i>. She told us the Wars still -continued, but gave a very imperfect Account of any other News: She -informed us of the <i>Dutch</i> Men of War, that were cruizing for us off -<i>Shetland</i> (being 10 Sail) whom she saw 4 or 5 Days ago, and reckon’d -her self now about 40 Leagues from the Land. We had Soundings then in 70 -Fathom Water, brown gravelly Ground. I just had time to send the Owners -a Copy of my Letters from the Cape of <i>Good Hope</i>, and to let ’em know -we were now got so far safe towards the Conclusion of a fatiguing -Voyage. In the Morning we made <i>Fair Island</i> and <i>Foul Island</i> lying off -of <i>Shetland</i>, presently after we saw the Men of War; but having little -Wind, and they a good way distant from each other, we could join but one -of them by Noon. <i>Fair Island</i> then bore S.S.E. distant about 2 Leagues.</p> - -<p><i>July 16.</i> All the Men of War join’d us Yesterday Afternoon, but one or -two with the fishing Doggers, who were cruizing off to the North East of -<i>Shetland</i>. After mutual Salutations both by the <i>Dutch</i> and <i>English</i> -Ships, one of the Men of War was sent out to see for the missing Ships. -Mean while the Fleet lay by, and having little Wind, the Boats came to -and fro all Night, and supply’d us with what we wanted. The Inhabitants -of those Islands came aboard with what Provisions they had, being very -poor People, who subsist most by Fishing.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Arrival at the Texel.</i></div> - -<p><i>July 17.</i> In the Morning we had a small Breeze, with which the Men of -War got into the Fleet again, having met with the other. About Noon we -all made Sail, steering away betwixt the S.S.E. and S.E. and the Wind at -S.W. <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_311" id="page_311"></a>{311}</span>and S.W. by S. I wrote a single Letter to the Owners in general, -by a <i>Scots</i> Fishing Boat belonging to <i>Shetland</i>, advising them of our -joining the Men of War, who are order’d with the Fleet to the <i>Texel</i>, -where I hope we shall soon meet an <i>English</i> Convoy. The <i>Dutch India</i> -Admiral, tho’ but a Company’s Ship, wears his Flag, and gives Signals -and Orders to the <i>Dutch</i> Men of War, which is not suffer’d among the -<i>English</i>, and in the whole Run from the Cape have kept an exact -Discipline in the Fleet, not suffering any of the Commanders to go out -of the Ships to visit each other at Sea without his Signal or Leave.</p> - -<p><i>July 21.</i> This Morning one of the Men of War was order’d away for the -<i>Texel</i>, to give notice of the Fleet’s coming; I again wrote to the -Owners, for fear of any Miscarriage by the former Conveyances.</p> - -<p><i>July 23.</i> The Weather being close, the Commadore made a Signal about 10 -a Clock for seeing Land; presently after all the Fleet answer’d him with -their Colours. The Pilot-Boats coming off aboard the Ships, we had 2 -aboard, who told us the <i>Texel</i> bore about S.E. by E. distant 15 or 16 -Miles. Presently after Noon we parted with the <i>Rotterdam</i> and -<i>Middleburgh</i> Ships, most of the Men of War going with ’em to see ’em -safe in. The Flag and all the <i>English</i> Ships saluted the Commadore, and -afterwards we saluted the Flag himself to welcome him in sight of -<i>Holland</i>; and as soon as they got over the Bar, the <i>Dutch-men</i> fir’d -all their Guns for joy of their safe Arrival in their own Country, which -they very affectionately call <i>Father-land</i>. All the Ships bound into -the <i>Texel</i> lay by from 2 till 5 a Clock, waiting for the Flood to carry -us up. About 8 at Night we all came safe to an Anchor in 6 Fathom Water -about 2 Miles off Shore.</p> - -<p>On the <i>24th</i> in the Morning the <i>Dutch</i> Flag weigh’d, in order to go up -to the unlivering Place. As he pass’d by us, we gave him 3 Huzza’s and 9 -Guns. In the Afternoon I went up to <i>Amsterdam</i>, where we had Letters -from our Owners, to direct us how to act and proceed from hence. On the -<i>28th</i> the <i>English East India</i> Ships had Orders to be in a readiness -for sailing with the first <i>Dutch</i> Convoy for <i>London</i>. We got some -Provisions aboard from <i>Amsterdam</i> on the <i>30th</i>. When I came aboard, on -the 1st of <i>August</i>, by Consent of our Council, we discharg’d what Men -we ship’t at <i>Batavia</i> and the <i>Cape</i>, and afterwards went away from -<i>Amsterdam</i>. On the 4th the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Batchelor</i> went up to the -Road, call’d the <i>Vlicter</i>, being a better Road<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_312" id="page_312"></a>{312}</span> than the <i>Texel</i>. In -the Evening we had News of some of our Owners being at the <i>Helder</i>: Mr. -<i>Pope</i> went to wait upon ’em, and in the Morning came aboard with them. -After a short Stay they went for the <i>Dutchess</i> and <i>Batchelor</i>, -designing thence for <i>Amsterdam</i>; we welcom’d ’em with 15 Guns at their -coming and going; the <i>English East-India</i> Ships and others bound for -<i>England</i> weigh’d with the <i>Dutch</i> Convoy to Day, having a fine Gale at -N. E. On the 6th we weigh’d from the <i>Texel</i>, and went up to our -Consorts, it being by a particular Order from the Owners for our better -Security; we being oblig’d to wait there, fearing the <i>India</i> Company -would be troublesome, altho’ we had dealt for nothing but Necessaries in -<i>India</i>.</p> - -<p>On the 10th in the Afternoon, the Owners with the Chief Officers came -down, and the next Day went a-shoar to the <i>Texel</i>, where having an -Abstract of our Voyage ready drawn up, we went before a Notary Publick, -and took our Affidavits, that what was therein contain’d was true to the -best of our Knowledge, and that we had been at no other Places than -therein mention’d. This was desir’d of us by <i>James Hollidge</i>, Esq; one -of our Owners, to justifie our Proceedings to the Queen and Council, in -Answer to what the <i>East-India</i> Company had to alledge against us, they -being, as we were inform’d, resolved to trouble us, on Pretence we had -encroached upon their Liberties in <i>India</i>. On the 12th, we return’d -aboard again; and to keep up a Form of Government, tho’ the Owners were -here, we held a Committee, where ’twas agreed to carry a Quantity of -Gold to <i>Amsterdam</i>, to exchange for a Supply of our Men and Ships, -<i>viz.</i> 20 Guilders to a Sailor, 10 to a Land-man, and to every Officer -in Proportion as his Occasions requir’d. On the 13th we went away for -<i>Amsterdam</i>, but did not carry any Gold out of our Ships, upon -Consideration it might be prejudicial to the Insurance made on our -Ships, if we took any Value out, and an Accident should afterwards -happen, so we agreed again, ’twould be better to take up the Money at -<i>Amsterdam</i>.</p> - -<p>We had several Stores and Provisions from <i>Amsterdam</i> this Week, and -likewise Money for the Officers and Men, which was paid ’em, and they -had Liberty to go a-shoar by turns.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Transactions in Holland.</i></div> - -<p>On the 23d in the Afternoon, the Owners came down from <i>Amsterdam</i>, and -the next Day examin’d the Prisoners aboard Us and the <i>Batchelor</i>, about -taking the said Ship and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_313" id="page_313"></a>{313}</span> other Prizes, having Notice of our going over -for <i>England</i>, and that a Convoy was appointed to come for us.</p> - -<p>We got all the Men off Shoar, who had been very troublesome to the -Owners at <i>Amsterdam</i>, and every thing in Readiness for Sailing. On the -31st Mr. <i>Hollidge</i> came aboard (the rest of the Owners being gone over -for <i>England</i>) and took Account of what Plate, Gold, Pearl, <i>&c</i>. was in -the Ship. The same being done aboard the <i>Dutchess</i>, he likewise took a -List of our Men to get Protections for them, from being impress’d after -our Arrival in the River of <i>Thames</i>. The next Day he went to the -<i>Texel</i> to discharge the Custom due from our Ships, and on the 5th in -the Morning he took his Leave of us.</p> - -<p>On the 19th in the Afternoon, we had News of our Convoys lying without -the <i>Texel</i>, which was very acceptable to the Crews of each Ship, who -were in the utmost Uneasiness at our long Stay, being just at Home, so -that we had much ado to keep the Companies aboard till now. We got every -thing in Readiness, in order for falling down to them.</p> - -<p>On the 20th, about 5 in the Afternoon, we got down to the <i>Texel</i>, where -we found our Convoy at Anchor, being the <i>Essex</i>, <i>Canterbury</i>, -<i>Medway</i>, and <i>Dunwich</i> Men of War.</p> - -<p>On the 22d in the Morning, the Wind being at N. E. we weigh’d from the -<i>Texel</i>, and by 10 of the Clock got clear of the Channel. In the -Afternoon the <i>Commodore</i> took the <i>Batchelor</i> in Towe, and next Morning -the Wind being against us, we bore away again for the Harbour, as did -likewise 4 <i>Dutch</i> Men of War that came out with us, bound for <i>London</i>; -after seeing us safe in, he stood off to the Northward with the -<i>Canterbury</i> and <i>Medway</i>, but came in the next Morning.</p> - -<p>On the 25th our Officers met, where consulting that our 3 Ships wanted -several Necessaries to keep the Sea, in case we should meet with bad -Weather, we requested Captain <i>Roffey</i> our Commodore, that he would -please to stay, should the Wind be fair, till such Time as we could be -provided with the said Necessaries from <i>Amsterdam</i>, which was granted.