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If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The North-West Amazons - Notes of some months spent among cannibal tribes - -Author: Thomas Whiffen - -Release Date: September 13, 2017 [EBook #55540] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORTH-WEST AMAZONS *** - - - - -Produced by deaurider and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - -THE NORTH-WEST AMAZONS - -[Illustration: BORO MEDICINE MAN, WITH MY RIFLE] - - - - - THE NORTH-WEST - AMAZONS - - NOTES OF SOME MONTHS SPENT - AMONG CANNIBAL TRIBES - - BY - - THOMAS WHIFFEN - F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I. - CAPTAIN H.P. (14TH HUSSARS) - - NEW YORK - DUFFIELD AND COMPANY - 1915 - - _Printed in Great Britain_ - - - - - TO THE MEMORY OF THE LATE - DR. ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE, O.M. - THESE NOTES ARE DEDICATED - - - - -PREFACE - - -In presenting to the public the results of my journey through the lands -about the upper waters of the Amazon, I make no pretence of challenging -conclusions drawn by such experienced scientists as Charles Waterton, -Alfred Russel Wallace, Richard Spruce, and Henry Walter Bates, nor to -compete with the indefatigable industry of those recent explorers Dr. -Koch-Grünberg and Dr. Hamilton Rice. - -Some months of the years 1908 and 1909 were passed by me travelling in -regions between the River Issa and the River Apaporis where white men had -scarcely penetrated previously. In the remoter parts of these districts -the tribes of nomad Indians are frankly cannibal on occasion, and provide -us with evidence of a condition of savagery that can hardly be found -elsewhere in the world of the twentieth century. It will be noted that -this area includes the Putumayo District. - -With regard to the references in footnotes and appendices, I have -inserted them to suggest where similarities of culture or variations of -a given custom are to be found. These notes may be of some use to the -student of such problems as the question of cultural contact with Pacific -peoples, and at the least they represent the evidence on which I have -based my own conclusions. - - THOMAS WHIFFEN. - -LONDON, 1914. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - CHAPTER I - - Introductory 1 - - CHAPTER II - - Topography--Rivers--Floods and rainfall--Climate--Soil--Animal - and vegetable life--Birds--Flowers--Forest - scenery--Tracks--Bridges--Insect pests--Reptiles--Silence in - the forest--Travelling in the bush--Depressing effects of the - forest--Lost in the forest--Starvation the crowning horror 17 - - CHAPTER III - - The Indian homestead--Building--Site and plan of - _maloka_--Furniture--Inhabitants of the house--Fire--Daily - life--Insect inhabitants--Pets 40 - - CHAPTER IV - - Classification of Indian races--Difficulties of - tabulating--Language-groups and tribes--Names--Sources - of confusion--Witoto and Boro--Localities of - language-groups--Population of districts--Intertribal - strife--Tribal enemies and friends--Reasons - for endless warfare--Intertribal trade and - communications--Relationships--Tribal organisation--The - chief, his position and powers--Law--Tribal - council--Tobacco-drinking--Marriage system and - regulations--Position of women--Slaves 53 - - CHAPTER V - - Dress and ornament--Geographical and tribal - differentiations--Festal attire--Feather - ornaments--Hair-dressing--Combs--Dance - girdles--Beads--Necklaces--Bracelets--Leg - rattles--Ligatures--Ear-rings--Use of labret--Nose - pins--Scarification--Tattoo--Tribal marks--Painting 71 - - CHAPTER VI - - Occupations--Sexual division and tabu--Tribal manufactures--Arts - and crafts--Drawing--Carving--Metals--Tools and implements--No - textile fabrics--Pottery--Basket-making--Hammocks--Cassava-squeezer - and grater--Pestle and mortar--Wooden vessels--Stone axes--Methods - of felling trees--Canoes--Rafts--Paddles 90 - - CHAPTER VII - - Agriculture--Plantations--Preparation of ground in - the forest--Paucity of agricultural instruments--Need - for diligence--Women’s incessant toil--No special - harvest-time--Maize the only grain grown--No use for - sugar--Manioc cultivation--Peppers--Tobacco--Coca - cultivation--Tree-climbing methods--Indian wood-craft--Indian - tracking--Exaggerated sporting yarns--Indian sense of locality - and accuracy of observation--Blow-pipes--Method of making - blow-pipes--Darts--Indian improvidence--Migration of game--Traps - and snares--Javelins--Hunting and fishing rights--Fishing--Fish - traps--Spearing and poisoning fish 102 - - CHAPTER VIII - - The Indian armoury--Spears--Bows and arrows--Indian - strategy--Forest tactics and warfare--Defensive measures--Secrecy - and safety--The Indian’s science of war--Prisoners--War - and anthropophagy--Cannibal tribes--Reasons for cannibal - practices--Ritual of vengeance--Other causes--No intra-tribal - cannibalism--The anthropophagous feast--Human relics--Necklaces - of teeth--Absence of salt--Geophagy 115 - - CHAPTER IX - - The food quest--Indians omnivorous eaters--Tapir and other animals - used for food--Monkeys--The peccary--Feathered game--Vermin--Eggs, - carrion, and intestines not eaten--Honey--Fish--Manioc--Preparation - of cassava--Peppers--The Indian hot-pot--Lack of salt--Indian - meals--Cooking--Fruits--Cow-tree milk 126 - - CHAPTER X - - Drinks, drugs, and poisons: their use and preparation--Unfermented - drinks--_Caapi_--Fermented drinks--_Cahuana_--Coca: its - preparation, use, and abuse--_Parica_--Tobacco--Poison and - poison-makers 138 - - CHAPTER XI - - Small families--Birth tabu--Birth customs--Infant - mortality--Infanticide--Couvade--Name-giving--Names--Tabu on - names--Childhood--Lactation--Food restrictions--Child-life and - training--Initiation 146 - - CHAPTER XII - - Marriage regulations--Monogamy--Wards and - wives--Courtship--Qualifications for matrimony--Preparations - for marriage--Child marriages--Exception to patrilocal - custom--Marriage ceremonies--Choice of a mate--Divorce--Domestic - quarrels--Widowhood 159 - - CHAPTER XIII - - Sickness--Death by poison--Infectious diseases--Cruel treatment of - sick and aged--Homicide--Retaliation for murder--Tribal and - personal quarrels--Diseases--Remedies--Death--Mourning--Burial 168 - - CHAPTER XIV - - The medicine-man, a shaman--Remedies and cures--Powers and - duties of the medicine-man--Virtue of breath--Ceremonial - healing--Hereditary office--Training--Medicine-man and - tigers--Magic-working--Properties--Evil always due to bad - magic--Influence of medicine-man--Method of magic-working--Magical - cures 178 - - CHAPTER XV - - Indian dances--Songs without meaning--Elaborate preparations--The - Chief’s invitation--Numbers assembled--Dance step--Reasons - for dances--Special dances--Dance staves--Arrangement of - dancers--Method of airing a grievance--Plaintiff’s song of - complaint--The tribal “black list”--Manioc-gathering dance and - song--Muenane Riddle Dance--A discomfited dancer--Indian riddles - and mimicry--Dance intoxication--An unusual incident--A favourite - dance--The cannibal dance--A mad festival of savagery--The strange - fascination of the Amazon 190 - - CHAPTER XVI - - Songs the essential element of native dances--Indian - imagination and poetry--Music entirely ceremonial--Indian - singing--Simple melodies--Words without meaning--Sense - of time--Limitations of songs--Instrumental - music--Pan-pipes--Flutes and fifes--Trumpets--Jurupari music and - ceremonial--Castanets--Rattles--Drums--The _manguare_--Method of - fashioning drums--Drum language--Signal and conversation--Small - hand-drums 206 - - CHAPTER XVII - - The Indians’ magico-religious system--The Good Spirit and the Bad - Spirit--Names of deities--Character of Good Spirit--His visit - to earth--Question of missionary influence--Lesser subordinate - spirits--Child-lifting--No prayer or supplication--Classification - of spirits--Immortality of the soul--Land of the After-Life--Ghosts - and name tabu--Temporary disembodied spirits--Extra-mundane - spirits--Spirits of particularised evils--Spirits of inanimate - objects--The jaguar and anaconda magic beasts--Tiger folk--Fear of - unknown--Suspicions about camera--Venerated objects--Charms--Magic - against magic--Omens 218 - - CHAPTER XVIII - - Darkness feared by Indians--Story-telling--Interminable - length of tales--Variants--Myths--Sun and moon--Deluge - traditions--Tribal stories--Amazons--White Indians tradition--Boro - tribal tale--Amazonian equivalents of many world-tales--Beast - stories--Animal characteristics--Difference of animal - characteristics in tale and tabu--No totems--Indian hatred of - animal world 236 - - CHAPTER XIX - - Limitations of speech--Differences of - dialect--Language-groups--Tribal names--Difficulties of - languages--Method of transliteration--Need of a common - medium--Ventral ejaculations--Construction--Pronouns as - suffix or prefix--Negatives--Gesture language--Numbers and - reckoning--Indefinite measure--Time--No writing, signs, nor - personal marks--Tribal calls--Drum-language code--Conversational - repetitions--Noisy talkers--Ventriloquists--Falsetto - voice--Conversational etiquette 246 - - CHAPTER XX - - No individualism--Effect of isolation--Extreme reserve of - Indians--Cruelty--Dislike and fear of strangers--Indian - hospitality--Treachery--Theft punished by death--Dualism - of ethics--Vengeance--Moral sense and custom--Modesty - of the women--Jealousy of the men--Hatred of white - man--Ingratitude--Curiosity--Indians retarded but not - degenerate--No evidence of reversion from higher culture--A - neolithic people--Conclusion 255 - - APPENDICES - - I. Physical Characteristics 269 - - II. Mongoloid Origin 280 - - III. Depilation 282 - - IV. Colour Analysis and Measurements 283 - - V. Articles noted by Wallace as in use among the Uaupes - Indians that are found with the Issa-Japura Tribes 291 - - VI. Names of Deities 293 - - VII. Vocabularies and Lists of Names 296 - - VIII. Poetry 311 - - LIST OF BOOKS REFERRED TO 313 - - INDEX 315 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - PLATE NO. FACING PAGE - - Boro Medicine Man, with my Rifle _Frontispiece_ - - I. Houses in the “Rubber Belt” of the Issa Valley 4 - - II. A House in the “Rubber Belt,” Issa Valley 16 - - III. 1. Typical River View below the Mouth of the Negro River - 2. Bank of Main Amazon Stream in the Vicinity of the Mouth - of the Japura River 18 - - IV. 1. River View on Main Stream near Issa River - 2. Landscape on Upper Amazon Main Stream 20 - - V. The Bulge-stemmed Palm, _Iriartea Venticosa_, showing - portion of Leaf and Fruit 28 - - VI. Flowers and Section of Leaf of the Bussu Palm. The Leaf is - used for Thatching 44 - - VII. 1. Self, with Nonuya Tribe - 2. Muenane Tribe 46 - - VIII. 1. Group of Witoto - 2. Group of Some of my Carriers 70 - - IX. Medicine Man and his Wife (Andoke) 72 - - X. Boro Tribesmen 74 - - XI. Witoto Feather Head-dresses 76 - - XII. Groups of Resigero Women 78 - - XIII. Centre of Dancing Group--Muenane 80 - - XIV. Boro Comb of Palm Spines set in Pitch and finished with - Basketwork of Split Cane, Fibre Strings, and Tufts of - Parrots’ Feathers 78 - - XV. 1. Dukaiya (Okaina) Bead Dancing-girdle - 2. Condor Claws, used by Andoke Medicine Man of the Upper - Japura River 80 - - XVI. Necklaces of Human and Tiger Teeth 82 - - XVII. 1. Necklace of Polished Nutshells. - 2. Leg Rattles of Beads and Nutshells. - 3, 4, 5, and 6. Bead Necklaces. The Black “Beads” are Bits - of Polished Nutshell, threaded between White Beads 82 - - XVIII. Boro Ligatures 84 - - XIX. Boro Leg and Arm Ligatures. Witoto Leg Ligature 84 - - XX. 1 and 3, Boro. 2, Witoto, Ligatures 86 - - XXI. Andoke Girls 88 - - XXII. Witoto Baskets of Split Cane and Fibre 90 - - XXIII. Boro Necklace of Jaguars’ Teeth with Incised Patterns - Necklace of Jaguar Teeth, Incised, and Flute made of - Human Bone 92 - - XXIV. Boro Cassava-squeezer. (A) Loop at End 96 - - XXV. 1. Okaina Group - 2. Group of Okaina Women 98 - - XXVI. 1. Indian Plantation cleared by Fire preparatory to - Cultivation - 2. View on Affluent of the Kahuinari River 102 - - XXVII. _Erythroxylon-Coca_ 106 - - XXVIII. 1 and 2. Andoke Bamboo Cases with Darts and Cotton. - 3. Dart with Cotton attached. - 4. Blow-pipe with Dart. - 5. Javelin. - 6. Fishing Trident. - 7. Spears in Bamboo Case. - 8. Dance Staff 108 - - XXIX. Andoke Bamboo Case with Darts for Blow-pipe and Gourd - full of Cotton 110 - - XXX. 1. Water Jar, Menimehe; (a) Witoto. - 2. Drums (Witoto). - 3. Pan-pipes, Witoto; (a) Boro. - 4. Stone Axe (Andoke). - 5. Paddle used on Main Amazon Stream. - 6. Paddle used on Issa and Japura Rivers. - 7. Menimehe Hand Club. - 8. Wooden Sword (Boro). - 9. Pestle--Coca, etc. (Boro) 116 - - XXXI. Bamboo Cases, filled with Darts for Blow-pipe, - showing Fish-jaw Scraper, and Gourd filled - with Raw Cotton. One Dart has Tuft of Cotton - placed ready for Use. These are Andoke Work 118 - - XXXII. Witoto War Gathering 120 - - XXXIII. 1. Boro Necklace made of Marmoset Teeth - 2. Andoke Necklace of Human Teeth 124 - - XXXIV. Boro Women making Cassava 132 - - XXXV. Witoto Cassava-squeezer. Boro Manioc-grater with - Palm-spine Points 134 - - XXXVI. One of the Ingredients of the Famous Curare Poison 138 - - XXXVII. Incised Gourds 144 - - XXXVIII. Karahone Child. Boro Women carrying Children 150 - - XXXIX. Boro Women carrying Children 154 - - XL. Okaina Girls 158 - - XLI. Stone Axe Head (Boro). String of Magic Stones (Andoke) 184 - - XLII. Anatto, _Bixa Orellana_. A Red Dye, or Paint, is made - from the Seed 190 - - XLIII. Half Gourds decorated with Incised Patterns, made by - Witoto near the Mouth of the Kara Parana River. - Dukaiya (Okaina) Rattle made of Nutshells 192 - - XLIV. Okaina Girls painted for Dance 194 - - XLV. Boro Dancing. Group of Nonuya, Men and Women 196 - - XLVI. Muenane Dance 200 - - XLVII. Okaina Dance 202 - - XLVIII. Okaina Dance 204 - - XLIX. Pan-pipes 210 - - L. Group of Witoto Women by Double-stemmed Palm Tree - Group of Witoto Men by Double-stemmed Palm Tree 232 - - LI. 1 and 2. Witoto Types. - 3. Witoto from Kotue River 270 - - LII. Combs. - 1. Andoke Comb with Nutshell Cup for Rubber Latex. - 2. Witoto Comb. - 3. Boro Comb 272 - - LIII. Boro Tribesman from the Pama River - A Menimehe Captive 274 - - LIV. Witoto Types. Witoto Woman with Leg Ligatures 278 - - MAPS - - MAP. 1. Approximate Plan of Route 2 - - MAP. 2. Sketch Map 10 - - MAP. 3. Diagrammatic Map of the Issa-Japura Central Watershed, - showing Language Groups 58 - - Sketch Map of the North-Western Affluents of the Amazon River _At end_ - - Sketch Map of the Amazon River with its Northern Affluents _At end_ - - - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTORY - - -In the spring of 1908, having been among the Unemployed on the Active -List for nearly two years on account of ill-health, and wearying not only -of enforced inactivity but also perhaps of civilisation, I decided to go -somewhere and see something of a comparatively unknown and unrecorded -corner of the world. My mind reverted to pleasant days spent in the -lesser known parts of East Africa, and at this moment I happened to come -across Dr. Russel Wallace’s delightful _Travels on the Amazon and Rio -Negro_. His spirited adventures, and the unique character of the country -through which he passed and the peoples he met, fascinated me. I thought -of attempting to complete his unfinished journey up the Uaupes River, and -imagined I would be able to secure in South America all the instruments -and materials such an expedition required. There lay my initial error. -My inability to obtain anything of the sort hampered me in scientific -research, so that these chapters must simply be regarded as impressions -and studies of native ways and doings, noted by a temporary dweller in -their midst. - -Difference of technique, industry, ability, and scientific knowledge may -in the light of future investigations reveal errors or misapprehensions -that must bring me into conflict with those who may go there better -equipped and with greater understanding. But in any critical appraisement -it must be remembered that these tribes are changing day by day, and -every year that passes will increase the difference between the Amazonian -native as I knew him and as he may be when studied by my successors. So -far as in me lies, I have here set forth an account of what he was when -I travelled in his forest solitudes and fastnesses. - -I left England towards the end of April 1908 and arrived at Manaos on the -Negro River on May 27. Incidentally I arrived again at Manaos homeward -bound on the same day and almost at the same hour the following year.[1] -It may be taken, therefore, that my entire journey covered exactly twelve -months. - -On arrival at Manaos, I made inquiries as to the facilities for -proceeding to S. Gabriel near the junction of the Negro and Uaupes -Rivers, and thence up the latter stream.[2] My theory at the time was -that it would be possible to ascend this river to its source, and from -the vicinity to make a way across country _via_ the Apaporis, Japura, -Issa, and Napo Rivers to Iquitos. I soon found that the difficulty of -obtaining the necessary men would be immense, and the ascent, in local -opinion, impracticable without an expedition on a scale for which I -possessed neither the influence nor the pecuniary resources. Persuaded -that my line of least resistance, so far as the Uaupes was concerned, -would be to reverse the contemplated journey and work from Iquitos to -a point on the Uaupes and then descend to Manaos, I proceeded by the -Navigation Company’s steamboat to the former town, where I arrived the -second week in June. - -[Illustration: APPROXIMATE PLAN OF ROUTE] - -In company with Mr. David Cazes, the British Consul, to whom I am -indebted for many kindnesses, I made a trip up the Napo River. It was -soon apparent, however, that it would be practically impossible to cross -from that river to the Issa. This was not due to the difficulty of -porterage, because there is a “recognised route” from a point some way -above the mouth of the Curaray to Puerto Barros, but to the impossibility -of obtaining men. Rumours were rife at this time of fighting between the -Colombian and Peruvian rubber-gatherers on the Issa River, and the Napo -Indians would not go in that direction on account of a not unnatural -dread lest they be treated as enemies by whichever party of combatants -they might happen to meet. - -Eventually, through the good offices of the British Consulate, I sailed -from Iquitos by way of the main Amazon River and the Issa or Putumayo -River to Encanto at the mouth of the Kara Parana, which I reached in the -middle of August. It is from this point that my notes on the manners and -customs of the Indians really commence. - -I saw at once that it would be impossible to gain any insight into the -ways and customs of the various tribes unless I spent some considerable -time in what one might call a roving commission among them. I had with me -at this time John Brown, a Barbadian negro. He had been for some three -years previously in the Issa district in the employ of a Rubber Company, -and I enlisted him as my personal servant at Iquitos. He had “married” -a Witoto woman some two years before, and through this attachment I was -able to derive much valuable information. In fact, he was invaluable -throughout the whole expedition, and was more loyal and more devoted than -a traveller with some experience of the African boy in his native haunts -had reason to anticipate of any black servant. - -On the 18th of August we started for the Igara Parana, having collected -eight Indian carriers, two half-castes, and eight “rationales,” or -semi-civilised Indians, armed with Winchesters, together with three -Indian women, wives of three of the rationales. - -It may here be mentioned that these armed Indians were to be obtained in -the Rubber Belt by arrangement with their employers. It is the practice -of the rubber-gatherers to train Indian boys and utilise them as escort, -and to obtain rubber from the tribes hostile to those to which the boys -belong. This is perhaps necessary to avoid collusion. In my experience -there was never any question of fixed charge or price when hiring -carriers. They expected to be given, at the conclusion of their service, -a present of cloth, beads, a shot gun,[3] or such other item of trade as -their heart coveted. The line of argument was simple: “You do what I tell -you, and when we part I will make you a rich man.” Wealth was represented -by cloth, beads, and a knife. A boy I called Jim promised to go to the -end of the earth if I would give him a shot gun. This was his sole -ambition. He was one of my escort, and although carrying a Winchester, I -do not think it ever entered into his head to make off with it. Such is -the simple Indian nature. I do not mean that he would not have run away -if such a plan suited him, but he would not have done so for the sake and -value of the Winchester. - -The two half-breeds were rubber-collectors. They were bound for the Igara -Parana, and were only with me until we reached Chorrera. - -The semi-civilised Indians are fairly trustworthy, although discipline -must be strongly enforced to prevent looting if only because of the -danger of reprisals on the part of the indigenous natives. During my -wanderings the carriers were often changed, especially while passing -through the Rubber Belt. Those men will always run if they get the -chance, even if they are in the midst of hostile tribes, when to desert -is more often death than not. In number the party remained approximately -the same throughout my journey. - -The carriers must be incessantly shepherded, kept from lagging behind or -going ahead too quickly. They must not be allowed to stop for any length -of time or a forced camp will be a necessity. It is the custom of all -Indians to bathe whenever possible, however heated they may be, and this -will have to be tolerated; but if progress is to be made they must not -stop to eat. It was my custom to eat at daybreak and again at the end of -the day’s march. - -[Illustration: PLATE I. - -HOUSES IN THE RUBBER BELT OF THE ISSA VALLEY] - -Treachery on the part of the native Indians it is always necessary to -guard against--in the Rubber Belt because of the treatment they have -received in the past; farther afield partly on account of the rumours of -such treatment, and partly on the principle that it’s the nervous dog -that bites. They ask but one question: “Why is the white man here?” They -accord it but one answer: “We know not. It is best to kill.” And it is -not, as is noted elsewhere, the custom of the Indian to attack openly, -but when he has the chance of succeeding with little or no danger to -himself. - -We reached Chorrera, or Big Falls, on the 22nd of August, and thence -wended our way by land up the Igara Parana, arriving without much -incident in the Andoke country on the 19th of September. Here, by -arrangement with an Andoke chief, I managed to get a young Karahone -lad, a slave who had been captured some years previously by the Andoke -and who said he would take me to his own people across the great river. -While we were encamped near the banks of the Japura River, and searching -for the bulge-stemmed palm tree with which to make a canoe, we observed -three canoes of Karahone on their way down the river, possibly after some -warlike expedition. We tried to stop them, but in vain. When, eventually, -we crossed the river, we found the occupants of the canoes had given -the alarm. Every house we visited was abandoned, four in all, and the -path was peppered with poisoned stakes sharpened to the finest point and -exposed above ground for perhaps half to three-quarters of an inch. A -carrier who trod on one had to be carried back as he was quite disabled -for the march. - -Returning to the Japura River, we made our way to the upper reaches -of the Kahuinari River, visiting different tribes and collecting -information. I was anxious at this time to descend this river and find -out, if possible, the fate of Eugene Robuchon, the French explorer, who -had been missing for some two years. - -It may be pertinent here to give in full the story of Robuchon’s -disappearance and my search for traces of his last expedition. - -Eugene Robuchon, the adventurous French explorer whose notes on the -Indians of the Putumayo are known to every investigator, left the Great -Falls on the Igara Parana in November 1905. It was his intention to make -for the head waters of the Japura and to explore that river on behalf of -the Peruvian Government throughout its length for traces of rubber. He -started with a party consisting of three negroes, one half-breed, and -five Indians with one Indian woman. He carried supplies barely sufficient -for two months. I carefully examined all the survivors of the expedition -that I encountered, and from them gathered the following account of the -journey:-- - -Having left the Great Falls, Robuchon proceeded by canoe up the Igara -Parana to a point some ten miles above the mouth of the Fue stream. He -left the river there, struck northward through the Chepei country, and -reached the Japura approximately at 74° W., some thirty miles above -the Kuemani River. The Indians encountered at this spot belonged to a -Witoto-speaking tribe, the Taikene. They were friendly, but either could -not or would not provide Robuchon with a canoe. Three valuable weeks were -spent in the search for a suitable tree and in the construction of a -canoe. - -When at length this was finished, the party started down-stream, and for -a time progressed without incident. No natives were seen for several -days. At last Robuchon’s Indians called his attention to a narrow path -that led up from the river-bank on the right. Anxious about his food -supply, he landed and followed the path until he came upon a clearing and -an Indian house. Eventually Robuchon arranged with the inhabitants that -four of them should come down to the canoe with food and receive presents -in exchange. But when a larger number than he expected appeared upon -the bank, the explorer feared treachery and at once pushed off without -waiting for the much-needed provisions. The Indians thereupon manned -their canoes and started in pursuit, shouting the while to him to stop. -But with his small party Robuchon dared take no chances. He pushed on -until the pursuers had been satisfactorily outdistanced. - -The boy who told me the tale was convinced that these Indians were -perfectly friendly in intention, and the incident appeared to be proof of -the nervous state of the party. Some time after this, while shooting the -rapids at the Igarape Falls, the canoe was upset and the greater part of -the remaining stores was swept away. - -The details of this misadventure I was never able to extract in a -coherent fashion from the followers I interviewed, but they agreed that -very little food of any kind was left, and what was rescued had been -almost entirely destroyed by water. - -Short of food, and without a canoe, the boys became mutinous. The three -negroes and the half-breed deserted, and sought to cut a way through the -bush backward in the direction whence they had come. This task was beyond -them, and, a few days later, weary, disheartened, and starving, they -returned to beg Robuchon’s forgiveness. The reunited party improvised -a raft, and, after undergoing the customary hardships of an unequipped -expedition in this hostile country, reached the mouth of the Kahuinari. -The whole party was weak with hunger and fever, Robuchon himself -prostrate and incapable of going farther. He determined to remain where -he was with the Indian woman and the Great Dane hound, Othello. He -ordered the negroes and the half-breed to push on up the Kahuanari to a -rubber-gatherer’s house which he believed was situated somewhere between -the Igara Parana and the Avio Parana. They were to send back relief at -the earliest possible moment. The boys left Robuchon on February 3, 1906. -He was never again seen by any one in touch with civilisation. - -The boys had journeyed for but a few hours when they came across a herd -of peccary. They killed more than they could possibly use, but made no -attempt whatever to carry any meat back to the starving and abandoned -Frenchman. Instead they wasted two valuable days in gorging themselves -and smoking the flesh for their own journey. - -For days they followed the course of the Kahuinari, hugging its right -bank, and in this way happened across a Colombian half-breed, from whom -they sought assistance. The Colombian took them to his house near the -Avio Parana but would not grant them even food until they paid for it -with the rifles they carried. The idea of succouring Robuchon was far -removed from his philosophy. The boys, then, having surrendered their -rifles in return for the stores they so much needed, made the narrow -crossing from the Avio Parana to the Papunya River, and followed that -stream without deviation to its junction with the river Issa. Turning -backward up the left bank of the Issa, they reached the military station -at the mouth of the Igara Parana and there told their tale. - -When at last a Relief Expedition was made up, it consisted of three -negroes--John Brown and his comrades--and seventeen half-breeds. The -party left on its search for Robuchon thirty-seven days after he had been -abandoned at the mouth of the Kahuinari. It took ten days to reach the -junction of the Avio Parana and the Kahuinari, and twenty-one days more -to arrive at the camp on the Japura. It had taken ten weeks to bring -help. The relief party found some tools, some clothes, a few tins of -coffee, a little salt, and a camera. There was no trace of Robuchon, of -the Indian woman, or of the dog. On a tree was nailed a paper, but the -written message had been washed by the rain and bleached by the sun till -it was illegible. Robuchon’s last message can never be known. - -The relief party divided into two companies for the journey back--one -section of twelve, the other of eight men. The larger party arrived in -the rubber district six weeks later. The smaller party, with the three -blacks, was lost in the bush. Five months and a half afterwards five -survivors attained safety. The story of their misery is a chapter in the -history of Amazonian travel that may never be written. - -Two and a half years afterwards I was returning from a disappointing trip -to the Karahone country. There were persistent rumours that Robuchon was -held a prisoner by the Indians north of the Japura. I determined to see -if any evidence could be found to settle his fate. I had in my party one -of the negroes who had accompanied the French explorer. We journeyed -overland southward through the Muenane-Resigero country till we reached -the Kahuinari, thence by canoe to the Japura River. The Japura at this -point is about a rifle-shot in width--2500 to 3000 yards across. Some -three miles below this point on the right bank, a little way back from -the river, was a small clearing. In it were three poles marking the site -of a deserted shelter. John Brown, my servant and formerly Robuchon’s, -said it was the last camp of Eugene Robuchon. - -We made camp in the clearing. A little way inland I found an abandoned -Indian house, but all indications pointed to its having been deserted -many years before. Half buried in the clearing I discovered eight broken -photograph plates in a packet, and the eye-piece of a sextant. Other -evidence of civilised occupation there was none. At some little distance -my Indians detected traces of a path, and though to me it seemed only an -old animal track, they maintained it was a man-made road. Cutting along -the line of this path, at the end of a hard day’s work we emerged upon -a second clearing and the ruins of a shelter. After careful searching -we unearthed a rusty and much-hacked machete or trade knife. There our -discoveries ended. The path went no farther. - -We encountered no Indians in our search. On further investigation it -appeared that there are none in the vicinity, and the nearest to the -deserted camp on the south of the river are the Boro living on the Pama -River, forty or fifty miles away. - -Believing that the most probable route of escape was down the Japura, I -journeyed slowly eastward almost to the mouth of the Apaporis. We then -turned and came back, searching the right bank. Throughout this time we -found no Indians and no signs of Indians. On the bank, about a mile and -a half below Robuchon’s last camp, we found the remains of a broken and -battered raft. It had evidently been carried down in full river, and left -stranded on the fall of the waters. Brown recognised the wreck as that -of the raft which the Frenchman’s party had built after the loss of the -canoe. But it afforded no clue. - -Much as I should have liked at this time to pursue my investigations -among the Indians of the left, or north, bank of the river, I had -perforce to give up further progress for the time being on account of -the mutinous hostility of my boys. Nothing would persuade them that they -would not be eaten up if they crossed the great river at this point. - -Foiled, therefore, in my attempts to learn anything on the scene of -Robuchon’s disappearance, I determined to prosecute inquiries among the -Boro scattered about the peninsula bounded by the Pama, the Kahuinari, -and the Japura. But here also no amount of examination could elicit any -information as to the explorer, the woman, or the dog. I was particularly -impressed by the fact that the existence of the Great Dane--an object -of awe to the Indians--had left no legend among the natives. Robuchon -himself wrote of his hound: “My dog, as always, entered the house first. -The great size of Othello, his flashing teeth, and close inspection of -strangers, his blood-shot eyes and bristling hair invariably inspired -fear and respect among the Indians.” Had such an animal fallen into the -hands of the Boro, I feel certain its fame would have outlived that of -any chance European who might have become their prisoner, however much -they desired to conceal their participation in his murder. My own Boro -boys could find no record among their compatriots of the presence of -Othello or his master. - -After this we proceeded in a northerly direction, and, crossing the -Japura, visited the Boro tribe located on the north bank of the river, -between the Wama and the Ira tributaries. The chief of this tribe had -married a Menimehe woman who, curiously enough, remained on terms of -friendship with her parent tribe. The chief informed me that in the -Long, Long Before--from reference to the size of his son at the time, -I calculated about three years previously--the Menimehe had captured a -white man with face hairy as a monkey’s. As Robuchon was wearing a beard -at the time of his disappearance this seemed to present a clue, but as -the Menimehe refused to confirm the statement, and there was no mention -of the woman or of the dog, it added but little to the evidence of his -fate. - -[Illustration: Spot where Eugene Robuchon was last seen] - -The testimony was further weakened by the knowledge that about that -time either the Menimehe or the Yahuna destroyed a Colombian settlement -near the mouth of the Apaporis River, and made prisoners of white men. -Whatever the truth of the bearded white man, there was certainly no -memory remaining of the Indian woman nor of Othello, the Great Dane. - -On my return to the Rubber Belt I learned that Robuchon had been lost on -a previous expedition for a considerable period, and had lived during -that time with Indians. Although this had occurred in the regions south -of the Amazon on the Peru-Brazil-Bolivian frontier, somewhere in the -neighbourhood of the Acre River, the general haziness of natives with -respect to place and time may have accounted for the rumours of captivity -among the semi-civilised Indians of the Rubber Belt, which set me on a -fruitless search among the Indians of the Kahuinari-Japura. - -To sum up the evidence with respect to the fate of Robuchon, it seems -to me that he did not die of starvation at the mouth of the Kahuinari, -because a certain amount of food-stuff was found by the first Relief -Expedition at the site of the camp, but no signs of human remains. The -illegible message nailed to the tree suggests that he vacated the spot -and endeavoured to leave information as to his route for those who might -come to his relief. - -Robuchon had five courses open to him once he decided on abandoning the -camp: - -1. He could retrace his steps up the Japura. With respect to this means -of escape, I consider it extremely improbable that he would attempt to -return against stream over the route which he had already traversed with -such difficulty when aided by the current and the full strength of his -party. - -2. He could proceed across the Japura to the country of the Menimehe. He -was unlikely, however, to cross that river, owing to the bad name enjoyed -by the Menimehe. He could not count upon a relief expedition following -him there. - -3. He could journey up the Kahuinari. He could hardly negotiate the -difficulties of the upstream journey though with the inadequate -assistance of a single woman. He was aware of the existence of unfriendly -tribes on the banks. My inquiries among the Pama Boro yielded no trace of -his ever having been seen upon the river. If he had made his way along -the right bank of that river, probably some evidence of him would have -been found by the relief party. - -4. He could have voyaged down the Japura in a canoe or upon a raft. It -would have been very hazardous to have attempted this alone--practically -hopeless. In any event, if he did make the attempt, he failed to reach -the nearest rubber settlement. - -5. There remains one means of escape--by an overland march. It would -appear that he adopted this method, but only without any idea of -permanent relief, in desperate search of temporary assistance. The line -of the Kahuinari was the obvious route for a rescue party. Robuchon, -however, was starving, and the native track promised a path to a native -house and food. - -I presume he was located by a band of visiting Indians, captured, and -either murdered or carried away in captivity to their haunts on the north -bank of the Japura. I suggest the probability of the Indians coming -from the north bank up the Japura, because, so far as I could learn, -it was not the custom of the Pama Boro to journey to the mouth of the -Kahuinari, since they could obtain all they needed from the river at -points more easily and more speedily accessible to them. There were no -Indians resident in the vicinity, but Indians from across the Japura made -excursions at low river in search of game or of turtles and their eggs.[4] - -It is upon one of those chance bands that reluctantly I am forced to lay -the responsibility for the death of Eugene Robuchon in March or April -1906. - -This was little enough to add to the ascertained fact of Robuchon’s end, -but such as it was it brushed aside some of the mystery, and proved of -interest to the members of the French Geographical Society and to the -relatives of the lost explorer.[5] - -After concluding my investigations among the Boro in the vicinity of the -Pama River, I again crossed the Japura River near the Boro settlement -on the north of that river, and proceeded eastward into the country of -the Menimehe. This country appears more sparsely populated than the -Kahuinari districts, and the manners and customs of these people vary -considerably from the tribes inhabiting the country to the south. - -From the most easterly point I decided to proceed in a north-westerly -direction with a view to striking the upper waters of the Uaupes River -eventually. It was in this neighbourhood that I developed beriberi; and, -owing to the swelling of my legs, which were covered with wounds and -sores, I was only able to walk with difficulty, although I had no pain. -My brain was numbed as well as my legs. I slept at every opportunity, -did not want to eat, and seemed to be under the effect of some delusive -narcotic. Yet I never failed to take all necessary precautions--it was -mechanical, a mere habit. Stores were running short, owing to their bad -condition, and my boys and carriers were becoming mutinous. Game was -scarce, and the few native houses we encountered were for the most part -deserted; what Indians we came across were surly and sullen, and appeared -latently hostile. - -I decided to return, overcome by the argument of Brown that if I did not -do so the boys would go, so we turned back to the east and south of the -original line, and proceeded overland by way of the Kuhuinari River to -the Igara Parana, and thence to the Kara Parana by river. Arriving at -the latter river at the end of February, and finding that the steamer -for Iquitos would not start for some time, I made a short trip among the -tribes of this river. - -By reference to the sketch-map it will be seen that from the time I left -Encanto on my arrival from Iquitos to my arrival at the same place, bound -for Iquitos, was approximately seven months. - -The difficulties in the way of obtaining information are such that -it is only those who sink for the nonce all inherited and acquired -ideas of superiority, manners, and customs who can be successful. As a -consequence, the stranger will have to journey with savages, eat with -savages, sleep with savages, from the moment he seeks to penetrate their -land. Watchfulness night and day must be the price of any desire to -understand the native in his home. The field-worker must subordinate -every previous and personal conception. Native justice must be his -justice. Almost necessarily native ethics must be his ethics. He is -no missionary seeking to convert those he meets to ideas of his own; -rather is he a learner, an inquirer, eager to understand the thoughts -that inspire them, to analyse the beliefs they themselves have gathered. -Then there is no common medium of language. Sometimes a native speaking -a tongue with which the traveller has a passing acquaintance can make -himself understood in another tribal language whereof the white man is -blankly ignorant, and then some approximation of the truth sought to be -conveyed is arrived at tortuously. For example, I had a Witoto Indian who -understood a little Andoke, and by way of Brown the Barbadian carried to -me much information of these little-known Indians. John Brown was here -invaluable as he knew Witoto well and Boro to some purpose. But much -of the appended vocabularies had to be gathered by the crude method of -pointing to an object. Having noted the word phonetically, one had to get -it confirmed by trial. - -Travelling in the bush is a dreary monotony of discomfort and -ever-present danger. There are weary stretches of inundated country, -sweating swamp. You pass with an unexpected plunge from ankle-deep mire -to unbottomed main stream. The eternal sludge, sludge of travel without -a stone or honest yard of solid ground makes one long for the lesser -strain of more definite dangers or of more obtrusive horrors. The horror -of Amazonian travel is the horror of the unseen. It is not the presence -of unfriendly natives that wears one down, it is the absence of all sign -of human life. One happens upon an Indian house or settlement, but it is -deserted, empty, in ruins. The natives have vanished, and it is only the -silent message of a poisoned arrow or a leaf-roofed pitfall that tells of -their existence somewhere in the tangled undergrowth of the neighbourhood. - -On the trail one speedily learns the significance of the phrase “Indian -file.” Here are none of the advance guards, flank guards, and rear guards -that are needed to penetrate unfriendly country in other lands. The first -man hacks a way for those who follow, and the bush is left as a wall on -either side that is as inscrutable to the possible enemy on the flank -as to the advancing party. On account of such conditions I should say, -from my experience of bush travel in these regions, that the whole party -should rarely if ever exceed twenty-five in number. On this principle it -will be seen that the smaller the quantity of baggage carried the greater -will be the number of rifles available for the security of the expedition. - -The difficulty of an efficient food supply is very great. Game is -always hard to shoot on account of the density of the bush, and in many -parts appears to be non-existent. Preserved goods in sealed cases, of -convenient size for porterage, should be taken from Europe. My failure -to carry out my original intentions was due more than anything else to -the fact that my supplies were purchased in the country, and 50 per -cent proved unfit for consumption. The country where supplies must be -husbanded has little enough of food that is appetising to offer. Fish, -if plentiful, are hard to catch for the uninitiated. One hungers for the -occasional tapir or peccary, the joys of monkey-meat, and an incautious, -though unpalatable, parrot, and in the days of real distress may be -glad to fall back on frogs, snakes, and palm-heart. The real fear of -starvation, after perhaps the ghastly dread of being lost, is the great -cause of anxiety to the traveller in the Amazons. - -As for shelter,--a tent is an encumbrance,--an open screen of rough palm -thatch can be erected in a very short time, and is all that is necessary, -although not all that is to be desired. The shelter is a poor one that -does not prevent the dews and the inevitable rain from chilling one to -the bone. - -Clothes for the Amazons are not designed with a view to fashion or -appearance. In the past, continental explorers have introduced some -interesting fashions in ducks and khaki, but travelling through a -country where one’s life is passed in a bath of perspiration, their -distinction of appearance yields to the simple comfort of the native’s -nudity. In search of a compromise, I have found that a thin flannel suit -of pyjamas with the trouser-legs tucked into the socks, and a pair of -carpet slippers laced over the instep, best meet the requirements of the -region. Ordinary boots are a positive danger on account of the narrow and -sometimes slippery tree-trunks over which one clambers uneasily. A small -towel round the neck to wipe away the perspiration is a great comfort. -For head-gear a cloth cap or “smasher” hat suffices. - -A long knife or cutlass must be carried, and, personally, I invariably -carried a revolver, while the gun-bearer should always be at hand with -a rifle or scatter-gun. A blanket, sleeping-bag, and waterproof sheet -of course must be taken, with the other comforts, medical and hygienic, -common to all expeditions. - -The drawings that appear in this volume are either taken from photographs -or from actual trophies and articles in my possession. The photographs -are a record of industry and patience. Films I found useless in this -climate, and plates alone materialised. It must be remembered, also, that -every time plates have to be changed it is necessary to build a small -house, and double thatch and treble thatch to prevent the entrance of any -light. Even then the experienced do their work at night. - -The difficulty of posing and overcoming the objection of the native -subject will be at once realised. Too many groups have been draped by -explorers in the unaccustomed decencies of camp equipment, though it has -become an essential of the country--climatic and psychological--that -the women walk abroad naked and the men unembarrassed by more than a -loin-cloth. - -The maps cannot pretend to be more than the roughest approximate -sketch-maps. When absence of a horizon and the density of the bush are -realised, it will be obvious that they can be nothing more. It is hoped -that they will suffice to give some idea of the general trend of the -country and the location of the various language-groups. - -[Illustration: PLATE II. - -A HOUSE IN THE ‘RUBBER BELT,’ ISSA VALLEY] - - - - -CHAPTER II - - Topography--Rivers--Floods and rainfall--Climate--Soil--Animal - and vegetable life--Birds--Flowers--Forest - scenery--Tracks--Bridges--Insect pests--Reptiles--Silence in - the forest--Travelling in the bush--Depressing effects of the - forest--Lost in the forest--Starvation. - - -Although the Amazons have been known to Europe for fully four hundred -years, exploration has been confined almost entirely to the main -river and its great tributaries. Little addition has been made to -the information possessed by Sir Walter Raleigh in the three hundred -years that have elapsed since his death. The rivers certainly are -known and charted, yet the land beyond their banks is almost as much -a land of mystery in the twentieth century as it was in the days of -Queen Elizabeth. It is possible to spend a lifetime in navigating the -Amazon,[6] and to know nothing more of its 2,722,000 square miles of -basin than can be peered at through the curtain of vegetation which -drapes the main streams. Behind that veil lies the fascination of -Amazonian travel. - -We are not here concerned with the scanty records history offers of -these vast regions, nor, for our immediate purposes, is it needful to -inquire into the conditions and features of the Amazon watershed as a -whole, except in so far as they differ from or resemble those of my field -of exploration, the tracts between the middle Issa and Japura Rivers, -and in their vicinity. Roughly speaking, this lies in that debatable -land where the frontiers of Brazil meet those of Peru, Colombia, -and--perhaps--Ecuador, a country claimed in part by the three latter, -but administered by none. Here the dead level of the lower Amazonian -plains imperceptibly acquires a more decided tilt, the trend of the -land from the great Andean water-parting on the west and north-west -being south-east to the mighty river on the south, consequently these -north-western affluents of the Amazon flow in more or less parallel lines -from the north-west to the south-east. It is the rivers that dominate -this country, the mountains, those primal determinants, are only distant -influences, snow-topped mysteries but dimly imagined on the far horizon -from some upstanding outcrop, a savannah where momentarily a perspective -may be gained over and beyond the illimitable forest.