</p> - -<p>On the 13th the Wind continuing at S. E. by S. and S. E. at Break of Day -we weigh’d, as did likewise 4 <i>Dutch</i> Men of War.</p> - -<p>On the 1st of <i>October</i>, about 11 of the Clock we came to an Anchor in -the <i>Downs</i>, where several of our Owners came aboard, and after they had -visited every Ship, went a-shoar with some Prisoners to examine ’em -about our Capture, <i>&c</i>.</p> - -<p>At 3 this Morning the <i>Essex</i> made a Signal to unmoar,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_314" id="page_314"></a>{314}</span> and betwixt 9 -and 10 weigh’d, he being order’d up to the <i>Buoy in the Noar</i>, and we to -make the best of our Way to the <i>Hope</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Octob. 14.</i> This Day at 11 of the Clock, we and our Consort and Prize -got up to <i>Eriff</i> [Erith], where we came to an Anchor, which ends our -long and fatiguing Voyage.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="cb"><big><span class="ltrspc"><i>FINIS.</i></span></big></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_315" id="page_315"></a>{315}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2> - -<p class="c"><a href="#A">A</a>, -<a href="#B">B</a>, -<a href="#C">C</a>, -<a href="#D">D</a>, -<a href="#E">E</a>, -<a href="#F">F</a>, -<a href="#G">G</a>, -<a href="#H">H</a>, -<a href="#I">I</a>, -<a href="#J">J</a>, -<a href="#K">K</a>, -<a href="#L">L</a>, -<a href="#M">M</a>, -<a href="#N">N</a>, -<a href="#O">O</a>, -<a href="#P">P</a>, -<a href="#Q">Q</a>, -<a href="#R">R</a>, -<a href="#S">S</a>, -<a href="#T">T</a>, -<a href="#U">U</a>, -<a href="#V">V</a>, -<a href="#W">W</a>, -<a href="#Y">Y</a>, -<a href="#Z">Z</a></p> - -<p class="nind"> -<a name="A" id="A"></a>Acapulco, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a><br /> - -Acapulco galleon, <i>see</i> Manila galleon<br /> - -Addison, Joseph, <a href="#page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, x<a href="#page_xvii">xvii</a><br /> - -Albacore, a fish, <a href="#page_151">151</a><br /> - -Alcatros, a large bird, <a href="#page_074">74</a><br /> - -Alexander, Joseph, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a><br /> - -Algaroba bread, <a href="#page_260">260</a><br /> - -Amazons, River of the, 4<a href="#page_003">3</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Amsterdam, <a href="#page_311">311</a><br /> - -Andirova tree, <a href="#page_052">52</a><br /> - -Angre de Reys, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Annete, Peru, <a href="#page_052">52</a><br /> - -Anson, Admiral Lord, <a href="#page_xx">xx</a> <i>n</i>, <a href="#page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -Appleby, Lancelot, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Arrack, <a href="#page_292">292</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -<i>Arundel</i>, man-of-war, <a href="#page_003">3</a><br /> - -Assumption, Paraguay, <a href="#page_055">55</a><br /> - -Athul Island, Oronoco, <a href="#page_074">74</a><br /> - -Augur, John, a pirate, <a href="#page_xxx">xxx</a><br /> - -Australis, Terra, <a href="#page_237">237</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="B" id="B"></a>Bahama Islands, <a href="#page_xxvi">xxvi</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_xl">xl</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Balboa, Vasco Nuñes de, <a href="#page_080">80</a><br /> - -Ballet, John, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a><br /> - -Bands, the ships’, <a href="#page_031">31</a><br /> - -Batavia, <a href="#page_285">285</a>, <a href="#page_294">294</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Batchelor, Alderman, <a href="#page_008">8</a><br /> - -<i>Batchelor</i>, the Acapulco prize, <a href="#page_224">224</a><br /> - -Bath, William, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a><br /> - -<i>Beecher</i>, galley, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a><br /> - -<i>Beginning</i>, privateer, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a><br /> - -<i>Berkely</i>, galley, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a><br /> - -Bezoar stones, <a href="#page_258">258</a><br /> - -<i>Bigonia</i>, Acapulco galleon, <a href="#page_221">221</a><br /> - -Bilboes, <a href="#page_025">25</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -Biobio River, <a href="#page_256">256</a><br /> - -Bishop of Chokeaqua, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_116">116</a><br /> - -<i>Blenheim</i>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Bonnet, <a href="#page_303">303</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -Bouton Island, <a href="#page_277">277</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Bowden, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Boyse, an English prisoner, <a href="#page_243">243</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a><br /> - -Brazil, <a href="#page_026">26</a>, <a href="#page_038">38</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Bread, inventory of, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a><br /> - -Bread Fruit, <a href="#page_268">268</a><br /> - -Bridge, John, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_291">291</a><br /> - -Bristol, vii, ix, <a href="#page_xxvi">xxvi</a><br /> - -<i>Bristol</i>, galley, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a><br /> - -Buccaneers, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a><br /> - -Buenos-Ayres, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_057">57</a><br /> - -Bull, Thomas, <a href="#page_244">244</a><br /> - -Bulls, Papal, <a href="#page_167">167</a><br /> - -Burnes, Bartholomew, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="C" id="C"></a>Cabbage Trees, <a href="#page_099">99</a><br /> - -Cabot, Sebastian, <a href="#page_054">54</a>, <a href="#page_083">83</a><br /> - -Cadiz, <a href="#page_xxxviii">xxxviii</a><br /> - -Calchaquin Indians, <a href="#page_073">73</a><br /> - -California, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_228">228</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Callao, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Camalaha, <a href="#page_074">74</a><br /> - -Canary Islands, <a href="#page_011">11</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Canes, as Spanish insignia, <a href="#page_132">132</a><br /> - -Cantons, in S. America, <a href="#page_062">62</a><br /> - -Cap, on the mast, <a href="#page_213">213</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -Cape Horn, <a href="#page_080">80</a><br /> - -Cape of Good Hope, <a href="#page_300">300</a>, <a href="#page_306">306</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Cape Verd Islands, <a href="#page_018">18</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Caraman Java, <a href="#page_285">285</a><br /> - -Cardonnel, Adam, <a href="#page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#page_xxxii">xxxii</a><br /> - -Cardoso, Don Juan, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a><br /> - -Careening, <a href="#page_158">158</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -Caribbe cannibals, <a href="#page_074">74</a><br /> - -<i>Carleton</i>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Cash, Giles, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a><br /> - -Cassado bread, <a href="#page_038">38</a><br /> - -Cavendish, Thomas, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a><br /> - -Celebes Islands, <a href="#page_273">273</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_284">284</a><br /> - -Ceram Island, <a href="#page_276">276</a><br /> - -Cessares, of Tierra del Fuego, <a href="#page_085">85</a><br /> - -Cheribon Island, <a href="#page_285">285</a><br /> - -Child-birth, on board ship, <a href="#page_204">204</a><br /> - -Chili, <a href="#page_248">248</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Chiloe, Islands, <a href="#page_259">259</a><br /> - -Chinese, at Batavia, <a href="#page_297">297</a><br /> - -Chopa, Mexico, <a href="#page_245">245</a><br /> - -Cincon, a bird, <a href="#page_234">234</a><br /> - -<i>Cinque-ports</i> (Dampier’s ship), <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a><br /> - -Clark, Captain, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Cliff, Captain, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Clothing, scarcity of, <a href="#page_078">78</a><br /> - -Cloves, <a href="#page_053">53</a><br /> - -Clovet, Charles, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Cocoa, <a href="#page_145">145</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a><br /> - -Cohorn mortar, <a href="#page_130">130</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -Colebrooke, John, <a href="#page_xliii">xliii</a><br /> - -Committees, minutes of, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_022">22</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_101">101</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>, <a href="#page_215">215</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_224">224</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_292">292</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a><br /> - -Connely, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_282">282</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a><br /> - -Cooke, Captain Edward, x, <a href="#page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_218">218</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_303">303</a><br /> - -Cordilleras of Chili, <a href="#page_252">252</a><br /> - -Cordova, La Plata, <a href="#page_065">65</a><br /> - -Corientes, Cape, <a href="#page_195">195</a><br /> - -Cork, Ireland, <a href="#page_003">3</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Courtney, Capt. Stephen, x, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, 12 et seq., <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_132">132</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_151">151</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_187">187</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_209">209</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_221">221</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a><br /> - -Couvade, a curious custom, <a href="#page_042">42</a> <i>n</i>.<br /> - -Crosse, J., <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_015">15</a><br /> - -<i>Crown</i> galley, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="D" id="D"></a>D’Acugna, a Jesuit, <a href="#page_052">52</a><br /> - -D’Almagro, Diego, <a href="#page_249">249</a><br /> - -Dampier, William, viii, x, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_095">95</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_120">120</a>, <a href="#page_121">121</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_179">179</a>, <a href="#page_183">183</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_201">201</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a><br /> - -Darien, <a href="#page_080">80</a><br /> - -Davies, William, <a href="#page_046">46</a><br /> - -Davis, Captain Edward, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a><br /> - -Davis, John, <a href="#page_083">83</a><br /> - -Defoe, Daniel, <a href="#page_xvi">xvi</a><br /> - -<i>Delicia</i>, man-of-war, <a href="#page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#page_xxxviii">xxxviii</a><br /> - -De Solis, Juan Dias, <a href="#page_054">54</a><br /> - -<i>Diamond</i>, sloop, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a><br /> - -Dispute between Captain Rogers and Captain Dover, <a href="#page_224">224</a><br /> - -<i>Donnegall</i>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Dover, Captain Thomas, x, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_097">97</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_122">122</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_129">129</a>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_151">151</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_224">224</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_303">303</a><br /> - -Downs, The, <a href="#page_313">313</a><br /> - -Drake, Sir Francis, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a><br /> - -<i>Duke</i>, privateer, x, <a href="#page_002">2</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Dutch: Africa, <a href="#page_306">306</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">East Indies, <a href="#page_290">290</a> <i>et seq.</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">S. America, <a href="#page_039">39</a></span><br /> - -<i>Dutchess</i>, privateer, x, <a href="#page_002">2</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Dutch Fleet convoy, <a href="#page_301">301</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="E" id="E"></a>Edwards, Captain, <a href="#page_007">7</a><br /> - -Edwards, Richard, <a href="#page_005">5</a><br /> - -Effigy, a miraculous, <a href="#page_169">169</a><br /> - -El Pongo, straits on Amazon, <a href="#page_053">53</a><br /> - -English prisoners of Spain, <a href="#page_165">165</a>, <a href="#page_243">243</a><br /> - -Equator, crossing the, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_309">309</a><br /> - -Erith, <a href="#page_314">314</a><br /> - -<i>Essex</i>, man-of-war, <a href="#page_313">313</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="F" id="F"></a>Falkland Islands, <a href="#page_076">76</a><br /> - -Falkner, Thomas, a prisoner, <a href="#page_244">244</a><br /> - -Festivities, on board and ashore, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_032">32</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_265">265</a><br /> - -Figuero, Ant. Gomes, <a href="#page_266">266</a><br /> - -Finch, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Fish, on mast, <a href="#page_219">219</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Flamingoes, <a href="#page_257">257</a><br /> - -Flip, <a href="#page_005">5</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -<i>Frederick</i>, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Fry, Robert, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_116">116</a>, <a href="#page_117">117</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_191">191</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_199">199</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_218">218</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_303">303</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="G" id="G"></a>Gabriel, John, a Dutchman, <a href="#page_135">135</a><br /> - -Gallapagos Islands, <a href="#page_190">190</a><br /> - -Gallo Island, <a href="#page_156">156</a><br /> - -Gaming, rules against, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a><br /> - -Gardner, Mr., <a href="#page_133">133</a><br /> - -George, Prince of Denmark, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>, <a href="#page_285">285</a><br /> - -Giants, in Patagonia, <a href="#page_081">81</a><br /> - -Gillolo Island, <a href="#page_274">274</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_276">276</a><br /> - -Glendall, Thomas, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_123">123</a>, <a href="#page_128">128</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a><br /> - -Goats, on Juan Fernandez, <a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_094">94</a>, <a href="#page_096">96</a>, <a href="#page_098">98</a><br /> - -<i>Golden Sun</i>, prize, <a href="#page_156">156</a><br /> - -Gold mines, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a><br /> - -Goodall, James, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a><br /> - -Gorgona Island, <a href="#page_156">156</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_178">178</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Gouin, de Beauchesne, viii, <a href="#page_086">86</a><br /> - -Granadillo flower, <a href="#page_071">71</a><br /> - -Grande, Brazil, <a href="#page_026">26</a>, <a href="#page_027">27</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Guaicurean Indians, <a href="#page_072">72</a><br /> - -Guaira, Paraguay, <a href="#page_071">71</a><br /> - -Guam, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a>, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Guembe fruit, <a href="#page_071">71</a><br /> - -Guiaquil, <a href="#page_112">112</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_119">119</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_143">143</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Guio, Chili, <a href="#page_260">260</a><br /> - -Guzman, Ferdinando de, <a href="#page_051">51</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="H" id="H"></a>Harris, Dr. John, 54 n.<br /> - -<i>Hastings</i>, man-of-war, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Hattley, Simon, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_137">137</a>, <a href="#page_151">151</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>, <a href="#page_153">153</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_243">243</a><br /> - -<i>Havre de Grace</i> (<i>Marquis</i>), <a href="#page_116">116</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_273">273</a><br /> - -<i>Hey Boys up we Go</i>, song, <a href="#page_031">31</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Hilo, <a href="#page_088">88</a><br /> - -Hollidge, James, <a href="#page_312">312</a>, <a href="#page_313">313</a><br /> - -Homagues, of the Amazon, <a href="#page_045">45</a><br /> - -Hopkins, Samuel, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_151">151</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a><br /> - -Hopkins, William, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Horn Island, <a href="#page_289">289</a>, <a href="#page_291">291</a><br /> - -Hosier, Vice-admiral, <a href="#page_xxxviii">xxxviii</a><br /> - -Hotentots, <a href="#page_308">308</a><br /> - -Hudson, Captain Robert, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -<br /> -<i><a name="I" id="I"></a>Increase</i>, privateer, <a href="#page_108">108</a><br /> - -Indians: Amazon, <a href="#page_045">45</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Brazil, <a href="#page_041">41</a></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">California, <a href="#page_208">208</a>, <a href="#page_229">229</a></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Frontones, <a href="#page_070">70</a></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">La Plata, <a href="#page_060">60</a></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Mexico, <a href="#page_236">236</a></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tecames, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_188">188</a></span><br /> - -Indigo, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Inquisition, the, <a href="#page_147">147</a><br /> - -<br /> -<i><a name="J" id="J"></a>Jamaica</i>, privateer, <a href="#page_164">164</a><br /> - -Japan, <a href="#page_238">238</a><br /> - -Japara Island, <a href="#page_284">284</a><br /> - -Jears, <a href="#page_025">25</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Jesuit Missionaries in S. America, <a href="#page_058">58</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Johnson, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Jones, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Juan Fernandez, <a href="#page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Justice, Spanish