[7] - -On the south of the tracks here dealt with the Amazon slowly sweeps its -muddy yellow waters, 500,000 cubic feet per second, towards the ocean. -On the north the Uaupes River flows to join the Rio Negro. Between the -Uaupes and the Amazon the Rio Caqueta, or Japura River, runs south-east, -due east, and south to the main stream, and almost parallel with it the -Putumayo, or Issa, gathers the waters of the Kara Parana and the Igara -Parana, both on its northern, that is to say its left bank, and joins the -Amazon where the main river turns sharply south 471 miles below Iquitos. -West again, the Napo drains down to join the great water-way 2300 miles -from the sea. Of the Napo much has been written since Orellano sailed -down it from Peru, homeward bound to Spain in 1521, and it may be left -outside the bounds of our inquiry. With the Issa and Japura we must deal -in some detail, but of the Uaupes and Rio Negro a few words will suffice. - -Rapids and cataracts bar the navigation of the Uaupes, the chief -tributary if not, as some would have it, the main stream of the Negro, -until it is, according to Wallace, “perhaps unsurpassed for the -difficulties and dangers of its navigation.”[8] - -[Illustration: PLATE III. - -TYPICAL RIVER VIEW BELOW THE MOUTH OF THE NEGRO RIVER - -BANK OF MAIN AMAZON STREAM IN THE VICINITY OF THE MOUTH OF THE JAPURA -RIVER] - -Wallace estimated the country to be not more than 1000 feet above -sea-level. I should judge it to be considerably less, by the trend of -the country to the south of it. But even here I may be mistaken, as my -aneroid was useless, for undiscovered reasons, and my opinion is based -simply on the force of the currents of the rivers, the number and depth -of the rapids, and the distances to the main river and thence to the sea. -The height above sea-level cannot be great, for the tides are felt at -Obydos, more than half-way from the ocean to the mouth of the Rio Negro, -and there is no abrupt rise from the Obydos levels; indeed the slope of -the land is so slight that in the middle reaches of the main river during -wet seasons the floods spread for twenty miles, and there is no visible -current. - -The Uaupes, though lighter than the majority of southern tributaries -of the Negro, is what is known as a black water river, while most of -the rivers flowing in on the northern bank are white water rivers. This -peculiarity, which may be as marked as the difference between ink and -milk, is due apparently to the variety of soil in the country drained -by the rivers. The chief tributaries of the Uaupes, the Itiya and the -Uniya, are both white water streams. Spruce notes that fish are scarcer -in black than in white water streams,[9] and attributes it to the absence -of vegetation. This may be true in part of the Negro, but it is not true, -I think, of other rivers. Certainly these have some sort of fish, for I -have seen them rise. One species is known to feed on a variety of laurel -berry very plentiful on some of the river-banks. - -The Rio Negro itself, the waters of which are dead black, is navigable -for more than a third of its course to vessels of a 4 feet draught even -in the dry season, and communication is possible from its upper waters -with the great northern artery of the Orinoco, through the Casiquiari, -the most important of the natural canals that abound throughout the -Amazon regions. - -The Issa, or Putumayo--the Peruvian name is perhaps better known than -the Brazilian, the true geographical one--is the first tributary of -importance to join the Amazon after it has entered Brazilian territory. -Of its 1028 miles only 93, according to the _Brazilian Year-Book_, -are not navigable by steamers. This exceeds the truth, for there is -practically no communication with Colombia or Ecuador by this route, as -the statement would imply. In the upper reaches of the Issa rock and -shingle are to be found, while 300 miles down stream hardly a stone is to -be seen. The water is very muddy, and the current variable as the depth. -Now it will be a swirling storm-fed torrent, the turbid water burdened -with a wild flotsam of forest trees and matted vegetation, cutting into -the soft layers of vegetable mould that form its banks, and rise above it -as much as 25 feet in places; anon it is a sluggish stream that spreads -oilily nowhither, with scarce a ripple over the deep alluvial deposits -of its bed. This river is at its lowest in February and March. At its -juncture with the Amazon looking upstream from the main water-way, the -Issa is the more imposing of the two, for its course lies wide and fully -exposed, while the Amazon bends sharply, and gives the impression that -it and not its affluent is the tributary stream. Robuchon calculated -that its breadth there was 600 metres, the depth 8, and the current 2½ -miles an hour. He states very truly that landslides often occur on the -banks of these rivers, and that such destruction of the bank, together -with the quick rise and fall of the streams, may so alter the appearance -of any stretch as to render it quite unrecognisable, even within a few -hours. Special mention is made by him of the Papunya River, that enters -on the left bank of the Issa. Forty miles from the Papunya is the Parana -Miri,[10] a river with very black water and a large group of islands at -its mouth. Many of the islands in these rivers are not stationary, they -are floating masses of soil and vegetation, torn away from the banks when -the river is in spate. They may be as much as a hundred yards from bank -to bank, and birds are to be found living upon them. - -[Illustration: PLATE IV. - -1. RIVER VIEW ON MAIN STREAM NEAR ISSA RIVER - -2. LANDSCAPE ON UPPER AMAZON MAIN STREAM] - -The Igara Parana runs into the Issa where that river makes a horse-shoe -bend,[11] the junction being on the inner side of the horse-shoe. The -breadth of the stream at its mouth is 161 metres. The water is clearer -than that of the Issa, and the current slower, never more than 3 miles an -hour. Some 220 miles upstream there is an important waterfall, known as -La Chorrera, or the Big Falls. The Igara Parana becomes vary narrow and -most tortuous as it nears them, and is only 30 metres wide at its exit -from Big Falls Bay. This is a huge pool almost as wide as it is long, -with a narrow exit at one end, and a succession of cascades at the other. -These falls are impassable in boats, and traffic with the upper river can -only be carried on by land portage. Much debris of rocks and river-borne -tree-trunks obstructs the narrow passage above the falls, which are given -by Robuchon as having a total length of 120 metres and a width of 18 -metres. The waters descend over a series of wide rocky steps, worn flat -and smooth by the ceaseless friction. Masses of stone line the right -bank, and rise perpendicularly from the water. This is the only part of -the country where I have seen rocks and stones in any quantity. - -The upper reaches of the river are distinctly more picturesque than its -lower waters. The almost level banks, with their monotonous succession of -forest trees, grow gradually steeper, till the sandstone cliffs rise like -a fortification above the fringe of vegetation that encroaches on the -high-water mark. Presently the river winds in and out between shelving -hills, tree-clad to the very margin of the water. Between the Igara -Parana and the Kara Parana the country is a perfect switchback of hills -and ridges, with a stream in every gully. The steepness of these valleys, -with a pitch perhaps of 25° or 30°, does not permit the surface water to -lodge and form swamp or morass, in contrast to the waterlogged plains of -the lower rivers. Immediately on the left bank of the Igara Parana, and -in the vicinity of the Big Falls, the country continues to be hilly, -but to the north-east it is more open, and the bush is less obstructive, -though its density varies immensely. Similar diversified scenery is to be -found on the upper waters of the Japura. - -The Kahuanari, a considerable tributary on the south bank of the -Japura, drains the divide that intervenes between that river and the -Igara Parana. It is subject to sudden floods, which wash down large -quantities of forest debris. I have seen it rise twenty feet in a day, -and afterwards subside as quickly. - -The floods are not to be wondered at when the tremendous rainfall of -these regions is considered. The question is never if it will rain, but -when and for how long it will be fine. Rain is certain in a land which -has but a few days clear of it in every twelve months. Five days, a -fortnight, that, all told, is the extent of dry weather to be looked -for in this country. The dry season is but a name. It is dry only in -comparison with the wetter months from March to August. The upper valley -of the Amazon has a three-day winter at our midsummer--June 24, 25, -26--so it is said, and certainly I noted a very decided drop in the -temperature of these days in 1908. Snow is unknown, and hail not common. -Despite the daily rain the turquoise blue of the sky is seldom long -hidden, though from March to June leaden skies portend rain, and seldom -fail to make good their portent. During the dry season the rain if it be -frequent is never continuous. Almost every day, between three and four -in the afternoon and two and five in the morning, heavy clouds will roll -up, a preliminary breeze rustle through the leaves, shake the trees, and -increase till suddenly there comes a deluge of big drops. Such storms -last but half an hour, yet the rain will soak through everything, and -the wet bushes drench the passer-by for hours afterwards. Nothing is -ever really dry, things are in a constant state of saturation, and it is -possible at all times to wring moisture out of any of one’s belongings. -So great and incessant is the evaporation that at night the dew is as -heavy as rain, while the marshy low-lying lands and the rivers are -shrouded by mist both morning and evening. With such humid air lichens -and Hepaticæ flourish on all the tree-trunks, though I have never seen -them, as described by Spruce, covering the very leaves of the trees.[12] - -Electric disturbances are numerous, and a sharp and sudden thunder-shower -often occurs about three in the afternoon, or in the night, though rain -at night without thunder is common. These storms come up in the dry -season especially, and the worst storms may be expected in February, -at the breaking of the dry weather. Sometimes the electric storm will -consist of an uninterrupted display of lightning with little or no -thunder, and the sizzle of light makes the landscape appear as in a -cinematograph picture. This continued on one occasion all through the -night, and from the amount of interest the Indians evinced I judged it to -be an unusual occurrence. - -It is always possible to tell when rain will come because of the -preliminary breeze, hardly felt below the tree-tops, followed by a dead -calm that precedes the downpour. The prevailing wind for nine months of -the year will be from the east or south-east, from June to August it -will be north and north-west. In January the prevailing wind is from the -Atlantic, north-east, veering to south-west; in July from the Pacific, -south-west, round to north-east. Fitful and uncertain local whirlwinds -will, without warning, swoop down on the clearings round the houses, play -havoc in forest and plantation, uproot trees, and destroy habitations. - -In spite of the continual rain, of the universal humidity; the climate -is not unhealthy. The heat, though a damp heat, is never excessive, the -enormously great evaporation brings in a succession of fresh breezes -to moderate the temperature;[13] and so, despite apparently trying -conditions, the climate is not injurious. The low watersheds between -the large rivers appear to be quite healthy, and if there be fever -its prevalence varies locally to an extraordinary degree. It has been -observed that where the soil is first turned up fever not infrequently -follows, a fact noted in other parts of the world, and by no means a -condition peculiar to the Amazons. - -The soil of the vast Amazonian basin is mainly the alluvial deposit of -decomposed vegetable life for centuries past. This sea of Pampean mud -stretches from the ocean marshes up to the very heels of the mountains -that stand outpost to hold the southern continent from the Pacific. Black -and rich it lies in layer after layer twenty, thirty, forty feet beneath -the great pall of vegetation that flourishes above during its little day, -to die and drop for successive generations of arboreal life to thrive -upon in their turn. And in all this vastness is never a stone. Vegetable -mould and water-borne mud, but stone does not exist for thousands upon -thousands of miles. Only in the upper waters of the Amazonian system are -rock formations reached; in the particular district under consideration -nothing is to be found harder than a soft, friable sandstone. On parts -of the Issa, as on the Napo, the deep banks show strata of shingle, -with perhaps red or white clay, that alternate with the dark humus and -decaying wood. - -It is the ceaseless activity of all vegetable life that renders these -regions fit for human habitation at all. There is no period, as with -us, of bare branches overhead and decaying matter below. Decomposition -is there, but for every dead leaf a virent successor is ready to absorb -the gases engendered by decay. The soil may be water-logged, but -evaporation, combined with the constant rain, the frequent inundations, -and the endless operations of an immeasurable insect world, militate -against stagnation. Dank it may be, but there is no iridescent scum upon -the water, no fœtid smells to warn of lurking poisons. These natural -danger-signals are unneeded, for the poisons are self-destructive. -Processes of corruption are coexistent with those of purification. So -extraordinary is this that I never hesitated to drink any water, nor is -any evil resultant from water-drinking within my knowledge. - -In this struggle it is the weak who go under, the feeble who support the -strong. This holds good for vegetable and animal kingdom alike, and even -with man there is no place for the helpless. Those who fail by the way, -who cannot fulfil their functions in the toiling world, and have ceased -to be of practical utility, must make way for the more capable. Altruism -is not bred of the forest, it is a virtue born in cities. Here it would -be suicide. The growing leaf must push off the fading leaf, or the latter -will stunt and imperil its growth. In fact it does so, and growth is thus -continual. There are no seasons to correspond with our spring nor with -our fall of the leaf. From the lower Amazon’s maze of water-ways up to -the foothills of the western mountains reigns perpetual summer; the same -leafy veil hides the mysteries of the great expanse, eternally dying, -eternally renewed. - -As one passes onwards, however, nearer where the great cloud-banks -gather over the mountain giants of the west, a perceptible change is to -be noted, the scenery of the upper Amazon differs in certain essential -particulars. It is not only that the great river thoroughfare, first -spread on either side beyond the farthest horizon,[14] becomes a thin -black line that grows nearer and deeper. Other features besides the -river-surface contract. The majestic forest trees give way to timber not -so towering. Plant life is not less prolific, but it is on a smaller -scale. The bush has the air of being younger. It suggests that it has -been dwarfed by perpetual inundations. Nor is the stunted growth limited -to the vegetable world; the animals themselves, as if Nature insisted -that all be in keeping, are on a lesser scale than their congeners of the -eastern plains. No alligators of immense size lurk in the upper waters, -even the fish and the turtles are smaller, as though their inches were -limited in proportion to the streams. - -It is not easy to convey any true notion of the scenery of the Montaña, -the vast forest regions spreading eastwards, down from the lower Andean -slopes. Here and there the dense forest gives place to an open savannah, -an outcrop of rock with but a shallow stratum of soil. These have none of -the deep vegetable mould of the lower-lying forests, and the poorer and -thinner soil harbours flora of many totally distinct varieties. Often the -great fan leaves of the Aeta are matted into a dense roof over the black -swamp of the valleys. Sometimes these water-loving palms are seen by the -river-side, interlopers in the fringe of fern and thickets of feathery -bamboo; or, again, they will grow in a regular belt with little or no -other vegetation. - -Life is more evident on the rivers than in the forest. Fish are there -in plenty--eighteen hundred species are known in the Amazonian waters. -Birds, often conspicuous by their apparent absence in the bush, flock on -the sand-banks and marshes of the bank. Herons and ducks abound. Egrets -haunt the sandy spits that rise from the water, and in the marshy swamps -numbers of these beautiful creatures may commonly be seen hunting for -the tiny fish, animals, and insects on which they feed. Another enemy of -the small denizens of the stream and marsh is the kingfisher. More than -one variety abound on all the Amazon water-ways, but none of them can -compare with the English bird in brilliancy of colour. Probably this is -an instance of protective colouring, one of Nature’s methods of defence, -for on these dark waters the gorgeous blue of our _Alcedo ispida_ would -be even more conspicuous than it is on our clearer streams. - -One pictures this tropical garden, this paradise of the naturalist, as -a blaze of gorgeous colour, a profusion of exquisite forms. But, in -proportion to one’s imaginative anticipation, I have never seen such a -monotonous, flowerless wilderness as this bush appears. Still there are -flowers, and flowers of showy colouring, the pinks and yellows of the -bignonias, the white and crimson of the chocolate-tree, the crimson of -the hibiscus, the scarlet blaze of the passion-flower, the snowy beauty -of the inga; all these and a thousand more are there, with the rarest -blue and all the myriad shades of mauve and orange, yellow, pink, brown, -violet of uncounted orchids. But orchids, though common, grow at the very -top of the trees, and unless they are searched for they are not seen, -except such varieties as are found on the savannahs. - -The whole is on a scale so gigantic, the immense forest, the great -rivers, that details are lost in the vast expanse, and the total effect -is one of absolute sameness. Yet the individual variety is enormous. -Though uniform in the mass, twenty-two thousand species of plants have -been differentiated; thousands more remain undescribed. Only a botanist -could attempt to deal with these even superficially. The uninitiated, -like myself, can but look and wonder. - -Many of the units of this mighty aggregate are of a surpassing -loveliness; flowers unequalled for beauty, birds and insects that are -living jewels, outrivalling inanimate gems. Such palms and ferns as would -be rare treasures in a Kew Gardens hothouse riot unheeded in tangled -profusion above the dark marshy soil, over a screen of parasites and -epiphytes. Forest giants, those immense monarchs of the woods Californian -advertisements depict for the edification of the populace, are not there; -certainly they are never to be found in the Montaña. Nor, perhaps, in -consequence of the lower growth, is there that intense gloom mentioned -by writers on more easterly districts. The idea that you look up but can -never see the sky is fiction to me. The foliage is certainly too dense -for the sunlight to penetrate down to the damp soil and matted underbush, -but patches of the sky are always more or less visible through the -interlocked branches overhead. Light and air are to be had freely only -on the tree-tops, and it is there that birds, insects, and flowers mass -their glories out of human ken. Even the animals are climbers, and most -of them spend more than half of their existence on the trees. - -There are no long dark avenues beneath this leafy canopy that hides all -the life and colour of the forest world from the traveller, painfully -cutting his path through the intricate confusion of roots and creepers -below. These parasitic creepers are of many kinds, rooting down to the -dark soil, intertwining with themselves, pushing boldly to the tree-tops, -strong as withes, in wild festoons, knotted, tangled, of every thickness -from a giant cable to a narrow thread. I have seen parasite on parasite. -They loop from tree to tree, bind the underwood into impenetrable -thickets, and trail over the track-way, ready to strangle or trip the -heedless passer-by. But track-way is a misnomer. The only thoroughfares, -where water is as abundant as dry land, are the water-ways. The bed of a -stream is the only track. No other line of communication is intelligible -to the Indian. Even in the vicinity of civilised centres, hundreds of -miles away from these wild fastnesses of Nature, the exuberant vegetation -rapidly encroaches upon a roadway. Paths in the forest there are none. A -forest track consists in following the line of least resistance. If this -should be stopped by any obstacle, a fallen tree, a sudden inundation, -it would never be removed or surmounted. There is no choice but to climb -over or go round. The ordinary Indian wayfarer would go round; and so the -road deviates increasingly; it becomes inconceivably twisted, until the -actual ground covered is enormous compared with the distance from point -to point. - -[Illustration: PLATE V. - -THE BULGE-STEMMED PALM, _IRIARTEA VENTICOSA_, SHOWING PORTION OF LEAF AND -FRUIT] - -Where a stream has to be crossed there is rarely any bridge more stable -than a small tree cut down and thrown across just when and where it -may be wanted. Frequently such impromptu bridges are under water. They -are invariably of the slightest; a branch no thicker than a man’s hand -suffices to span a deep chasm, and over this an Indian will pass more -unconcernedly than an Englishman over London Bridge. The worst penance of -all in forest journeyings is to cross a river or a gully full of great -fallen trees, on such flimsy foothold. The drop at times may be 40 to -50 feet, and there will be but the one tree across without any attempt -at a hand-rail to steady the traveller. Nor can you grasp an Indian’s -shoulder for aid in the perilous transit, for to do so is to lose once -for all every trace of prestige and authority. The man who cannot get -over a river unaided, the man who is not man enough to walk and must be -carried in a hammock, is but a poor creature in the eyes of the South -American Indian. Still it is more than a test of nerve. In the middle of -such a bridge you feel yourself swaying, and it is only with a fearful -concentration of will-power and a bitten lip that you arrive safely on -the other side, having leapt the last three feet. In the first month of -forest journeying I bit my lip through time and again. It is not the -torrent below that frightens, it is the rotten trees in the gully. A fall -may possibly be a broken neck, more probably it would be a broken leg. Of -the two in country of this description a broken neck is preferable. - -Where a stream has to be crossed that is too deep to be forded and cannot -be bridged over in this elementary fashion, there is little difficulty in -the construction of a raft or a temporary canoe. The bulging-stemmed palm -furnishes an almost ready-made one. This palm, _Iriartea ventricosa_, is -readily known by the peculiar swelling on the upper part of the trunk. It -will attain the height of 100 feet, and the swollen portion is big enough -to form the body of an improvised canoe. - -Forest bridges are not the only terrors to confront the traveller; -lurking dangers are many, and imagination is but too quick to multiply -the risks. Peril from wild beasts does not loom largely in the picture, -though the jaguar is a savage brute, and the experienced traveller -will never sleep without a weapon at hand in case one of these daring -creatures should venture to attack. But of animals more anon. There is -one danger by no means imaginary, the danger of falling trees. A sudden -crack, startlingly noisy in the all-pervading stillness, will give -warning of a fall, but there is nothing to guide to safety. It may be -the nearest tree that is coming down, or one at some distance; yet the -deceptive noise will not determine which may be the doomed one, beyond -the fact that a palm gives the sharpest crack. Indians when they hear -such a sound are invariably frightened, and often will run backwards and -forwards in terrified uncertainty, to try and discover whence came the -danger signal. - -Then there are plants that injure more directly. One palm, an -_Astrocaryum_, has spines six inches in length up its stem. These spines, -black in colour, hard, unbreakable, fall in the bush and spike the foot -of the unfortunate who may tread on them. On the palm-stem itself they -will wound the unwary hand incautiously or involuntarily thrust in the -thicket. Many of the climbing plants have thorns or hook-like prickles, -and perhaps the worst are the many kinds of twining river-side palms, -whose barbed leaves will tear both flesh and clothing.[15] But trying -as these vegetable torments may be, they are outclassed in the eyes of -the tyro by the more active evil of perils from snakes and insects. -Creeping through dense bush is an agony at first. Poisonous reptiles may -lie concealed all about one, virulent insects surround in their myriads. -If imagination has painted a floral paradise it has also run riot over -a profusion of deadly snakes, an uninterrupted purgatory from creeping -things innumerable, and winged pests before which the plague of flies -in ancient Egypt sinks to insignificance. And there is some excuse for -imagination if it be fed on travellers’ tales. As a matter of fact, -if these were true life would in all verity be insupportable. But the -fear of snakes passes in two weeks, never to return, and mercifully the -most pestilent creatures exist only in limited spheres, and seldom or -never in the same. Places that are troubled with the pium will be found -free of mosquitoes at night; in a belt of country where the mosquito -abounds the pium will be absent, and in any case the two are never active -together. The pium, a most vile little fly, comes out at sunrise. It is -an intolerable pest, will attack any exposed part of the body, and draws -blood every time. The traveller is forced, when journeying through a -pium-infested country, to don guarded boots, gauntlets, and a veil. It -is impossible to eat, drink, or smoke, till sunset puts a period to the -troubling. Fortunately, piums are only found within a few hundred yards -of the rivers. This is also the case as a rule with mosquitoes. There -is a bad belt of pium country on the Issa, at the Brazilian frontier. It -takes two days to get through on a steamer, and during the forty-eight -hours life is a long-drawn torture. But once through you are rid of them. -Robuchon noted that the _Culex_ mosquito disappears on entering this -river: but there are others; one, a kind of _Tabano_ in miniature, is -called the _Maringunios_. I found piums on the Kahuanari at low river, -but a light breeze would suffice to sweep them away, and both mosquitoes -and piums are practically non-existent in the middle Issa-Japura valley, -though mosquitoes are found in certain parts of tracts of flatter -country, but are not bad enough to make a net a necessary adjunct for -comfort. There is also a tiny sand-fly that occasionally appears at -sunset, when the river is low, and though minute in size, causes a very -painful wound. It is known in Brazil as the _Maruim_. - -A most annoying little insect that is very common in the bush is a kind -of harvest bug. This almost invisible “red tick” must not be confused -with another parasite that is only obtained from contact with Indians. -The forest tick lives on the leaves of plants and bushes, and when shaken -off creeps everywhere, and will burrow under the skin, which gives rise -to maddening irritation. - -Wasps and wild bees--the bee of these regions is a waspish creature--are -frequently a nuisance. Often in a forest path I have come upon a huge -black overhanging nest pendant from a tree. It looks like a tarred -lobster-pot full of black pitch, and it is necessary to rush past to -avoid the stings of the easily-roused inhabitants. Some of the wasps are -exceedingly handsome fellows, noticeable even among Amazonian winged -beauties, unsurpassed in any other land for gorgeous colouring. Among -other fine insects of the Montaña are the huge _Morphos_, a dazzling -blue butterfly many sizes bigger than a humming-bird; dragonflies -with iridescent wings and jewelled bodies, fireflies and glow-worms -with their living lights, so brilliant that I have often in a moment -of forgetfulness mistaken them for distant lights from some human -dwelling-place. But the butterflies, the most resplendent of all, -frequently illustrate the proverb that beauty is but skin deep. -Exquisitely graceful in flight, marvellous in subtle colourings, I -have found them to be the dirtiest possible feeders. The sight of one -now fills me with repugnance, for it calls to mind pictures of these -so apparently dainty and aerial beings fluttering about some mass of -offal, actually eating manure.[16] They will congregate in thousands -round a spot of blood, so absolutely fearless that it is not possible -to drive them away. They will actually smother the kill during the -disembowelling process after hunting. The contrast of their ethereal -loveliness and their gross habits is revolting--Psyche and putrid filth, -an inconceivably horrible combination. - -Butterflies and moths exist in great numbers and varieties. The most -ordinary kind is a large bright sky-blue; other common ones are -tiger-marked and yellow, like our sulphur butterfly but larger. Most of -them are strong fliers. If the perfect insects themselves inflict no -injury, the same cannot always be said of them in the caterpillar stage, -for very many have hair that stings quite painfully. - -Ants are the greatest curse. They are everywhere, of all kinds, of -varied colours, and almost invariable viciousness. They drop from the -overhanging foliage. They may come singly or in battalions--army corps -rather. The traveller pushing through the thicket will knock them off the -bushes, and they will proceed to crawl down the neck or up the sleeves. -They swarm over the bare feet. And then they sting. The worst kind is a -small stinging ant not more than the size of a pin’s head. In many places -the earth is broken up and transformed into irregular heaps, the late -habitations of some gregarious ant, such as the _Ecodema cophelotos_, or -it may be built into cones to the height of 4 or 5 feet by the termites. -It needs but short experience of the bush to endorse very heartily -Spruce’s comment that they “deserve to be considered the actual owners -of the Amazon valley.”[17] On more than one occasion stinging ants -drove me from dry land to water. In inundated country these insects -forced me to take refuge off the higher points of land, which, turned -into temporary islands, form the natural resting-place for the traveller -exhausted by the wading, the swimming, and the stumbling through the -unseen undergrowth. Unfortunately the ants, too, are driven to take the -same refuge. The traveller may find that choice lies between torture on -land or again seeking the comparative peace of the water in perhaps an -exhausted condition. Happily ants, like the pium, keep in belts, and of -these it can only be said that discreet avoidance is better than valour. - -With regard to the reptiles, though these abound, they seek rather to -avoid than to court notice, and are by no means the danger to life that -the ignorant imagine. Naturally the naked Indian is more exposed to any -peril there may be than the better protected white man, and if a snake -be trodden on it will promptly turn and bite the unshod foot of the -aggressor. But no snake, so far as I have observed, will attack a human -being unmolested, not even the boa constrictor; nor would the anaconda, -the great water snake, though all Indians are very afraid of it. I do -not think that even the venomous labarria ever bites a man unless first -disturbed. - -Alligators in the Issa and the Japura are small, rarely seen, and never -formidable. The dangerous _jacare_, that huge monster of the lower -rivers, is unknown here. But of fierce and poisonous fish I shall have -somewhat to say later. Curiously enough, despite the swampy nature of -the ground, I never met with any leeches, though Bates mentions a red, -four-angled species he found to be abundant in the marshy pools at the -juncture of the Japura and the Amazon.[18] Frogs and toads are the most -abundant reptiles. They exist in thousands and are of all sizes, though -I have never seen any of dimensions that Spruce speaks of--“as big as a -man’s head.”[19] At night near any stream huge frogs keep up a constant -and fearful noise, and even at midday, when a silence that may be felt -enfolds the tropical woodland, their chorus is only subdued, not stayed. - -This silence of the forest is a very real thing, a quality that does -not lessen by acquaintance. On the contrary it grows more real and more -oppressive. A strange gloom and a strange stillness hold the bush. They -give the impression that there is nothing animate in all the vastness, no -life other than that of the overwhelming, all-triumphant vegetation. It -is possible to journey for days and never see a human being. A sound, be -it but the cracking of a twig, startles in the forest. Then, suddenly, -the vibrant quiet will be broken by a shrill scream. Some creature has -been done to death. The cry dies to a moan, and the low murmur that is -hardly sound, the drone of the unseen but abundant life, once more makes -up the silence that pulses tormentingly on ear and brain, till night -again wakens the birds and the beasts of the wild, and the murmur grows -and deepens to the full volume of confused sound made by the forest’s -busy life. - -At the break of day, and again at the going down of the sun, the howling -monkeys, if they be in the neighbourhood, startle the echoes with their -raucous yelps. Sunrise is, indeed, the signal for absolute pandemonium. -Toucans start an endless chattering that rises now and again to a -far-reaching scream. The trumpeter birds make extraordinary noises. With -them may be joined in a chorus of discord the macaws and the parrots of -the district, and the chorus is punctuated at night by the mournful cry -of a large night-jar. - -But, for the most part, the birds and the beasts go about their business -silently. They seek neither to disturb their victims nor to advertise -their own doings and so attract those with sinister designs against -themselves. In the bush silence is a better policy than honesty. - -Picture all this, and try to understand the bush life in Amazonia. -It will explain much of the unwritten and unwritable story of the -inhabitants of these wilds. For the traveller the day is easily -summarised: the awakening at sunrise, followed by a bath in the nearest -stream, and a meal of what was left over-night; the trail, the worst in -the world; the slow progress that jars on the nerves; the never-ending, -impenetrable forest; the narrow path that has to be widened; the -stumbles, the falls, the whipping of the face and arms by innumerable -twigs; the ever-ready liana that catches the foot of the careless walker; -the stinging ants that shower down on face and neck when a tree is -accidentally shaken; the greenheart and other rods that pierce the feet -and legs; the thorns innumerable, and the fine palm-spines on which a -hand is transfixed when put out to save a fall; the end of the trek, a -bath to get rid of the litter of mud and vegetable filth; dinner, of -sorts; and a hammock under a shelter so poor that it will not prevent -the driving and inevitable rain from chilling the sleeper to the bone. -Imagine the state of fatigue to mind and body when one cries, “Thank God, -I have got so far to-day. I could not repeat to-day’s labours. I could -not go back on my own open trail, or go through the same to-morrow.” And -so crying one knows that to-morrow and the trail must come. Even in fancy -you will feel the pressure on your chest, the pressure behind you. It -demoralises utterly. - -There is a gruesome depression that is almost physical, produced by -solitude on a small island, when all other land is out of sight. The bush -to me is worse. The oppression is as of some great weight. A light heart -is impossible in an atmosphere which the sunshine never enlivens, that -is beaten daily back to earth by rain, where the air is heavy with the -fumes of fallen vegetation slowly steaming to decay. The effect of the -impenetrable thickets around, the stifling of the breath, is all mental, -doubtless; but it must react physically on the neurotic subject. - -This depression, this despondency, may seem incredible to those who -have never experienced anything similar, who are ignorant of the -innate malevolence of the High Woods. But in truth there is nothing in -Nature more cruel than the unconquered vegetation of a tropical South -American forest. The Amazonian bush brings no consolation. It is silent, -inhospitable, cynical. It has overcome the mastodon and the megatherium, -the prehistoric camel and the rhinoceros. It has reduced its rivals of -the animal kingdom to slimy alligators and unsightly armadilloes, to -sloths and ant-bears. The most powerful tenant of its shades is the boa -constrictor, the most majestic the jaguar. Man is a very puny feature in -the Amazonian cosmos. - -The sense of one’s insignificance is the first lesson of travel in the -bush. In the beginning the discovery amuses the adventurer. Later, he -resents the implied superiority of the fixed and nerveless plants which -barricade his progress. In the end, he hates the bush as though it were -a sentient being. Yet the component parts of the bush are familiar to -all at home: we coddle them in our gardens, and nurse them tenderly in -our glass-houses. But in the Amazons they unite to form a horrible, a -most evil-disposed enemy. They obscure the sun from the earth, condemn -one to existence in a gloomy, stifling half-light. They constrict the -world to a path laboriously hacked through jealous undergrowth. They stab -with hidden snags, and strangle with deftly poised lianas. In their most -hurtful mood they poison with a touch.