methods of, <a href="#page_146">146</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="K" id="K"></a>Kendall, Michael, a free negro, <a href="#page_165">165</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_198">198</a><br /> - -Kingroad, Bristol, <a href="#page_002">2</a><br /> - -<i>King William</i>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Kinsale, <a href="#page_003">3</a><br /> - -Knethel, Howel, <a href="#page_005">5</a><br /> - -Knowlesman, Robert, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_118">118</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="L" id="L"></a>Ladies searched at Guiaquil, <a href="#page_131">131</a><br /> - -Ladrones Islands, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_212">212</a><br /> - -Lancy, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -La Plata, river, <a href="#page_054">54</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Lazaretto, <a href="#page_210">210</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Le Maire, straits, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_088">88</a><br /> - -Liboya serpent, <a href="#page_038">38</a><br /> - -Lieutenancy at Guiaquil, <a href="#page_148">148</a><br /> - -Lima, <a href="#page_147">147</a>, <a href="#page_169">169</a>, <a href="#page_243">243</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a><br /> - -Litton, Captain, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Llamas, <a href="#page_258">258</a><br /> - -Lobos de la Mar, island, <a href="#page_101">101</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a><br /> - -London, Chili, <a href="#page_070">70</a><br /> - -Louis le Grand Island, <a href="#page_087">87</a><br /> - -<i>Loyal Bliss</i>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -<i>Loyal Cook</i>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="M" id="M"></a>Macaqua birds, <a href="#page_071">71</a><br /> - -Machiparo, Amazons, <a href="#page_047">47</a><br /> - -Madagascar, <a href="#page_xxxviii">xxxviii</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a><br /> - -Madura Island, <a href="#page_284">284</a><br /> - -Magaillans, Ferdinando, <a href="#page_081">81</a><br /> - -Magellan, straits of, <a href="#page_080">80</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Maguey, a S. American tree, <a href="#page_233">233</a>, <a href="#page_259">259</a><br /> - -Malaga Island, <a href="#page_157">157</a><br /> - -Malagita pepper, <a href="#page_093">93</a><br /> - -Manila galleon, <a href="#page_xix">xix</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a>, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_267">267</a><br /> - -Magarita Island, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_051">51</a><br /> - -Maria wood, <a href="#page_161">161</a><br /> - -<i>Marquis</i>, see <i>Havre de Grace</i><br /> - -Masts, timber for, <a href="#page_160">160</a>, <a href="#page_161">161</a><br /> - -Maurice, Prince, in Brazil, <a href="#page_041">41</a><br /> - -May, Charles, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Maypo River, Chili, <a href="#page_255">255</a><br /> - -Melo, Leus de, <a href="#page_050">50</a><br /> - -Mendoca, Chili, <a href="#page_254">254</a><br /> - -Mendoza, Don Pedro, <a href="#page_054">54</a><br /> - -Mexican customs, curious, <a href="#page_235">235</a><br /> - -Mexico, <a href="#page_232">232</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Mexico City, <a href="#page_239">239</a><br /> - -Military men, Spanish, <a href="#page_147">147</a><br /> - -Minehead, <a href="#page_002">2</a><br /> - -Mocha Island, <a href="#page_260">260</a><br /> - -Money paid to officers, <a href="#page_288">288</a><br /> - -Monk’s Rock, St. Vincent, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_019">19</a><br /> - -Morel, Señor, <a href="#page_110">110</a>, <a href="#page_111">111</a>, <a href="#page_119">119</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a>, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_163">163</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_166">166</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a><br /> - -Mortal Island, <a href="#page_273">273</a><br /> - -Mosquitoes, <a href="#page_122">122</a><br /> - -Mullattoes, <a href="#page_149">149</a><br /> - -Mustees, <a href="#page_149">149</a><br /> - -Mutinies and threats, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_281">281</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="N" id="N"></a>Narborough, Sir John, <a href="#page_084">84</a><br /> - -Nassau, Bahamas, <a href="#page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#page_xxx">xxx</a><br /> - -<i>Nathanael</i>, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Navarro, Juan, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_164">164</a>, <a href="#page_166">166</a>, <a href="#page_167">167</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_177">177</a><br /> - -Neagers, Captain, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Negroes, in crew, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_198">198</a>, <a href="#page_204">204</a><br /> - -New Guinea, <a href="#page_275">275</a><br /> - -Newhoff (Nieuhof), Jan, <a href="#page_038">38</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Newkirk, Henry, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -New Providence, Bahamas, <a href="#page_xlii">xlii</a><br /> - -New Year’s Day at sea, <a href="#page_078">78</a><br /> - -<i>Nostra Seniora de la Incarnacion Disenganio</i>, <a href="#page_214">214</a><br /> - -<br /> -<i><a name="O" id="O"></a>Oley</i>, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Oliphant, Henry, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Opey, Captain John, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Orellana, Francisco de, <a href="#page_046">46</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Oronoco, river, <a href="#page_073">73</a><br /> - -Orotava, <a href="#page_012">12</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Orsua, Pedro de, <a href="#page_050">50</a><br /> - -Ounce, a Mexican beast, <a href="#page_245">245</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="P" id="P"></a>Pachma silver mines, <a href="#page_238">238</a><br /> - -Page, William, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_026">26</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a><br /> - -Palacios, Juan de, <a href="#page_051">51</a><br /> - -Palma Maria tree, <a href="#page_178">178</a><br /> - -Panama, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a><br /> - -Paraguay, <a href="#page_068">68</a><br /> - -Paraguay (Maté) herb, <a href="#page_069">69</a><br /> - -Paraguay, river, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a><br /> - -Paranapan River, <a href="#page_071">71</a><br /> - -Parker, John, <a href="#page_005">5</a><br /> - -Parrot, Captain, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Parsons, Benjamin, <a href="#page_005">5</a><br /> - -Partridge-shot, <a href="#page_117">117</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Patagonia, <a href="#page_081">81</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a><br /> - -Patterero, a gun, <a href="#page_105">105</a><br /> - -Paul, Captain John, <a href="#page_xii">xii</a> <i>n</i>, <a href="#page_007">7</a><br /> - -Payta, <a href="#page_110">110</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Pecaries, of Chili, <a href="#page_252">252</a><br /> - -Penguin Island, <a href="#page_304">304</a><br /> - -Peru, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_246">246</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Peterborough, Lord, <a href="#page_156">156</a><br /> - -<i>Peterborough</i>, frigate, <a href="#page_002">2</a><br /> - -Phenney, George, <a href="#page_xxxvii">xxxvii</a>, <a href="#page_xl">xl</a>, <a href="#page_xlii">xlii</a><br /> - -Phrip, Captain, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Pichberty, Sir John, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_223">223</a><br /> - -Pike, Captain, <a href="#page_294">294</a>, <a href="#page_299">299</a><br /> - -Piemento tree, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_093">93</a>, <a href="#page_094">94</a><br /> - -Pillar, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Pirates, <a href="#page_xxvii">xxvii</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_307">307</a><br /> - -Pizarro, Francisco, <a href="#page_081">81</a><br /> - -Plunder, from prizes, <a href="#page_xxv">xxv</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_135">135</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_176">176</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a><br /> - -Poangue River, Chili, <a href="#page_255">255</a><br /> - -<i>Pompey</i>, galley, <a href="#page_002">2</a><br /> - -Poole, Dorset, vii<br /> - -Pope, Charles, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_168">168</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_174">174</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_312">312</a><br /> - -Porcupine, S. American, <a href="#page_029">29</a><br /> - -Porpoises, black, <a href="#page_075">75</a><br /> - -Port Famine, Tierra del Fuego, <a href="#page_086">86</a><br /> - -Port Galand, <a href="#page_087">87</a><br /> - -Potosi, <a href="#page_067">67</a>, <a href="#page_246">246</a><br /> - -<i>Prince Eugene</i>, privateer, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a><br /> - -Pritchard, Mrs., <a href="#page_xxxii">xxxii</a><br /> - -Prizes on the high seas, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_101">101</a>, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_116">116</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_155">155</a>, <a href="#page_156">156</a>, <a href="#page_182">182</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a><br /> - -Procession at Angre de Reys, <a href="#page_031">31</a><br /> - -Provisions, shortage of, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_274">274</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_292">292</a><br /> - -Prow, a boat of Guam, <a href="#page_268">268</a><br /> - -Puna Island, <a href="#page_119">119</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_140">140</a>, <a href="#page_145">145</a><br /> - -Punishments on board, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_210">210</a><br /> - -Punt’ Arena, <a href="#page_119">119</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_140">140</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="Q" id="Q"></a>Quito, <a href="#page_052">52</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="R" id="R"></a>Raccoons, <a href="#page_201">201</a><br /> - -Reformado, <a href="#page_005">5</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Relics, prayer-books, etc., capture of, <a href="#page_169">169</a><br /> - -Rica, <a href="#page_088">88</a><br /> - -Ringrose, Basil, <a href="#page_095">95</a><br /> - -Rio Janeiro, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a><br /> - -Rio Negro, <a href="#page_044">44</a><br /> - -Roads cut by Incas, <a href="#page_233">233</a><br /> - -Roberts, Captain Edward, <a href="#page_165">165</a><br /> - -“Robinson Crusoe,” <a href="#page_xvi">xvi</a><br /> - -<i>Rochester</i>, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Rogers, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_116">116</a>, <a href="#page_158">158</a><br /> - -Rogers, Noblett, <a href="#page_xi">xi</a>, <a href="#page_004">4</a>, <a href="#page_005">5</a><br /> - -Rogers, Captain Woodes, vii <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_xxvii">xxvii</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_xlv">xlv</a>, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_113">113</a>, <a href="#page_116">116</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_153">153</a>, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_159">159</a>, <a href="#page_172">172</a>, <a href="#page_175">175</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>, <a href="#page_211">211</a>, <a href="#page_214">214</a>, <a href="#page_215">215</a>, <a href="#page_217">217</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_223">223</a>, <a href="#page_224">224</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_262">262</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a>, <a href="#page_275">275</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_291">291</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_301">301</a>, <a href="#page_307">307</a>, <a href="#page_311">311</a><br /> - -Roove, <a href="#page_029">29</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Rounsivell, George, <a href="#page_xxxi">xxxi</a><br /> - -Runs, table of, <a href="#page_270">270</a>.<br /> - -<br /> -<a name="S" id="S"></a>Sabandar at Batavia, <a href="#page_290">290</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a><br /> - -St. Antonio, Cape Verd Islds., <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_020">20</a><br /> - -St. Elizabeth Island, <a href="#page_086">86</a><br /> - -Santa-Fe, La Plata, <a href="#page_066">66</a><br /> - -St. Jago Island, <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_024">24</a><br /> - -St. Jago de l’Istero, La Plata, <a href="#page_066">66</a><br /> - -<i>Santa Josepha</i> (<i>Increase</i>), a prize, <a href="#page_108">108</a><br /> - -St. Lucas, Cape, <a href="#page_204">204</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -St. Magdalen’s Island, <a href="#page_087">87</a><br /> - -St. Maria de l’Aquada Island, <a href="#page_193">193</a><br /> - -St. Mary Island, Chili, <a href="#page_090">90</a><br /> - -<i>St. Thomas de Villa Nova</i>, prize, <a href="#page_155">155</a><br /> - -St. Vincent, Cape Verd Islds., <a href="#page_018">18</a><br /> - -Sal, Island of, <a href="#page_018">18</a><br /> - -Salvages Island, <a href="#page_011">11</a><br /> - -Sampan, <a href="#page_291">291</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Sansome, John, <a href="#page_xxxiii">xxxiii</a><br /> - -Sanson maps, <a href="#page_043">43</a><br /> - -Saunders, Sir George, <a href="#page_004">4</a><br /> - -<i>Scipio</i>, privateer, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a><br /> - -Scorch, Nathaniel, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Sea Lions on Juan Fernandez, <a href="#page_100">100</a><br /> - -Seals on Juan Fernandez, etc., <a href="#page_100">100</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_109">109</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a><br /> - -Sebald de Wert Island, <a href="#page_088">88</a><br /> - -Segura, <a href="#page_213">213</a>, <a href="#page_215">215</a>, <a href="#page_222">222</a>, <a href="#page_261">261</a><br /> - -Selkirk, Alexander, <a href="#page_xvi">xvi</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_131">131</a>, <a href="#page_152">152</a>, <a href="#page_181">181</a>, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_287">287</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a><br /> - -Sepp, a Jesuit, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a><br /> - -Serpana Island, <a href="#page_263">263</a><br /> - -Sham fight, <a href="#page_182">182</a><br /> - -Shares, difficulties over, <a href="#page_173">173</a><br /> - -Shepard, John, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -<i>Sherstone</i>, galley, <a href="#page_002">2</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Shetland, <a href="#page_310">310</a><br /> - -<i>Shoreham</i>, man-of-war, <a href="#page_004">4</a><br /> - -Sickness at sea, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_099">99</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>, <a href="#page_153">153</a>, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_263">263</a><br /> - -Signals between vessels, <a href="#page_101">101</a><br /> - -Silver mines, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_246">246</a><br /> - -Sinfuegos, Don Pedro, <a href="#page_142">142</a><br /> - -Sloane, Sir Hans, <a href="#page_xxvi">xxvi</a>, <a href="#page_xli">xli</a><br /> - -Sloth, found at Gorgona, <a href="#page_179">179</a><br /> - -Snakes, <a href="#page_038">38</a>, <a href="#page_064">64</a>, <a href="#page_068">68</a>, <a href="#page_166">166</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a><br /> - -South Sea, discovery of, <a href="#page_080">80</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_237">237</a><br /> - -Spain, war with, <a href="#page_xxxviii">xxxviii</a><br /> - -Sparrey, Francis, <a href="#page_073">73</a><br /> - -Spilberg, Dutch navigator, <a href="#page_084">84</a><br /> - -Stains, Captain, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Stays, <a href="#page_075">75</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Steele, Sir Richard, <a href="#page_xxviii">xxviii</a>, <a href="#page_xxxi">xxxi</a><br /> - -Stradling, Captain, <a href="#page_091">91</a>, <a href="#page_106">106</a>, <a href="#page_242">242</a>, <a href="#page_247">247</a><br /> - -Stretton, William, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_133">133</a>, <a href="#page_138">138</a>, <a href="#page_162">162</a>, <a href="#page_170">170</a>, <a href="#page_171">171</a>, <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_216">216</a>, <a href="#page_227">227</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_303">303</a><br /> - -<i>Stringer</i>, <a href="#page_294">294</a><br /> - -Sucking Fish, <a href="#page_032">32</a><br /> - -Swann, Captain, <a href="#page_196">196</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="T" id="T"></a>Tapoyars of Brazil, <a href="#page_042">42</a><br /> - -Teach, Captain (Blackbeard), <a href="#page_xxix">xxix</a><br /> - -Tecames, <a href="#page_183">183</a> <i>et seq.</i>, 188 e<i>t seq.</i><br /> - -Teneriff, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_016">16</a><br /> - -Terceroons, <a href="#page_149">149</a><br /> - -Ternate, <a href="#page_273">273</a><br /> - -Texeira, Portuguese explorer, <a href="#page_052">52</a><br /> - -Texel, <a href="#page_311">311</a><br /> - -Theft on board, <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_262">262</a><br /> - -Thompson, Captain James, <a href="#page_244">244</a><br /> - -Tierra del Fuego, <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a><br /> - -Tres Marias Islands, <a href="#page_195">195</a>, <a href="#page_201">201</a> <i>et seq.</i><br /> - -Trestle-tree, <a href="#page_028">28</a> <i>n.