[20] - -The Amazonian forest is no glorified botanic garden. Its units are not -intelligently isolated and labelled. There is but a monotonous tangle -of vegetation through which the traveller cuts his way to daylight -and perspective in a river-channel. One rarely sees a blossom or a -fruit. Within that tangle, however, is the whole varied life of the -tropical jungle. It may be difficult to distinguish specimens through -the superimposed mass of extraneous vegetation; it may be impossible to -catch a glimpse of a living creature throughout a day’s march; but the -flowers are there in their thousands, and a myriad of eyes have noted -each blundering movement of the wayfarer. It is no part of the philosophy -of the bush to force even the most reckless of animals into needless -publicity. - -It is simple for the traveller to pull the canoe to the bank of one of -the upper tributaries of the great river, to land, to part the screen -of bushes, and to pass beyond--into the obscurity of barbarism. It -is a simple feat, yet eventful. A thousand yards away from the safe -thoroughfare of the main stream the explorer is lost, overwhelmed in the -extravagance of vegetation. Denied a pathway, a landmark, a horizon, -or a sky, he has less to guide him than the castaway on the ocean or -the wanderer in the Sahara. His most definite course can only be from -river-bed to river-bed. To direct him on his way the trees offer no aid -to help him, the forest provides but little sustenance. - -Every traveller in the bush lives in the constant dread of being lost. -Desertion, unexpected, unforeseen, is common with the Indians. They -leave without ascertainable cause at the cost of their pay, at the risk -of their lives. In a watch of the night they depart, and although the -country be swarming with their blood-enemies, they vanish into the forest -and are no more seen. - -In time the civilised man, with no other than such barbaric companions, -turns at the thought of them, is nauseated by their bestiality, longs -for relief from their presence. Then he wanders away, ever so little -a distance into the bush, to be alone and to think. He happens upon a -stream--that is so simple a by-path, so obvious a guide. He wanders -light-footedly up its bed in search of that ego which had begun to -elude him. The surroundings interest him. The water comforts his feet. -The silence casts him back upon himself. He thinks, computes, and the -solitude assists his introspection. He recovers his perspective, replaces -the comrades of his bush-life in their proper places--the glass-fronted -cupboards of an anthropological museum. His self-respect regained, he -pauses to admire his new-found horizon. - -Trees hem him in on every side. A little way up the stream is a narrow -slit of sunlight, a little way down a narrow canopy of sky. All else -is vegetation. The solitude no longer tempts him, but mocks as he -contemplates his surroundings. Yet to doubt is to be ridiculous. It is -all so simple; it took so long to come here up the stream; the same -number of hours or minutes will take him back again to the spot he -marked, and so to the camp. - -The difficulties begin with the return journey. He questions the hour -of leaving the bearers, the rate of march, the time spent in lazy -consideration. One tree is so like another tree, one river vista but -the duplicate of the last. Reeds, weeds, and bush now offer nothing -distinctive; their former individuality appears to be lost. The trail -must have been passed. He shouts, diffidently at first, eventually with -hysteria. He fires a rifle, and the bush but re-echoes the sound. The -hundreds of miles of forest on every side press together, and the signal -is shuttlecocked between. The very echoes seem to him muffled, like the -drums at a soldier’s funeral. The traveller is lost. - -The realisation is a strange psychological phenomenon. It forces the -self-reliant European on his knees to pray; drags him to his feet to -blaspheme; throws him on his face to weep. This admission may come -strangely to the well-housed British ratepayer. It may sound like a -confession of unfathomable cowardice. It is far easier for the arm-chair -philosopher to imagine the stoicism of the Indians than to reproduce the -neuroticism of his European counterpart. Things are so different when the -conception of the Amazonian bush is the memory of the tropical houses in -Kew Gardens. - -One day I was lost alone. When I realised it I shouted, then fired -half-a-dozen rounds from my rifle, and laughed. It was the laugh that -brought me to my senses--that way lay madness. The reaction to calm -was stupendous. Life was dependent upon self-control and clarity of -judgment. I counted my rounds, remembered all I had eaten that day, and -settled myself to think. We had crossed a stream, and my boys had been -left quenching their thirst. I took the lie of the land, and found a -path leading downwards. It must go to water. It did in fact take me to a -stream, and I trudged wearily in the bed of it; then, after two fruitless -hours of growing despondency, turned and went down, to find, as darkness -was closing in, Brown and his party. That night I had fever, and talked -in my sleep. And John Brown was lost for five and a half months. Good God! - -There is one last experience of the bush--starvation. The man who has -not starved can never enter into the feelings of his brother who, with -blood-shot eyes and shaking fingers, has groped about the fallen leaves -for a lizard or a frog. I can answer for it that those who have starved -never again may express the sensation. It has become the memory of a -nightmare. - - - - -CHAPTER III - - The Indian homestead--Building--Site and plan of - _maloka_--Furniture--Inhabitants of the house--Fire--Daily - life--Insect inhabitants--Pets. - - -Out of the silence and gloom of the forest the traveller will emerge -into the full light of a clearing. Though it is the site of a tribal -headquarters there is no village, no cluster of huts, except among some -of the tribes on the lower Apaporis. There is but one great house, -thatched and ridge-roofed like a gigantic hay-rick, standing four-square -in the open. This is the home of some three score Indians.[21] - -The immediate signs of their occupancy are but few. There is hardly any -litter cumbering the homestead; whatever of refuse there be is cleared -more speedily by the ants than it would be by the most up-to-date -sanitary authority of London. Back here in the untouched districts, away -from the Rubber Belt and the commerce-bearing rivers, there are none -of the leavings of civilisation: no broken bottles, no battered tins, -no torn and dirty scraps of paper--indeed if bottle or tin ever found -its way to these wilds it would be esteemed a most rare and valuable -treasure. No village dogs bark their challenge at the stranger’s -approach, no domestic fowls clutter away to safety. A naked child or a -startled old woman may scurry into the saving murk of the _maloka_,[22] -otherwise the silence and solitude appear little less profound than in -the forest. - -That is the picture as the artist or camera would reproduce it. The -details, the essentials, must be sought within. - -[Illustration: FIG. 1.] - -First of all characteristics is the fact that nothing makes for -permanence. The house and its contents at the best are but for temporary -use. The possession of a central tribal house does not presuppose that -these Indians remain for any length of time in one locality. After about -two or three years the house falls into a state of disrepair, but the -tribesmen will not patch and mend it. They will simply discard it like -all useless things. The women will be loaded up with the few tribal -possessions--not forgetting the inevitable burden of their infants--the -house will be burnt, and the whole of this _grosse famille_ departs to -seek a new site on which to build another habitation. - -Building material is easily come by, and though to clear the land for -agricultural purposes from the virgin forest entails considerable hard -work, it is periodically a necessary task. However rich it may have been -in the first instance successive crops rob the soil of its fertility, -as the Indian is only too well aware, and fresh ground must perforce be -broken up every few years. Then again, paths converging on the homestead -in time are worn through the forest undergrowth, dense though it may -be, circuitous though the trail of the Indian is invariably. Secrecy is -security. A track-way is as good as an invitation, a sign-post, to the -enemy. To move becomes a precautionary measure, even if the food supply -be not exhausted--another reason that makes for unsettled conditions in -forest life. - -The site chosen is never near a river, for these are the highways for a -possible enemy, and streams for ordinary purposes abound. Also--but this -is an insignificant reason in comparison with the first--insect pests are -not so abundant at a distance from the river-bank. With an eye to defence -from hostile visitors, the Indian habitation is sedulously hidden, -and the paths that lead to it are concealed also in every possible -way. The track from the river especially may run more or less directly -for, say, a third of a mile; then it is absolutely stopped by a fallen -tree. No cleared pathway apparently runs beyond this, but the Indian, -creeping through the thicket by devious ways, eventually reaches another -comparatively cleared track. This will in turn be stopped in the same -fashion, and thence lead more directly housewards. The river-path may be -broken twice or even three times in little more than a mile. - -At the same time that the ground is cleared on which the house is to be -built, a plot immediately in front is also cleared for use as a dancing -ground. This is customary, but not invariable, for some tribes are -content with the dancing space inside the house. The outside dancing -floor once cleared is quickly trodden down, and though no special -preparation is attempted will soon be baked comparatively hard in the sun. - -The construction of the great house is not complicated, but the -workmanship is dexterous, and will bear the closest inspection. Four -great poles, 20 to 30 feet high, form the main supports of the roof, -which slopes down on either side tentwise almost to the ground from the -central ridge-pole. More posts and cross-beams support it, and the whole -is most adroitly lashed together. The forest supplies all the needed -material. It is there ready to hand, growing where the house is to be -erected. The straightest tree-trunks provide the posts and cross-beams; -the creeping lianas serve to splice and bind the framework together; -Bussu palm-leaves[23] make the thatch, which, as the actual wall is but -some three feet in height, is practically roof and wall in one. The -_bejucos_, or lianas, used to tie the beams and poles are first soaked in -water to render them supple enough.[24] - -[Illustration: FIG. 2.] - -To make the thatch the Indians slit bamboos and insert the palm-leaves -doubled backwards.[25] The strips are then laid on the framework of -the house, one above another, so that the uppermost strips shall hang -half over those below. They are piled on to a thickness of from a foot -to eighteen inches, and when completed this shingling is absolutely -waterproof. When it ceases to be so the house will be abandoned. The -leaves are not plaited, or intertwined in any manner, so the roof -consists only of loose fronds, row upon row, and these have more the -appearance of tobacco plants hung in an open drying-barn than a reed or -straw thatch. - -[Illustration: PLATE VI. - -FLOWERS AND SECTION OF LEAF OF THE BUSSU PALM - -THE LEAF IS USED FOR THATCHING] - -All the native houses are made after much the same manner. They vary only -in unimportant details. The shape, as a rule, is a rough parallelogram -or square with rounded angles, but on the lower Apaporis the houses are -circular. On the Napo River also they are hemispherical, but the section -of a Witoto or Boro house usually would be a triangle some 30 feet high, -with a 60-feet base. Witoto houses sometimes are more circular as to -ground-plan, but always have the pointed roof, not a cone (see Fig. 4). - -The house is not always roofed and thatched to the ground, the last two -or three feet occasionally being made of a closely set palisade, lined -with matting or thatch. This is even more noticeable in a Nonuya house, -and a Makuna house is invariably so fortified and is lighter than a Boro -dwelling. As a general rule it may be noted that the Issa-Japura houses -are not strengthened in this way. Wallace gives the dimensions of a house -at Jaurité as 115 feet long, by 75 broad, and 30 high.[26] A Witoto or a -Boro house is usually about 60 to 70 feet in diameter. In both cases the -size depends on the numbers of the tribe. - -[Illustration: FIG. 3. - -ELEVATION OF SMALL BORO HOUSE] - -These houses have no windows, and the entrance is merely an opening in -the palm-thatch eaves of some three feet by two. This most frequently is -closed with a removable section of the thatch, which must be lifted out -when any one enters, and replaced behind them; or it may be, as among the -Orahone and Nonuya, covered by a curtain of thatch, which is hung on a -cross-piece of the eaves by a strip of liana, and simply is pushed aside -and swung back into place. In a Nonuya house the door is marked outside -by bundles of rods neatly tied and set against the side posts.[27] -Whatever the “door” may be, the opening is invariably kept closed, and it -is the duty of any persons coming in to fasten up the entrance as soon -as they have entered.[28] The consequence of this absence of any opening -is that the interiors of the _malokas_ are nearly as dark by day as by -night. But this deep gloom keeps out insects--no small consideration in a -land so infested with them. - -[Illustration: FIG. 4.--Section of houses.] - -[Illustration: PLATE VII. - -SELF, WITH NONUYA TRIBE (Note Doorway behind me) - -MUENANE TRIBE] - -The interior with its pointed roof resembles, as Robuchon remarked, a -circus at a country fair. The central space is usually kept clear, and is -used by the children as a playing-ground what time it is not required for -more serious tribal business, such as dancing or a tobacco palaver. The -far end of the house--where there is usually another small entrance--is -the portion reserved for the chief and his family. As a rule it is open, -but I have seen it matted off in some Witoto houses. Neither the Boro -nor the Witoto indulge in the cubicles of palm-leaf thatch mentioned by -Wallace in Uaupes houses,[29] nor are their habitations divided into -two, with a small chamber at the end, as described by Koch-Grünberg in -Tuyuka houses.[30] Each family has its own fire, but that is the only -distinction, though on the lower Apaporis mats of beaten palm-leaf are -used to form a sort of booth for each family. Such mats, _duriei_ as the -Witoto call them, are also employed in some houses for the protective -purpose of securing the entrance. - -[Illustration: FIG. 5. - -A A A, posts. B, fire. C C C, hammocks. D D, Wall.] - -The Apaporis Indians also make shelves or platforms on which they -sleep, but all the other Issa-Japura tribes use the hammock slung -about 2½ feet from the ground. One is hung for every man adjacent to -his family fire--almost over it in fact. A second, placed rather less -advantageously, in local opinion, belongs to his wife; while a third may -be set between the two, close under the sloping thatch, for the children, -when they are not asleep on the rough floor of uncovered earth. The -family possessions are stored in places on the rafters overhead along -with the hammocks, cooking-pots, and baskets with dried fish or smoked -meat, the cassava-squeezer and personal treasures. - -The chief has no other house, but any tribesman with a wish for one can -build a small house for himself and his family in the bush, though he -still retains his right to a corner in the common dwelling of the tribe. -A temporary shelter is easily contrived by lashing poles to four trees, -some seven or eight feet above the ground. On this frame-work branches -for rafters and palm-leaves for thatch are quickly adjustable. This is -the ordinary way of preparing a sleeping-place in the forest, and is -known among the rubber-gatherers as a _rancho_, but the Indians’ private -houses are constructed more securely, and more like miniature editions of -the central tribal house, although in this case no wall whatever supports -the sloping roof as a rule. These may be called their country homes, and -they may be perhaps as much as two days’ journey from the great house of -assembly. - -At ordinary times there will be possibly from fifty to sixty people in -the tribal house, but on the occasion of any festivity as many as two -hundred will crowd in, all as by right entitled. What the atmosphere -is like on those occasions may better be imagined than described. I -invariably slept in native houses, and never found them other than very -dark, very hot at night, and full of smoke, for which there is no outlet, -chimneys being unknown luxuries with most of the tribes. Some of the -Indians on the Apaporis contrive an arrangement that permits the smoke to -disappear, and the Kuretu make what is almost a chimney-cowl by means of -an overhanging portion of the topmost thatch above a small opening;[31] -but in the ordinary Boro or Witoto house there is nothing to disperse -the smoke from the wood fires that, it must be remembered, are never -extinguished. These tribes have no means of making fire. It is therefore -a matter of vital importance that it should never be permitted to die -out. Did such an untoward accident occur the household would be fireless -till live embers were obtained from some friendly neighbour. - -Fire-making is unknown to the tribes on the south of the Japura, but on -the north of that river fire is obtained by friction in a groove.[32] -I never saw it done, but was told that ants’ nests were often used -for tinder. On one occasion I made a fire by firing cartridges into a -mass of leaves and wood chips, having first extracted the bullets and -replaced them with cotton wool. The leaves flamed up after fourteen -rounds. Matches are sheer magic in the Indian’s eyes, and a box is a -most valuable gift. He may blaze one, just to be certain that the white -man has passed on some of his own magical powers along with the wonderful -little box of sticks, but never more than one is sacrificed at a time. - -[Illustration: FIG. 6.] - -What with the heavy dews and the incessant rain the bush is always in a -condition of reeking damp, so bush fires are impossible. Therefore, when -they cannot make fire, the Indians must keep the family fire burning -night and day, and its preservation is the very serious business of -every member of the tribe. Not only do they depend on it for warmth and -cooking, but the fitful glow of the smouldering fires is on ordinary -occasions the only light in the Indian house. Torches of resinous wood -are used at dances and such-like festivals only. When the tribesmen go -into the bush they always carry fire over their shoulders. This is done -by means of a strip of some resinous bark, about two feet long, which -they hold in their hands. The bark smoulders slowly, and can at any time -be blown into a flame. - -The fire is always arranged after a definite pattern. Three young trees -are placed together on the ground endways, in the form of a triskeles. -The fire is kindled in the centre, and once alight it will last for as -long as a week at a time. All day when people pass, even the little -children, they will give a kick to a log to keep the fire together, and -during the night it is fed continually in the same fashion. - -The natives sleep with no more covering than they have worn in the -daytime. The hammocks of the father, the mother, and the children are -slung, as has been said, in a triangle, with the fire between them. As -the fire dies down one or other will rise and push the wood more closely -together, blow a little at the hot embers, and then return to rest, till -about the hour before sunrise, when it is coldest. Then every one gets -up, and when the fire has been blown into a blaze they wait for dawn. - -Dawn is the signal for all to repair to the river for the first bath of -the day. The girls come back with big jars full of water on their heads, -held in position by their uplifted hands. The women go to work in the -plantations, the men may hunt and fish. As day advances into evening the -women return again from the plantation, the mothers, naked and shining -from the evening bath, with their children seated astride their left -hips; while those not encumbered carry up the pine-apples, the plantains, -and the manioc, packed in baskets that are slung from their foreheads. -Those who have sought provision in the forest bring back lizards and -snakes--it may be a frog, for nothing seems amiss for the hot-pot of the -Indian. The hunters come in from the bush with a capybara, a curassow, -or a monkey; the men who preferred the river bring fish. Soon there is a -savoury smell from the cooking of cassava cakes, the boiling of meat, and -the pungent odour of _yarakue_. There is not much talk, and none of the -homely clatter of dishes, for leaves serve as plates and napkins, fingers -for eating utensils. The naked women crouch on their heels about the -fires; the men stretch languidly in their hammocks; and so the Indian day -passes by imperceptible degrees again to night. - -So much for the human inhabitants of the tribal household. There are -others of less pleasing character. Spiders are there, some of an -extraordinary size, not forgetting the deadly tarantula. One day I placed -my hand carelessly on one of the posts in an Indian house, and only just -withdrew it in time, for it had been within an inch or two of a large -_mygale_. Scorpions also lurk in crannies of the thatch, but they never -bothered me in the least, and although the swelling was considerable in -the one or two cases of bite I noted, there were no after-consequences. - -The Menimehe, whose houses are more open, make hives of hollow trees for -bees to swarm in, and these are placed in their _maloka_, so that a store -of honey and wax is always at hand. - -The smoke and darkness keep off the pium and mosquito, but outside the -dwelling ants abound, though their value as scavengers does in a measure -detract from their general undesirability; for it is thanks mainly to -them that there are no bad smells in the vicinity of a Witoto home, -as cleanliness is not a virtue of the Witoto. The daily rain, also, -prevents any accumulation of filth, for everything of that description is -continually washed away. - -Jiggers are found in Indian houses, though never in the bush. There need -be no trouble with these tiresome creatures if prompt attention be paid -to the part affected. It is a common practice among the Indians for -the women to examine the men’s feet directly they come in, to see that -they are all right, and if a jigger is detected to dig it out with a -palm-spine, care being taken that a non-poisonous spine is selected.[33] -A very much more serious injury is inflicted by the blood-sucking bat. -Not only the forest but the dark and lofty roof of the native house -will often harbour bats of several kinds, and occasionally some of the -_Phyllostoma_. Vampires, however, are more frequently met with on the -main river than on the Issa or Japura.[34] They undoubtedly attack -sleepers, and the subsequent loss of blood may be serious, especially in -the case of a child. The point made for is always the big toe, and the -wound is so slight that the victim does not waken, or if awake is hardly -conscious of the hurt. It is possible that the loss of blood induces a -comatose state. I never actually saw a case, though I have talked to -persons who had been bitten. But the vampire is rare in these districts, -whereas other bats are common enough in the forest. - -As a general rule the Indians have no pets; but on one occasion, near a -Boro settlement on the north of the Japura, I saw some children of the -Menimehe tribes with tame monkeys. These were the only Indians I ever met -who kept any pet. Animal food is too scarce in the forest. Bates asserts -that “the Indians are very fond of them [monkeys] as pets, and the women -often suckle them when young at their breasts.”[35] I never heard of such -a case as this, but certainly the monkey must be caught extremely young -to be tamable at all; and, I repeat, food is scarce. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - - Classification of Indian races--Difficulties of - tabulating--Language-groups and tribes--Names--Sources - of confusion--Witoto and Boro--Localities of - language-groups--Population of districts--Intertribal - strife--Tribal enemies and friends--Reasons - for endless warfare--Intertribal trade and - communications--Relationships--Tribal organisation--The - chief, his position and powers--Law--Tribal - council--Tobacco-drinking--Marriage system and - regulations--Position of women--Slaves. - - -Given equal conditions, similar environment, the human race, wheresoever -on this globe its lot be cast, shows a marked sameness in its traits and -habits. This need not, in fact does not, argue a unity of origin. There -is no reason why a custom may not be indigenous in many parts of the -world, among peoples labouring under like conditions; and if the same -customs be evolved the same cultural types will also be found to exist. -Thus it is easy to find even striking resemblances between these Indians -of Amazonia and such distant peoples as the Arunta of Central Australia, -the cannibal tribes of pagan Malay, or, to go even wider afield, the -Basque people of Southern Europe. This does not for a moment suggest -that such common beliefs, customs, or cultures have been introduced from -one to the other, or even borrowed from a common stock. The human mind -seems to work broadly on certain definite planes of thought, and there is -less mental difference between the low-type illiterate of a London slum -and the denizens of a tropical forest than there is between him and the -learned occupant of a University Chair, though both be nominally of the -same nation. - -Attempts are continually made to evolve some working classification of -the South American Indians. The main difficulty, the sparsity of common -factors, despite general similarity, is due in a measure at least to the -absence of any standard, any fixity of language, or any confederation -between the units of these races. The only rule is that there is no -rule. What was a common word yesterday is possibly forgotten to-day; -the custom shared a generation ago may vary now past recognition, -and to-morrow will see further changes that increase the diversity. -These people are in a state of flux. Disintegration is the determinant -influence; nothing makes for amalgamation. A section of a tribe isolated -from the remainder, surrounded by neighbours whose speech, whose physical -features, are entirely different, may develop into a distinct tribe with -dialect and customs as variant from the parent tribe as from those in -its new vicinage.[36] But extinction rather than such increase is the -more probable fate. These tribes are hardly embryos of nations to be, nor -can they be entirely classified as the decadent remnants of perishing -races. Rather did it seem to me that, despite the awful handicap of their -environment, they were gradually evolving a higher culture. Their origin -is a problem of no small interest, but one on which recorded history -throws exceedingly little light. Whether they be the autochthonous -sons of American soil, or the stranded vanguard of successive waves -of Mongoloid immigrants pushed southwards to be swallowed up in the -Amazonian forests,[37] or--which is most probable--a combination of -both, can only be in part determined by the study of their physical -traits, their habits, customs, speech, morals, and beliefs. It is for the -comparative anthropologist, the comparative folklorist, to find an answer. - -As an instance of the difficulty of classification, and the confusion -that has resulted in much of the literature on this subject, the -statements given in the Contemporary Science Series volume, _The -Races of Man_, may be examined. Deniker orders the Indians in four -divisions--Carib, Arawak, Miranha, and Pano; and classifies the Witoto -in the first, taking the determinative ethnic distinction to be “their -acquaintance with the hammock, a plaited (not woven) texture, and -a particular kind of cassava-squeezer.”[38] If this is correct and -sufficient, all the Indians of the middle Issa-Japura regions are -Caribs. But I do not think the arguments are conclusive. For example, -“the practice of the ‘couvade’” is given as racially distinctive of -the Carib.[39] But couvade is by no means peculiar to the Carib. In -this region it is a common custom of the Witoto and the Boro, who are -linguistically and physically diverse.[40] Then, as regards the hammock, -it has been pointed out by Sir Everard im Thurn, who holds that the -Carib did not migrate to British Guiana from the interior but from -the islands,[41] that the Caribs of Guiana, the “stranger tribes,” as -he calls them, that is, tribes who have migrated thither, “make their -hammocks of cotton,” while the native tribes use palm-fibre.[42] None -of the Issa-Japura tribes make use of cotton yam for their hammocks; it -is, in fact, almost unknown to them, and what little they may possess is -presumably obtained by barter, for to the best of my knowledge they do -not prepare it, or know how to prepare it; palm-fibre only is used by -them. The explanation probably is that Deniker apparently confuses the -Karahone and the Witoto, as he speaks of “the _Uitotos_ or _Carijonas_,” -as though they were the same, instead of a totally distinct group of -tribes. He also gives Crevaux as his authority, when he states that -the Witoto--according to him a Carib group--“live side by side with -the Miranhas,” Miranha being differentiated as a distinct branch. But -Dr. Crevaux speaks of “_Ouitotos_ ou _Miranhas_,”[43] and remarks that -“Les Miranhas du Yapurá sont appelés par leurs voisins ‘Ouitotos.’”[44] -It would seem, then, that the French traveller considered that the -Witoto language-group belongs to the same racial division as the Miranha -language-group, though, as Dr. Koch-Grünberg remarks, the languages of -these groups “ne présentent aucun signe de parenté entre elles.”[45] In -fact, he is of the opinion that “on serait sans doubte plus près de la -vérité si on rattachait les différents dialectes parlés dans la région -des Ouitotos à un groupe linguistique nouveau.” This he designates the -_groupe Ouitoto_.[46] Miranha or Miranya is the name given to the Boro by -the tribes on the north, and is the lingoa-geral name for the Boro and -other groups. The word means a wanderer, a gratuitous distinction where -all tribes have nomadic tendencies, and this may be the reason why it has -apparently been applied to several groups. - -It is not surprising that there should be confusion over any attempted -classification of these peoples, for not only are there many -language-groups, each with numerous tribes, but in addition to this a -group or a tribe will have not one distinct name by which it may be known -and classed, but a number of names, so that inevitably the writer without -personal knowledge of a group will be easily misled in dealing with it -and its divisions. - -So far as the Indians are concerned no language-group and no tribe use -the esoteric name. They talk simply of “our speech” or “our own people,” -and they are named, and frequently named differently, by the surrounding -tribes. The Boro, for example, are known as Boro to the tribes from the -west and south, as Miranya to some of those of the east and the north; -the same tribe would therefore be Boro to the Witoto and Miranya to -the Yuri or the Menimehe. The Dukaiya are called Okaina--which means -“capybara”--by the Witoto, though they are also called Dukaiya, which is -the extra-tribal name of their most powerful tribe or section. Muenane -and Nonuya are also Witoto names.[47] Witoto is the esoteric name for -mosquito, but the Witoto tribes were thus named by the tribes on the -south either because the name has the same meaning in their language or -because they had learned the Witoto word for this insect. In this case -the esoteric name is the same as the exoteric. Crevaux gives _ouitoto_ -as the word for “enemy” among the Karahone and the Roucouyennes,[48] and -Martius has a similar word for that meaning among other tribes.[49] All -this adds to the difficulties of nomenclature. It must be understood, -also, that if you ask a Witoto, “_O Memeka bu?_” (What tribe do you -belong to?) he would not tell you, but he would answer in the affirmative -if the question be put as to whether he belongs to a certain tribe or to -a certain group, though he will not himself use the tribal or group name. -This applies to all Indians. Moreover, there is the very thorny question -of spelling. I have throughout adopted the rule laid down by the Royal -Geographical Society, and spelt words with English consonants--that is to -say, with their equivalent values--and Italian vowels. This is the most -generally accepted method, but even with this peculiarities of ear must -result in sundry variants. - -Another source of confusion in writing about these peoples has been the -indiscriminate use of the words _nation_, _tribe_, _clan_, _family_. -To avoid possibility of mistake it may be explained at the outset that -_tribe_ is here used in the sense ruled by the new editions of both the -Anthropological and the Folklore Handbooks, that is to say, “a group with -a common language, code of law, some rude form of government, and capable -of uniting for common action.” These tribes I would further classify -into language-groups, such as the Witoto language-group, the Boro -language-group, and so forth. The group name--Witoto, Boro, Andoke, or -whatever the case may be--applies to all the tribes of these groups, in -addition to their individual names. The variations between these tribes -of a group are mainly dialectic and local, but the variance between -tribes of alien groups is more than a difference of speech and custom. -The Boro, for instance, are distinctly Chinese in appearance; their -neighbours the Witoto resemble rather the Dyaks of Borneo. - -[Illustration: DIAGRAMMATIC MAP OF THE ISSA-JAPURA CENTRAL WATERSHED -SHOWING LANGUAGE GROUPS - -BY CAPTAIN THOMAS W. WIFFEN] - -The two groups with which we are mainly concerned, and the only two with -which it is possible in this book to deal seriously in detail, are the -Witoto and the Boro. They occupy roughly the lands between the Japura and -the Igara Parana, and the Igara Parana and the Issa, though there are no -actual boundaries. The Boro country lies north-west of the Futahi Hills, -in the watersheds of the Pupuna and the Kahuanari rivers. The Boro also -occupy a stretch of country north of the Japura, where that river bends -south and east below its junction with the Wama, and including part of -the Ira watershed. On this, the north-east border, they meet the country -of the Menimehe, while on the north they touch the Karahone country. -The Resigero and Nonuya districts lie between them and the Muenane. The -country by the Futahi Hills west of the Igara Parana, that is to say, -the basins of the Esperanza and Sabalo Yacu rivers, is very sparsely -populated, and the Dukaiya country on the west of the Nonuya practically -separates the Witoto and the Boro on the north-west. From the mouth of an -unnamed tributary of the Japura--below the Tauauru and on the opposite -bank--the Andoke country runs south of the Japura to the junction of the -Kuemani, where the Japura becomes the boundary between the Andoke and -the Witoto. On the west the Orahone country lies on the farther side of -the Issa from the Witoto, the Issa being the dividing line from the west -and south-west of the Witoto group. The name Orahone is given to all -tribes indiscriminately if they elongate the lobes of their ears,[50] so -the Orahone, or Long-ears, may possibly be many distinct tribes. Thus, -one writer notes of the Napo tribes, the “Cotos” and the “Tutapishcos,” -that they “are sometimes called ‘Orejones,’” but are not so known -locally.[51] The Orahone are of a low type. To the east of the Menimehe -and the Boro districts the Kuretu language-group of tribes occupy the -country north and south of the Japura. To the north the Opaina, Makuna, -and Tukana groups interpose between them and the Bara and Maku groups. -The Maku are found from the Rio Negro to the Apaporis, and again above -the Bara group north of the Arara Hills about the Kaouri river, a -tributary of the Uaupes. Though the Bara group live to the north of the -Apaporis they have nothing in common with the Uaupes Indians. Both their -language and customs resemble more those of the Japura, and they have no -intercourse with the surrounding tribes. They are a dark-skinned people, -of a low type, and consequently looked down on by their lighter-skinned -neighbours. The Maku, also of a low type and dark, are a very nomadic -group; in fact all these peoples are wanderers, and the districts here -given for their localities must be taken as merely approximate. That -they were there when I was in the country is no guarantee that they will -be found there now, or a few years hence. The locality of a tribe, or a -language-group, is mainly dependent on the locality of its neighbours, -especially of any powerful or warlike body. The tribes of the upper -Issa districts are semi-civilised Colombian, those of the lower waters -semi-civilised Brazilian Indians. Only in the middle district have the -tribes been free, until recently, from the influence of the white man. - -It is almost impossible to give the populations of these districts even -in round figures. My own estimate for the nine language-groups of the -Issa-Japura region, based roughly on the number of houses and the extent -of country, is as follows: but, I repeat, these figures must be taken as -very approximate, and are probably overestimated in some cases:-- - - Witoto group of tribes 15,000 - Boro group 15,000 - Dukaiya or Okaina group 2,000 - Muenane group 2,000 - Nonuya group 1,000 - Resigero group 1,000 - Andoke group 10,000 - Menimehe group 15,000 - Karahone group 25,000 - -making a total of eighty-six thousand, or well under a hundred thousand. -Koch-Grünberg estimates the Witoto-language group as comprising at -least twenty thousand souls,[52] and a Peruvian official estimate gives -thirty thousand as the supposed total, reduced within the last decade -to some ten thousand.[53] It is practically impossible to obtain any -reliable figure. Koch-Grünberg gives six thousand as his estimate of the -number of the Miranha. I am inclined to think in this case the number is -insufficient, and should place it at from fifteen to twenty thousand. - -All the tribes north of the Japura have a mortal antipathy to all those -south of that river, and think they are savages. The light-coloured -tribes, as I have mentioned, invariably despise the darker races, and -consider them of a lower grade than themselves, as, it will be seen, -is actually the case. The Maku, a tribe of small dark people, are -universally regarded and treated as slaves; the Witoto, smaller and -darker than the adjacent Boro, are physically inferior, and far less -particular in their ways and in the observance of tribal customs. The -Andoke, sometimes called the white Indians on account of their fairer -skins,[54] are the tyrants and bullies of all their neighbours; and it -has been suggested that the warlike Awashiri, who are the terror of the -Napo Piohe and Orahone tribes, are nomad Andoke or Miranha. Certainly -both these people wander far from their usual districts. So feared are -the Andoke that Boro carriers will refuse to go into the bush in the -Andoke country. - -Wallace credits the Kuretu with peaceable habits,[55] but for the most -part all these peoples live in a constant state of internecine strife. -Some friendship, or perhaps--as tribes never make friendships outside -their own language area--it would be more correct to call it intertribal -commerce, takes place between certain of these groups; and a mutual -hatred of one group will occasionally form a vague tie between others. -For instance, the Boro, Resigero, and Okaina may not love each other, -but they agree in their detestation of the Witoto. The Okaina and the -Andoke are practically at ceaseless war with all their neighbours, but -the Andoke have some traffic with the Muenane and with the wandering -Karahone, who serve to link up the tribes of the north with those of the -south of the Japura, though they are separate from all other tribes. The -Boro on the left bank of the Japura, where they migrated into territory -trenching on that of the Menimehe, are on fairly amicable terms with the -latter, and I have even seen a Boro man with the Menimehe tribal mark, -though _menimehe_ means “pig” in Boro. Possibly he had married a Menimehe -woman. The Boro and Resigero also intermarry--at least cases of such -marriages are known. The Tukana and Bara tribes on the Tikie will not -marry into any other tribe, except the Maku, who will intermarry with any. - -This state of endless warfare is based not on avarice but on fear. They -fight because they are afraid of each other, and see no protection but -in the extermination of their neighbours. Every ill that befalls a man -they set down to the evil intent of an enemy. Death, from whatsoever -cause, is invariably considered to be murder, and as murder it has to -be revenged on some suspected person or persons. Hence it follows that -blood-feuds innumerable are carried on relentlessly. Any and every excuse -serves for a fight. If a thunderstorm should wreck a house it is more -than sufficient reason for that household to attack another in reprisal -of the damage done; for it is to them quite evident that the catastrophe -was caused by the magic of some malicious dweller in the vicinity. - -This state of abject apprehension influences the tribesmen in other ways. -It will be found as root cause of many a tribal custom, and must not be -forgotten in judging of native character and morals. - -One result is that there are no recognised native trade routes or trade -centres, to the best of my knowledge, nor are there any markets where -the tribes of any language-group may meet and exchange their wares. -Even local markets are non-existent. Trade is individual. Articles of -commerce are handed from the maker to the purchaser, from the owner to -the buyer, from tribe to tribe. If a tribe be renowned for pottery, as -are the Menimehe, such pottery could only be obtained from a Menimehe, -or bought “second-hand” from tribes living in the neighbourhood of the -pottery workers, and from them traded to others, third, fourth, and even -fifth hand. That articles are bought and passed on indefinitely in this -fashion is proved by the fact that I found a Price’s candle-box among -the Boro tribes on the Pama river, who had had no relations with the -white man before my advent. After all, the wants of the Indian are few -and simple, and he can supply most of them for himself, or at least a -community can furnish its own; extra-tribal goods are distinctly luxuries. - -It would be futile to attempt to give any localities for the many tribes -into which the language-groups are divided; for if the group as a whole -is to be regarded as a roving quantity, the tribes and their component -units are far more uncertain, in view of their migratory habits. I have -therefore not done more than make lists of the tribes met with in the -middle Issa-Japura districts, without reference to the exact spot they -might have temporarily inhabited when I met them.[56] These lists, which -do not pretend to be exhaustive, contain the names of 136 Witoto tribes, -41 Boro, and 15 Okaina. - -The “Maynanes,” “Recegaros,” and “Yabuyanos” mentioned by Hardenburg[57] -as Witoto “sub-tribes, or _naciones_,” are not Witoto at all, and -_nacione_ is not a recognised name for these divisions, but merely -adopted from the loose jargon of the rubber-gatherer. Nor is the same -writer correct in considering the Witoto to be “the largest and most -important tribe,” as the Karahone outnumber them considerably, and many -other language-groups are decidedly more important in both the social and -the scientific scale. - -There is nothing to show any affinity among the tribes, and there is none -of the intricate relationship of the Australian systems. The social -unit of the tribes is the undivided household community of some sixty -to two hundred individuals, with a common house, under the rule of a -chief. Some tribes have but one central tribal house, others may have -two or three; but each house would have its absolutely independent chief -and would be exogamous. There is no head chief or central organisation -to bind these households in the tribe, any more than there is to unite -the tribes of any language-group. Intertribal fighting is continual, and -only some great common danger, some threatened calamity of the gravest, -might serve to combine the tribes in a supreme effort for self-defence. A -man with an unusual magnetic influence might so dominate his neighbours -as to weld tribe and tribe for extra-tribal struggle. At the most some -half-dozen tribes under spur of most hazardous peril, urged to superhuman -effort by imminent torture and death, ever unite even for war. On the -rare occasions when this may be done the exceptional individual would be -but the greatest among equals, not a recognised commander-in-chief.