</i><br /> - -Tucuman, Brazil, <a href="#page_069">69</a><br /> - -Turtle, <a href="#page_191">191</a>, <a href="#page_193">193</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_202">202</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="U" id="U"></a>Underhill, George, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_154">154</a><br /> - -Unrest Isle, Batavia, <a href="#page_289">289</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a><br /> - -Uruguay River, <a href="#page_060">60</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="V" id="V"></a>Valentine’s Day on board, <a href="#page_262">262</a><br /> - -Valparaiso, <a href="#page_259">259</a><br /> - -Vanbrugh, Carleton, <a href="#page_005">5</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_009">9</a>, <a href="#page_012">12</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_029">29</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_035">35</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>, <a href="#page_112">112</a>, <a href="#page_173">173</a>, <a href="#page_203">203</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>, <a href="#page_261">261</a>, <a href="#page_280">280</a>, <a href="#page_282">282</a>, <a href="#page_286">286</a>, <a href="#page_288">288</a>, <a href="#page_293">293</a>, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Vandenhende, Peter, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -Vane, Charles, a pirate, <a href="#page_xxix">xxix</a><br /> - -Vaughan, Alexander, <a href="#page_005">5</a><br /> - -Veale, John, <a href="#page_079">79</a><br /> - -Vigor, John, <a href="#page_005">5</a><br /> - -Virgin Mary, image of, <a href="#page_169">169</a><br /> - -Vultures, <a href="#page_109">109</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="W" id="W"></a>Warden, Samuel, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a><br /> - -Wasse, James, Surgeon, <a href="#page_006">6</a>, <a href="#page_204">204</a>, <a href="#page_300">300</a><br /> - -Watling, Captain John, <a href="#page_095">95</a><br /> - -Whetstone, Sir William, viii<br /> - -White, Mr., the linguist, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_127">127</a>, <a href="#page_157">157</a>, <a href="#page_184">184</a>, <a href="#page_185">185</a>, <a href="#page_190">190</a><br /> - -White Indians on Amazon, <a href="#page_048">48</a><br /> - -Whitney, Captain, <a href="#page_xxxiii">xxxiii</a><br /> - -William, a Moskito Indian, <a href="#page_095">95</a><br /> - -Wilson, David, <a href="#page_103">103</a><br /> - -Winter, Captain, <a href="#page_305">305</a><br /> - -Withrington, Captain, <a href="#page_050">50</a>, <a href="#page_054">54</a><br /> - -Women prisoners, <a href="#page_178">178</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="Y" id="Y"></a>Young, Thomas, <a href="#page_006">6</a><br /> - -<br /> -<a name="Z" id="Z"></a>Zalayer Island, <a href="#page_283">283</a><br /> -</p> - -<p class="c"> -<small>Printed in Great Britain by Butler & Tanner Ltd., Frome and London<br /> -F. 20. 128.</small><br /> -</p> - -<div class="footnotes"><p class="cb">FOOTNOTES:</p> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This information is derived principally from “Notes and -Queries,” vol. 149 (28 Nov. 1925), pp. 388-89. Robert Rogers was Mayor -of Poole in 1550; John Rogers in 1572 and 1583.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dampier, “Voyages,” 1699, vol. 2, pt. 2, p. 104; pt. 3, p. -20, pp. 108-12. This supposition is supported by the fact that Dampier -sailed under Rogers in 1708. If the supposition is correct, Rogers may -have been born prior to 1679.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> On 24 January, 1704/5, a marriage licence was issued from -the Faculty Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury for:—“Woodes Rogers, -of the City of Bristol, Merchant, bachelor, about 25, and Mrs. Sarah -Whetstone, spinster, 18, with consent of her father the Hon. -Rear-Admiral William Whetstone ... at St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish -Street, London” (Harleian Soc, xxiv, 247).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> “Notes and Queries,” Ser. ix, vol. i, 69.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> 6 Anne, cap. 13, 26 March, 1708.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Stark, “Abolition of Privateering,” p. 69.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Nixon, “Thomas Dover,” 1909, p. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Born 1662. He appears to have been of a very quarrelsome -nature, and was afterwards transferred to the <i>Dutchess</i>. He died in -1742.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Cooke like Rogers possessed literary ability. In 1712 he -published an account of the expedition, “A Voyage to the South Sea and -Round the World.” The book is inferior to the account given by Rogers.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Born 1652, a famous navigator and hydrographer. Served in -the R.N. 1673, and joined the Buccaneers six years later. Returned to -England in 1691, and in 1699-1700 conducted a voyage of discovery to the -South Seas. In 1703 appointed to command two privateers, and it was -during this voyage that Selkirk was marooned on Juan Fernandez by Capt. -Stradling. Dampier returned to England in 1707. A good pilot but a bad -commander. He died in London, 1715.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> John Paul, 3rd Lieutenant of the <i>Chichester</i>, 1696. -Captain, 1706, and promoted to the <i>Hastings</i>. Employed on the Irish -station for many years, and among other duties convoyed the outward -bound merchant ships to the westward. Died 1720.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> During the voyage Rogers paid particular attention to the -religious requirements of the men. Even his prisoners were “allowed -liberty of conscience,” and they had “the Great Cabbin for their Mass, -whilst we used the Church of England service over them on the -Quarter-deck,” and in consequence he humorously remarks that “the -Papists were the Low Church men.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Over thirty years later Anson experienced the same -difficulty, and he records that not finding the island “in the position -in which the charts had taught us to expect it” they feared they had -gone too far to the westward.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Rogers’s account of Selkirk created an appetite that was -speedily fed by other writers. In the same year Captain Edward Cooke -(who sailed with Rogers) brought out his “Voyage to the South Sea,” in -which he included an account of Selkirk. In 1712 there also appeared a -tract entitled “Providence Displayed; or a surprising account of one -Alexander Selkirk,” which is practically a verbatim transcript from -Rogers. In “The Englishman” for the 3rd December, 1713, Sir Richard -Steele, who was a friend of Rogers, and had met Selkirk, published an -account of Selkirk which follows in the main the story given by Rogers. -Before the publication of the first part of Defoe’s “Robinson Crusoe” in -1719, two editions of Rogers’s book had been published. It is possible -that the introduction of the character of Friday into “Robinson Crusoe” -was inspired by the incident of the Mosquito Indian mentioned on p. 95 -of Rogers’s book. Selkirk returned to his native Largs in Fifeshire in -the spring of 1712, and eventually went to sea again. In 1720 he was -Master’s Mate of H.M.S. <i>Weymouth</i>. He died in the following year.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> A piece-of-eight was equivalent in value to 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Anson emulated Rogers by capturing the galleon in 1743.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> She was named <i>Nuestra Señora de la Incarnacion -Disenganio</i>, and was of 400 tons burden. Her Commander was Don John -Pichberty, by birth a Frenchman, and brother-in-law of the French -Governor in Hispaniola.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> The Spanish prisoners were released, including the -Commander, Pichberty, and after providing them with provisions, they -were despatched to Acapulco, and “parted very friendly.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> The actual value of the plunder is stated in a -contemporary petition to have amounted to £800,000 (Mariner’s “Mirror,” -1924, p. 377). Two large silver candlesticks taken during the cruise are -now in Bristol Cathedral.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Cooke, “Voyage to the S. Sea,” i, 345, and Introduction to -vol. i. The shares were apportioned as follows: Captain 24 shares, -Second Captain 20, First Lieutenant 16, Master and Surgeon 10, Pilot 8, -Boatswain, Gunner and Carpenter 6, Cooper 5, Midshipmen 4, -Quartermasters 3, Sailors 2-1/2, Landsmen 1-1/2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> It is interesting to note that the South Sea Company was -incorporated in 1711, under the title of “The Governor & Company of the -Merchants of Great Britain, trading to the South Seas & other parts of -America.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Rogers’s original log book was, in 1828, in the possession -of Gabriel Goldney, Mayor of Bristol, whose ancestor helped to fit out -the expedition.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> B.M. Sloane MSS. 4044, fol. 155. See also his “Voyage,” p. -307.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> “Polit. State of Gt. Britain,” xiv, 1717, p. 295.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Public Record Office: C.O. 23, 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> C.O. 23, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> C.O. 23, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Addison, “Works,” 1856, vi, 496. Anson in 1740 complained -bitterly that his land forces consisted of pensioners from Chelsea.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Ibid., 500.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Aitken, “Life of Steele,” ii, 162.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> “Polit. State,” xv, 447.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> For a copy of this proclamation, see Dow; “Pirates of New -England,” pp. 381-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Johnson, C., “General History of the Pirates,” 1726, ii, -p. 274.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Johnson, “Pirates,” 1726, ii, 363.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> In February of the following year Vane was shipwrecked -near the Bay of Honduras. He was captured soon after, taken to Jamaica, -tried, convicted and executed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Polit. State, xvi, 551.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Ibid., 551.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Johnson, “Pirates,” 1726, ii, pp. 273-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Johnson, 1726, ii, p. 336.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Following on his reprieve Rounsivell worked for some time -ashore, but afterwards served in a Privateer. Here he distinguished -himself by refusing to escape in a small boat, when the ship was -wrecked, and remained with his captain to the last (Johnson, ii, -308-9).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Public Record Office, C.O. 23, 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> C.O., 23, 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> B.M. Add. MSS. 5145, C. ff. 123-6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Adam Cardonnel, one of the proprietors of the Bahama -Islands.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> A reference evidently to the ducking-stool.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> John Sansome, a schoolfellow of Steele, and his assistant -in the Fish Pool Scheme. Rogers had met him at the Tennis Coffee House -in November, 1717.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> C.O. 23, 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> C.O. 23, 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> I.e. Charles Vane. See <i>ante</i> p. xxix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Edward Thaitch or Teach, a famous pirate known as -“Blackbeard.” Killed in action with Robert Maynard of H.M.S. <i>Pearl</i> -eighteen days after this letter. See also page xxix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> C.O. 23, 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Cal. Treasury Papers, Vol. 228, No. 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> C.O. 23, 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> C.O. 23, 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> This “Memorial” is printed in J. Ker’s “Memoirs,” pt. 3, -1726, pp. 22-34.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>London Magazine</i>, 12 Aug., 1721.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Cal. Treasury Papers, vol. 235, No. 49.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> “Notes and Queries,” Ser. 9, vol. 1, p. 68.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> “D.N. Biog.,” article “Hosier.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Probably the same Captain Dennis who in 1718 conducted an -expedition to Havana, the Proceedings of which are in the P.R.O. (C.O. -137, 13).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> B.M. Add. MSS. 33748, ff. 317-18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Runners, i.e. fast ships which risk every impediment as to -privateers or blockade (Smyth, “Sailor’s Word Book,” p. 586). This is a -very early use of the term.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> C.O. 23, 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> C.O. 23, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> C.O. 23, 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> B.M. Add. MSS. 4459, ff. 101-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> B.M. Add. MSS. 4459, f. 102.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> B.M. Add. MSS. 36128, ff. 177-85.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Cal. Treasury Books, 1729-30, pp. 57, 304.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> The picture is reproduced in this volume. In the will of -Sarah Rogers, who died 1743, she bequeathed to “Mr. Sergeant Eyre, the -picture of her father, brother, and herself, in one frame.” The painting -afterwards came into the possession of Samuel Ireland, and was bought at -his sale in 1801 by “Mr. Vernon.” Its present repository is unknown. It -was engraved in 1799.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Cal. of Treasury Books, 1729-30, p. 61.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> C.O. 23, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> C.O. 23, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> C.O. 24, 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> C.O. 23, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Just a year after his death, an Order in Council directed -the Treasury to complete the bargain for the purchase of the Proprietors -and Lessees’ rights (C.O. 23, 3).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> C.O. 23, 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Ibid.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Ibid.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> About this time Rogers transmitted to the Lords -Commissioners of Trade “A general account and description of the -Bahamas,” a most important document, occupying 14 folio pages, which is -still preserved among the Colonial Records in the Public Record Office -(C.O. 23, 3).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> CO. 23, 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> The population comprised 256 men, 190 women, 489 white -children, 275 able negroes, and 178 negro children.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> The landfall of Columbus is known to have been one of the -Bahama Islands. Opinion is divided between Watling Island and Cat -Island. Rogers’s letter lends support to the latter.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> In the following year he was chosen as one of the Council -of the Bahamas. He was afterwards one of the three chief merchants of -the Royal African Company, and died in 1735 “at Whydah, on the coast of -Africa.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> The Sovereigns; two remarkable rocky islets eastward of -Kinsale Harbour; Big Sovereign (92 ft. high) and Little Sovereign.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> It appears from the will of Francis Rogers, part owner of -the <i>Duke</i> and <i>Dutchess</i>, that Noblett Rogers was his brother. They -were sons of Robert Rogers of Cork. The relationship to Woodes Rogers is -uncertain. (“Notes & Queries,” Ser. X, vol. 9, p. 456.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Rear-Admiral Sir George Saunders, born about 1671. Entered -R.N. 1689. Present at the Battle of La Hogue. With Rooke at Cadiz & -Vigo. Appointed to the <i>Shoreham</i> in 1705 and continued in her till -1710, cruising in the Irish Sea. Captain of the <i>Barfleur</i> in defeat of -the Spanish fleet off Cape Passaro. Knighted 1720 and afterwards a -Commissioner of the Navy. Died 5 Dec. 1734.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> A mixture of beer and spirit, sweetened with sugar and -heated.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> An officer who has been deprived of a command but retains -his rank and pay. The term was also occasionally employed to designate a -volunteer.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> i.e. Yawl; a boat usually rowed with 4 or 6 oars.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> The Archduke Charles of Austria, whom the Allies in 1703 -proposed to make King of Spain, as Charles III.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> For a similar ceremony on entering the Mediterranean, see -Teonge <i>Diary</i>, 1927, p. 264.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> From now onward Woodes Rogers employs the contraction L. -for “league.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Long bars or bolts of iron, with shackles sliding on them, -and a lock at the end, used to confine the feet of prisoners.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Jears; the tackles by which the lower yards of a ship are -hoisted or lowered.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> i.e. Trestle-trees; two strong bars of timber fixed -horizontally on the opposite sides of the lower mast head, to support -the frame of the top, and the weight of the top-mast.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Roove or Rove; a weight of about 30 lb. used in the -seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> A favourite song during the Commonwealth, which describes -in a humorous way the tastes of the Puritans. The words and the tune are -to be found in D’Urfey’s “Pills to Purge Melancholy” (1719) ii, 286-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Jan Nieuhof, a Dutch traveller of the middle of the -seventeenth century. His “Voyages and Travels into Brasil” were -reprinted in Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages”, Vol. II.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Count John Maurice of Nassau Siegen was sent by the Dutch -as governor of their Brazilian colonies in 1636. His attempts to found -an empire in S. America were thwarted by the cupidity of the merchants, -and he resigned his post in 1644.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> An interesting example of the widespread custom of the -<i>couvade</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Probably the “Description de tout l’Univers en plusiers -cartes, etc.” By Nicolas & Guillaume Sanson, an edition of which -appeared in 1700.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Pedro Texeira was the first to ascend the Amazon, in -1638. He made his way to Quito by the River Napo.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Davies (William) Barber-Surgeon of London. His -“Description, etc., of the River Amazon” is printed in Purchas -“Pilgrimes,” 1625, vol. IV.