[58] -I only know of one instance in point. Nonugamue, a Nonuya, was paramount -chief of the entire Nonuya-speaking area, a large tract of country that -lies between the Boro and the Okaina, and south of the Muenane and -Resigero tribes. It was quite a recent usurpation on the part of this -chief, and I never discovered any other case of one man influencing so -large a district. It is true that a Boro chief named Katenere did get -together a band of men numbering from thirty to forty to make war to the -death against the white rubber-gatherers; but in this instance, though -he was of notable personality, he could not combine the tribes. His band -were all Boro, simply men of his own type, the boldest spirits of various -tribes. A Resigero chief also made himself notorious by collecting a -body of warriors to make war not on the white men but on those Indians -who gave way to the pressure put upon them by these whites and agreed -to work rubber. He warred, therefore, against his own tribe, against -members of his own language-group, and he did so lest worse should befall -his people. He knew of no other remedy than to make the punishment for -yielding equal to that for refusing to yield. Nothing less in his opinion -could save the tribes. Once I came upon a habitation with the dead bodies -of thirty-eight men, women and children--for he spared none who had any -dealing with the whites. They had been slain, and the house partly burnt, -by this chief. In consequence of these drastic measures he was feared -by whites and Indians alike, and both when walking through the bush -within possible distance of his district would start at a sound every few -minutes and imagine it was this redoubtable warrior on the warpath again. - -But these cases were abnormal, due to the presence of new and evil -factors that threatened the tribes with a fate to which death itself -were preferable. It was the instance of the approach of an unparalleled -danger, the signal for supreme exertion, and for unexampled negligence of -customs that are stronger than all law. - -In normal conditions the chief has no influence beyond his own household, -and the extent of that influence would depend largely on the man’s -personal character, and also the character of the rival authority, -the tribal medicine-man. Whichever happens to possess the strongest -personality would be the dominant spirit of their little community. -Other things being equal, the odds are decidedly in favour of the -medicine-man--death comes speedily to those who rebel against the -magic-worker--and a weak chief would be entirely subservient to him. - -The chief has a special portion of the house assigned to him and his -family, a larger share than would be allotted to any other man; but this -privilege is necessary, as all prisoners belong to the chief, and he -takes all the unattached women. As he thus has more women to work for -him the big tribal plantations become his. He leads the tribe in war, -presides over the tobacco palaver, and has the last word in the tribal -councils. The chief has no special name, for there are no titles of -courtesy, except among the Andoke, who call a chief _Posoa_. The ordinary -warrior will talk to the chief with no outward sign of respect; still, -the chief’s word carries a great amount of weight. - -On the death of a chief his successor must be elected by the tribe, and -though the son as a rule is appointed, he does not become chief as a -matter of course, but only after tribal selection. If due cause should -be shown against him, and the tribe be of accord on the point when -the matter has been discussed in tobacco palaver, another man would -be chosen, and the honour conferred on him in accordance with tribal -decision independent of relationship. - -There is but one law among the tribes, and that law is paramount and -infrangible--_Pia_, it is our custom. Custom, more binding than any -legal code, shepherds the Indian from the cradle to the grave. And _Pia_ -is not only the law, it is the reason for all things. So it has always -been. Neither the chief, the medicine-man, nor the tribal council makes -the law, though it is the business of all three to enforce it, and it -can only be set aside, on the rare instances when such liberty would be -tolerated, with the consent of the tribesmen given in formal conclave. - -The tribal council consists of all the males of the household who have -attained to man’s estate, under the presidency of the chief; and the -Indian parliament, the Indian court of law, is the tobacco palaver. - -This tobacco drinking--the _chupe del tabac_, as Robuchon calls it--of -which so much has been written, must not be confounded with the _kawana_ -drinking at a dance. When word has gone round that it is desired to hold -a council the warriors and elders of the tribe foregather, and squat -on their haunches round the tobacco-pot, which is placed by one of the -assembly on the ground in their midst. One of the group will start the -subject to be brought under discussion, usually the Indian whose advice -or suggestion has influenced the chief to call the council, or the one -who has a cause to lay before the tribe. It may be a matter of war, -some question of hunting, or the wrong-doing of a fellow-tribesman -that has to be discussed and judged. The speaker is doubtless under the -influence of coca, and will talk on and on. He may take hours to deliver -his oration, given with endless repetitions, while those who agree with -him will grunt “Heu!” to show approval from time to time throughout the -performance. When his final word is uttered the spokesman will reach -forward and take the pot, dip in a short stick, and wipe some of the -black liquid on his tongue. He will then pass the pot round to his -companions, and every man who has agreed with him will take tobacco, -whilst any one who passes the pot by--to signify he disagrees--will -be bound to give his reason for being of an opposite opinion. This is -continued until all in disagreement with the original speaker have put -forth their views. The question at issue is then settled by whichever -side may have the majority, the chief having the casting vote. There is -no appeal against such settlement. It is absolutely final. - -The passing of tobacco is also used as a binding promise on every verbal -agreement between individuals. In this case they will dip a small stick -like a match into the liquid and pass it over the tongue, or put their -forefingers into each other’s tobacco pots, made from the hollowed -husks of nuts, and which are usually carried suspended round the neck -by a string. The tobacco pot comes into requisition again at a friendly -meeting, and serves to emphasise the binding nature of the friendship. - -Though these Indians now all hold to patrilineal and patrilocal law, -there are traces that point to possibly original matrilocal customs -among them, such as still obtain among some of the tribes of British -Guiana.[59] We find survivals of marriage by capture; but in no tribe -are the girls sold, nor have they any dowry. The husband, once he has -obtained his wife, is entirely responsible for her maintenance. - -Both endogamy and exogamy, with a preference for the former, exist so -far as the tribe is concerned; but with regard to the social unit of the -tribe, the community that shares a common house of assembly, the rule -of exogamy is very strictly enforced. The reason for this is that all -within a household are held to be kin. The one exception for this law -among the tribes is also the one exception to their patrilocal customs. -In the possible instance of a chief having a daughter but no sons to -succeed him, the daughter may marry a man of the same household, who -would probably be an adopted son. Any other exception would be most -unusual, and could only be attempted with the permission of the tribe -after thorough consideration of the case in tribal council. Otherwise -any son and any daughter of a household, no matter though they be of -different parentage, are barred from marriage by the blood-tie; yet what -we should look upon as an equally close relationship on the spindle side -is regarded by the Indians as no such thing, only the most intimate -relations of the mother ever being so much as counted kin.[60] A man may -marry into the household from which his mother came without transgressing -any recognised law, because the mother, having left her original -household to join that of her husband, has become one of his household -on marriage, and has ceased to belong to her own. In all probability -she will have had little or no intercourse with it. Marriage between -two individuals does not establish any admitted affinity between their -respective households. It follows that the children of two sisters might -possibly intermarry, but the children of two brothers never could. - -Woman’s lot among all the tribes of the Amazon is commonly regarded as -a hard one. It is true that the steady grind of the day’s work falls to -her share. Men work intermittently, but the work that falls to the women -to do is incessant. In addition to the natural functions of the mother -and the housekeeper, the duties of an Indian wife include the bulk of all -agricultural labour. The husband’s energies cease when he has cleared and -broken up a patch of land, reclaimed a field from the surrounding forest, -an arduous task that needs more physical strength than women possess. The -ground once freed of trees and undergrowth, and roughly dug, the husband -considers that his share in the toil is at an end, and he will lie in -his hammock, eat, and sleep, while his wife, the baby slung behind her, -tills the field and harvests the crops. It is for her to plant the slips -and in due season dig the manioc. She must attend to the growing plant, -and eventually prepare the roots for use. But it would be wrong to infer -that the Indian husband is a lazy slave-driver. If his work is occasional -it must be confessed that he does undertake all the heaviest labour. -Each sex has its own pursuits. The man is the hunter and the warrior, -the woman is helpmate, agriculturalist, and staple food-provider. The -differentiation of work is very clear, bounded by the law of _Pia_--it -is our custom, which is like unto that of the Medes and Persians. A man -will on no account plant manioc, but he has a reason for this rule: he -says that women, being able to produce children, can produce manioc; -production is her province, not his. - -The subjection of wives, if subjection it can be called, is due to -economic conditions. The woman holds a recognised, if subordinate, -position. She rarely quarrels with her husband, though she is certainly -not afraid of contradicting him when necessary; in fact I have met such -anomalies as hen-pecked husbands. - -There are, as will be seen in detail subsequently, certain definite -restrictions imposed upon the women of the tribes, food they may not -eat, ceremonials they may not share, sacred objects they may not even -see. Coca and tobacco they may neither prepare not partake of, a law as -rigid as that which debars men from planting or preparing manioc. In some -tribes women are not permitted to see or be seen by strangers, but, as a -rule, the married women are remarkably free in this matter, though young -girls are more restricted. - -Taken as a whole, women are well treated among all the tribes. A woman is -so far respected that her husband will consult her, but there is nothing -approaching to chivalry on the part of the man. The Indian does not -idealise. He weaves no romantic dreams about the Sex, but looks upon a -woman from the most material standpoint, pays her no small attentions, -never thinks of saving her trouble or any exertion, and in no way -attempts to lighten her lot in life. Yet everywhere, owing to conditions -of existence, women’s influence is very great. The tribal reputation of -a man rests largely in the hands of his wife; she can so easily leave -him if badly treated, and once the forest is gained she is lost to him, -and may without difficulty secure the protection of another tribe, or, -should public opinion be strong enough to drive the guilty husband -away, of another man in his household. The onus of her disappearance -will lie heavy upon the husband who has forced her to such--in Indian -opinion--extraordinary action. But cruelty on the part of a husband is -rare, as rare as infidelity on the part of a wife. A man who ventured to -ill-treat his wife would soon be the scorn of the tribe, for the other -women would promptly make a song about him, and the ridicule to which he -was exposed would be an effectual deterrent from further ill-doing in a -country where adverse public opinion is more efficient than any police -force in the prevention of recognised wrong. - -The right of women to personal possession appears to be allowed. At death -her domestic implements are buried with her, and I have often wanted to -buy some article of adornment from a woman, but when I asked the husband -what he would like in exchange, have invariably been referred back again -to his wife, and had to conduct the barter with her. Also, though the -children belong absolutely to the father, it would be the mother and not -the father who would negotiate the exchange of any ornament worn by a -child. - -Finally we come to the last and lowest section of a tribe, the slaves. -Slavery among the Indians themselves is little more than a name, for a -slave belongs to the chief, and soon becomes identified with his family. -Though slaves have frequently a chance to run away they seldom do so, -for they are usually treated with kindness, and probably are nearly as -well off in the house of their victors as in their own. Captives of both -sexes under the age of seven years, or thereabouts, are kept as slaves -by the conquering tribe; above that age they are destroyed, as they -possess intelligence enough presumably to betray their new tribe to their -old one. When a slave reaches man’s estate he is permitted to identify -himself with the warriors as any other boy would be; and thereafter is -looked upon as free; but the chief would consider that he had a lien of -sorts on such a man, and this would be commuted by payment of perhaps -half his shooting bag, probably until the time that he married. If the -chief dies, the slaves become the property of the new chief, but a man, -if already a warrior, would no longer feel himself bound to a new chief, -except in so far as tribal discipline might enforce on all the warriors. -A woman slave may be purchased from the chief by the gift of some small -present to his wife. After this the girl is free. - -Maku slaves have little huts of their own in the forest, where they live -apart, and are never in any way familiar with their masters. They are -permitted to keep their own women. These slaves are generally despised. -They act the part of the “proverbial cat,” and are held to blame when -anything goes wrong. A medicine-man may accuse a Maku if a death takes -place, or any crime is committed, and the wretched slave is then -destroyed unhesitatingly. There are no Maku south of the Japura. - -[Illustration: PLATE VIII. - -1. GROUP OF WITOTO - -2. GROUP OF SOME OF MY CARRIERS] - - - - -CHAPTER V - - Dress and ornament--Geographical and tribal - differentiations--Festal attire--Feather - ornaments--Hair-dressing--Combs--Dance - girdles--Beads--Necklaces--Bracelets--Leg - rattles--Ligatures--Ear-rings--Use of labret--Nose - pins--Scarification--Tattoo--Tribal marks--Painting. - - -Judged by some of the pictures in books purporting to give accounts -of the South American Indians, the photograph adjoining (Plate VIII.) -would represent an Indian chieftain decked in his best to welcome the -newly-arrived traveller, instead of what it is--merely a group of my -escort and carriers tricked out in the rag, tag, and bobtail array they -deemed due to my dignity and their own. Far different is the actual scene -when the Indian homestead is approached and one meets these sons of the -forest--be they Boro, Witoto, or others--in their native haunts and -natural garb, unaffected by “civilised” influences. From the shadow of -the interior will stalk the chief, accompanied by his escort of warriors, -all naked, but for a strip of bark-cloth about the loins. Round the neck -of the chief is a necklace of jaguar teeth, in his hand a broadsword of -iron-wood; the men with him are destitute of feathers or ornaments, but -each holds poised in his left hand a bunch of throwing javelins. - -It is regrettable that returning explorers[61] have deemed it a necessary -concession to unscientific prejudice to illustrate the natives of the -Amazons in clothing or drapery that is wholly foreign to their custom and -to their thought. The hypocrisy was more common before the uncompromising -days of photography, but the effect of the old woodcuts and engravings is -to give an entirely wrong impression of the appearance of the Indian in -his own haunts. Even so accurate an observer as Crevaux discounts much of -the value of his illustration by clothing his figures in a manner that -could only be possible within the Rubber Belt, or in the case of his -personal servants. Since the introduction of photography, non-existent -clothing has ceased to appear in pictures of the Amazonian tribes, but -still much misconstruction has been occasioned by grouping sets of -natives in such a fashion as to make it appear that they are ashamed of -their nakedness. As a fact, they are totally unaware of it. Therefore -it cannot be too strongly emphasised that the Indians of these tropical -regions are no more alive to any idea of indecency in their lack of -apparel than are the people of England conscious of immodesty in their -conventional attire at a Lord Mayor’s banquet or a function of the Court. -It is as impossible to comprehend the true psychology of the Amazonian -from the pedestal of the prude as from the pulpit of the priest. -Difficult as it may be for either to understand, it is none the less true -that to some peoples dress appears to be more indelicate than nudity.[62] -He who would see truly must divest the mind of inherited and instilled -prejudices in favour of much that to the natives has no meaning or reason -for existence. Moreover, he might do well to remember that clothes are -not always worn from motives of decency. Then he will understand that the -naked Indian in his forest is no more unchaste than is the statue of a -Greek god in the galleries of the British Museum. - -[Illustration: PLATE IX. - -MEDICINE MAN AND HIS WIFE (ANDOKE)] - -It may be laid down as a generalisation for the regions under -investigation that the women are wholly destitute of clothing, and the -men wear little or nothing but what the Witoto call a _moh-hen_, that is, -a strip of beaten bark-cloth carried from front to rear between the legs -and tucked in at either end over a string or strap of bark-cloth bound -about the waist. As the temperature varies hardly at all with the season -of the year, there is no periodical deviation from this rule. Farther -south the tribes make blankets, but here, though they were interested in -mine, they have nothing of that description, and the native sleeps at -night without covering, exactly as he, or she, walks abroad throughout -the day. - -There is practically no scope for originality, no choice of costume. -Even the chief is undistinguished from his tribesmen by the character -of his attire, although as a rule he wears a necklace of tiger teeth, -which is the outward evidence of his rank. His wife does not wear -any special ornaments, but of necessity she possesses the greater -number. The only member of the tribe who varies from his fellows is -the medicine-man, and he will adopt any idea that appeals to him as an -addition to the eccentricity of his appearance. One Andoke medicine-man, -whom I photographed, was wearing a turban of bark-cloth dyed a brilliant -scarlet; but his taste in this particular was purely individual, and -denoted neither professional nor tribal distinction. The large bag shown -in the adjoining illustration should be noted, for it was greatly admired -by the tribe. It appeared to be made in the same way as the ligatures, -with threads of red and undyed palm-fibre. It was not manufactured by the -Andoke, but had been obtained by barter; however, it was of indigenous -make, and probably came from the north of the Japura. Among the Orahone -the medicine-men fashion for themselves vestments of tapir hide, the only -instance in these parts of skins being utilised for clothing that came to -my knowledge. - -The Amazonian boy is first provided with a breech-cloth when he is five -years old. His earliest lesson is in its manufacture, for every Indian -fashions his own clothing, is his own tailor and cloth manufacturer. He -goes to the bush and selects a tree,[63] on which he marks a space 6 feet -long by 9 inches in width, and strips from it both the outer and inner -barks. He separates the two layers, cuts the strip of inner bark in two, -and carries the pieces to the river, where the material is thoroughly -soaked. Afterwards this is beaten with a small wooden mallet until it -forms a yard length of bark-cloth 9 inches in width. Nothing further is -needed, for this makes the breech-cloth, and it is sufficient to pass -between the legs and tuck securely over the waist-band in front and -behind. There is no variation from the type or method of manufacture,[64] -and this simplest form of clothing is common to all tribes inhabiting the -wide stretch of country between the rivers Issa and Japura. - -The breech-cloth is never discarded by the male Indian, nor, in the sight -of man or woman, would he ever remove it. When bathing he wades into a -sufficient depth before he interferes with its adjustment. Even when a -man dies his breech-cloth is buried with him. - -[Illustration: PLATE X. - -BORO TRIBESMEN] - -South and west of the Issa, in the country of the Orahone, the men -wear, like other Napo tribes, long shirts of bark-fibre, on which are -traced circular designs painted in red, while north of the Japura the -Karahone wear stiff stays of bark, like strait-waistcoats, above their -breech-cloths. These garments are tightly plaited on to the body, and end -in a plaited fringe. They must be cut off to permit of removal. The same -uncomfortable costume extends northward from the Karahone country into -that of the Umaua and the tribes of the Apaporis district. - -The Menimehe who, it will be remembered, occupy the left bank of the -Japura to the south and east of the Karahone, wear a loin-cloth with an -apron, which extends to the knees, of loose palm-fibre suspended over -it. This apron is 18 inches long and 6 inches in width, and is taken -off in the house. It is worn ceremonially, and always donned for war -and for dances. The men of the Opaina, who succeed the Menimehe on the -east between the Miriti and Apaporis Rivers, wear aprons after the same -fashion as their neighbours. The women wear nothing. - -The Makuna, who dwell to the north of the Kuretu on the other side of -the Apaporis, affect a small belt of beaten bark, from which depends in -front a long apron of bast. The Kuretu group, who inhabit both sides of -the Japura to the east of the Menimehe, improve upon the habit of their -neighbours. Over the loin-cloth the men wear a bast kilt, or petticoat, -which dangles as low as the ankles. When walking, this garment is tucked -up between the legs, something after the manner of a Malay sarang. The -loin-cloth is retained below. - -All the tribes on the right or south bank of the Japura follow the -fashion of the Boro; the men wear only breech-cloths, the women go -absolutely naked. - -Thus it will be observed that the fashion of dress falls into a definite -geographical progression,[65] and there is no sudden change in passing -from one neighbouring tribe to another, although the tribal distinctions -are very marked. - -The natives wear no head-covering as a protection. In a heavy rain an -Indian on the trail will tear down a palm-leaf and carry it over his head -as we should an umbrella, and he will adopt the same rough-and-ready -though effective means to shield himself from the sun. - -No gloves are worn nor coverings for the feet. Boots of any sort, in -fact, would be impossible wear; even Europeans dispense with them. -Still, it is not possible for the white man to go through the forest -bare-footed. Personally, I used carpet slippers, which were washed every -evening after the day’s trek, and dried during the night.[66] - -If for ordinary everyday life the attire of the Indian is of the -slightest, on the occasion of a festival or a dance the most elaborate -sartorial preparations have to be made. Wallace has enumerated no less -than “twenty distinct articles forming the feather head-dress,” which is -worn by the Menimehe and the Nonuya, as well as by the Uaupes Indians -of whom he wrote.[67] Then there are the feather armlets--ruffles of -bright-tinted plumage worn on the arm,[68]--wooden combs decorated -with tufts of feathers, and curassow down for the women, anklets and -strings of rattles hung round the legs, aprons of painted bark or belts -of beads, earrings, and necklaces, and, supreme vanity, there are the -elaborately-painted designs on the skin that are to the Indian belle what -the latest Paris “creation” is to her civilised sister. - -According to Sir Everard im Thurn every tribe makes its own feather -head-dress after a special colour scheme.[69] I did not find this to be -the case with the Issa-Japura tribes. Instead of making them according -to rule, rather do they make them according to luck. Whatever they can -get in the way of gay plumage, feathers of the parrot, the macaw, or the -toucan, especially the macaw, because its feathers are the longest, be -the colour what it may, is employed indiscriminately. The effects are -very brilliant, but there is nothing made in these districts of such -elaborate description as the gorgeous feather-cloaks manufactured by the -Napo Indians, which are veritable works of art. The Issa-Japura tribes -content themselves with a coronet of the gayest breast-feathers, plumed -with tufts of the long feathers from the tail, all tied together with -fibre thread.[70] The Boro men on festive occasions also stick these long -macaw feathers into their arm-ligatures. The chief’s head-dress is more -lavish than those of his warriors. The only boy I ever saw wearing one -was the young son of a chief. Women do not wear the feather head-dress, -but they attach the white down of the curassow duck by means of some -resinous substance--such as rubber latex, or the milky secretion of -the cow-tree--for decorative purposes round their legs, between the -ligatures. The result of this is to make the calves look enormous. The -men do not decorate with down. The Indians are invariably most careful -of their feather ornaments. At the end of a dance an old man, so -Koch-Grünberg noted, will come round and knock the dust off the feathers -with a long cane. I have myself observed Indians, when overheated by -their violent exertions at a dance, take off their feather ornaments to -preserve them from sweat. They will never part with them, as they are -communal, not personal, possessions, and I found they objected extremely -to any attempt I made to photograph them when wearing their dancing -feathers. - -[Illustration: PLATE XI. - -WITOTO FEATHER HEAD-DRESSES. - -The outer one is made on dark fibre, the inner on cotton yarn, which -would appear to have been obtained extra-tribally.] - -Combs for festive occasions are made of palm wood, with spines of the -Bacába palm[71] for teeth, fixed in with pitch, and are ornamented -with feathers. These tribes do not bind up their hair with _coroá_ -string as do some of the Uaupes Indians.[72] As may be judged from the -illustrations, hair-dressing fashions are not very varied. They range for -the men from quite short, as among the Muenane, to the long hair fancied -by some of the Boro. The majority wear their hair slightly shorter -than the women’s, as a rule divided down the middle, but occasionally -cut straight across the forehead in a shock fringe, reminiscent of the -coster’s. The only variation among the women is a band, a strip of beaten -bark-cloth, occasionally seen among the Resigero (see Plate XII.).[73] -The Makuna wear their hair in pigtails. The Karahone women keep their -hair cropped short. In the Boro comb of the illustration the black spines -are set between two pieces of cane, bound over with fibre, and finished -with basket-work of narrow cane strips, light and dark, plaited into a -regular pattern. The spines are 3¼ inches long, and project to within a -quarter of an inch of the ends for about 1⅜ inch on either side of the -basket-work back. This is 3¾ inches long and about half an inch thick. -The spines are neatly pointed at either end, and the whole resembles -very nearly--but for the uncommon effect of the basket-work--a European -comb of rather large and coarse make. - -The Andoke comb is also made with two pieces of cane, slightly decorated -with chevron incisions. It is a quarter of an inch shorter than the Boro -comb, and has spines on one side only. These are set in pitchy matter -between the cane, and project seven-eighths of an inch. From the hardened -centre at one end depends a short tuft of fibre string, to which feathers -may be attached, and a longer string from the other end is fastened to -half a nutshell cut as a cup, very similar to the tobacco pot, and made -from the same kind of nut. This is 2⅛ inches long by 1⅛ deep in the -centre, and 1½ across. It is black and highly polished. This small cup is -used to hold the latex employed for depilatory purposes. - -[Illustration: FIG. 7.] - -The Witoto comb is of much rougher construction, with a thicker back. As -with the Boro, the spines are set right through, but instead of a section -of cane, two sticks, round bits of bamboo or reed are employed, and the -whole coated with pitch and tied with fibre string. The length of the -spines is a quarter of an inch longer than in the Boro comb, but owing to -the more clumsy back they project a quarter of an inch less. - -[Illustration: PLATE XII. - -GROUPS OF RESIGERO WOMEN] - -[Illustration: PLATE XIII. - -CENTRE OF DANCING GROUP--MUENANE - -Inset.--Chief’s son wearing feather head-dress] - -Having laid down the rough generalisation that all the women of these -tribes wear nothing, one has to begin the list of various exceptions -that go to prove this rule. It is true that they are nude to the extent -of wearing no garment of any description, but though naked they do not -appear to be so; and it is a qualified nakedness after all, qualified -with a variety of ornament, and, above all, of paint. - -The Indian woman’s ideas on the subject of clothing are well illustrated -by the behaviour of those women who were of my own party. I gave them -djibbehs, but, unless I happened to be present and they feared my -anger, they never would wear them. For this attitude they advanced five -excellent reasons. If the sun shone the bright light would damage the -garment by causing the colour to fade.[74] If it rained the djibbeh would -get wet. If they were out in the bush the thorns caught and tore the -material. If they were dancing the useless encumbrance of a dress would -hide all their carefully-executed adornments of paint. If they were in -the house a covering of any sort would be merely ridiculous. There were -obviously, then, few or no opportunities left to wear their new, but -cumbersome and useless, finery. Not that the Indian man or woman has no -desire for finery, quite the contrary, their ornaments are more important -than their dress, in fact their ornaments are their dress. - -The women of the Issa-Japura tribes wear a broad girdle for a dance.[75] -It is worn on no other occasions, and removed immediately the dance is at -an end. These dancing girdles are made by the women of seeds or Brummagem -beads if such can be had. These are strung in about two-foot lengths, -and so arranged that when two or three dozen strings are fastened into -a broad flat band the varying colours make a bold and definite design. -Like all these Indian ornaments, they evince a fine artistic sense of -colouring and pattern. Beads are passed inwards from the Rubber Belt -from tribe to tribe. On account of the isolation of these peoples, they -cannot aspire to have fashions direct from Birmingham, and novel patterns -hardly seem to occur to them. Designs must be symmetrical, and they are -quite content to copy the old-established ones. The colours vary, but -dark beads are the most sought after, dark blue being more favoured than -red. Black and white ones are the most prized, but red and white is the -combination usually seen. Any woman may possess a girdle, and it is -an individual, not a tribal, possession, the reverse of the custom as -regards the men’s feather head-dresses. These girdles are exceedingly -handsome and wonderfully well constructed. - -Beads are especially treasured by the Karahone women, and they will wear -chain upon chain, amounting in the aggregate to a considerable weight. -The number worn by a Boro woman may be judged from the illustration (p. -154), where the white appendage round the woman’s neck is made simply by -stringing a few pounds of white beads together. Both men and women wear -necklaces. Besides those made only of beads, they are made of tiger--that -is to say jaguar--teeth, and pig, tapir, marmoset, and cat provide -ivories that may be strung on _curána_ thread, besides the necklace of -accomplished vengeance, the string of human teeth. With the exception of -the latter, the teeth are bored through the fang, and threaded at regular -intervals, interspersed with beads, bone, or Brummagem, tiny discs of -bone or shell, or brightly-coloured seeds. The pendants on the necklaces -seen in the illustrations are mostly coins, depreciated Chilian dollars -as a rule.[76] Those shown in the various photographs were either given -to the wearers by me or had filtered through from the Rubber Belt; a few -may have reached these primitive folk through the medium of intertribal -barter. In any case, they are always most rare and cherished possessions. -The pendants generally worn are thin, flat, triangular pieces of beaten -metal, obtained either from coins or old brass cartridge cases. The -rarity of metal in these parts is marked by the small quantity allowed -for any one ornament, which is invariably of extreme thinness, and hardly -more than a featherweight. They are not grooved, incised, or beaten into -any design, but have merely a smoothed surface. The edge is rounded, not -sharp. They are hung by a small beaded fibre string to the necklet or -more generally to the ear-plug. - -[Illustration: PLATE XIV. - -BORO COMB OF PALM SPINES SET IN PITCH AND FINISHED WITH BASKETWORK OF -SPLIT CANE, FIBRE STRINGS, AND TUFTS OF PARROTS’ FEATHERS] - -[Illustration: PLATE XV. - -DUKAIYA (OKAINA) BEAD DANCING-GIRDLE - -CONDOR CLAWS, USED BY ANDOKE MEDICINE MAN OF THE UPPER JAPURA RIVER] - -The necklaces are matters of importance, for they disclose the status -of the wearers. The skill of a warrior as a hunter, his bravery in war, -is proved by the character of the teeth that circle his neck: the more -successful the hunter the finer the teeth he wears, the more numerous -the adornments of his family. Most to be envied in Indian opinion is a -string of human teeth, in that it is the witness of revenge; the teeth -are from the head of an enemy, for a man wears only the teeth of foes or -game that he himself has killed, and at his death they will be buried -with him, unless he fall at the hands of a foe, and his string of teeth -go to swell the spoils of the victor. Human teeth are never bored, they -are carefully bound into the necklace with fine fibre string. The very -insignificance of the small, worn, discoloured teeth is in itself a -sinister characteristic, presupposes an object other than ornamental, -adds a horrible touch to the bizarre effect of all this barbaric bravery. - -Necklaces of human teeth are frequently finished, if the teeth are not -sufficient in number for the required length, with rounded bits of bone. -Other teeth are spaced out with discs, some made of bone, others of shell -obtained from river mussels, or even with knots in the fibre thread. -The Boro necklace of human teeth in the accompanying illustration is -made on cotton twist, an imported article very seldom found among these -tribes,[77] though one of the Okaina beaded garlands figured on Plate -XIV. is also made on cotton string, not palm-fibre as is customary. The -handsome jaguar tooth necklace loses some of its artistic values in a -black-and-white reproduction, which inevitably cannot do justice to the -creamy ivory, shading to rich browns, of the teeth, making effective -show against the red and blue of the beads, the dull colourlessness of -the pieces of bone. Some of the teeth have a very primitive criss-cross -grooving scratched on the fang end, others have a more elaborate attempt -at a carved design. Each design differs, but the same idea of involuted -curves is traceable in all. - -In cases where Indians are too poor or too isolated to secure a -sufficient supply of the Brummagem article, chains are still made of the -bright red and black seeds of a bush plant, as they were before beads -were obtainable; or bits of bone are employed, short lengths of cane or -reed, or even red berries, gay enough when fresh, but dull and crinkled -when they wither and fade. Beetles also are utilised for ornament, and -the fondness of the Indian for black is shown in his rejection of such -beetles as the gaudy-coloured Longicornes and his preference for the -shiny breastplate of a fat squat beetle in black armour.[78] These strung -on fibre string look like irregularly carved jet beads, but are far -lighter, and make a soft and hollow rattle when shaken. - -Besides these chains and necklaces the natives are very partial to a -tight-fitting necklet of white beads bordering either side of a row of -small, flat, diamond-shaped pieces of black wood, or the black shell of -a nut, or gourd. These necklets vary a trifle in width: some have the -diamond almost squared, they may have one, two, or three white beads -between the black points, but there is no greater divergence than this -from the stereotyped pattern. The polished bits of wood, like the beetle -cases, resemble jet; and the sharp distinction of black and white sets -off the native beauty, as a band of black velvet is supposed to put the -finishing touch to her fairer sisters. - -[Illustration: PLATE XVI. - -NECKLACES OF HUMAN AND TIGER TEETH] - -[Illustration: PLATE XVII. - -1. NECKLACE OF POLISHED NUTSHELLS. 2. LEG RATTLES OF BEADS AND NUTSHELLS. -3, 4, 5, 6. BEAD NECKLACES. THE ‘BLACK BEADS’ ARE BITS OF POLISHED -NUTSHELL, THREADED BETWEEN WHITE BEADS.] - -A favourite ornament among the Boro and Witoto, and also with some of -the Napo tribes, is a bracelet of iguana skin. To make these, a circular -piece is cut off the creature’s tail, the ring of skin, varying in width -from half to three inches wide, is removed and drawn over the hand when -fresh and damp. This band dries tightly to the skin of the arm, and will -remain there in spite of frequent washings for years. These lizard-skin -bracelets can hardly be seen in any of the photographs reproduced in -these pages. They are supposed to have certain magical properties, and to -endow the wearer with special strength and vigour. For the same purpose -children wear a black ring cut from a nut. The diameter of the ring--1½ -inch outside and quite a quarter of an inch less within--does not permit -it to be worn when the child grows up; the arm always swells round it, -and obviously it must eventually be cut off, but I cannot speak with any -certainty as to how or when this is done. The women’s bracelets are made -of beads when they can be obtained, or of gay-coloured seeds. Those worn -by the Resigero woman in the illustration by page 80 are made of threaded -seeds, or of beads, wound round and round the forearm with a turn or two -of white beads at either end. The central beads are usually dark red. - -Rattles and feather ornaments are festooned on the legs for a dance, -but only the women wear the tight ligatures that swell out the calf. -Both men and women among all these tribes wear ligatures, the men on the -upper arm, just below the shoulder, the women on the leg, below the knee -and again above the ankle. These ligatures are worn extremely tight, -and result not in atrophy of the limb, as might be expected,[79] but -in an enormous swelling of the muscles above or below them. The ankle -ligatures sometimes reach half-way up the leg. They all vary greatly -in breadth, but this I consider to be a matter of personal taste--or -possibly personal skill--and not a tribal fashion or distinction, except -in so far as that the Witoto knee ligatures are narrower than those of -other tribes, and are never so well made. But this confirms the idea -of personal skill deciding the pattern, for all Witoto work is cruder -than Boro or Okaina. Even the roughest of these ligatures, however, is -a marvellously neat piece of workmanship, the more surprising when one -discovers that only the fingers are used in its manufacture. A ligature -band is made of a very fine fibre thread, and on the reverse side has the -appearance of a knitted or crochetted fabric; on the right side it looks -rather like a woven tapestry ribbon, with a slightly raised pattern. -But so far as I could ever see no implement of any kind is employed -in the making of these bands.[80] The fibre string is interworked -and knotted with extraordinarily skilled finger-work only. Sometimes -the band is decorated by a pattern of coloured lines, diagonals, and -diamonds slightly raised. In nearly every one that I saw closely enough -to examine the edge was corded, and the end finished with a kind of -buttonhole looping. The ligatures shown in the illustration are Witoto -and Boro-made ones.[81] The ends are finished with a line of open-work -stitches and a buttonholed or twisted edge. Through the open spaces -twisted fibre cords are run, and these pull the band together exactly on -the principle of a lady’s silk purse. They are tied in two knots. A tuft -of cords, or occasionally a bone or wooden disc, finishes off the man’s -ligature, which is knotted in front. The women lace their ligatures on, -and fasten them very securely. I had to cut those shown in Plate XIV. to -get them off the wearer’s legs. The Yahabana and other Kuretu-speaking -tribes wear their armlets very tight, and the skin underneath is lighter -in shade than it is on the exposed portion of the limb, according to -Koch-Grünberg. This lighter skin will blister in the sun if unprotected. - -[Illustration: PLATE XVIII. - -BORO LIGATURES] - -[Illustration: PLATE XIX. - -BORO LEG AND ARM LIGATURES - -WITOTO LEG LIGATURE] - -The leg rattles are made of polished nutshells, and garters with beaded -tassels and nutshells are fastened below the knee. The nutshells vary -in size and shape, though all are approximately bell-like when cut and -strung, with or without beads, on fibre thread. They give a tinkling -sound if shaken, and for this reason, as they play a distinct part in the -native dances, they are dealt with in a later chapter among the musical -instruments. In addition to these rattles strings of feather-tufted -reeds or bits of bone are also worn. The reeds, cane, or bones, are about -three inches long, with a small bunch of feathers secured to one end by -means of pitch. The other end is pierced, fibre thread strung through, -and the intervals between the reeds are kept by means of knots. - -Similar little bits of cane are worn in the ears, which are bored by all -these tribes at the age of puberty. These ear ornaments are frequently -decorated at one end with a tuft of gay feathers. These are very neatly -arranged in some cases; a ring of fine blue feathers may surround a red -tip. They are fixed to the cane with latex or pitch. Orahone, which -simply means Big Ears,[82] is a name given nowadays to many distinctly -different tribes who follow the fashion of the Indians on the Uaupes and -the Napo and insert large wooden plugs into the lobes of their ears. The -Orahone and some Issa-Japura tribes--especially among the Boro-speaking -group--use a disc of cabbage wood. The Orahone smear this with a red -vegetable colouring matter, the Boro fix an ornamented shell into the -wood. - -These wooden plugs are extremely light, about two and five-eighth inches -long, and three inches across at the widest point, that is the front -rim. This end is hollowed like a shallow egg-cup, and the shell set in -it is decorated with a fine pattern done in black-and-white. In one -earring in my possession the shell, so far as I can judge, is a portion -of some hard, dark nutshell. The pattern is grooved, or scratched on the -shell, and filled in with a fine white clay. This gives the effect of -an elaborate black-and-white inlay. The shell is secured in the hollow -with pitch. The back part of the plug that fits behind the ear is not -decorated in any manner. - -Very effective earrings are made with round discs of a pearl-coated -river-shell fastened to a short piece of bamboo with pitch. The -mother-of-pearl is of a deep blue colour, and of a good quality. In shape -these earrings are not unlike certain kinds of toadstool with a thin stem -and an inverted cone head. - -With the Boro and other Indians near the Japura the lip also is -perforated for the insertion of an ornament, except among the Witoto, who -do not use the labret. This, as a rule, is made of metal, if it is in -any way possible to secure some. Silver is occasionally seen, and brass -is obtained from old cartridge cases, that are beaten flat and rubbed to -shape. - -Nose-pins are another fashionable adornment of the forest Indians. The -Makuna wear a long black pin, a palm-spine, through the cartilage of -the nose. The Yakuna also wear a long pin, and the Muenane and Witoto -women wear nasal ornaments. The nose-pins of the Kuretu-speaking tribes, -Yahabana and others, must be somewhat of an obstruction to the wearer, -owing to their exaggerated length, 30 centimetres. In the central Igara -Parana district the Boro, especially the women, insert feathers into -small holes made in the wing of the nose. Boring the algæ is peculiar -to the Boro-speaking group of tribes, and to the Resigero. The women -bore holes in the top of the nostril, into which they insert bits of -quill to keep them open till such times as a dance is held, when the -quills are removed and small ornaments with feathers are put in their -place. No other tribes have this fashion. The Saka, who are of the same -language-group as the Karahone, wear the bones of birds instead of a palm -nose-pin through the septum. Robuchon confirms my observation that the -septum of the nose only is perforated by the Witoto in the upper Igara -Parana districts, and that a goose feather is then worn. He also mentions -the use of the labret, and the elongation of the lobe of the ear. There -are many varieties of ear ornaments, but most of them are big and enlarge -the lobes. - -[Illustration: PLATE XX. - -1 & 3. BORO. 2. WITOTO’ LIGATURES. - -Note contrast of texture] - -Among the Tuyuka the boys at the age of puberty burn scars on their arms, -but I have never seen scarification among the Issa-Japura tribes;[83] -nor is there much tattooing. The Menimehe, both men and women, tattoo -the face and breast. The designs show little artistic skill, and are all -done in straight lines. The patterns on the cheeks are simply tribal -marks.[84] The breast patterns vary. On the arms of these people I have -seen rough representations of a lizard tattooed as here illustrated. The -incision is done with the spine of a palm, and the black residue from -burnt rubber is rubbed into the puncture. This results in a blue mark. -None of these tribes have such a practice as that described by Crevaux -of making chevron marks on a woman’s thighs to record the number of her -male children.[85] I know nothing of this or any similar custom, but some -of the Boro living on the north of the Japura have borrowed the idea of -tattooing from the Menimehe, and wear--both men and women--a tribal mark -below the cheek-bone, and sometimes a pattern on the breast. These are -the only two groups of tribes among whom I ever saw any people tattooed. - -[Illustration: FIG. 8.] - -But, if very few tattoo, all paint. The Karahone women are as fond of -paint as they are of beads, and use more colours than other tribes. Their -particular colour is purple. As a rule the colours are red, yellow, -black--a bluish black--and white. The latter is secured from certain -fruits. A bright red, the commonest paint of all, is made from a prickly -burr, or nut, that is full of seeds and red matter.[86] Black paint is -obtained by using charcoal, or the juice of a fruit,[87] and a species of -_Cissus_ has a fruit from which the Indians get their blue paints. Ochre -gives them yellow, but the source of the purple paint I was unable to -discover. - -Red is a favourite colour with all the tribes, and many women daub -their whole faces over with scarlet. This will quite content them, and -no further attempt at a design will be made. A blue-black is also very -often seen smeared on in the same fashion, the juicy stain apparently -being merely squeezed over the skin. Robuchon mentions a custom among -some Witoto tribes of covering the body with latex and then sprinkling -it with black ashes. Hardenburg also mentions the use of a resinous -matter which is daubed on by the Witoto.[88] The reason for the former -Robuchon declared he could not divine. It was one of the secrets of the -dressing-table of the Kinene girls that he was not prepared to fathom. -Sometimes black ashes are so used, and at other times yellow clay. The -secret is not so profound as the French traveller seems to have imagined. -It is evidently done for protective purposes, as babies in arms are -invariably treated in this fashion, women but seldom. Occasionally a -black juice is smeared over the face and neck, under the jawbones. This I -never thought was meant to be decorative paint, but always concluded it -was some manner of skin tonic. - -Among the Orahone, and also some of the Issa and Japura Indians, the -women cover their teeth and their finger-nails with a black pigment. - -The paint is never allowed to work off entirely; fresh designs are -superimposed before the original has quite disappeared. The women always -paint themselves for a dance, and dances are so frequent that before -the coat of paint is worn away another festivity will be in prospect, -and fresh decorations have to be considered. They also paint on other -occasions than a dance. - -With regard to the designs the photographs give a truer notion than -any possible description of the variations and tribal fashions. The -independent Andoke have no fixed pattern, but their lines appear to be -more flowing. A good example is the fourth figure in Plate XXI. The body -in this case was coated with a purple paint, leaving only a broad seam -down the middle unpainted. This design is not seen elsewhere; it is -peculiar to the Andoke. In one dance I saw they painted themselves with -what were intended to be representations of their Witoto neighbours. I -saw also the Andoke got up for a dance covered with weapons painted in -my honour, boots, trousers, and dresses all suggested. Purple paint -predominated, and the effect was a rough copy of my own apparel in paint. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXI. - -ANDOKE GIRLS] - -The patterns are regular; the most highly finished ones are executed with -an eye to the lines of the figure, and some, as for example those shown -in the accompanying group of Okaina women, are of complicated if crude -design. The Okaina designs are certainly the most elaborate that I met -with, but it is to be noted that in no case do the women attempt to hide, -disguise, or paint that portion of the body which most peoples are the -first to cover, and which even among these tribes is never exposed by the -males.[89] - -The effect of paint on the legs of women wearing tight ligatures is, -as Robuchon very aptly remarked, to give them the semblance of small -balcony pillars. Among the less particular--the Witoto especially being -the more lax in this as in all other matters--the regular designs are -not attempted, and paint is daubed crudely on the body in smears and -splotches, with a result that is bizarre in the extreme. - -The men are painted by their women before a dance, but never in the -intricate patterns and variety of colour used by the ladies of the -community themselves. - -On one occasion among the Okaina three of the old women of the tribe were -sent to me with purple paint, to paint me for the festivity. The Andoke -men seem more given to painting themselves than the men of other tribes, -and always use purple paint. A common device is a lizard, some nine -inches long, painted on the back and in front on the middle of the chest. -But painting is not a universal custom among the men as with the women. I -do not remember, for instance, to have seen a Witoto man painted. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - - Occupations--Sexual division and tabu--Tribal - manufactures--Arts and crafts--Drawing--Carving--Metals--Tools - and implements--No textile fabrics--Pottery--Basket - making--Hammocks--Cassava-squeezer and grater--Pestle and - mortar--Wooden vessels--Stone axes--Methods of felling - trees--Canoes--Rafts--Paddles. - - -Life in Amazonia to the man is occasionally strenuous, frequently a -veritable _dolce far niente_; to the woman it is a ceaseless round of -toilsome duties, broken only by the excitement of preparation for, and -participation in, a tribal dance. The division of occupations between -the sexes is possibly uneven, but very certainly strict. In many cases -it amounts to a tabu,[90] and as a rule the reason for this division is -either apparent or confessed. It is absolutely a question of sex. To men -appertain defensive measures, all that calls for physical strength and -skill, war, the chase, the manufacture of weapons, the preparation of -certain poisons and drinks, especially those that are used ceremonially. -Men paddle the canoes, except in extreme cases, when a sufficiency of men -is not forthcoming, and women perforce must lend their aid. They cut the -wood and build the houses. They climb the trees to gather fruit, clear -the plantations, and turn the soil. Woman is the housewife, the mother, -and the cook, but she is also the agriculturalist and the maker of all -purely domestic implements. She manufactures the hammocks, the rough -pottery, and most of the baskets, although it would not be considered -derogatory on the part of the man to lend a hand if necessary. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXII. - -WITOTO BASKETS OF SPLIT CANE AND FIBRE.] - -Besides this sexual differentiation various tribes have their special -manufactures in which they excel their neighbours. The Menimehe are -known as great pottery workers. The Karahone are renowned for their -poisons. The Boro specialise on mat-making, plaiting, the manufacture -of ligatures, and the preparation of blow-pipes. The Witoto hammocks -are better than those of other tribes. Trade in any organised form is -non-existent, it is true, but articles pass, as I have already described, -irregularly by personal barter and exchange of gifts to other tribes; -and in this fashion the poison of the Karahone reaches tribes unknown -to the makers, and beads made in Birmingham filter down by many and -devious routes even to these isolated wilds. Over fifty years ago Wallace -estimated that some thousands of pounds’ worth of trade goods passed -up the Uaupes yearly,[91] and this accounts for the fact that tribes -north of the Japura are better supplied than those of the south. The -best articles for barter I found were axes, knives, combs--especially -scurf-combs--and Brummagem beads. Cloth and fowling-pieces are not valued -except in the Rubber Belt; the less sophisticated Indian of the backwoods -has no manner of use for them: cloth is less ornamental than paint, and -the scatter-gun only frightens the game and lessens the kill. - -Indian arts and crafts are neither numerous nor particularly complex; -indeed arts--with the exception of music and dancing--are almost unknown. -There are no rock pictures in the Issa-Japura valleys, such as those -executed by the Indians in so many other parts of the Americas, but then -there are no rocks. I have occasionally among the Andoke and the Boro -seen pictures of a rude type on the supports of the houses, and on the -four large central posts of the big _maloka_; or these may be roughly -carved. There is carving also on some of the dancing staves. But these -people have no great use for colour and line beyond the ornamentation -of their bodies, and in a lesser degree of their pottery. They make no -attempt to use drawing for informative purposes. Elsewhere Indians have -shown themselves skilful map-makers,[92] but none of these tribes could -so much as draw a rough chart of their own district. Yet this district -to them represents the whole world. They do not realise that there can -be any other people but themselves and the half-dozen tribes or so who -happen to be in their immediate vicinity, and always regarded it as a -huge joke on my part when I talked of the sea and the vast countries -beyond. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXIII. - -BORO NECKLACE OF JAGUARS TEETH WITH INCISED PATTERNS - -NECKLACE OF JAGUAR-TEETH, INCISED, AND FLUTE MADE OF HUMAN BONE] - -One tribe of Witoto do possess a drawing on bark-cloth that is their -equivalent of a map of the world. This tribe when I visited them were -located near the source of the Karaparana, and the “map” was so very -exceptional an acquisition that it was known and talked about by far -distant tribes who had never seen either it or its possessors. In fact, -it was one of the wonders of the universe, to be bragged about to any -stranger who was ignorantly unaware of its existence. Nothing I could -offer would persuade these Witoto to part with their treasure, and -unfortunately I was unable to obtain a photograph of it. My too evident -interest aroused suspicion, and on this account I was unable to study it -clearly, as I saw it but for a moment, and that in a dark house before my -eyes were accustomed to the gloom. It was almost immediately hidden for -fear I should seize it. This map was made on beaten bark about two feet -square. The centre was divided into about a dozen squares. In each square -very crude human figures were represented fighting, planting, or hunting -in their own tribal territory. These were the “nations” of the world. The -dividing lines were of red vegetable pigment. The “nations,” so far as I -could see, were fighting amongst themselves. In the margin were the sun, -a moon, and many stars. I saw nothing to designate spirits or _Taife_. -So ancient was this map, handed down from generation to generation, that -divine origin or use was assumed. It was said to be the world in the -days when the Good Spirit appeared to man.[93] - -Slight carvings, such as can be seen in the accompanying illustration, -are done at times on the teeth that they string for a necklace; and among -the Witoto I twice met with examples of figures carved in wood. The two -figures in the first instance, a nude man and woman, were life-size. -They were painted white with designs in black and red to represent the -paintings done for a dance. These figures were placed on either side of -the door jambs outside, and were the only two of the kind I ever saw or -heard of in the country. They were greatly prized by their owners, and -spoken of by neighbours as notable achievements. No one had any idea who -made them, or when they were made, and if questioned simply said they -always had been. - -In the second instance the figure was a small female doll. It was in -the possession of the daughter of a chief of the Itoma Gurra tribe of -Witoto, a young girl, but who had arrived at maturity. The Indians said -the doll was for the children to play with, but such toys are extremely -scarce. This one was about eight inches high, and was made of some very -light wood, painted white, with the organs that denoted the sex marked in -red.[94] The toy was not regarded in any way as an idol, nor was there -any suggestion of magical powers attaching to it. To secure such a toy -is almost impossible, but this doll I did obtain. Unfortunately I showed -it to an Indian afterwards, who told me that his tribe made such things, -and that he could get me a pair to it. I gave him the toy, but never saw -him or the doll again. This was unusual. As a rule when an Indian says he -will do anything he keeps his word. - -Smelting, or any description of metallurgy, cannot be looked for among -the inhabitants of a country so singularly devoid of all metalliferous -deposit or formation. Metal there is practically none in the aboriginal -homes of the natives, and whatever of it is received, be it but a -trousers-button, becomes at once an heirloom and a treasure. Their only -method of working metal when obtained is to heat and hammer it into -various forms and shapes for ornaments. Weapons and implements alike must -be contrived of other materials. In normal conditions man, without the -knowledge to work ore, turns to stone for substitute, but conditions in -Amazonia are, as has already been shown, abnormal. If there is no metal -neither is there any stone. It is so rare that it is looked upon as -almost sacred,[95] and implements fashioned of it are not made nowadays -by the tribes, but those in use are handed down from one generation -to another. North of the Japura, where quartz can be obtained, at -least by barter, it is used for knives, arrow-heads, spear-points, and -cassava-graters; but these Issa-Japura Indians have to content themselves -with wood and palm-spines, and have only their ancestral stone axes.[96] -These are constructed in true “prehistoric” manner; the stones have been -and are fastened to their wooden hafts with fibre lashings fixed by -vegetable pitch.[97] The Indian cannot say from whence they came, there -is no memory of their makers; they are, in fact, looked upon as veritable -gifts from the gods. - -Wooden knives are constructed from such hardwood trees as the black -ironwood. These knives and stone axes will be used by Indians even more -in touch with civilisation than these tribes, possibly because the -Brummagem trade-goods knife and hatchet has been proved useless for -practical wear. - -For boring purposes the Indians make an instrument like a bradawl T with -a capybara’s tooth, and a paca tooth is used for scraping. With these -simple implements the labour involved in producing such a weapon as the -blow-pipe is enormous. But these are all the tools the Indian craftsmen -possess. - -Manufactures among the Issa-Japura tribes are not numerous. These Indians -have no textile fabrics; they neither spin nor weave; everything is done -by finger-work, and the local substitutes for woven goods are beaten -bark-cloth and netted or plaited palm-fibre. This, as a rule, is in its -natural colour, as very little dye is ever employed. There is no leather -working. The only use made of the skins of animals, I ever discovered, -was that some Menimehe tribes had large round shields of tapir hides, -two to five hides superimposed one on another;[98] the medicine-men make -garments of the same leather; while the medicine-pouch is often made of -the unshorn skin of the jaguar. Leather thongs are sometimes employed for -tying purposes, such as securing an axe-haft, and on the north of the -Japura to string a bow, but the ubiquitous fibre and liana are in more -general use. - -Glass is unknown to the Indian, but every tribe makes its own pottery. -Earthenware pots are used by all Indians for cooking. The best are -manufactured by the Menimehe women, and are distinguished by the red and -black colouring. This is obtained by the use of certain juices extracted -from the bark of a tree. These handsome, well-finished pots are a great -article of barter, and are exchanged for other products of friendly -tribes. Thus they are to be found at far distances from where they are -made on the northern bank of the Japura. It amounts to a trade, distinct -if unorganised. - -Pottery-making is the sole province of the women in any tribe, -earthenware appertaining to the culinary department which is their -special sphere. The pots, entirely made and shaped by hand, when finished -are beautifully symmetrical, though the Indian potters possess nothing -approximating to a wheel.[99] Squatting on the ground the women work -and mould the clay, and rub it between their hands into long cylinders -very much like plug tobacco. These are coiled round and round and kneaded -into a previously constructed shape; or the women will prepare a circular -hole in the ground and mould the clay into that. The plastic coils are -then worked round with any hard thing that is handy--a bone or a piece of -wood. When the vessel is built up to the size intended it is carefully -rubbed before it is set out to dry in the sun. Finally, hot ashes are -heaped over the pots, which are baked slowly and polished afterwards. - -The clay used is commonly to be found on the river-banks, and with -it the Indians mix wood ashes, either to stiffen it or, as Crevaux -suggests,[100] to render the finished article more porous, so that its -contents are kept cool by evaporation. This pottery is known as caraipé -ware, from the fact that the ashes of the caraipé bark are preferred for -its manufacture.[101] In some districts vessels of even a very large size -are made of it,[102] but I never saw any big pots either imported or made -locally in the Issa-Japura valleys. The large vessels used for making -kawana by these tribes consist merely of huge strips of the inner bark of -the tree, riveted together with thorns or spines, and set upright on a -hard earthen surface; or else a section of a great tree trunk is hollowed -out to make a trough. Large flat plates to bake the cassava cakes on are -made of earthenware, but very often only wooden platters are used. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXIV. - -BORO CASSAVA-SQUEEZER. - -(_a_) LOOP AT END] - -Women are not the tribal potters alone; they are also the chief -basket-makers, though on occasions the men will make baskets. Both -Karahone and Boro Indians excel in basket-making, though all tribes are -skilful enough at it. If you give an Indian anything to carry he never -dreams of holding it in his hands if it will allow of other carriage. -He either winds a strip of bark-fibre round his head to make a sling in -which to place it, or, if it were anything that did not admit of easy -adjustment--as, for instance, fruit--he gathers some green palm leaves, -and in about five minutes has plaited them, on a foundation of two -rods, into a long and deep square basket, which is thrown away at the -end of the march. Such quickly made baskets are continually in use, but -the tribes also construct more elaborate ones that can be utilised for -more than immediate purposes. In every _maloka_ may be seen baskets of -plaited bark-fibre and of plaited cane,[103] usually white, but sometimes -with an interwoven and regular pattern in black cane. The Resigero make -bottle-shaped baskets as receptacles for edible ants. A large basket is -carried on the back, slung from the forehead with the customary band of -bark-fibre. - -Quite as important as the pottery is the manufacture of hammocks.[104] -This again is done by the women of the tribes. It is woman’s, that is -to say light, work. All these tribes make them on the same principle -and in the same way, the only difference in the hammocks of different -tribes is the spacing of the cross-threads. This, according to Hamilton -Rice, is a tribal distinction, each group of tribes having an individual -spacing.[105] The material used is curana string or palm-fibre. To -prepare this the women take the pinnate leaflets of the Chambiri -palm[106] and fold over each strip at its broadest part. They grip it -tightly and shred it down with the thumb and forefinger. The fibre thus -procured is then twisted into a cord by rolling it tightly and hard -against the naked thigh. - -To make a hammock a woman takes a length of this fibre string and turns -it round, backwards and forwards between two posts set in the earthen -floor of the _maloka_. Cross strings of the same material are then tied -at the regulation intervals and knotted across, from string to string, to -the opposite side. No implement of any kind is used; the two posts are -the only framework, and the whole construction is carried out entirely by -the women’s fingers without any artificial aid. - -The cassava-squeezer, that essential complement to an Indian household, -is another plaited or basket-work article. The squeezer, which is common -to the Boro and all the tribes north or south, except the Witoto, the -Muenane, and the Nonuya, consists of a long cylinder with a loop at -both ends. One is attached to a rafter, and the other to a stout stick, -on which a woman sits, and thereby pulls upon the cylinder. The manioc -is inserted through the open end before the weight is applied, and the -elastic structure widens out to permit the soaked and grated roots to be -packed in, till it resembles nothing so much as a well-filled Christmas -stocking; but when pressure is brought to bear on the lower end the -cylinder gradually elongates, and thereby contracts, crushing the roots -to a pulp, from which the poisonous juice drains away. - -The material used to make these squeezers appears to be a species of -cane, but is said to be the bark of a palm tree.[107] It is cut into -narrow strips and closely plaited into an elastic bottle some seven to -ten feet long, and not more than about six inches wide when open. Instead -of this cylinder the Witoto use a long web, a rectangular strip about ten -inches wide of plaited bark-fibre, about an inch wide. This they wind -round the grated manioc after the manner that putties are adjusted on -the leg. The tighter they twist the pliable web the greater the pressure -upon the crushed roots, and the juice is thus wrung out of them. - -The grater that is used to scrape the manioc roots, before they are -placed in the squeezer, is a wooden implement made by the Indian women -themselves.[108] It is a flat oval. The one in the illustration measures -16½ inches by 5¾ inches. The wood is of a bamboo type set with short -black palm-spines about an eighth of an inch apart, thicker at one -end than the other, but arranged in no regular pattern. These spines -are fixed into the wood and project about an eighth of an inch above -it. Those in which quartz stones are inserted instead of spines are a -valuable commercial commodity north of the Japura. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXV. - -OKAINA GROUP - -Note Coca pestle and mortar. - -GROUP OF OKAINA WOMEN] - -I never saw manioc crushed, as Robuchon described, with a pestle and -mortar; but these articles are in frequent use, especially for the -preparation of coca and tobacco, so they are items of importance in an -Indian inventory. A mortar is easily improvised from the hollowed trunk -of a tree, and such a small mortar, with a long heavy pounder, is shown -on the right of the photograph of a group of Okaina Indians. It is being -used to pound coca (Plate XXV.). The pestles are made of some heavy wood, -such as red wood or mahogany, and the lower trunk of the peach palm,[109] -or a block of ironwood makes a very solid mortar. The peach-palm trunk -is hollow, that is to say, it has a very hard shell filled with soft -pith that can be scraped out with little difficulty.[110] Some of these -mortars are of great size. Spruce gives the measurements as five to six -feet high, but none I saw were more than four feet. - -Not only are mortars and troughs made from the tree trunks, but bark is -cut into long strips to make smaller vessels, shallow concave trays not -unlike the Arunta hardwood _pitchi_.[111] The method is ingenious by -which the bark is stripped from the trunk, or the tree is felled, for -the principle in each case is the same. Round the trunk of the selected -tree a number of small holes are made, or, if only a portion is to be -removed, the trunk is notched at the required distances. The edge of the -stone axe is inserted in the notch, and the slip of wood is levered up -with it until it splits away at the lower notch; or, if the tree is to be -felled, the holes are widened into grooves that are deepened round the -trunk till it gives way--a somewhat slow process, but a sure one. - -In this fashion the Indians cut down the trees from which their boats are -to be made. A tree is felled, preferably a cedar,[112] and the trunk is -hollowed out for the length required, which varies, but may be as much -as 20 feet, though the breadth will not exceed 18 inches. To hollow the -trunk the Indians bore holes in the wood in order to secure the proper -thickness, and then slit off pieces with their stone axes. These are -kindled into a fire to which logs of wood are added. This burns out -the required cavity, and when the trunk is very hot the burning embers -are scraped away and the burnt trunk is forced apart, which is done by -gradually inserting longer logs that are hammered into place. This is -a job that needs to be done deftly and quickly, or the cooling wood -will soon either contract too much or break at the strain. The heat -also causes the ends to curve upwards, so that the bow and the stern of -the boat will rise higher than the centre. Such a “dug-out” is a heavy -concern, often with a specific gravity greater than that of water. - -These boats belong to the community, and are not many in number. They are -never left on the bank, nor are they kept in the _maloka_, but are hidden -in the bush near the river-banks. The paddles, however, are kept in the -house, stored overhead on the rafters. - -All the tribes of the Issa and Japura valleys make these rather clumsy -craft, but it is possible that the original idea is not indigenous, and -that the autochthonic boat is the temporary canoe made from the hollowed -trunk of the bulge-stemmed palm.[113] These canoes can be fashioned in -an hour or two. The soft pulp is removed easily with a knife, or even -may be crushed up with the fingers, but the bark is very hard, and the -bulging portion of the trunk is shaped already for the craft. The ends -are stiffened with clay, and the improvised canoe is ready for use, and -is quite sufficient for casual purposes--to cross a river when too deep -to ford or too wide to bridge,--and being of no permanent value it may be -left to drift away down-stream when used.[114] - -Spruce mentions tribes who cannot make canoes, and have to construct -rafts to cross any main river;[115] but rafts are not used on the Issa -or Japura streams except by the rubber-workers. They make them of trunks -of light wood lashed with liana or withes, with a rail at the side, but -such a construction is unknown to those Indians who have not met with -the “civilized” invaders from the Rubber Belts. The Catanixi, so Wallace -states, make canoes of the bark of trees stripped off in one sheet,[116] -but I never saw anything approaching the “birch-bark” canoe, though -some of the “civilized” Indians use a _montaria_, a built boat that is -certainly not indigenous. - -The canoes are propelled with paddles from four to five feet long, cut -from the solid block of wood, elongated in the blade, not rounded, as is -universal on the main Amazon river. They may be decorated with roughly -painted designs. Indians always paddle in unison, sometimes on alternate -sides, sometimes three together on one side and three on the other. They -face the way they are going, as one would in a “Canadian” or “Rob Roy,” -and the man in the bow steers. When two men paddle a large canoe both -will sit forward and paddle from the bow. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - - Agriculture--Plantations--Preparation of ground in - the forest--Paucity of agricultural instruments--Need - for diligence--Women’s incessant toil--No special - harvest-time--Maize the only grain grown--No use for - sugar--Manioc cultivation--Peppers--Tobacco--Coca - cultivation--Tree-climbing methods--Indian wood-craft--Indian - tracking--Exaggerated sporting yarns--Indian sense of locality - and accuracy of observation--Blow-pipes--Method of making - blow-pipes--Darts--Indian improvidence--Migration of game--Traps - and snares--Javelins--Hunting and fishing rights--Fishing--Fish - traps--Spearing and poisoning fish. - - -Apart from the industries already dealt with, the occupations of the -South American Indians of these parts consist in agricultural pursuits, -hunting, fishing, making war, and holding festival. They are not a -pastoral people and have no cattle; even the domestic pig is unknown, -fowls are never seen, and dogs only exist in their wild state in the -forest. There they are numerous enough, dun in colour, with ears erect. -These Indians do not keep or train them, though some of the tribes away -from this district have hunting dogs.[117] - -[Illustration: PLATE XXVI. - -1. INDIAN PLANTATION CLEARED BY FIRE PREPARATORY TO CULTIVATION - -2. VIEW ON AFFLUENT OF THE KAHUINARI RIVER] - -The greater part of the agricultural work falls, as has been seen, to the -lot of the women, though the preliminaries--the heavier work of clearing, -cutting, and breaking up the untouched soil--are undertaken by the men. -Each tribal house stands in the midst of a small clearing. In front -is the big dancing ground, for though the dancing proper takes place -inside the _maloka_, this outer dance clearing is used for the purpose -of assembly, and for effective entries. Near by are the cultivated plots -that belong to the chief. The Indian with his own private lodging in the -bush, or any married Indian,--and all marry when they come to man’s -estate--has his special plantation patch by his country-house, if he has -one, somewhere in the neighbourhood of the tribal house if he is content -with only his quarters therein. But no plantations are made actually -surrounding the _maloka_; they are perhaps half a mile away, for, as a -rule, the house stands alone. Sometimes a man’s plantation will be two -days’ journey from the house of assembly, in which case a “country-house” -is a necessity. The tribal plantations belong to the chief, as he, having -all the unattached women, is better able to cultivate them. - -To prepare the plots of ground the smaller trees are felled, the -larger ones are burnt. The stumps of trees, cut about four feet above -the ground, decay with some rapidity, and, directly the branches are -dry enough to burn, fire is brought out and the clearing made into a -gigantic bonfire, or rather series of bonfires, for the always damp wood -will never do more than smoulder, but it is sufficient to destroy the -brushwood and the tangle of creeping plants. There is then a savannah, a -clearing such as is shown in the illustration (Plate XXVI.), a wilderness -of charred posts and vegetable ashes which make most excellent manure. -The ground is then broken up with wooden clubs, and therewith the men’s -labour is at an end.[118] Henceforward their women take charge of the -plantation--_ike_ the Witoto call it before it is planted; it is _akpho_ -after planting. - -The Indian plantation is no orderly market-garden. To begin with, the -women have nothing but the roughest wooden implement, a wedge-shaped -stake, with which to dig, and rake, and hoe. The ground is always uneven -and broken; the charred remnants of the original vegetation are left to -crumble beside the young growth, and the cultivated seedlings have to -struggle for space and air with quick-growing wild things, forest growths -and creepers that encroach on every side, and would speedily reclaim any -cleared portions of the unconquerable bush were it not for the incessant -diligence of the women. They go there daily straight from the morning -bath, and keep up a constant chattering as they plant the cuttings of -manioc, or tend to the pine-apples and the sugar-cane, while the men take -to their canoes, or go a-hunting in the bush in company. I have never -seen single Indians hunting or walking in the forest. For obvious reasons -they never venture far afield by themselves, or even in very small -parties. - -Sowing is done during the rainy season, but beyond the fact that things -then grow faster than when it is comparatively drier, there is no -especial harvest time. Crops grow and ripen all the year round. The -Indians are not grain-growing people. Rice is unknown,[119] and the -only grain that is sown at all is maize. This, though much cultivated -by the Kuretu, and by tribes on the Tikie, is not grown in any quantity -by Indians south of the Japura. What there may be is very small. Coca, -manioc, and tobacco are the most universally cultivated. The Witoto grow -a little sugar-cane and it is occasionally found growing wild, but in -very few places. Originally, I imagine, it was imported. The Indians do -not use it for sugar, as sweet things do not seem to appeal to their -palates, and “beer” is unknown. Half-wild pumpkins and plantains are to -be found in most plantations; pines,[120] bananas, yams, papaws, sweet -potatoes, and mangoes are found cultivated more or less. The yellow fruit -of the guaraná is prized by these Indians, especially the Boro, and is -used here by them in the preparation of a stimulating drink[121] similar -to that in use on the Rio Negro.[122] The wild cacao,[123] though not -common, is seen about here, but the tribes do not cultivate it. Manioc, -which is also known as cassava,[124] is a plant that grows throughout the -tropical regions of America, and in the West Indies. It is known also in -Africa, and has been introduced by the white man into some of the Pacific -Islands. - -The manioc is planted by the women about July or August, and according to -Indian belief manioc can only be propagated by replanting slips of the -old growth after it has been lifted up and the tuberous root removed. As -it cannot reproduce itself in this fashion in its wild state, presumably -it will grow from young tubers, or seed, but, according to Bates, it is -not found wild in the Amazon basin.[125] The ground is hoed by the women, -and scraped into rough furrows. Cuttings of the manioc plant are set in -these in little holes. Eight months after planting the root is ready -for use. It is large, fleshy, and very heavy for its bulk, each tuber -weighing from half a pound to two or three pounds, and even more. It has -been said of the variety known as the great manioc that a root will weigh -as much as forty-eight pounds.[126] The ground will only carry two crops, -so a fresh patch must be broken up after the second harvest. Indians -will, however, always return to plantations no longer in use, on account -of the different palm fruits which continue to grow wild there after they -have once been cultivated; but the disused plots will never be tilled -again for plantation, they are only visited for this purpose of securing -the fruit. - -Throughout the forest peppers are very common and plentiful. Some of the -bushes grow to a height of ten feet. There are many varieties,[127] and -peppers are grown, or allowed to grow, in patches on all the plantations. - -I have said that the women are the agriculturalists and the cooks; nor -do I know of any exception to this rule, for though coca and tobacco are -tabu to all women, and their preparation is forbidden to the sex, yet the -women grow the tobacco in the plantations, gather the leaf, and dry it -in the sun. But the actual making of the black liquid is done by the men -alone, and only men prepare the coca for use. Tobacco is not an article -of barter among these tribes, as all grow it, and its preparation is -no secret to any of the tribesmen. Cultivated coca is sown when the -rains begin. The young seedlings need both care and attention.[128] It -is eighteen months before the slender shrub will yield any harvest, -though once grown the supply will continue for three or four decades. -The shrub grows to some five or six feet high, into small trees in fact, -with lichen-encrusted trunks. Both the common kind and a smaller-leaved -variety[129] grow wild in these regions. - -Men also must climb the trees to gather such fruits as the papaw and -the seeds of the cokerite or the peach palms. Indians climb in what is -practically a universal method, with a circling rope and a ring.[130] -Their usual way is to secure the legs together about the ankles with a -strip of the inner bark of a tree, and then, with arms and feet free, -to use a bigger loop adjusted round the tree and hips of the climber -for purchase power. For short climbs they will dispense with the bigger -loop. Sometimes palm-frond is made into a ring for the toes, but with -the forest Indians these are oftener left free to allow of prehensile -action. With this simple attachment, made perhaps only of twisted liana, -the native will work his way to a perilous height up the barest of tree -trunks.[131] - -[Illustration: PLATE XXVII. - -ERYTHROXYLON-COCA] - -As a woodsman the Indian is so far in advance of the European traveller -as to make all comparison futile.[132] An Indian in the bush is -wonderful. From his earliest days he has been taught to watch and note. -I have known an Indian stop and tell me that when the sun was in a -certain position, that is to say half an hour previously, seven Indians -passed that way carrying a tapir, which had been killed when the sun was -there--indicating another position. It was killed a long distance away, -and the bag must have been a tapir on account of the evident weight. He -took up a leaf on which was a spot of blood, coagulated. He pointed to -tracks on the ground, to prove the question of numbers and distance. The -men who passed were weary, he knew it by the way their toes had dropped -on the ground. The breaking of a twig, the exudation of sap, is enough of -a guide for the Indian to judge when the last passer-by came that way. -I have been told it was within ten minutes, and shown a leaf. It had -begun to rain ten minutes before, and the leaf, overturned by a passing -foot, was wet upon both sides. A glance will suffice for an estimate of -what animals passed, and when. By some intuitive perception, moreover, -he will deduce in a moment whither the game has gone, and will make, not -along its trail, but more directly for it. Yet close and accurate as -his observation invariably is, when the Indian sportsman begins a tale -of the chase it is exaggerated beyond the wildest dreams and liveliest -imaginings of the most gifted sporting Munchausen among ourselves. - -When an Indian is path-finding he judges both time and distance by the -sun. If not attacked by an enemy, he will win his way home from anywhere, -always at a jog-trot, and will probably do his fifty miles on nothing -more sustaining than coca. A sense of locality is born in him, and from -childhood upwards this is trained and developed by continued and varied -experiences. To be able to judge by the sky, by the weathered side of -trees, by the flight of birds, or the run of animals--above all to have a -sense that is greater than all judgment--is a matter of life or death not -once but continually. The inept are the unfit, and the forest will show -them no mercy. - -This minuteness and accuracy of observation comes into play again when -the Indian is hunting. Death to his quarry from the tiny poisoned dart of -the blow-pipe is certain, but not absolutely instantaneous. He also will -shoot birds with a blunt-headed arrow that stuns but does no damage to -the plumage. The shock appears to kill the bird. Hit with dart or arrow -they may flutter a little distance before they fall. I have watched an -Indian scores of times when hunting game shoot bird after bird in a tree, -mark down where each fell, and eventually never fail to account for every -one despite the density of the surrounding bush. Hardly a traveller but -has noted and wondered at the same thing. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXVIII. - -1 & 2.--Andoke bamboo cases with darts and cotton - -3. Dart with cotton attached - -4. Blowpipe with dart - -5. Javelins - -6. Fishing trident - -7. Spears in bamboo case - -8. Dance Staff] - -Blow-pipes are only carried by the Indians when hunting. They are weapons -of the chase, not of war. Most of the tribes manufacture their own, but -the Bara, who neither hunt nor fish, get theirs solely by barter from -other tribes. The blow-pipe--_obidiake_ of the Witoto, _dodike_ of the -Boro--made by these tribes is a heavier weapon than those made by tribes -farther north.[133] It is constructed, like those of all tribes south of -the Japura, in two sections, bound together with great nicety, and has -invariably a mouthpiece made of vegetable ivory or a similar wood that -fits round inside the mouth. These blow-pipes are from eight to fourteen -feet long, with a quarter-inch tube, the outer mouthpiece being an inch -and a half. They are sometimes made from reeds[134] by the Boro and -Andoke, and I have seen small Boro boys with a hollow reed pipe, about -half the ordinary length. This was merely a plaything. These are the -simplest form of blow-pipe, and would appear to be the original type. -Though I imagine reeds are always obtainable, for the flora did not -seem to vary, as a rule the wood of the chonta palm is employed.[135] -On the north of the Japura, the tribes, I believe, mostly make their -blow-pipes of palm stems.[136] Two long strips of this wood are slit -off by notching and levering with a stone axe, as already described. The -chonta poles are trimmed, rubbed, and grooved with sand and a paca-tooth -tool till they form the corresponding halves of a tube, which must fit -most exactly. All this entails very careful and tedious work, so it is -fortunate that time to an Indian is of no account. These half tubes are -then fastened together and the bore polished with what is practically -sand-paper. A string is dipped in some gummy substance, and then covered -with sand. When dry, a fine polish is secured with this by friction. The -blow-pipe is next bound from end to end with fibre-string, or narrow -strips of pliant bark.[137] The whole pipe is then coated with some -resinous gum, or wax.[138] A small bone is fixed about twelve inches from -the mouthpiece, and this acts as a sight. Such a tube will send an arrow -a distance of from forty to one hundred and fifty feet, and an expert -hunter shoots the smallest birds at twenty yards. The chonta-wood pipe is -the heaviest and most lasting, but I do not know if it carries farthest. -The Indians’ accuracy of aim is extraordinary. The arrows, or darts, are -about nine inches long, no thicker than a small match, and are tufted -with fluffy down from the seed vessels of the silk-cotton tree,[139] -the tuft being of a size to fit exactly into the bore of the pipe. The -arrows are made of the leaf-stem spines of the Patawa palm.