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Francisco de Orellana. For his “Voyage down the Amazons”, -1540-1, see Hakluyt Soc., vol. XXIV.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Robert Harcourt. On 23 March, 1609, he and a company of -adventurers sailed for Guiana. He published an account of his adventures -in “A relation of a voyage to Guiana,” 1613. It is reprinted in -Purchas.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Robert Withrington and Christopher Lister left the Thames -in June, 1586, for a voyage to the South Sea. In January, 1587, they -arrived off the coast of Brazil, and among their captures was a -Portugese vessel, on board of which was Lopez Vaz, the author of a -“Hist. of the W. Indies and the S. Sea.” Both he and the MS. of his book -fell into the hands of the English. A translation of it was published in -Hakluyt’s “Voyages.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> <i>Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca; or a -Compleat Collection of Voyages and Travels</i>, by Dr. John Harris, 1705; a -most interesting narrative of over 400 voyages.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> “The Remarkable and Strange Adventures of A. Knivet,” -1591, is printed in Purchas.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Gouin de Beauchesne, a captain in the French merchant -service. His celebrated voyage occupied nearly three years.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> His account of a “Voyage from Spain to Paraquaria” is -reprinted in Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages,” vol. IV.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> J. F. Gemelli Careri’s “Voyage Round the World” is -printed in Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages,” vol. IV.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> F. N. del Techo’s “Hist. of the Provinces of Paraguay, -Rio de La Plata, etc.,” is included in Churchill’s “Collection of -Voyages,” vol. IV.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Francis Sparrey, servant to one of Ralegh’s captains, was -left in Guiana in 1595. Eventually captured by the Spaniards, he escaped -to England in 1602, Ralegh spoke of him as a man who “could describe a -country with a pen,” and his description of Guiana is included in Vol. -IV of Purchas “Pilgrimes” 1625.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> In Stays; i.e. in the act of going about from one tack to -the other. If a ship misses stays her head she pays off again on the old -tack.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> The lowest sail on each of the three masts was reefed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> A popular error; Thomas Cavendish, the second Englishman -to circumnavigate the globe, was never knighted.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Edward Fenton, the famous Elizabethan sea captain, -commanded the <i>Mary Rose</i> against the Armada.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> John Davys or Davis of Sandridge, a famous Elizabethan -navigator, and discoverer of Davis Strait.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Sir John Narbrough, a famous Admiral and friend of Pepys, -who passed through the Straits of Magellan in Nov., 1670.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Ovalle (Alonso de). His “Hist. relation of the kingdom of -Chili” is reprinted in Churchill’s “Collection of Voyages,” vol. III.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Sudden bursts or squalls of wind.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Basil Ringrose, a friend of Dampier, joined the -Buccaneers in the Gulf of Darien, 1680. His “Journal,” the MS. of which -is in the British Museum, was published in the second volume of the -“Hist. of the Buccaneers,” 1685. He was killed in action in Feb., 1686.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> John Watling “an old privateer and a stout seaman,” was -appointed to command the Buccaneers in Jan., 1681, at Juan Fernandez. -Quitting the island in a hurry a Mosquito Indian, named William, was -left behind. Watling was killed in action at the end of the month. -Dampier visited the island March 22, 1684, and rescued the Indian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Anson, who visited the island in 1741, records that “the -first goat that was killed at their landing had its ears slit, whence we -concluded that he had doubtless been formerly under the power of -Selkirk. This was indeed an animal of most venerable aspect, dignified -with an exceeding majestic beard.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Perriers, commonly known as Pattereras or Pedereros; a -small breach-loading swivel-gun.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Thomas Stradling, formerly Lieutenant of this vessel.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> A charge consisting of a number of missiles (pieces of -iron, stones, etc.) fired together; similar to case shot.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Grapling or Grapnel; a sort of small anchor fitted with -four or five flukes, or claws.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> A small kind of mortar invented by the celebrated -engineer, Baron Coehorn, to throw small shells or grenades.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> A large species of Tunny fish, similar to the Bonito or -striped Tunney.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> It was not until Rogers returned to England that he -learnt that Simon Hatley, after losing company of the <i>Duke</i> and -<i>Dutchess</i>, sailed to the coast of Peru, and after great privations, -surrendered to the Spaniards. He afterwards returned to England, and -served as Shelvocke’s second Captain in his “Voyage round the World,” -1719-22. An incident in this voyage—the shooting of a black Albatross -by Hatley—has been immortalized in Coleridge’s “Ancient Mariner.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Edward Davis, chosen to command the Buccaneers in the -South Sea in 1684.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> The operation of heaving a ship down on one side by -strong purchase on the masts, so that the bottom may be cleaned.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Cut-water or Knee of the Head; the foremost part of a -ship’s prow.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> He died October 28, 1708.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Captain Swann, one of the most redoubtable pirates of the -Pacific, with whom Dampier served, 1685-86. In the latter year Dampier -took advantage of a mutiny to abandon Swann and thirty-six of his crew -at Mindanao, in the Philippines.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> He had been appointed Lord High Admiral of England on -Anne’s accession.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> In merchant ships the lazaretto was the fore part of the -lower deck, parted off for the storage of provisions and stores.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> See note page 25.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> A strong thick block of wood, with two large holes -through it (one square, the other round) to confine two masts together. -(Smyth, “Sailor’s Word Book”).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Used in this sense to mean a waving movement.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Boxes containing cartridges for muskets.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Two long pieces of hard wood, convex on one side and -concave on the other, bound opposite to each other to strengthen the -masts.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Evidently a misprint for support.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> A netting extending fore and aft to prevent an enemy from -boarding.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> J. F. Gemelli Careri. His “Voyage round the World” was -included in Churchill’s Collection of Voyages, vol. IV.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Herrara (Antonio de), “General history of the Continent -and Islands of America”; originally written in Spanish.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> A small vessel used in Far Eastern waters, propelled by -an oar over the stern, and having a mat shed or hut in which the owner -and his family live.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Leaguer; a kind of cask, the exact nature and size of -which is doubtful.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> A name applied in Eastern countries to any spirituous -liquor of native manufacture. (N.E.D.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> The Bonnet was an additional part made to fasten to the -foot of other sails. In the case of difficult leaks, the bonnet was -brought up over the keel and so laced over the leak.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> While still heeled over, or careened for cleaning.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Some years later Rogers proposed a settlement on -Madagascar; see Introduction, page xxxviii.</p></div> -</div> - -<hr class="full" /> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Cruising Voyage Around the World, by -Woodes Rogers - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A CRUISING VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD *** - -***** This file should be named 55538-h.htm or 55538-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/5/3/55538/ - -Produced by Chuck Greif, Greg Weeks, Kim and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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