[140] They are -carried in a quiver of bamboo lined with dried grass or fine rushes that -protect the delicate darts. The poisoned points are partly cut through -so that they break off in the wound. Once a bird or animal is hit the -poison kills them very speedily. The silk-cotton for tipping the arrow is -carried in a gourd that is attached to the arrow quiver with strips of -cane, and to it is also tied the jawbone of the pirai fish, which is used -as a file for the points of the darts. When the arrow is ejected from the -blow-pipe there is a slight noise, like a child’s pop-gun, but it is not -enough to scare the game.[141] - -Indians are no more provident as hunters than as housekeepers. When -game is plentiful they will kill and eat, kill recklessly, and eat to -repletion. But game is not always plentiful. It may abound to-day and all -be gone to-morrow. Even parrots and peccary will fail at times. Birds and -beasts wander, and though the hunter can often judge of direction through -knowledge of their habits, and--what in this instance probably governs -them--which fruits are ripest and where most abundantly to be found, this -will not altogether account for the fluctuations in the supply of game. -It must also be remembered that in this respect the bush varies greatly, -and even where animal life is not scarce it is apt to become so on the -advent of man. Even apart from the disturbance caused by the hunter, game -in the vicinity of any human settlement tends to disappear. The hunter -must go farther and farther afield. - -The Indian is an expert trapper. His traps though simple are ingeniously -contrived, and seldom fail to act. An empty bag is due more frequently -to absence of game than to the inadequate plan of the trap. Monkeys are -caught with a running-noose loop snare made of liana, which is adjusted -carefully along a fruit-bearing branch of a tree. Any monkey attempting -to reach the fruit strangles itself in the noose, exactly as a rabbit -does in the wire of an English poacher. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXIX. - -ANDOKE BAMBOO CASE WITH DARTS FOR BLOWPIPE AND GOURD FULL OF COTTON] - -A shallow pan of water is the Indian bait for ground vermin. Round it -they dig a ring of holes, about a foot across, on which are lightly -spread grass and leaves. Rats, mice, frogs, and small snakes venturing -to drink fall through into the holes that are deep enough to hold them -captive till the trapper comes round and secures his catch. For larger -animals the hunters dig a line of pits, with a sharpened stake fixed -upright at the bottom of each. The game, corralled and driven over these, -falls in through the sticks and leaves that hide the opening, and is -impaled on the stake. The Karahone arm their pits with poisoned arrows, -and dig a succession of these death-traps down a forest avenue.[142] -A more complex contrivance is made with carefully poised logs. This -description of trap is set in a forest run, the brushwood on either side -is twisted and plaited into a rough fence, and the trap erected in the -opening. The slightest pressure on the footboard releases the weight, and -brings the heavy trunk down with a crash on the intruder. A trap of this -kind will catch anything from a squirrel to a jaguar. - -A tapir is sometimes killed with a throwing javelin, which the Indians -use with much dexterity, though when they throw anything they do it -with an over-arm action, with a jerk as a girl would. Their skill with -these javelins is not surprising when one remembers that they hunt two -or three days a week from boyhood, and so are continually throwing them -at animals. The javelin is a light spear with a poisoned palm spine at -the point. A man carries seven of these in his hand, and seven more in -reserve in a bamboo case--fourteen in all. These javelins are about -six feet long, and an Indian can throw one a distance of thirty yards. -Sometimes only five are carried in the hand, but seven is the more usual -number. Though long they are very thin and light. The haft is usually -made of chonta, or similar hard straight-grained woods. A spine is always -fixed in the point, which is filed almost through so that it will break -off in the body of the wounded animal. These spines are poisoned with -animal putrefying poison. Of the heavier spears more anon. - -Koch-Grünberg noted that tribes on the Tikie have well-defined and -recognised hunting and fishing rights, but that when travelling any such -rights are avoided. This is common to all Indians. They will even erect -barriers in the bush and on the rivers, and they keep strictly to their -own localities, otherwise quarrels would arise and war be the upshot. - -The sporting proclivities of the tribes vary considerably. The Tukana -are fishers, but not hunters. The Boro, on the other hand, though great -hunters do not fish, at least I do not remember ever having been given -fish in a Boro house. Certainly they are not such fishermen as the Witoto -or the Okaina, who are the most skilful of all the fishing tribes. - -Fish are taken with hook and line, in nets and traps, by poisoning -the water, by spearing, and by shooting with bows and arrows. For -fish-hooks these tribes have hardly anything but those that they contrive -for themselves from wood, bone, or spines, and civilised metal hooks -are greatly sought after by all of them. Napo Indians make hooks of -bone.[143] The Witoto _fakwasi_ is a fish-hook made of wood or palm -spine. A spine is fastened to a fine stick, and this is baited with -grubs, and used with a fibre line, or with a _pihekoa_, a rod and a line. -Fish are caught to some extent with bait and laid lines. - -Hand nets are made of _chambiri_ palm-fibre in the same way that -hammocks are made, but with a finer mesh; larger ones are constructed -by fixing fences of wattle across the stream before the rivers rise. In -the dry season the Witoto use nets to drag the pools in the river-bed. -They also catch fish with baited nets, the bait being larvæ, or some -fruit attractive to fish, such as that of the _setico_, or the drupes -of certain laurels. In the dry season they bale out the water from the -shallower pools with gourds till the fish can be captured by hand. - -Some of the fish traps are most cleverly designed. There is one known on -the Uaupes as the _matapi_, which is simply a basket open at one end, -but without sufficient space for fish of any size to turn round in. -As fish are not able to swim backwards without the room to turn they -cannot escape once in the trap. On the Napo the Indians spear fish most -expertly, but other Indians depend largely on these and similar traps for -their supply. - -Fish are speared with a wooden trident or, rather, caught between its -prongs, or stabbed with a bamboo spear that has a double-edged blade. -Some of the civilised Indians of the lower Amazons have harpoons with -detachable heads that they use for hunting the manatee, or river dolphin, -but, in these upper waters, dolphins, if seen,--and that is rarely--are -speared with tridents; the Indians have no harpoons, and the only thing -that resembles a detachable head is the partly filed-through javelin. The -Menimehe shoot fish with the bow and arrow. - -By far the most wholesale and general way in which fish are obtained is -through the use of poison.[144] The Indians procure this from the root -of an evergreen bush, the _babasco_,[145] which they pound very fine. -They dam the stream with a wattle fencing and then throw the mashed -_babasco_ in above this fish weir. The fish frequently jump out of the -water, gasping as though they were being strangled, and the Indians -secure those distressed fish in outspread palm leaves. Sometimes the -dead fish drop down into a net, spread beside the dam to catch them; or -the Indian fisherman will simply spear them when they are sufficiently -narcotised. Dead fish will be found floating in the vicinity many hours -afterwards. The Napo Indians put the crushed _babasco_ in a basket and -stir the water with this below the dam--so that the fish cannot escape -upstream.[146] Witoto and other Issa-Japura tribes merely throw the roots -into the stream, and the dam is made more to prevent the dead fish being -washed away than to stop the live ones escaping. The poison works almost -instantaneously on the smaller fish. The Indians on the Tapajos make use -of a poisonous liana called _timbo_.[147] Its action is similar though -not so immediate as that of the _babasco_ root, and consequently it is of -little use in quick-flowing waters. Neither _babasco_ nor _timbo_ affect -the fish injuriously for human food. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - - The Indian armoury--Spears--Bows and arrows--Indian - strategy--Forest tactics and warfare--Defensive measures--Secrecy - and safety--The Indian’s science of war--Prisoners--War - and anthropophagy--Cannibal tribes--Reasons for cannibal - practices--Ritual of vengeance--Other causes--No intra-tribal - cannibalism--The anthropophagous feast--Human relics--Necklaces - of teeth--Absence of salt--Geophagy. - - -The armoury of the Indian contains, for the most part, weapons designed -for primitive hand-to-hand encounter with either man or beast. The sixty -or more feet a blow-pipe dart will carry; the two hundred feet, which is -the outside range of an arrow from the most powerful of his bows, would -be futile in any country less enclosed than these dense woodlands. Even -here success in intertribal conflict is a matter of personal dexterity -rather than mechanical accomplishment. It is true that the Witoto near -the rubber districts have ordinary muzzle-loading scatter-guns. Other -tribes have a few, a very few rifles, and some Brummagem fowling-pieces, -usually with single barrels. But the rifle cannot be said to have won its -way into unchallenged favour. When an Indian does possess a gun he is -exceedingly chary of using it; his chief idea is to save his powder and -shot. The Menimehe have neither rifles nor scatter-guns; they consider -that firearms frighten the game, and prefer their own throwing-javelins, -their bows, and their arrows. - -The Indian weapons of offence may be said then to consist of the sword, -the bow, and the spear. There is no difference between war spears and -arrows and those used against the larger wild animals. For defence the -Menimehe carry a small club, or life-preserver, and the Jivaro and -some of the tribes near the Napo river, use a circular shield covered -with tapir hide like the Uaupes river Indians.[148] The Menimehe also -have large round shields made with tapir skins. From two to five hides -are superimposed one on the other to make a shield, and when finished -these will turn any arrow or spear, and are impenetrable to other than -a nickel-cased bullet of high velocity. The Yahuna on the other side of -the Apaporis do not use a shield, nor do any of the tribes south of the -Japura. - -The Indian’s club is like a quarter-staff made of hard red-wood--which is -the heaviest kind known to them--and is used simply as a personal weapon -of offence or defence. It is not a war weapon. The Indian sword is made -of red-wood or black iron-wood, and is from thirty to thirty-six inches -long, polished quite plainly. It is used by the attacker to aim blows at -the thighs of his antagonist, the object being so to hit him as to bring -him to the ground. Once this is done his head can be easily smashed. As a -weapon of defence the Indian uses it to protect himself from the throwing -of javelins. Holding the handle in one hand and the point in the other, -he can ward off such missiles with the greatest dexterity, thus in a way -obviating the necessity of carrying a shield. - -A diversity of spears, or javelins, is constructed by all these tribes. -_Chonta_ wood is universally employed for spears and arrow-heads, the -weapon differing in accordance with its purport, the _chonta_ spear for -tapir, the blunt arrow for birds, and so forth. These wooden weapons are -scraped smooth with the file-like jaw of the _pirai_ fish, and a final -polish is put on with the leaves of the _Cecropia peltata_, which are -rough enough to be effective substitutes for sand-paper. The spears are -thickest at the head, and taper nearly to a point at the butt. The head -is made of a separate piece of _chonta_ some three inches long, bound -into the grooved end. A poisoned palm spine is always fixed in the point -of a spear, as in the lighter throwing-javelin. About two or three inches -down, the head is filed nearly through, in order that it shall break off -in the wound, and so be the more difficult to extract. The poisoned -point is protected with a reed sheath. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXX. - -1. Water Jar, Menimehe (a) Witoto - -2. Drums (Witoto) - -3. Pan pipes (Witoto) (a) Boro - -4. Stone Axe (Andoke) - -5. Paddle used on main Amazon Stream - -6. Paddle used on Issa and Japura rivers - -7. Menimehe Hand Club - -8. Wooden Sword (Boro) - -9. Pestle--Coca, etc. (Boro)] - -Arrow-heads also are half filed through. This is done with the fish-jaw -attached to the quiver immediately before use. The tips are made of -_chonta_ and are poisoned.[149] The bows are of various kinds of wood, -and of many sizes, strung with fibre made thicker and stronger as -desired. The arrow shaft is without feathers, and has no nock for the -bowstring. The arrows are carried in quivers of wicker or of wood. The -Menimehe, the most skilful bowmen of these regions, are famous for -their quivers as well as for their pottery. They make the quivers out -of bamboo, the elementary ones being merely scraped-out sections cut so -that there shall be a joint or a knot for the end; the more elaborate -specimens are made of strips of bamboo bound together. The arrow poison -is carried in a small pot or calabash. The vegetable poisons that are -used for birds and small game give place to a mixture of strychnos and -poison obtained from decomposed animal or human matter when the weapon is -employed against men or the bigger beasts. Its effect on a human being is -said to be almost instantaneous. - -Indian strategy makes for concealment both in attack and defence. A -tribe will never rush precipitately into open and aggressive war with a -neighbour. Plans for the campaign are no affairs of a hurried minute; -no impulse of uncontrolled anger. They are, on the contrary, well -matured and much deliberated. After many a tobacco palaver, when war is -determined on for any good and sufficient reason--usually revenge for -some real or fancied wrong--the tribal warriors muster, and it may be -that a friendly tribe will assemble with them. Attack will be stealthy, -silent, and never by any chance frontal. These are the true tactics -of the forest denizen. A noiseless flank approach, a sudden rush, and -then, if the foe be taken unawares, a furious onslaught. But surprise -is essential to success. With the utmost caution they approach the -enemy’s head-quarters, the big tribal house, probably when a dance is -taking place and the hostile warriors are occupied with matters other -than possible war. The invaders wait for night; creep in under cover of -darkness; and if possible cut up the unprepared revellers when asleep -after the feast. Should the victorious attackers be in a blood-thirsty -mood, every soul will be killed and the house burnt. But the Indian is -no Berserker when fighting. He is as careful of his own skin as he is -anxious to destroy his foe--possibly even more so; a living enemy may be -slain in the future, but if he be killed himself ultimate vengeance is no -longer for him. - -As regards defence, the Indian never attempts any effective fortification -of his home. The only defensive action taken by the tribes is to prepare -a series of pitfalls in the forest avenues, after the fashion described -for game, with poisoned stakes to impale any foe who may unwittingly -stray into them. Death in such a trap comes very speedily. These pits, as -I have already noted, are always dug by the Karahone. - -It appeared to me that the Indians depended mainly on the secrecy of the -tribal dwelling, ensured by the absence of direct footways; for though -their houses are not built on defensive--or even defendable--lines, the -hostility between various language-groups is rampant, as has been already -shown, and internecine strife is unending. The Indian has been called -docile and gentle. He may be, if to fear an enemy as much as he is hated -be docility. “Do not wait for the first blow but deal it: if you cannot -deal it with impunity now wait till you can--but wait securely hidden”: -there is the whole text-book of the Indian’s science of war. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXI. - -BAMBOO CASES, FILLED WITH DARTS FOR BLOWPIPE--SHOWING FISH-JAW SCRAPER, -AND GOURD FILLED WITH RAW COTTON. ONE DART HAS TUFT OF COTTON PLACED -READY FOR USE. THESE ARE ANDOKE WORK] - -If it can be done with due regard to personal safety the Indian warriors -like to take prisoners. A prisoner is tangible evidence of successful -achievement and personal valour. There is, as a rule, no mutilation -of the dead, or of a prisoner; whatever does occur is due to personal -brutality on the part of some individual. Prisoners are bound with -palm-fibre, and so long as they walk quickly enough, when the victorious -band returns from the fray, they are not ill-treated. But there must be -no delay. Every moment adds to the dangers that threaten the marauders. -Vengeance accomplished, they must hurry back to the comparative safety of -their own locality. If a prisoner lag he endangers his captors, and in -self-defence they would slay him. Prisoners are sometimes sold, but as a -rule they are killed and eaten at the big feast arranged to commemorate -the event, unless they are young enough to be kept as slaves without -risk of their running away to tell tribal enemies of the secret roads -through the bush. The consumption of a dead foe at least guarantees his -harmlessness--as a warrior, if not as a comestible. - -Prisoners are never kept for any length of time, on account of the danger -that would follow should they manage to escape. They get no food nor -drink, and if never actually tortured, are treated very casually until -killed with a heavy wooden sword, not with poisoned javelins, as Robuchon -imagined was the ceremonial method of killing for culinary purposes. -The captor knocks his prisoner down with blows on the shins and the -thigh, and then hacks off the head with his broadsword. Robuchon is also -responsible for the statement that the prisoners consider that to be -thus killed and eaten is a great distinction and honour. It is true that -they make no complaints, but that is simply on account of the fatalistic -nature of the Indian. - -If killed in war a chief’s body is carried off by his tribe if possible, -though the ordinary warriors, dead or wounded, of the beaten faction -are left to their fate, for fear of delay and possible surprise during -retreat; although that fate be known to be consumption by the enemy. - -Among the Boro and other cannibal tribes anthropophagous orgies follow -hard on the heels of tribal strife. If it happens to be possible, that is -to say if the fight has taken place as an attack on their own house, the -corpses of the enemy are eaten; but no Indian ever risks the chance of -reprisals being taken by remaining in the vicinity of a hostile house to -eat the dead, nor will he ever burden himself with food when returning -to his own habitation. The cannibal feast thus becomes the prerogative of -the conqueror. - -Unlike the better-known tribes of Guiana, most, if not all, of the -Indians of the upper rivers are indisputably cannibals, especially the -Boro, Andoke, and Resigero groups. It has even been asserted by some -writers that sundry tribes belong to the lowest grade of cannibals in -that they will “eat their own dead children, friends and relatives.”[150] -This, however, is incorrect, and why it must be so is very obvious when -the main causation of extra-tribal cannibalism is understood. - -There are three reasons why these Indians are anthropophagous. - -In the first place, and it is not only the first but the most general -and important, anthropophagy is looked upon as a system of vengeance, a -method of inflicting the supreme insult upon an enemy.[151] It will be -seen that the Indian has very definite opinions as to the inferiority -of the brute creation. To resemble animals in any way is a matter to be -avoided at all costs. Body hair is an animal characteristic, so man must -depilate. The birth of twins is a disgrace because it is a descent to -bestial levels. What a crowning disgrace then must it be for the dead to -share no better fate than that of slaughtered animals. No more absolute -vengeance on the dead could be devised. The primary cause therefore is -insult. - -Secondly, there is a desire to make use of what would otherwise be -waste material. Animal food is scarce in the forest. But these tribes -do not, as has been asserted of the Cobeu and Arekaine,[152] make war -simply with a view to obtaining provision of human flesh. Anthropophagy -is the effect, not the cause, of war. But then there remains the fact -that meat is hard to come by, and is continually required. The slain and -the prisoners provide meat, and at the same time the degradation, the -ignominy of supplying the place of beasts makes vengeance most definite. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXII. - -WITOTO WAR GATHERING (Some Brummagen Goods)] - -Finally, and in a still more subsidiary degree, there is the reason most -commonly advanced, the supposition that there exists a measure of belief -in the assumption of the characteristics of the eaten by the eater; a -belief that must give sardonic impulse to the primary reason of all, the -desire to degrade the dead. Though this third reason has least weight -of any with the Indian, it cannot be entirely absent when the food tabu -connected with childbirth is remembered. But I know of no such actually -admitted reasons as give rise to anthropophagous feasts elsewhere, as -among the Aro, who are said to eat human sacrifices because “those who -ate their flesh ate gods, and thus assimilated something of the divine -attributes and power.”[153] - -The subsidiary reason, that of necessary anthropophagy, has been advanced -by some apologists,[154] and with a certain amount of truth. But this -reason may be looked upon as very secondary, in my opinion, though, were -the food-quest of little importance, there might be less cannibalism. The -Indian would, in fact, only eat human flesh ceremonially, as a ritual -insult. - -From all this it follows that intra-tribal cannibalism would be a -criminal outrage by the tribe _on itself_, and therefore it could never -occur that a member of the tribe was eaten, nor would his teeth be -extracted even to show an accomplished revenge. This disposes of any such -thing as the eating of dead relatives as a sign of respect. These and -similar statements are due to misapprehension of facts by the writer, or -a too hasty judgment on the part of the explorer. - -One other cannibal custom noted by Wallace and recently confirmed by -Koch-Grünberg, is unknown to me, that of exhuming the bones of the dead, -which are then burnt and the calcined remains made into broth.[155] -No such custom ever came under my notice, nor did any of the tribes -refer to such practices in any way in my hearing. The dried human heads -prepared by the Jivaro[156] are also unknown in the regions here dealt -with. No heads are mummified in this district. But among some of the -tribes south of the main Amazon river this repulsive art is carried on, -and specimens of these heads, not more than one-fifth their natural -size, have been obtained and brought to Europe.[157] Their exportation -is now forbidden by the South American governments, as the supply not -unnaturally was apt to coincide with the demand. - -Though these reduced heads are unknown to the Issa-Japura tribes, the -head is not ignored as a trophy. The fleshy parts, the hair and the -teeth are removed, and the skull is hung in the plantation patch to be -cleaned by ants and other insect scavengers. These will pick one bare in -half an hour. Cleaned, and dried in the sun, this memorial of victory -is eventually suspended outside, or on the rafters in the house, over -the string that carries the top part of the drums. Bates records how the -Mandurucu soaked the heads “in bitter vegetable oil,” and then smoked or -sun-dried them,[158] but the Issa-Japura tribes subject their dreadful -trophies to no other process than the action of the insects, air, and -sun in the plantations. These ghastly evidences of Indian vengeance I -have often seen in the houses, and in the plantations, the bare skulls -gleaming white like so many gourds on a string. Robuchon also mentions -that he found skulls hanging from the ceiling of _malokas_, which the -natives were quite ready to barter for a large handful of beads, but this -does not tally with my experience. - -When a feast is to take place the prisoners are knocked down and -despatched, their heads removed to be danced with and eventually dried -as trophies. The body is then divided and shared among the feasters. -Only the legs and arms, and the fleshy parts of the head, are eaten -ceremonially, anything like the intestines, brains, and so forth, is -regarded as filthy and never touched, nor is the trunk eaten. The male -genital organs, however, are given to the wife of the chief, the only -woman who has any share in the feast. The hands and feet are regarded as -delicacies, for the same reason that civilised man has a preference for -calves’ feet, on account of their gelatinous character. - -Each portion of flesh is tied to a stick, and every man, according to -Robuchon’s account, drops his share in the pot, and places the stick -to which it is tied on the ground beside it whilst he watches till the -meat is cooked. I was told that the culinary processes were attended to -by the old women of the tribe. The flesh, with the required seasoning -of peppers, is boiled over a slow fire, while drums are beaten, and the -assembled tribe--adorned with full panoply of paint, necklaces, and -feathers, and with the gory heads fixed upon their dancing staves--dance -round singing a wild song of victory. - -The savage orgy will continue for hours, with outbursts of drum-beating, -gratulatory orations, and much drinking. I was told that the festival of -drink and dance will go on without intermission for eight days.[159] - -Only men eat ceremonially, the women, with the exception of the chief’s -wife, having no share in the revolting feast, except on occasions, when -perhaps the necessity for animal food--the secondary reason--is the -cause of the indulgence. What portions of the bodies are not eaten are -thrown into the river. I do not know if this is ceremonial, but it is -curious to note that the Indian paradise is up river, not down, where, of -course, the refuse is carried by the stream. With some tribes the trunk -is buried, or it may be merely thrown into the bush to be devoured by the -wild dogs. This latter is not infrequent. These methods of disposal are -ceremonial in so much as that they are carried out amid organised tribal -jeers and insults. - -Flutes are made out of the arm-bones of eaten prisoners, the humerus. The -radius and the ulna, fleshless and dry, with the fingers of the hand -contracted, are fastened to wooden handles and used to stir the _kawana_. -I have seen these, but they are jealously guarded by their owners, and -probably no white man has succeeded in obtaining a specimen. - -Among the tribes of the Japura and the Issa the teeth are always -carefully retained by the slayer, to be made into a necklace, a visible -and abiding token of his completed revenge. This removal of the teeth may -be held synonymous with the curse of many savage tribes in reference to -their enemies--“Let their teeth be broken.” David himself called upon God -to “break the teeth” of his foes. Possibly the reason is a reversion in -thought to the time when the teeth were man’s only weapon. - -It is certainly worth noting in connection with the anthropophagous -practices of these tribes that they have almost no salt. In its natural -state it is non-existent throughout the Issa-Japura regions, and can -only be obtained with difficulty. It is possible that the salt in human -blood may be one of the unrealised attractions that lead these peoples -to anthropophagous practices. A craving that can be so dominant as to -influence race migration, as the salt-craving may do,[160] can hardly -be ignored when dealing with the inhabitants of a country where local -conditions offer little or nothing to satisfy it. - -Another vice which may very possibly have origin in the same lack of a -necessary condiment, and to which these Indians are very prone, is the -eating of clay.[161] It is not impossible that the clay may have saline -properties; in any case among all these tribes geophagy is very common, -especially with the non-cocainists, the women and children. As a rule -it occurs among the very poorest--the slave clan,--those who are least -able to obtain such a luxury as salt, and it is found among the female -children most of all. The latter fact is perhaps because the male child, -the potential warrior, is the more carefully guarded, and would be the -more severely beaten if discovered eating dirt. I never came across any -man who eat clay, though I know of a boy who suffered from this neurotic -appetite. The clay, if it cannot be otherwise obtained, will be scraped -from under the fireplace, and it is always eaten secretly. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXIII. - -1. BORO NECKLACE MADE OF MARMOSET TEETH - -2. ANDOKE NECKLACE OF HUMAN TEETH] - -The Indians look upon geophagy as injurious, but it appears to be -ineradicable. I cannot help thinking it must be due to some great -“want” in Indian diet, a physical craving that the ordinary food of the -tribes does not satisfy. It is instinctive. In the manufacture of coca -they add clay. This suggests that if taken in small quantities it may -have a neutralising and therefore a beneficial effect on some more or -less injurious article of daily food. But it rapidly, and invariably, -degenerates into a vice; and the habit appears to have a weakening and -wasting effect on the whole body. - -In some parts of the Amazons, though not with these tribes, the clay is -regularly prepared for use,[162] and the vice is shared by other races -than the Indian.[163] Children who suffer from this extraordinary craving -will swallow anything of a similar character, earth, wax, and Bates even -mentions pitch,[164] but they prefer the clay that is scraped from under -the spot where the fire has been burning, probably because the chemical -processes induced by the heat render it more soluble, easily pulverised, -and hence more actually digestive in its action. - -It has been suggested that this disease was introduced into America -by negro slaves, and is not indigenous. This is a question for the -bacteriological expert rather than the traveller to decide, but as it -indubitably exists among tribes that have not come in any contact with -negroes or negro-influenced natives it would seem to argue on the face -of things that the similarity of vicious tastes was due to similarity -of causation, rather than to contamination by evil example, unless the -ubiquitous microbe is to be held responsible for this ill also. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - - The food quest--Indians omnivorous eaters--Tapir - and other animals used for food--Monkeys--The - peccary--Feathered game--Vermin--Eggs, carrion, and - intestines not eaten--Honey--Fish--Manioc--Preparation of - cassava--Peppers--The Indian hot-pot--Lack of salt--Indian - meals--Cooking--Fruits--Cow-tree milk. - - -Food is the dominant problem of an Indian’s existence. The food quest is -to him no indefinite sociological issue of future “food control,” but -an affair of every day. Living, it would seem, in the midst of plenty, -starvation is a frequent visitant in an Amazonian household. They are -an improvident folk, as I have already stated, and if food be plentiful -give no thought to make provision for the morrow, when there may be -none to be had.[165] “None” to the man of the forest has a different -significance, a more inclusive meaning, than it has to the white man, for -it comprehends everything that by the widest stretch of the imagination -can be considered possible for human consumption. And it is well for the -Indians that they are omnivorous, for the uncertainty of food supply is -the most certain factor of life in the Amazonian bush.[166] - -To run through the details of the possible provision of meat: there is, -to start with, the tapir,[167] though the Witoto consider much tapir is -bad, especially for women. The print of its three toes, with a fourth -on the forefeet, is very seldom not to be found in the damp soil by -stream and river. The tapir is in fact plentiful throughout these -regions, though, thanks to its protective colouring, it may often not -be obtrusively present. The young tapir is flecked and dotted with pale -yellow spots on its brown coat, an exact imitation of sunlight on the -earth through foliage. Gradually these stripes and spots fade to dull -greys, only the fully grown animal is entirely without them, and of a -uniform dead slaty colour. Young tapir flesh makes an excellent dish, -and is like pork in taste, but it must be eaten very fresh, for the meat -will not keep sweet many hours on account of its richness. Therefore if a -tapir is killed in the water and sinks,[168] it must be eaten immediately -it comes to the surface, that is after some hours, during which the gases -have generated in the animal’s stomach, and so caused it to rise. But -tapir is always considered unhealthy if eaten too frequently, and at -certain seasons of the year is said to be quite uneatable, and if taken -gives rise to sickness. An old tapir is tough and heavy eating at the -best of times. Tapir flesh dried over a smoky fire is excellent eating, -though I have never seen the Indians smoke meat for keeping, even when -they found I did so myself. Another meat that has been compared with pork -is that of the paca.[169] It is rich and fat, but it is eatable, and not -so strong in flavour as the flesh of the capybara,[170] a larger animal, -found usually in the vicinity of water. In appearance the capybara is not -unlike a long-nosed, crop-eared rabbit, while its cousin the agouti,[171] -chestnut-coloured and rough-haired, has a rat-like face on a rabbit’s -body, though the flesh has nothing in common with the rabbit’s. Both the -paca and the agouti are plentiful in the forest. Of the two the latter is -more of a forest-dweller, and seeks the streams only to drink. - -A small species of ant-bear is fairly common, but the large ant-eater is -not often found. The latter does exist in the Issa-Japura watersheds, -according to Indian accounts; and ant-bear is eaten by the Boro, but has -too strong and pungent a taste for the white palate. Armadilloes, when -obtainable, are baked in the ashes of the fire, as hedgehogs are roasted -in England. - -Monkey flesh, though usually tough and invariably insipid, is by no -means despised, nor must a traveller in these regions be squeamish over -it, horribly suggestive as the body of a cooked monkey very certainly -is in appearance, for monkey meat most frequently will be the only -_plat_ on the dinner menu. It is the most ordinary food of the Indian, -though monkey is not the easiest game to collect. The wounded or dying -animal is very apt to clutch at the boughs in its agony, and the hand -will contract in death and the body remain pendant. Even if it drop it -will frequently stick in a forked branch out of reach; so that for one -monkey eaten probably several are slain. Monkeys of all sorts, however, -abound throughout the forest, and also marmosets, pretty little creatures -with something of the squirrel about them.[172] Though I never saw the -big-bellied monkey mentioned by Spruce,[173] I noticed a large number of -spider-monkeys, with tails so prehensile that they serve as additional -hands to convey fruit to their mouths. The supply of monkey flesh depends -in the first instance on what provender there may be in the neighbourhood -for those animals. Monkeys are wanderers, and when they have cleared -one part of the forest of fruit and nuts, they migrate to another. The -migration of game is a serious matter for the Indian, for all animals -here are subject to periodical movements as noted in the previous -chapter. It may result in the abandonment of a homestead when scarcity of -animal life in a district drives the human inhabitants away. - -When it can be obtained a deer, or a sloth, furnishes a variety for the -cooking-pot; and then there is the peccary, so dreaded by the Indian. -The peccary,[174] the wild pig of the forest, lives in small herds, -and the reason proffered by the Indians for their fear of the animal is -that when one is wounded it sets up a loud cry, and the rest of the herd -promptly come to its aid and join in attacking the aggressor. This story -is universal among the tribes. The peccary has a deceptively harmless -appearance. They have not all tusks, and in no case are the tusks very -prominent; yet, so sharp are they, that the fearless and pugnacious -creature can inflict a severe wound. The shoulder and leg are the parts -prized for eating. I know of no temporary tabu connected with this -animal, though it has been said that at times the flesh is unfit for food -on account of a gland in the back.[175] This may, however, be the reason -why the body is rarely eaten. - -Of birds, parrots are the most plentiful, and the toughest. For a hard, -tasteless, and unappetising meal commend me to the carcase of that noisy -bird. They require to be stewed for quite twenty-four hours, and that -over a slow fire, or else the flesh is impossible to eat. Their chief use -is in soup. Macaw, curassow, _piuri_ and _panje_, mocking-bird, toucan, -and egrets all go to the family pepper-pot of the successful hunter, with -the turkey of these parts, pigeons, partridges, herons, ducks, and geese; -in fact quite a good assortment of feathered fowl. - -The frogs that make night hideous with their croaking provide the Indian -epicure with one of his most esteemed dishes, for both frogs and snakes -are considered delicacies, so that the traveller who pitied tribes -like the Botocudo, because insects and reptiles formed a large part of -their diet,[176] would simply be wasting his sympathy. Even the white -man does not disdain the delicate flesh of the iguana, ugly though that -green-bellied, black-ridge-backed reptile is. Turtles are caught and -eaten during the dry season when the rivers are low. The native method of -capturing them is to turn the unwieldly creature over on its back when -asleep on the sand-banks. This renders the turtles perfectly helpless, -though a snap from their powerful jaws will do serious damage.[177] The -eggs also are eaten by these tribes, although none of the Issa-Japura -tribes will touch birds’ eggs, for they look upon them as fœtal, and -therefore unclean.[178] Further it is beast-like, in their opinion, to -eat the liver, kidneys, and other intestines of animals, though these may -be made into soup or hot-pot. For the same reason the Indian does not -touch carrion.[179] But such niceness is outbalanced by tastes that in -our eyes would be equally or even more filthy, for the Indian will eat -vermin, and head lice are looked upon as quite a _bon bouche_. Hence a -scurf-comb is a most important present, and to comb your neighbour’s hair -and eat the “bag” an honour and a luxury.[180] They will also eat the -grubs of wasps and bees, in fact any larvæ--nothing comes amiss to them. - -All the Indians--except the Menimehe, who, as mentioned, keep hives in -their houses,--collect wild honey from the hollow trees and other places -where the bees nest in the bush. Sometimes these insects make nests of -a considerable size, that look like lobster pots full of black pitch -hanging on the tree-trunks. The large cells are full of a thin honey that -is used by the natives to mix with various drinks. The Indians are very -fond of honey, and smoke the bees out to secure it. Bees are more common -than wasps in these parts, and fortunately are less dangerous. - -Fish abound in all the rivers, though like the plants and animals they -are smaller in the upper reaches than in the lower Amazon valleys. -Robuchon gave the following as found in the Issa: Silurios of all kinds, -that is to say _platysomas_, _planiceps_, _platyrhynchos_, _leopardus_, -and the little _caudirus_ (_Serasalmys_), _Pygo_, _Cebras_, _Piraga_ -(_D. costatus et carinatus_); also many kinds of needle fish and -shark-toothed fish. There is any quantity of skate in the Issa, though -its power to inflict a nasty wound does not recommend it to the naked -Indian fisherman. Some of the fish are very good eating; none better than -the _uaracu_, which is said to feed on laurel berries.[181] - -It is when one turns to the vegetable world that one finds the staple -food of the Amazonian native. The manioc is to the Indian the chief -necessary of life. The sweet manioc,[182] although known to these -Issa-Japura tribes, is never planted, because it is not appreciated by -them. They prefer the poisonous species which, as its botanical name -_Manihot utilissima_ implies, can be put to a multiplicity of uses. To -eliminate the poison and render it fit for food, the manioc is subjected -to several processes. So far as I could observe, or learn by leading -questions, these are roughly as follows: - -The women bring the brown tubers of the manioc in baskets from the -plantation. On their way up they stop by the river and cleanse the soil -from the roots, which are like a small beet in appearance, but white when -peeled. The manioc after it has been washed and soaked for a short time -is next scraped by means of a sharp wooden knife in order to peel off -the thin adhesive skin, similar in substance to that of a potato, but if -anything thinner. Sometimes the women instead of using a wooden knife -simply scrape the skin off with their teeth. The peeled roots are washed -in the river again, and taken up to the house. Each root is then cut -longitudinally into three or four sections, which are put in a bowl near -the fire and left to soak for twenty-four hours. When, at the end of this -time, the manioc is sufficiently softened, they place a piece or two of -rotten manioc in the bowl with the fresh stuff. The object of this is to -promote fermentation and thus to extract the poison from the fresh root. - -The next process is to mash the manioc, and for this purpose it is -all--both fresh and rotten--removed from the pan and grated into a large -wooden trough, with the special implement that has black palm-spines -inserted in the soft wood for teeth. The grated pulp is removed from the -trough and put into a cylindrical palm-cane wringer, the cassava-squeezer -which is used by the Boro, the Andoke, the Resigero, the Okaina, and all -tribes to the north. The Witoto and other tribes on the south use a long -rectangular palm-fibre wringer, which is twisted to form a cylinder in -the same way as a puttee is wound round the leg. In this elastic cylinder -it is compressed till all the poisonous juice has been drained away, when -the remainder, a coarse kind of flour, is placed in an open pan and left -to get thoroughly dry. Afterwards it is rubbed between the hands to make -it finer.[183] - -The next operation is to sift this flour through a basket sieve. Any -coarse stuff that does not rub through the sieve is thrown away. The fine -residue is baked in a clay platter, and should be turned over with the -hands once during the process. No water is added to the flour before it -is baked. - -This flour is kneaded with water, put in a pan and cooked over the -fire. The result, the cassava bread, is leathery and tough, and when -one speaks of “bread” unleavened bread must be understood. It is never -allowed to brown, the outer crust is merely hardened, and as a result the -cassava cake has always a raw uncooked taste. But I found that if one -of these native cakes were cut in small pieces and fried in animal fat -till crisply toasted, it was quite good eating, better if anything than -ordinary bread. - -The Boro leave the starch in the cassava flour, so their bread is more -sustaining than Witoto bread, as Witoto women remove the starch and use -it for other purposes.[184] Boro bread is also thicker, and when pulled -apart is of a stringy consistency. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXIV. - -BORO WOMEN MAKING CASSAVA] - -Spruce mentions a manioc oven,[185] but this is quite unknown to me. All -the tribes I visited cooked their cassava on large earthenware plates -on an open fire. Nor could they prop their cooking utensils on stones, -for--as has been noted--stones there are none in these districts. The pot -is put simply on the three logs that compose the fire where their ends -meet. The hot embers in the centre give plenty of steady heat, and if -more be required the pot must be placed on a tripod of branches and the -embers fanned with a palm-leaf to a flame. - -Among the Andoke manioc is peeled by the women with their teeth, and then -washed. The roots are pulped with a grater, and the starch is washed -out by adding water to them in a basket suspended on a tripod over a -calabash. The partially prepared manioc is left till required for use and -will keep in this state for a week at a time. When they wish to use it -the grated pulp is strained in a cassava-squeezer, then mixed with starch -and sifted through a sieve. The fine stuff is baked immediately, and the -water that was drained off in the wringer is boiled up at once to make a -sweet-tasting drink. The starch will keep for a month. - -Among the Boro and Witoto the manioc water is boiled till it thickens, -and is then used as a sauce into which the cassava is dipped before it is -eaten. Another way of eating cassava is to dip it in soup. The Boro on -the Japura concoct a sauce of the consistency of paste by seasoning the -manioc water with peppers and fish.[186] - -Though the tuber is the most valuable portion of the plant it is not the -only part used for food. The leaves may be eaten as a vegetable. They are -boiled till quite soft; pounded very fine with a pestle; fish, worms, -frogs, ants and peppers are added as seasoning, and this brew is eaten -with cassava bread and with meat. Another method of preparation is to -take the leaves and cook them in the water squeezed out of the roots in -the wringer. This sauce is boiled in an earthenware pot suspended from a -cross-beam, or placed like the earthenware pan on a triangle of sticks, -over a slow fire, until the leaves become a paste. This is carried in a -palm-leaf as an emergency ration by an Indian when going into the bush. - -Cassava, then, is the Indian’s “staff of life.” Its complement is the -hot-pot, or pepper-pot, which is a “generous” soup supercharged with meat -that forms the staple, while the liver and so forth are added to enrich -the brew. It is a standing dish with the aborigines. Each family has a -big pot that simmers constantly over the special fires. Into this go -all things, and it is replenished daily from the proceeds of the kill. -Portions of animals that may not be eaten--blood, brains, intestines--can -be utilised in the stew; and everything is very highly qualified with -peppers, the chief stimulant in native diet. - -Wallace has suggested that the excessive use of peppers is due to the -lack of salt.[187] This very serious need is not without considerable -influence on the Indian, and it is possible--as has been suggested--that -it is at the root of more than over-indulgence in pepper. Mineral salt is -not to be had,[188] except by barter, throughout the middle Issa-Japura -regions; and what little the tribes can obtain is chiefly secured by -burning certain plants with saline qualities.[189] - -On account of its rarity salt is much sought after, and a present of salt -is always highly appreciated. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXV. - -WITOTO CASSAVA-SQUEEZER - -BORO MANIOC-GRATER WITH PALM-SPINE POINTS] - -The Indian feeds at sunrise after he has had his drink of “tea” and his -first bath. This morning meal is an informal one of cold cassava cake, -and any meat that may have been left uneaten overnight, or a dip in the -hot-pot. He eats sparingly, and never takes much of a meal if a day’s -march or a hunt is in prospect. Nor does he carry food with him, unless -he be going on a journey. Coca, which of course is but a stimulant, is -sufficient sustenance in his opinion. Still, he will eat a little at any -time it may be possible, and there is usually no lack of fruit for the -taking in the bush. - -The great meal of the day is towards sundown when the hunt is over, the -quarry killed and cooked.[190] Then all the men, squatting round their -private family fires in the big house, help themselves from their hot-pot -and eat to the limit of its contents. An Indian will not take a bite -at his food; he tears whatever he is eating into small pieces with his -fingers. Among the Issa-Japura tribes, as with the Tukana, men and women -do not eat together, and the children feed with the women. None of the -tribes have any special observances or purifications before or after -eating, so far as I am aware, nor are there any general restrictions, -except so far as carrion and the intestines are concerned. But even -these may at a pinch be made use of without prejudice, by resorting to -the simple expedient of blowing, or rubbing with a magic stone, the two -antidotes for all evils with the Indian. There are temporary food tabu -for women, and certain prohibitions for children. These will be dealt -with later. - -The usual method of cooking is to rest the pot as described on the -fire-logs themselves. Sometimes the pot is placed, like the pan for -baking cassava, on lumps of clay, or on a triangle of sticks roughly -made for the occasion. The sticks must be long in comparison to the -height from the ground that is required, and are not tied, but merely so -adjusted that each supports and locks the others. Such a tripod makes a -firm seat, though never employed by the Indians for that purpose. I have -never seen pots hung. The pot is covered with a single leaf, and the soup -is stirred with any stick that comes to hand at the moment; there are no -special ones, nor are any fashioned for use as ladles. Meat is almost -invariably put in the hot-pot, but occasionally it is toasted over the -fire. - -When the women have cooked the food the men help themselves from the pot; -they are not waited upon by their women. An Indian will help himself from -the hot-pot at any time the fancy may seize him, or, for that matter, -from any hot-pot, so long as the owner thereof is present. The tribal or -chief’s fire carries the tribal hot-pot, which is open to all, as all -contribute to it, at least all the unmarried warriors must do so. This is -the hot-pot which always remains, and the fire that never dies out. The -family hot-pot and fire is the concern of each individual family only. - -Fruit is to be had in plenty, and throughout the year in this country of -endless summer. Not being a botanist, and aware that some of the most -tempting fruits held latent poison under an alluring exterior, I was -most chary of eating fruit unknown to me, and never touched any until -quite satisfied of its wholesomeness from its effects on the Indians; -nor, mindful of the fact that the Indian will, and apparently can, eat -anything, would I venture to eat many fruits the Indians partook of as a -matter of course. Sweet and ripened fruit is rarely eaten by them; they -prefer a bitter taste, and, as mentioned in connection with sugar-cane, -have no particular use for anything sweet. The Indian will gather fruit -and bring it to the house, though the usual custom is to pluck and eat it -in the bush. So far as I was concerned especially, it was brought in as a -present to denote good-will. - -One fruit the Indians grow in the plantations resembles and tastes like -grapes.[191] It is very plentiful, particularly in the old plantations, -and the Indian will often return to one of these in order to obtain this -fruit. Another fruit, also found growing in old plantations, is the -colour of a lemon, and the size and shape of an orange. It is very good -eating, extremely sweet when ripe, with huge black pips, and the part -immediately under the skin is gummy, like rubber latex, and sticks to the -mouth. - -A fruit we knew as the mauve berry is found at the top of trees. In size -it approximates to a red currant, and it grows in large bunches. The -colour is a light pinky mauve. It is intensely sweet, and according to -popular report has an intoxicating effect upon the eater. It certainly -appears to have very heady properties. - -Various palms furnish palatable fruits. There is a small edible palm from -which the Indians strip the bark after they have cut it down, and remove -the cylinder of hardened sap which is of the same consistency as a hard -woody apple. It is heavy but rich-flavoured and good eating. Then there -is the cabbage palm, not to mention the pupunha. - -Nuts and seeds abound. There is a large oval seed in a fleshy envelope -that birds feed on freely, and another fruit with a large stone is the -wild alligator pear. The stone of this is more than one-half the size of -the whole fruit. It is delicious in taste, and is looked upon by both -whites and natives as a great delicacy. In shape it resembles a pear, and -in colour it varies from green to yellow or russet. - - - - -CHAPTER X - - Drinks, drugs, and poisons: their use and - preparation--Unfermented drinks--_Caapi_--Fermented - drinks--_Cahuana_--Coca: its preparation, use, and - abuse--_Parica_--Tobacco--Poison and poison-makers. - - -If the Indian eats but little during the day, he drinks to excess -whenever opportunity offers. In the early morning a beverage somewhat -akin to tea, but colourless, made from an infusion of bitter herbs, is -taken. It has some tonic properties, and when I drank it seemed always -to have a slight taste of peppermint. This herb infusion is the first -meal of the day. It is drunk out of half-gourds, after the morning bath, -before the members of the household disperse to their varied avocations. -I am under the impression that this decoction is made from a species of -grass, and not the _Ilex paraguayensis_ from which _mate_, or Paraguay -tea, is made. It is probably the lemon grass mentioned by Simson.[192] -The Indians also scrape the seeds of the _capana_, mix in some cassava -flour, and wrap up the mass in plantain leaves. This is left to ferment -in water, till it is the colour of saffron; then it is dried in the sun. -This is drunk as a bitter tea in the morning when diluted in water. - -The Indian drinks enormous quantities of water, or unfermented liquor, at -times, and afterwards can abstain like a camel for a considerable period. -He never drinks when eating, but afterwards. At a feast or a dance when -he is unable to drink more he simply pokes his fingers down his throat, -with the result that room is made for renewed doses of his non-alcoholic -beverage. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXVI. - -ONE OF THE INGREDIENTS OF THE FAMOUS CURARE POISON] - -The principal unfermented drinks made by these tribes are prepared from -manioc, and from various fruits. The first is made from the grated manioc -by merely squeezing out and boiling the water, and is thus a by-product -of cassava in the making. This leaves a sweet drink, which is certainly -insipid and is not considered to be healthy. The moisture squeezed out of -the “squeezer” is boiled and boiled again into a rather thick drink. This -is used more as a sauce into which cassava is dipped than as a “clean” -drink. It still contains, I believe, a minute percentage of hydrocyanic -acid. - -Another beverage is prepared from roasted pines. The juice is squeezed -out, and this liquid extract is ready to drink without further process. -Plantains, bananas, and other fruits, grated and mixed with starch -obtained from the manioc tubers, are boiled and flavoured with local -spices to make another concoction. A thick yellow liquid prepared from -the _Patana_ palm is the national drink of all these Indians, except -the Menimehe and Kuretu, who make fermented drinks from pine fruit. The -_Patana_ fruit is boiled and broken with the hand in water, so as to mix -up the pulp and allow the heavy skins to fall to the bottom of the pot. -These and any fleshy remainder are strained away in a sieve, and cassava -flour is added to the liquid, which is drunk while warm. This drink is -known as _patana-yukise_ in lingoa-geral. There is a vegetable milk -that is consumed by the Indians, which I take to be the cow-tree milk -mentioned by other travellers.[193] I do not think it is very plentiful -in these regions, and for my own part never saw nor tasted it. It is a -creamy, sticky fluid, obtained by lacerating the bark, that can be drunk -when fresh. I am certain these tribes do not use it for any cooking -purposes, and do not think it is ever stored in their houses, but is only -drunk in the forest from the tree. - -There are intoxicating drinks among the Menimehe and the tribes north -of the Japura, but among some of these northern tribes the men drink -_caapi_,[194] which is strongly erotic. I would suggest that _caapi_ -is unknown to the tribes south of the Japura, except probably to their -medicine-men. It would account for the frenzy of the latter when -diagnosing disease, and so forth, which quite corresponds with the -descriptions given by Spruce of the effect of _caapi_.[195] - -The plant from which _caapi_ is prepared is grown in plantations by -Indians on the Uaupes and Issanna rivers,[196] and by other Rio Negro -tribes. The drink is made from the stem, mixed in a mortar by the Uaupes -Indians with the roots of the painted caapi.[197] The pounded mass is -rubbed through a sieve, and water is then added. Women are not even -allowed to touch the vessel that contains the _caapi_. This intoxicating -liquor is unknown to me, but I heard that the Karahone and other tribes -had this strong drink. Though known on the Uaupes to all the tribes it is -said to have only a confined use on the Rio Negro. - -Other drinks that are to be found north of the Japura are prepared from -fermented maize, and manioc.[198] _Caxiri_, or manioc beer, is used by -the Menimehe, the Ticano and Kuretu. Tribes on the Napo drink _masato_, -which is also made from manioc that has been partly masticated by the -women and then left to ferment.[199] They make another fermented drink -from bananas, but pines are principally employed as they contain more -sugar for fermenting purposes. - -Before a dance the women of the Issa-Japura region prepare great store of -_kawana_, a drink made from the yellow pulp of a pear-shaped fruit,[200] -not unlike a mango, with a large black seed in the centre.[201] The -liquid is stored in the large vessels made by the primitive process of -stripping off a sheet of bark and setting it end up on the hard ground. -These are usually to be found at the chief’s end of the tribal house. One -of these impromptu vats will hold as much as thirty gallons. - -By far the most important of the stimulants taken by these peoples are -the preparations made from the leaves of the common coca shrub.[202] -Coca is the mescal of the Indian,[203] and possibly a heritance from the -Inca invaders of bygone centuries.[204] The use of coca is habitual, not -intermittent. An Indian will take as much as two ounces a day.[205] All -Indians use it, the Bara in especial being heroic coca-takers. - -To prepare coca for use the sage-green leaves are carefully picked and -fire-dried. They are then pounded with other ingredients in mortars made -from small tree-trunks. The pestle shown in the illustration is made of -mahogany. Beside the coca leaf the Indian pounds up lime that is procured -by reducing to ashes certain palm leaves,[206] baked clay that is scraped -from underneath the fire, and some powdered cassava flour. Whether these -leaf-ashes are a form of calcium I do not know. In the Sierra powdered -coca is mixed with pulverised unslaked lime, or with the ashes of the -_Chenopodium Quinoa_. As this latter is one of the distinctive Sierra -flora, I presume the Indians of the forest have found some substitute in -the bush. The drug is carried in a bag, or beaten-bark pouch, that is -worn suspended round the neck. The clay and palm-leaf ashes certainly -neutralise the bitterness of the pure leaf, and it is possible that in -these foreign ingredients the Indians have discovered an antidote, if -such there be, to the worst effects of the drug. - -The Indian by means of a folded leaf shoots the powder into the cheeks on -one or both sides. This when moistened forms a hard ball, and with such -a wad stuffed between the cheek and the teeth he can go without sleep, -food, or drink, for several days. Coca is not swallowed, but gradually -absorbed and passed down with the saliva.[207] - -As to cocainism, we know that the Indians are veritable cocaino-maniacs, -or rather coca-maniacs. It is a matter of great regret to me that I was -unable to make observations--may I say psycho-medical observations--on -Indians under the influence of this drug. Perhaps it would be more -correct to say that it was not possible to observe one not to some extent -under its influence, for it must be remembered that the use of the drug -is so continuous that it is difficult--one has hardly the opportunity--to -differentiate. Whether coca permanently injures the higher brain -centres, as has been suggested,[208] is unknown to me, as unknown as the -Indians themselves before they developed the heroic use of the drug. -The evidences of its effect are contradictory in the extreme, and vary -in individual cases. In my own case hunger and thirst were eliminated, -but I was unable to establish a tolerance for the drug, and after many -vain attempts gave it up, except when food was scarce and anything was -preferable to the pangs of hunger. I was certainly able to make greater -efforts without food, but its effects were evanescent in the extreme, and -were soon followed by acute vomiting and cramp in the stomach. The nausea -may have been due to the foreign substances with which the powdered -leaves are mixed and not to the coca, but on that point only a trained -opinion could be of value. - -Even on the question of its influence on the appetite it is difficult to -give any clear ruling. My own experience was that it utterly destroyed -the appetite. Possibly the Indians’ “tolerance” accounted for the fact -that despite the use of the drug they invariably eat heartily when -opportunity permits. - -The dilation of the pupil caused by the use of the drug is marked in the -Indian, and gives a curious expression to the eye. On account of the -darkness of the iris this is not so markedly noticeable as would be the -case with grey-eyed peoples. - -The Tuyuka and other tribes north of the Japura use as a stimulant -_parica_ or _niopo_, a wonderful snuff which is a strong narcotic, and -very similar in its effects to coca.[209] It is made from the dried seeds -of a mimosa,[210] and, like coca, is mixed with quicklime,[211] and baked -clay.[212] The seeds are roasted, and then pounded in a shallow wooden -mortar, and the snuff when made is packed in snail-shells[213] and is -inhaled through hollow bird-bones inserted in both nostrils. It is used -for curative purposes by the Uaupes Indians.[214] - -The Menimehe and Yahuna tribes take snuff, but they neither smoke nor -lick tobacco. The Uaupes Indians smoke enormous cigars,[215] but none of -the tribes south of the Japura smoke their tobacco; it is only licked. -After the tobacco leaves are gathered they are soaked, and then pounded -in a mortar by the men. Tobacco, it must not be forgotten, is tabu to -the women in any form, and it may be noted here that tabu on drink and -drugs is far stricter than any tabu on food. The latter are intermittent, -enforced only in special cases, or at certain times or ages; but the tabu -on coca, aya-huasca, caapi and tobacco is always binding on all women. -A little thickened cassava starch is added, which makes the mixture into -a stiff dark liquid, to be used either privately or ceremonially, as -already described. The tobacco-pot shown in the accompanying illustration -is made of a thick and hard nut-shell, with apparently natural holes that -are stopped with pitch.[216] Two artificial holes have been bored through -for the string. It is about two and a half inches long, by one and -five-eighths wide. The oval hole at the top is five-eighths of an inch -across, and through it the point of a stick is inserted when the tobacco -is to be taken. - -The ingenuity with which the Indians prepare cassava flour, their -staple provender, from a poisonous root, though notable, is ordinary -in comparison with the intricate processes which the poor Indian’s -“untutored mind”[217] has elaborated for the preparation of various -poisons. Natural poisons abound in the forest. There is one tree known -as the poison-tree and credited with most deadly properties.[218] On the -Issa and Japura an arrow-poison is made from putrefying animal matter -mixed with strychnos. Good poison is very rare, and very much in demand. -The most potent preparation is made by the Karahone, who have great -knowledge of poisons and are by far the cleverest toxicologists. The -Menimehe understand poisons to some extent, but are not the equals of the -Karahone, from whom most of the tribes obtain their poisons by barter. -But poison of some sort is always manufactured by every medicine-man. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXVII. - -INCISED GOURDS - -1. TOBACCO POT (WITOTO) - -2. ” ” (BORO) - -3. RATTLE (OKAINA) - -4. ” (BORO) - -5. ” (WITOTO)] - -The most important poison is the _curare_.[219] It is made from two -plants, called by the Witoto _ramu_ and _pani_ respectively.[220] The -complicated recipe is a treasured hereditary possession.[221] The wood -of the _Strychnos toxifera_ is the most necessary ingredient in the -manufacture of _curare_. It is pounded in a mortar, and the sap, mixed -with water, is strained and boiled with peppers, ants, and a variety of -more or less noxious material.[222] When it is sufficiently inspissated -it is put into the small pots, about an inch and a half in diameter, in -which these Indians carry it round their necks, in readiness to smear on -the palm-spine points of their darts, arrows, and javelins.[223] - - - - -CHAPTER XI - - Small families--Birth tabu--Birth customs---Infant - mortality--Infanticide--Couvade--Name-giving--Names--Tabu on - names--Childhood--Lactation--Food restrictions--Child-life and - training--Initiation. - - -Though so recognised an authority as Bates is responsible for the -statement that the fecundity of the Amazonian Indians is of a low -degree,[224] because as many as four children in one family are rarely -found, it is open to doubt whether he and his successors have not in -this instance confounded effect and cause. It is certainly true that the -normal number for a family is but two or three, yet that this is not a -question of fertility the high percentage of pregnant women would seem -to disprove.[225] The numbers are remarkable in view of the fact that -husbands abstain from any intercourse with their wives, not only during -pregnancy but also throughout the period of lactation--far more prolonged -with them than with Europeans. The result is that two and a half years -between each child is the minimum difference of age, and in the majority -of cases it is even greater. - -The main reason why there are these limited families, is, in my opinion, -not a diminishing birth-rate, but an enormously high percentage of -infant mortality. The test of the survival of the fittest is applied -to the young Indian at the very moment of his birth, for the infant is -immediately submerged in the nearest stream, a custom that easily leads -to infanticide in the case of an unwanted child, or one with any apparent -deformity. - -Another accepted opinion with which I am not in agreement is that these -girls become mothers at a very early age, and that when only fourteen -years old themselves may have already had two children, as is said of -tribes on the Tikie. My experience has been that these peoples do not -arrive at the age of physical maturity even so early as white races, -probably owing to lack of nourishing food and perhaps in some degree to -the retarding and depressing effect of the forest environment.[226] - -These Indians share the belief of many peoples of the lower cultures -that the food eaten by the parents--to some degree of both parents--will -have a definite influence upon the birth, appearance, or character of -the child.[227] Before the birth of an infant the mother has to submit -to certain definite food restrictions, which vary with different tribes -in some slight degree, but are all rooted in the same idea. Among some -tribes all animal food is forbidden to any woman throughout the entire -period of pregnancy, and this precludes her from share in the tribal or -family hot-pot. Among the tribes of the Tikie and elsewhere tapir flesh -is prohibited, not so much because it is considered unhealthy, which on -account of its richness it certainly would be,[228] but because if a -mother partook of any it would be looked upon as tantamount to allotting -the visible characteristics of the animal to the unborn child. From a -like cause these Indians imagine that the child would have the teeth of -a rodent did the mother eat capybara during the months of her pregnancy; -it would be spotted like a paca if she ate that beast; or, if she ate -bush-deer flesh, which is tabu to all women after marriage among the -Kuretu-language group, the venison would make the infant deformed. -Peccary is tabu among many tribes, and with the Witoto during the last -month of pregnancy the mother’s food is limited to one kind of small -fish, with cassava and fruits. - -The belief that ill will befall the unborn infant if the mother do not -regularly adhere to dietary laws is strictly held by both men and women. -To give birth to a deformed or disfigured child is the most disgraceful -calamity that can happen to any woman, and therefore all possible -precautions must be taken, and any animals reputed to possess undesirable -characteristics are naturally forbidden, lest the unborn child should in -any way resemble the appearance or take the characteristics of the animal -concerned. The prohibitions are, therefore, definitely tabus, inasmuch as -they are believed to entail the penalty of deformed or malignant progeny -upon the transgressor, a belief very binding on people who hold that to -some extent the consumer absorbs the characteristics of aught that is -eaten. - -Nor do all these tabus concern the mother only, for the father also -among some of the tribes must abstain from meat a short time before, as -well as after, the child’s birth.[229] This recognition of a definite -connection between the father and the child, a more intimate connection -than civilised peoples recognise, is to be noted, and should be borne in -mind when considering the curious custom of the couvade, which must be -recorded anon. - -Whatever the weather may be no accouchement ever takes place within the -house.[230] When birth is imminent the expectant mother will go out into -the forest with some trusted older woman, or alone, for the Indian wife -is quite willing to take full responsibility without any further aid. -Among some of the tribes north of the Japura the mother is accompanied to -the forest, and assisted while there by other matrons, who have their -faces painted red. But the Boro and the Witoto women go unattended or -with but one female attendant. Neither the husband nor any other man is -permitted to be present whatever the circumstances. - -The shelter of the forest gained, the woman makes a small clearing, and -spreads a bed of leaves on which she sits down.[231] Her trouble is not -of long duration. When the child is born she ties the umbilical cord with -fibre-string, and then bites it through,[232] or cuts it with a wooden -knife. This done she at once proceeds to the nearest water and bathes, -after which she returns to the house. She wears no covering or bandage. - -The infant is taken with her to the river and is washed and ducked. If it -survive this drastic treatment its body is covered with what the Witoto -call _hittagei_, that is, rubber latex, over which a brown or red clay is -smeared. Hardenburg relates that he was told this was done by the Witoto -“in order to keep it warm.”[233] I have often seen the process carried -out, but the warmth theory never occurred to me, and none of the Indians -suggested it as a possible reason or gave any explanation of the custom. - -As I have said, with all these tribes infant mortality is very great. The -custom of submerging the new-born child undoubtedly causes an immense -increase in the number of deaths. This led me to inquire why they -persisted in such a fatal course, but one and all said that if the child -was not strong enough to survive it had better die. This is the Indian -attitude, and explains much of the seemingly ignorant or harsh treatment -to which young children are subjected. - -Indians do not care to have large families. To support a number of -children would often be a matter of grave difficulty.[234] But fœticide -is not practised, and abortion is probably unknown except to the -medicine-men, who would only procure it for their own purposes or -protection. Should destruction for any reason be desired, the birth would -be allowed to take place, and the child afterwards killed “accidentally” -during the subsequent lustration. Bastard children are undoubtedly -destroyed, and the second of twins is left in the bush by the mother -before immersion; or, among some of the tribes of the Kuretu, if the -babies are of both sexes it is the girl that is killed, whichever may -have been born first. Otherwise they kill the second, because it is -obvious that the second is the transgressor, it had no right to come, and -it is a disgrace to bear twins, as these people hold the opinion that to -be delivered of more than one child at a birth is to lower themselves to -the level of the beasts. The act of killing is performed by the mother -secretly, at the parturition if possible, and the body would be concealed -by her in the bush.[235] - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXVIII. - -KARAHONE CHILD - -BORO WOMEN CARRYING CHILDREN] - -The act is not due merely to cruel or callous disregard of infant life. -If to be sickly and deformed is an undesirable state, the Indian sees -no reason why any unfortunate being should be condemned to live in such -a condition; and, moreover, the sufferer must handicap others as well -as itself in the strenuous race of life. Therefore deformed children -are never seen. A child that is discovered to be in any degree abnormal -or sickly at birth is allowed to die on immersion, by the very simple -method of holding it under water till life is extinct. If, however, the -deformity is not discovered till after the child has been brought to -the tribal house, the medicine-man is called in to deal with the case. -If the mischief be beyond his power to remedy, he declares that it was -caused by some evil spirit and may work ill to the tribe,[236] so as a -precautionary measure the wretched little creature is taken out and left -exposed in the forest, or some tribes go as far as to bury it alive.[237] -This is done with no intention to cause unnecessary suffering, but simply -that as it had to die it might as well die by suffocation as by any other -means. - -If there were an epidemic of deformed or sickly cases among the newly -born it would most probably lead to a tribal blood-feud, as it would -be most assuredly put down to the evil intention and craft of some -enemy. Who the latter might be it is the province of the medicine-man to -determine. - -Except in the above instances intentional infanticide is not common. -Unintentionally it would seem to be very frequent. It might further be -resorted to in time of famine, if lactation should be difficult or if the -mother were to die.[238] I know of one case where a child on the death -of the mother was thrown to the dogs--wild dogs are the voracious beasts -of the forest. On another occasion the infant was buried with its dead -mother, though this would not have been done had any one been willing to -adopt it. Both these cases occurred among the Witoto. - -Koch-Grünberg found that among the Tuyuka the houses have a small chamber -at the end where a man and his wife stay after the birth of a child. -There is no such thing among these tribes. - -The day after her delivery the mother presents the infant to its father, -and then, as though nothing had happened, goes back to her work in the -plantation, and spends the day toiling in the fields as usual. She will -only return to feed the child at night. But the father remains in the -house with the baby, for he in his turn must submit to definite tabus, -the restrictions and prohibitions of that curious custom known as the -couvade, “a live growth of savage psychology,” as E. B. Tylor calls -it.[239] The baby lies in a hammock and the father lounges in his, and -there, with some tribes, he will remain for from three to six weeks.[240] -The Witoto are more casual in this observance than the Boro. Colour seems -to be given to the theory that couvade marks a stage of emergence from -matrilineal to patrilineal organisation, by the fact that among those -tribes where relationship is counted on the father’s side couvade is -apparently practised far less strictly, and only in a limited form, as -compared with the descriptions of couvade given by other writers among -tribes such as those Sir Everard im Thurn studied in British Guiana, -where definitely matrilocal customs are still extant.[241] But, however -limited the restrictions, in all cases the father abstains from hunting -until the child’s navel is healed. He must not touch his hunting weapons -even,[242] nor may he eat the flesh of any animal that has been hunted, -which, as regards animal food, is practically the same tabu as exists for -the mother before the child’s birth. Fish and cassava form his diet, but -coca is not tabu. - -Yet, despite his enforced deprivations, the Indian father enjoys himself. -He has, in fact, a very easy time of it, which may go to confirm him in -his quite genuine belief that his actions are of substantial benefit to -the child.[243] Friends will assemble in numbers to express their joy -at the happy event; they will even come from great distances for this -purpose. There is much talk, and all exchange coca and lick tobacco. -In the midst of the congratulations the medicine-man will arrive to -deliver his opinion, given after due consideration, of the points -of the new-born. Congratulations will be interspersed with numerous -ventral grunts, as signs of assent and approval, with the decisions -enunciated, on the part of the proud parent or his visitors. The orations -will be interrupted by the ceremonial licking of tobacco between the -medicine-man, the father, and his visitors. - -After eight days the child will be named by the medicine-man and the -assembled family. The name given among all these tribes is generally that -of the father’s father, if the child be a boy. With the exception of -further ceremonial tobacco-taking there is no ritual. - -Boys are called as a rule by the names of animals or birds;[244] girls -are given the names of plants and flowers. For instance, among the -Boro a common masculine name is _Pimwe_, which is the name of a white -water-bird; or _Eifoike_ among the Witoto, _eifoike_ being their name for -the turkey-buzzard. My own name among the Witoto was _Itoma_, which means -the sun, that sound being the nearest to Thomas that they knew. The Boro -called me _Pimwe_, the white ibis, on account of my white bath-gown. - -No Indian ever uses his name, nor is he called by it when spoken to by -his companions.[245] One will speak to another as _tanyabe_,[246] that -is to say, “brother,” or _Iero_,[246] _Moma_,[247] that is, “father”; -in the case of a woman it would be _Gwaro_,[246] _Rinyo_,[247] which -is “mother,” or _Tanyali_,[246] “sister.” They will never address each -other in more direct fashion, and if one of the speakers is not a member -of the household, and therefore no relationship exists between them, -they will make use of some expression equivalent to our “comrade,” -“man,” “girl,” or other generality. The Boro, when they wish to call the -attention of a man, cry _Mupe!_ of a woman, _Muije!_ As I obviously stood -in no relationship to any of my companions, the usual congenital term of -address could not be used in my case, and if I chose to run the risk of -giving my enemies power over me through knowledge of my name that was my -own affair. - -This objection to divulging the name is too widespread to need -comment.[248] The Indian of the Upper Amazons is on this point not so far -removed from our own old-fashioned country-folk.[249] But at the same -time, though they would not divulge their own names they were invariably -most curious to get hold of mine, and made great efforts to pronounce it. -_Whiffena_ was the usual outcome of such attempts. I also found that the -Indians had no objection to making use of any name I might give to them, -presumably because, not being their true name, no magical dangers were -possibly incurred through its use, such as would be probable did I call -one of them by his or her own proper name.[250] - -Among some tribes the name of a deceased person will be given to some -surviving relative.[251] This is looked upon as an honour to be bestowed -on the greatest friend of the deceased,[252] and thereafter this new name -is considered his private name, and the one originally his thenceforth -ceases to concern him in any way. - -[Illustration: PLATE XXXIX. - -BORO WOMEN CARRYING CHILDREN] - -With the naming of a child the formalities connected with its birth -are at an end, and once the navel is healed the father’s share in the -ceremonials is completed. With his return to ordinary life the infant -reverts to the charge of the mother. Day and night the child remains with -her. It is carried out into the fields when she sets forth on her day’s -toil among the manioc and pines, and is brought back to the fireside at -night when she returns to cook the evening meal. The Witoto women, in -common with other tribes in the vicinity, carry their infants in a sling -of beaten bark-cloth that is passed round the forehead and hung as a bag -behind. At a less tender age they will seat them on the hip, and small -girls may often be seen with a smaller brother or sister astraddle round -their waists. - -The Indian mother will suckle her young for three years, or even longer, -and at least during the earlier nursing will have no connection with her -husband. This long period of lactation is certainly due in a measure -to the scarcity of food. There is no artificial supply or substitute -obtainable in place of the natural provision. If the mother cannot feed -it the child must starve. The child is fed wherever the mother’s duties -may take her. On many occasions I have seen a child that is running about -and playing, suddenly toddle up to the squatting mother intent on her -cassava making, and still standing suck for a few moments and then toddle -away. Not less remarkable is it to see the women milk themselves into a -palm-leaf, a very usual custom after the children’s teeth develop. The -leaf is rested on the palm of the hand, which gives it the necessary -cuplike form, and from this the child is fed. - -The prohibitions with regard to certain foods that affected the parents -before and immediately subsequent to childbirth, continue in force -afterwards so far as the children are concerned. Such tabus are more -strictly enforced on the girls than on the boys; and their diet is -neither plentiful nor seemingly of the most nourishing description. -Cassava cakes and fruits are permitted them, and some of the smaller bony -kinds of fish among fish-eating tribes, but none of the better kinds of -fish, and no game, until they attain maturity. - -There is no childhood as others know it for the little Indian. By this -I mean no innocent childhood. These forest children from birth see all -the life of their elders, hear all things openly discussed, and the very -games and jests of the babies are tainted with what we should consider -obscenity. - -Children are primarily under the authority and protection of the father, -but any authority on the parent’s part is very slight, and ceases to -exist altogether where the boys are concerned once the age of puberty is -reached. Of course even a married son shows respect to a father if they -are living in the same house. Girls, as they are in the care of their -mothers or some responsible elderly matron of the tribe until their -marriage, must be more under authority; and virginity, as with us, is -strictly protected so far as is possible.[253] But in the main it may -be said that parental control is only a semblance, and filial piety, -so characteristic of the Inca and the Chinese, is practically unknown: -indeed, though the smaller children seem very fond of their parents, -after a few years it appears to be almost fashionable to disregard -parental authority entirely. - -A child is not considered responsible for any damage it may contrive to -do. If it commit any mischief that entails loss to others compensation -is claimed from the parents, but no chastisement would in consequence be -meted out to the little offender. Children are never beaten, whatever -their offences, and rarely punished. They are looked upon as the -potential warriors and mothers of warriors, and treated very differently -to the old and worn, who may be left to forage for themselves. The -parents, in fact, show great affection for their children, despite the -stoical way in which infant lives are sacrificed. Often have I seen the -father, who would on no account carry food or any part of his woman’s -burden, however heavy, give his small son a lift over the bad ground. -Although he will never play games with his children as western folk do, -the Indian father will do his best to please the youngsters and make them -happy. He will make little javelins, a small blow-pipe, a toy sword for -the boys. They have their miniature weapons from the tenderest years, -and imitate their fathers in all that they do, just like the girls, who -go with their mothers to the plantations, and take a share in women’s -work as their form of play, and shoulder a share of women’s burdens when -hardly more than babies themselves. Their games, in short, are all -mimetic. They have no games with string or balls. - -It follows naturally enough that there is little or no elaborate ritual -of initiation among most of these tribes, so far as I was able to -ascertain, for no part of a man’s life is kept secret from a child. The -elders simply take the young of each sex apart and teach them. Nor is -there much ceremony on the attainment of the young warrior to tribal -rank. He has been instructed by the elder men as to the ways of hunting; -he is allowed to join a tobacco palaver; he is presented by the chief -with a pouch of coca; he is permitted to lick tobacco, and he affirms as -he does so that he will bear himself bravely on all occasions. There is -no further formality, and thus he enters the ranks of the fighting men. -Among the Bara after a Jurupari dance all the youths of pubertal age are -whipped, which is considered to be initiation. The whipping instrument, -made from the hide of the tapir, is sacred. Women are excluded from this -ceremony, and they believe when the boys shout that it is the expulsion -of demons. The performance is regarded as strictly private, and if a man -or boy tells of his experience he is outcast. - -For the girls there are some secret lodges in the bush. But how far -this is an Indian custom, how far a recent development for purposes of -defence, I was not able to ascertain. The matter is not one on which -the Indian is ever communicative. Certainly among all the tribes in the -vicinity of the much-feared and ever-raiding Andoke, the girls who are -bordering on puberty are segregated in the depths of the forest under -the protection of old and wise women of the tribe. This may not be -general, and I do not think it is a universal custom. It is done by these -tribes principally, I take it, for the protection of the flower of their -womanhood, to prevent the mothers of warriors-to-be from falling into -the hands of the restless thieving Andoke. At the same time the girls -are under instruction of their keepers, they are taught in these lodges -presumably the duties that will shortly fall to their lot. They learn to -dance, to sing, and to paint themselves for festivals. It is no unusual -sight to see a party of small girls painting each other, if by chance one -haps across a secret lodge. This is, I take it, in the way of practice, -the Indian girl’s version of her civilised sisters’ “dressing-up” games. - -The girls’ isolation is not absolute. There is always communication -between the hidden lodge and the tribal house, but such communication -is made with due care, no path is ever cut or worn to the hiding-place, -and if one develops by usage it is speedily blocked the moment it is -noticeable. When no inimical raiders are about, and all is considered -safe, the girls repair to the tribal house, but no girl is allowed to -return to the tribe for good until such time as a marriage has been -arranged for her. - -One writer on the Jivaro tribes mentions festivities held when a -four-year old child is first initiated into the art of smoking.[254] This -could never occur among any of the tribes on the Japura or the Issa, -where it has been seen tobacco is only licked. Boring the ears, nose, -and lips of the adolescent is done when they go to the lodges at the age -of puberty. It is very carefully carried out, and is probably done with -their ordinary boring instrument, the tooth of a capybara. Among the -Menimehe the tribal marks are tattooed on face and breast at this time. - -I have not met with the custom mentioned by Sir Clement Markham as -existing among the Mariama, of a man cutting lines near the mouth of -his twelve-year-old son, nor has the scourging of the Omagua, and their -trial of the girls by hanging them in a net to smoke them, come under -my observation, any more than the cruel scourging of girl children -mentioned by Clough,[255] though boys on the Apaporis are thrashed, and -I have heard of the custom north of the Japura. The Jurupari dance as -described by so many authorities, and the girls’ whippings, as noted -by Wallace,[256] have been told me second-hand by these tribes. I have -never seen either, and south of the Japura I believe such customs to be -unknown. - -[Illustration: PLATE XL. - -OKAINA GIRLS] - - - - -CHAPTER XII - - Marriage regulations--Monogamy--Wards and - wives--Courtship--Qualifications for matrimony--Preparations - for marriage--Child marriages--Exception to patrilocal - custom--Marriage ceremonies--Choice of a mate--Divorce--Domestic - quarrels--Widowhood. - - -At the beginning of my stay among the tribes, I thought, as many have -asserted, that polygamy was common among the Indians. The reason for -this belief is simply the fact that it is extremely hard to distinguish -at first between wives, concubines, and attached women--women under the -protection of a man, but not necessarily in intimate relation. Inquiries -do not immediately assist any conclusion. If, for example, you question -one of the attached women she would merely reply, “I am the chief’s -woman,” which answer would have been equally correct in either case. -But on better knowledge of their languages and customs the conviction -was forced on me that monogamy and not polygamy is the rule, with the -exception of the chiefs north of the Japura, who have, so far as I could -make out, more than one wife. Koch-Grünberg affirms, and other tribes -told me, that among the tribes on the Tikie a chief may have four wives. -This is not the case south of that river, where chiefs, like ordinary -members of the tribe, have only one. - -But in addition to his wife or wives, all female prisoners and any -unattached women belong by right to the chief. He is their father, -mother, and husband, in so far that they receive his protection, though -the wife would not permit any intimacy, unless it were when she was -bearing or nursing a child. These women are not to be regarded, however, -as what the Witoto call _rinyo kachirete_, that is tribal prostitutes, -although other members of the tribe beside the chief are allowed to have -access to them when his consent has been gained. The prisoners certainly -would be used with his permission as women of convenience. So far as I -could gather the chief respects the chastity of his wards, and it is -therefore unlikely that he would claim any _droit de seigneur_ where the -other women of the tribe are concerned.[257] Letourneau is responsible -for the statement that “in America from the land of the Esquimaux to -Patagonia, the loan of a wife is not only lawful but praiseworthy.”[258] -I have never heard any suggestion of _jus utendi et abutendi_, and -consider it unlikely in view of the Indian’s character. He is not only a -jealous husband but the rights of the wife are tacitly recognised, and -I should conclude that such a custom would be entirely alien to Indian -nature. The same argument holds good in the case of a daughter. - -To distinguish between wards and wives is so great a difficulty that -I even hesitated to accept without further confirmation the account -given by Wallace of polygamous practices among the Isanna and Uaenambeu -tribes,[259] careful as he was over all details of things about which -he had personal knowledge. But I also was told by all tribes north of -the Japura that it is permissible to have more than one wife, though -the first must retain the position of “mistress of the house.”[260] It -possibly resolves itself into the question of whether the women greatly -out-number the men at a particular period or not. - -Marriage with these Indians is not a matter of any great or prolonged -ceremony or even of festival. A youth marries as a matter of course when -he reaches man’s estate. Till he has taken to himself a wife he must -remain in some degree dependent either on his parents or the chief; -for he cannot plant his own manioc or tobacco, nor can he cook his own -food. He has no one whose duty it is to see that there are no thorns -or jiggers in his feet, to paint him for a dance, to prepare him store -of drinks. Complete independence comes only when with his own woman he -can, if he so pleases, go his own way, and live in solitude out in the -forest or have his own fire in the shelter of the big _maloka_, just as -it suits his whim. To secure this independence, to get his woman, he -is required in the first place to show that he is a capable hunter and -warrior, that is to say he must demonstrate the fact that he can feed -and protect a wife and children.[261] But there is no scheme in any way -approximating to the customs of those African peoples who rule that a man -must have killed his man before he can be considered a proved warrior, -and qualified for matrimony. It is sufficient if he be a hunter by repute -in the generality of cases, though among the Uacarra and some other -tribes, as noted by Wallace, an exhibition of skill is demanded.[262] A -girl of these tribes will not marry a man who did not prove a good shot -in an archery trial held for the purpose of testing his prowess, the -reason alleged being that he cannot be sufficiently adept to maintain -a family. This is the underlying idea in all the ceremony attached to -the transaction of marriage among these Indians, of a piece with all -their doings and sentiments. There is no use for the unfit. It is the -philosophy of the forest in practical form. - -Further, in view of his prospective position as husband and father, -there are certain preparations, elementary enough, to be made by the -bridegroom. From the surrounding forest a plot of land must be reclaimed, -the trees felled and uprooted, the soil broken and roughly tilled, for -the plantation. This is an absolute necessity, the agricultural is far -more vital than any housing problem, for that is a point easy enough to -settle, as the intending bridegroom need not build himself a house at -all, if he can obtain a corner in the great house of assembly. There is -nothing to prevent him from building one on his own account if he is -not content with the quarters there allotted to him, though the usual -arrangement is for a man to bring his wife to live with his family rather -than to start a separate establishment. - -Betrothals are often made in childhood by arrangement between the -parents, and occasionally a small boy is married to a small girl. This -is not common, but I have seen it done in the case of a chief more than -once. On one occasion that I remember it was among the Andoke, another -time it was in a Boro house. The ceremony is the same as for adults, -but naturally only in form. Among some tribes of the Andoke such child -marriage is allowed if the boy has made a plantation and successfully -hunted an animal, and either his or, more rarely, the girl’s family will -admit them to joint life, and one Witoto man told me that he had been -married as quite a youngster. But the general disparity of age is from -five to fifteen years, for a man will choose an undeveloped girl, perhaps -only nine or ten years old, and hand her over to the women of his own -family.[263] The Andoke usually marry girls much younger than themselves, -and I have seen a man of twenty with a tiny girl-wife hurrying after him. -Undoubtedly the idea is the same as that underlying infant marriage in -India, the man seeks to gain affection by association. The girl lives -with him and his people, they become to all intents and purposes her -people; she is trained by custom to their habits of life, must naturally -imbibe their ideas, and will bring no foreign notions of manners or -morals to disturb the equanimity of the common household when, in due -time, she attains pubescence, and is made a wife _de facto_ as well as -_de jure_.[264] - -In the ordinary run of events the woman invariably comes to live with -the man’s family, he never goes to hers. Only in rare cases have I heard -anything approaching the matrilocal customs noted among the Indians of -British Guiana.[265] These cases would be exclusively when a chief, who -has no son, marries his daughter to some man with a view to obtaining an -heir through her. The man might be selected from friendly neighbours, -or, with the approval of the tribe, an adopted son of the chief might -be chosen. If the former, the bridegroom would have to leave his own -people and live with his father-in-law. How exceptional this is may be -judged from the fact that it is the sole circumstance of which I am aware -where disregard is permitted to the prevailing rules of patrilocal and -exogamous customs. This is, however, hearsay only. I never met with a -case in point, though the Indians told me of it. - -Individual preliminaries settled, it remains for sanction to be obtained -from the chief of the girl’s household--to whom, it must be remembered, -all unattached women belong--with which end in view the would-be -bridegroom presents him with a pot of tobacco and one of coca.[266] He -need ask no one’s consent of his own account, as in marriage the man has -an absolutely free hand, unless he goes against tribal law by marrying -a girl of any hostile tribe who might prove to be a danger to the -community. As proof that he is a man of substance and owns a house, or -has a recognised right to quarters in one, he will bring a piece of palm -shingle that has been left over after the thatching, to the father of the -selected damsel. He also brings a small tree cut through, to show that he -has cleared and made a plantation. In both cases the form would appear to -be accepted without the actuality. The father then produces some coca and -tobacco. North of the Japura they will chew _pataca_,[267] and they will -lick tobacco ceremonially together. There is no further ceremony, and a -fortnight later the marriage is consummated, the girl remaining with her -own people during the interval.[268] - -Robuchon and Hardenburg, in dealing with this formality of presenting -wood, have taken the action to be that the suitor wishes to provide his -future parents-in-law with a supply of firewood. Though in other details -of marriage ceremonial they are exactly correct, both these authorities -seem to have mixed the idea of firewood--a matter it is never the -son-in-law’s business to prepare--with this symbolic offering, which is -intended to signify that his patch of ground for cultivation is prepared -and only waiting for the woman to plant and cultivate it. - -If the information given me about tribes north of the Japura is correct, -a more primitive marriage custom still maintains among their neighbours. -The suitor, accompanied by his father and other relatives, visits the -father of the chosen lady. Notice of the arrival having duly been sent, -the object of such a formal visit is understood, though not definitely -stated beforehand. If the suggestion meets with favour the visitors are -welcomed with a feast. Two or three days later, in the middle of the -festivities, the bridegroom’s party suddenly kidnap the bride, without -any show of opposition on the part of her friends and family. She is -carried off to the visitors’ canoes, and the pair thenceforward may -consider themselves to be man and wife without further ceremony.[269] -Though I never met with this custom in the districts near the middle Issa -and Japura rivers, all the tribes told me of it, and among the Kuretu, -so I was informed, the ceremony is even more suggestive of marriage -by capture, as it is a point of honour for the bride to scream and -protest while the groom carries her off with mock assistance from his -friends.[270] - -In every marriage the contracting parties are allowed complete freedom -of choice. This is absolute on the part of the man, and, with the rare -exception of young girls adopted into a family with a view to marriage, -equally so on the part of the woman. The unmarried women are never -objects of barter. The man neither pays for his wife, nor does he receive -dowry with her. With marriage he assumes entire responsibility for -wife and family. Girls rarely refuse an offer made to them. They occupy -an inferior position in the family compared with that of the sons. By -education and custom they are subservient to the wishes of the elders. As -they grow older and have to take their share of the communal work they -lose what independence they had as irresponsible children. By marriage -alone can the native girl obtain a corner of her own in the _maloka_, -a desirable sleeping-place beside the fire. A man is not forced upon -her against her will. One bachelor is to all intents and purposes as -eligible as any other. Personal appearance, where all who attain puberty -are of necessity healthy and well formed, counts for little. The battle -of Eugenics is fought at birth not at marriage. Whereas a boy becomes -independent almost from the date of his first breech clout, the girl -has her freedom curtailed with each succeeding year. Food tabus have -schooled her appetite. She has suffered the restraints of the secret -lodge. Marriage is her destiny, she neither knows nor desires an -alternative. Such an upbringing does not make for capriciousness where -choice of a husband is concerned. She can always run away if her husband -prove displeasing, but in the majority of cases, unless subjected to -very decided ill-usage, it never enters into the head of any wife so to -behave. Peoples who will submit to the tyranny of a few blackguardly -oppressors, and make hardly an effort in self-defence, do not rebel -against the obvious in everyday life. _Pia_, “it is so,” makes as much -for demoralising inertia as _Kismet_. In short, there is no coercion -in an Indian girl’s wedding, and equally no opportunity for original -selection. - -This question of personal acquiescence rules throughout their matrimonial -relations, for with these Indians the marriage contract is only binding -so long as husband and wife desire to be bound. Divorce is simple. For -good cause shown the husband can rid himself of his wife, and be free to -try for better fortune with another. He has only to bring the matter up -in tobacco palaver, and if he can make good his cause he need not trouble -further: he is free.[271] Infidelity, bad temper, disease, laziness, -disobedience, or childlessness, is deemed a sufficiently weighty -objection in a wife to warrant such action. Tribal opinion is in every -case the chief criterion in the business. - -On the part of the wife the matter is simpler yet. She will run away. A -woman is never blamed for deserting her husband, on the presumption that -such unnatural procedure could alone be due to the fact that she had been -not only ill-treated but grossly ill-treated by him. For an independent -woman is unknown among the Indians: if she is not under the protection of -some man she is left in the lurch, and if she does not speedily find a -protector must very surely die. Moreover it is obvious that when a woman -runs away she must leave her children, and only gross cruelty will drive -her to that. - -If, on the other hand, a man divorce his wife, that is to say if he -drives her away from him and so forces her out of the household, he lays -himself open to severe tribal censure should the consensus of opinion be -that no good cause has been shown. If upon inquiry he fails to establish -a satisfactory excuse, he promptly is held up to ridicule by his fellows; -he is the butt of all the women; and he will certainly find it a most -difficult thing to remarry, for no woman will ever consent to be his -wife. In fact, tribal censure results in the practical banishment of the -offender, for his life in the tribal family will be made unendurable -till such time as his offence be forgotten. The end of this persecution, -and his return to tribal rights and privileges, depends entirely on his -ability to prove and persuade his fellows that after all he was not the -one to be blamed. - -When a woman quarrels with her man, or wishes to revenge any wrong she -may have suffered at his hands, real or imaginary, she will dart at the -loin-cloth of the offender in the presence of the tribe and attempt to -tear it away so as to expose him to his fellows. No insult could be -greater, for this is the worst disgrace that can happen to a man. Should -this occur, the victim must run into the forest and hide himself; nor -can he return until he has beaten out a new bark loin-cloth to replace -the one that was torn, and so, once more decently attired, he may come -back and apologise to the tribe. The pair will then go off together into -the bush, and, according to circumstances, the wrong-doer undergoes, or -perhaps they mutually undergo, a very painful penance. The wronged one -takes one or more of the big black stinging ants, and places them on the -most sensitive and private parts of the other’s body. The sting of the -virulent insects not only gives intense pain, but results in fever within -twenty-four hours, and there is much swelling of the parts affected.[272] -This is the recognised mode of punishment after any conjugal infidelity, -or any ordinary separation; and, repentance thus very practically -expressed by submission to torture, forgiveness follows and good -relations are again restored. - -When a man dies the top ligatures of his widow are cut as a sign of -mourning, and are only replaced if she marries again. There is no -prohibition against remarriage, though this is not permitted till some -months after the husband’s death. As a rule, on a man’s death his widow -continues to live with his people, either under the protection of the -chief, or under that of her dead husband’s brother. If her own people are -not hostile to the tribe into which she married she may return to them, -but the probability is that the tribes will have drifted apart, even if -they have not become enemies. Very frequently widows become the tribal -prostitutes, a custom that is not recognised, but is tolerated, and is -never practised openly or immodestly.[273] - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - - Sickness--Death by poison--Infectious diseases--Cruel treatment - of sick and aged--Homicide--Retaliation for murder--Tribal and - personal quarrels--Diseases--Remedies--Death--Mourning--Burial. - - -Indians, like most coloured races, are abject cowards in pain or disease. -They will bear torture stoically enough when deliberately inflicted, -but should they suffer from any, to them, mysterious reason, in their -ignorance of natural causes they at once ascribe their affliction to -witchcraft. To this possibly may be due the hapless manner in which -they will lay them down to die, and actually succeed in doing so by -auto-suggestion. - -To the Indian in common with other peoples of the lower cultures, -moreover, there is no such thing as death from natural causes. It is -the result either of poison administered in secret by an enemy, or -magical evil wrought by him or at his instigation, and the crashing -of the thunder is the magic noise that accompanies the fatal result. -If a possible enemy is known or suspected, or if, after divination, -the medicine-man can identify the culprit, it becomes the duty of the -relatives to avenge the deceased, who has, according to Indian logic, -been murdered.[274] - -Without doubt a very large number of deaths are due to poison. Removal -by poison is practised to a great extent by the Karahone, who have, as -has been said, much scientific knowledge of poisons and their effects. -Further, it is the custom of the tribal medicine-man when his patients -are in what he considers to be a hopeless condition, to administer a dose -of poison quietly to the moribund sufferers after he has declared that -all his skill is in vain, and announced that recovery is impossible. For -the medicine-man it then becomes more important to secure the fulfilment -of his verdict than to risk the chance of recovery falsifying his -prognostications. The probability is that the patient would die, if for -no other reason than that the medicine-man foretold his death, but that -gentleman will take no risks.[275] - -There are other and more recognised cases in which it is the -medicine-man’s province to administer a fatal draught. A mad person, for -example, is first exorcised by the medicine-man to expel his madness. -If this fails to secure the eviction of the evil spirits that cause -the madness, the man is put to death to ensure the destruction of the -bad influence which, since it passes the doctor’s power to remedy, has -presumably been sent by some hostile colleague with greater magical -gifts. Occasionally also, when any serious accident has befallen an -Indian, a medicine-man goes through the ceremony of placing him in a -secluded part of the bush, and administering the usual narcotic. The -patient is then left for the night. The next day his relatives return, -and if he is not dead he recounts to them his dreams, and from these they -deduct who is the enemy that has caused his sickness. Reprisals naturally -follow. - -Should any known infectious disease break out in a tribe, those attacked -by it are immediately left, even by their closest relatives, the house is -abandoned, and possibly even burnt. Such derelict houses are no uncommon -sight in the forest, grimly desolate mementos of possible tragedies. - -Perhaps the cruel treatment of the sick arises from the fact that all -disease is regarded as due to an enemy who essays by such means to -procure the destruction of the tribe. Fear is undoubtedly the root-cause. -But it must also be remembered that where life is not easy for the hale -and hearty, for the helpless it is impossible except in so far as they -can prey upon their active neighbours. The question of self-preservation -comes in to complicate the problem of the unfit. At every point it is -clearly to be seen that the survival of the most fit is the very real -and the very stern rule of life in the Amazonian forests. From birth to -death it rules the Indians’ life and philosophy. To help to preserve the -unfit would often be to prejudice the chances of the fit.[276] There are -no arm-chair sentimentalists to oppose this very practical consideration. -The Indian judges it by his standard of common sense: why live a life -that has ceased to be worth living when there is no bugbear of a hell -to make one cling to the most miserable of existences rather than risk -greater misery? Moreover, in Indian opinion, such clinging to life is a -very arrant selfishness. - -Certainly cases of chronic illness meet with no sympathy from the -Indians. A man who cannot hunt or fight is regarded as useless, he is -merely a burden on the community. Should he show no signs of eventual -recovery, his friends unhesitatingly leave him to die, or, if a -medicine-man has not been commissioned to put him out of the way, he -is driven into the bush, where the same end is speedily attained. This -is done not only to the invalids, but also to the aged members of a -tribe, unless they possess great wisdom and experience, and so are of -great tribal worth. Otherwise they, too, have ceased to be units of -any practical value in tribal life, and merely hamper the more active. -Actual parricide there is none; old people are not killed, but they -are left to die. There is no sentimental desire for their company, no -affection to lighten the unhappiness of their lot. If they are unable -to tend themselves, not an Indian will go out of his way to render any -help or service. Cassava may be thrown to them occasionally, or it may be -forgotten, and without doubt in times of scarcity no provision whatever -is made for the feeble and the failing who can make none for themselves. -Slaves, of course, are looked upon as of no account, and if sick or -crippled they are abandoned without a thought. If a woman with a young -child should die, and no one be found willing to adopt the infant, the -father argues that it must die anyhow, and it is either quietly killed -and buried with the dead mother, or exposed in the bush.[277] - -The reason that underlies such neglect of the sick and infirm has, on -the other hand, resulted in the prevention of intra-tribal homicide. If -the survival of the unfit is not to be desired, the existence of the -fit is to be encouraged by all possible means. On the whole, although -sick people are neglected, I do not think that they are often destroyed. -Frequently a sick Indian has appealed to me, “Oh! let me die,” but none -has ever said, “Kill me!” Intra-tribal homicide is certainly prohibited -by custom, otherwise homicide is only limited by fear of reprisal, a -more effective combination than any police force or criminal code. Even -as punishment for an admitted offence, homicide within the tribe is not -tolerated, for if a man die it means the loss of a warrior, an injury -to tribal strength, a matter not to be lightly risked where the battle -is only to the strong. There is, however, one exception to this, and -that is in the case of theft. Living as these peoples do an absolutely -public life, theft becomes of necessity a capital crime. The loser, if -he can catch the thief, will kill him by knocking him down by a blow on -the legs with the iron-wood sword, and then hacking off his head. This -retribution is considered perfectly justifiable by the tribe, and is -indeed sanctioned by custom. - -After a murder has been committed it is the sacred duty of some brother -or near relative of the dead to kill the murderer, or, if not, at least a -relative of his, in accordance with the world-old idea of an eye for an -eye. A man who refused to revenge a murdered relative would be taunted -by all the women, and this would soon render his own life in the tribe -an intolerable one. But I have never come across the custom which is -prevalent in Africa among some primitive peoples, that is, to search for -the same relative to the murdered as the murdered man was to the avenger: -for example, “You have killed my nephew, I will kill your nephew.” - -When an intentional murder has been committed the murderer flies to the -bush, where he is promptly followed, and the pursuit is not foregone -until the criminal is secured or the pursuers find themselves in imminent -danger from a hostile tribe. In the latter case the blood-feud remains -open for an early settlement, and the friends of the murderer are dealt -with first. - -Homicide is, in fact, always looked upon as a wrong done to a man’s -tribe or family, rather than to the individual himself. In the case -of accidental homicide it may still lead to a blood-feud. The deed is -done, that is sufficient for these simple-minded folk. It may possibly -be put down to the witchcraft of some neighbouring medicine-man who has -bewitched the unintentional slayer with hostile motives; but that will -not save the unfortunate offender, rather is it an additional argument -that he should be destroyed lest worse trouble follow. There is also -to be reckoned with the idea that the dead man’s spirit will haunt the -tribe, and especially his nearest relative, until his blood has been -avenged.[278] Besides, it is undoubtedly difficult to draw the line -between accident and design, and, for the matter of that, the meaning of -the word “accident” is unknown to the Indian. - -The chief and the tribe will sometimes take up the quarrel as their own, -but, on the other hand, a man considers it a disgraceful thing not to be -able to avenge his own wrongs, and, therefore, never applies to the chief -for tribal help. This is true of all small communities, an affront of any -one of the community being a personal attack upon every other member, -but it is not necessary that it should be avenged by all, unless the -affronted one be unable for any cause to complete his revenge by himself. - -No tribal notice is taken of a murder committed intra-family, such as -the murder of a son or a wife, as no revenge is necessary; the loss only -affects the murderers, and it is simply arranged by the family itself. -The loss of one member does not suggest itself as a reasonable cause for -compelling the loss of another. The one exception to this would be if the -murdered man were a noted warrior whose death would constitute a serious -tribal loss. Action might then be taken by the whole tribe after the -usual tobacco palaver. - -So much for death by violence; there remains something to be said of -death by disease, and of sickness not necessarily ending in death. - -All travellers and writers have noticed how prone the Indian is to -sun-sickness. Living as he does in the perpetual gloom of his tribal -house, or the restricted light of the forest depths, he appears to -be exceptionally susceptible to the effects of strong sunshine. His -sensitiveness is tried further by any sort of change, even a transference -from the upper reaches to the main rivers completely upsets him. Indians -appear to go sick especially on moving only a short way from their own -locality. They are also bad subjects for malarial fevers, and the Issa -River is notoriously unhealthy in this respect. By this I mean the river -itself, and in its immediate vicinage. Even a few hundred yards away from -its banks the country is comparatively healthy and free from pestilent -fly-belts, which, it will be remembered, are at their worst some three -days steam up that river.[279] On the Brazilian frontier especially the -_pium_ from sunrise to sunset is unbearable. The beginning of the rains -invariably brings fever. - -On the other hand, chest complaints are rare, respiratory disease -is unknown, and throat diseases uncommon, though you meet victims -to rheumatism and cramp. There is no venereal disease among these -tribes, and no umbilical hernia. Phimosis is common, and so are gastric -complaints. Diseases of the eye are rare, though squinting is extremely -prevalent. - -There are many parasitic diseases. Ringworm and intestinal worm are very -general troubles, and lice in the head universal. Jiggers in the Indian -houses are a pest to all, and one of the daily duties of the Indian wife -consists in the examination of her man’s feet to remove any thorns or -jiggers that may have effected a lodgment. This jigger is similar to the -African species; it burrows into the foot, and lays its eggs beneath the -skin. I have had as many as thirty-seven picked out of my foot at one -time. The nuisance can be largely diminished if the traveller take the -precaution always to wear boots in or about an Indian house, for jiggers -are not found in the bush itself, though a somewhat similar pest abounds -on the leaves and grasses,[280] and causes abominable irritation. In the -Rubber Belt the usual remedy for this is a bath of white rum. - -Near the Rubber Belt smallpox has found its devastating way among the -Indians. I have said that they fear any contagious disease, and will -often leave a sick person to die, so it may well be understood that a -case of smallpox causes the utmost panic and consternation.[281] Tribes -further removed from contact with “civilisation” are spared this scourge, -but I noticed a form of measles among the children. Yellow fever is not -known in the upper reaches, but I can answer for it that beriberi is, as -I fell a victim to it myself. It is very prevalent in all this country, -but it does not attack the Indians.[282] - -The Napo Indians suffer from skin diseases that are not known to the -tribes in the Issa and Japura valleys. There is a bluish discoloration -and white blotch that is said to come from eating tapir.[283] Among the -Karahone one meets with cases afflicted in the same manner as natives -on the Apaporis. They are spotted with a leprosy which is said to be due -to the amount of fish that is eaten by these tribes. This disease is -otherwise unknown. - -All strangers suffer from ulcers on the legs.[284] Among the Indians -themselves sores are common,[285] but I think are due entirely to -neglected wounds caused by palm-spines and so forth, not to climate and -feeding as would be the case with ourselves. Stings also have to be -reckoned with. - -Indian remedies are rather symptomatic than specific;[286] the methods of -cure will be more fully dealt with in connection with the medicine-men. -The remedies are rather of the order of kill than cure. For instance, -fever is treated by the drastic method of bathing in the cold water of -the river to lower the temperature.[287] On the Napo the natives take a -concoction of tobacco-water and quinine. They make a remedy for wounds -from the bark of a tree, which they boil, and use the liquid to wash the -wound. A root found in the forest yields a narcotic much employed by the -medicine-man when it is scraped, crushed, and boiled in water. Another -remedy, acting as a counter-irritant, is a sage-green feathery moss, some -species of lichen, very dry, that grows round the roots of trees. - -During my stay with the tribes I never met with any such frantic sorrow -at a death as is described by Koch-Grünberg,[288] though a mother will -cry over the body of a dead child,[289] and sobbing, wailing, and a -certain amount of excited grief is shown at a funeral, especially if it -be that of an important person. - -Burial takes place without delay on the day of death. The dead man, -unwashed, is wrapped in his hammock in a sitting position, and a grave -is dug immediately below the place where the hammock was slung in his -lifetime. Though they only dig deep enough to hide the body, this custom -of intramural interment does not appear to have unhealthy effects upon -the other inhabitants of the house, and no epidemic ever seems to arise -in consequence. The dead man’s ornaments, his arms, and other personal -possessions, such as his tobacco-bag, his coca-pot, are placed in the -leaf-lined grave beside him. The whole interment is carried out with all -speed, to get the body out of the way as quickly as they possibly can. -South of the Issa a canoe or earthen jar takes the place of the hammock -for shroud, but I never met with any urn burial, primary or secondary, -among the tribes of the north.[290] - -When the deceased is a woman the same procedure is followed, only pots -are buried with her in place of weapons. Among the Kuretu-language group, -when a woman dies, her pots are broken before they are placed in the -grave,[291] and her baskets are also buried with her in addition to her -ornaments. This is done to prevent the return of the soul to ask for its -properties should they be needed in the spirit world. - -When a chief has died the ceremonies are more elaborate. His body, -like any other man’s, is wrapped in his palm-fibre hammock, and he is -buried with his weapons, ornaments, and private treasures. But after -the grave is filled in, the assembled tribe partake of a funeral feast. -In the intervals of drinking and dancing the mourners sing of the great -achievements, the worthiness and virtues of the dead man. The new chief -comes forward, attired in the prescribed fashion, wearing a weird and -wonderful head-dress to attract attention. He does not face the assembled -people, but turns to the wall of the house, and speaks with his back to -the tribe. - -After a burial a fire is made over the new grave by the relatives, and -is always kept burning for some days, except in the case of a chief, -when the whole house is burnt. This may possibly counteract the obvious -dangers of these intramural burials, and account for the absence of evil -results. - -Whatever mourning may be indulged in before the body is buried, no grief -is ever shown after the interment, for the spirit has then departed. -This belief explains why a man’s grave is not marked in any way by these -tribes, and has, as a matter of course, no claim to respect from his -survivors. - -It is possible that the question of cannibal customs as insults to the -dead also influence the Indians in the matter of burial, and the absence -of sign upon a grave. It would in some measure account for the burial -in the house--as a protective measure--in spite of the fact that they -recognise the danger of the spirit’s return, a belief which would more -naturally incline them to extramural burials. - -Ceremonial bathing always takes place after a funeral, in which every one -takes part for the purpose of purification. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - - The medicine-man, a shaman--Remedies and cures--Powers and - duties of the medicine-man--Virtue of breath--Ceremonial - healing--Hereditary office--Training--Medicine-man and - tigers--Magic working--Properties--Evil always due - to bad magic--Influence of medicine-man--Method of - magic-working--Magical cures. - - -The medicine-man of the South American Indian tribes has been described -as “the counterpart of the shaman type.”[292] There would seem to -be hardly need for any qualification--he _is_ a shaman. The word -has attained a certain vogue, with too frequent lax usage, so that -merely finding the name “_shimano_” in connection with any of these -Indians--especially when it is found in the pages of an American -writer--does not warrant this assertion.[293] But a short study -of the exhaustive paper on Shamanism and the Shaman in the _Royal -Anthropological Institute Journal_[294] will show that point for point -the methods and procedure of the Witoto, the Boro, and kindred tribes -tally with that of the shamans of Siberian peoples. That is to say he is -a doctor and a wizard, not a priest. He claims to deal with spirits by -magical processes, to exorcise, outwit, and circumvent, not to officiate -in any sacred office as the minister, the vicar, of a deity. He is a -hypnotist and a conjuror. But he is more than a mere charlatan. He is -the poison-maker for the tribe, and possesses, as a rule, especially -among the Andoke and Karahone, a considerable knowledge of drugs, -both curative and lethal. The curare poison is a treasured secret of -the medicine-men. Its recipe is religiously guarded by them, and the -deadly preparation is made with both ceremony and privacy. The Andoke -medicine-men have an ointment concocted from a plant--the identity of -which they would not divulge--that is used for massaging purposes. They -all use tobacco juice, coca, and a white snuff that I thought must be -the famous _niopo_, but could not find out anything about it.[295] One -cure for a headache is worked with a special kind of dried bark. The -medicine-man carries a piece of this in his magic-bag, and with it he -rubs over the head of the sufferer; or, if he is dealing with a wound, -he will pass the bark over the skin to make it heal. There is also a -species of lichen or moss used by them to rub lightly over the affected -part, which acts as a very mild blistering agent. It stings and, acting -as a counter irritant, draws the inflammation away from the seat of the -injury to the surface, and thus to some extent neutralises the pain. It -is a sage green in colour, dry and feathery in appearance, and is found -growing round the roots of trees. - -Pain, sickness, death, each and all are caused in Indian opinion by -some evil spirit, sent of course by an enemy. It is to combat this -magic-worked mischief that the medicine-man’s services are required in -the first place. Magic must be countered by magic.[296] Incidentally the -medicine-man relies also to some extent on his own medicine, his purges, -and narcotics. However potent these may, or may not be, the fact that the -patient has implicit faith in their efficacy goes far to assist their -intrinsic merits and further the cure, the expulsion of the evil spirit -that has wrought the trouble. A medicine-man probably has a number of -these more or less genuine remedies, infusions of herbs that possess -curative properties, such as those already dealt with in the previous -chapter. - -But drugs and ointments alone do not, to the Indian mind, go far to bring -about recovery. Much more effective, as a spirit-evicting agent, is the -medicine-man’s virtue, represented by his breath. It is sufficient for -him to breathe over food or drink to render it healthy, to breathe on a -sore place to secure removal of pain, to breathe on the sick to promote -recovery.[297] Nor is this power vested only in the medicine-man. Other -people’s breath may have similar value, if of less degree.[298] Should -an Indian wish to eat of forbidden food, he may get an old woman to -breathe over it. Is a child sickly, a like procedure may restore it to -health. In all the medicine-man’s performances breathing and blowing -over the patient is a prominent part of the processes. The medicine-man -will breathe on his own hand and then massage the part of the patient -that is affected; and if stronger measures are required he will suck the -place, or as near the place as his mouth can be put, suck vigorously and -possibly spit out a black liquid--the tobacco juice freely taken by him -during the performance explains the colour. The avowed object of the -suction is that it draws out the poison--the evil spirit.[299] It is -here that some degree of charlatanism comes into play, for the operating -medicine-man will presently produce a tangible object from his mouth, a -bit of stick, a thorn, a fishbone, or anything of a similar description, -and inform the patient and his friends that this is the material form -which had been assumed by the evil spirit which he has drawn bodily from -the flesh of the sick person.[300] This is the usual accompaniment of the -shaman’s rites, and too universally indulged in by the wizard fraternity -to need any particular comment. - -The Indian medicine-man receives presents for the cures he effects. -Should he fail he must make the best case he can for himself, -and depart to the bush to work magic against the rival who has -successfully--according to his account--outmanœuvred him. The blame for -failure is not to be his but another’s. This, it is hardly necessary to -note, is an alluring chance for the repayment of any personal injury or -slight, not often missed by so entirely human a person as the Indian -medicine-man. - -To a certain extent the office of tribal medicine-man is hereditary, that -is to say the eldest son, if efficient, succeeds the father. It would be -more correct to say the most hairy of his sons, as hirsute qualifications -are far more weighty and essential determinatives than questions of -primogeniture. The hairier the wiser it would seem. But of this anon. -Often the medicine-man will have a small boy with him, who may be his -son, actual or adopted, and who is also credited with magic gifts.[301] -Thus the secrets of the profession are preserved from generation to -generation, the chosen youths being the recipients of the secrets and -trained to develop and carry on the magic of their predecessors. Part -of the ritual of initiation, as of the ceremonial healing, consists of -what to the unbelieving white man is not too well done conjuring. The -medicine-man is a clumsy conjuror, and only the implicit trust of his -patients and audience saves him from frequent detection. But the belief -that they must see what he declares they see goes far to make them in -very truth behold it. The “conjuring” in the initiation of a novice -consists of simple “passes” of sticks up through the nostril and out of -the back of the head. According to Waterton the probationers have to -endure exhausting ordeals and torture.[302] This is very probable, but on -this point I received no information. - -So far as I am aware not one of these tribes attaches any importance -to the hair that is clipped or depilated, nor to nail parings; if -they do the point escaped me. But though they depilate because they -dislike resembling monkeys with a hairy pelt, at the same time it is -noticeable that not only does the medicine-man ignore this general -custom, especially among the Andoke where it is strictly tabu to him--yet -hairiness is, as I have stated above, a necessary qualification for any -man or youth who is desirous of attaining the position of medicine-man. -He is certainly the only man in the tribe with any face hair. When -the medicine-man has a hairy son the boy is trained to inherit the -“practice,” but should he have no offspring with this distinctive -requirement, a hairy child will be chosen and educated for the post. - -There may possibly be some connection between this tabu and the belief -that when a medicine-man dies he returns as a tiger, and even during -his lifetime he can make excursions in tiger-form, and be so absolutely -tiger that he can slay and eat the beasts of the wild. Every medicine-man -possesses a jaguar skin that he is said to use when he turns tiger. -By possession of a skin he has the power of resuscitating the tiger, -he himself being the spirit of the tiger. He can thus work his will, -afterwards returning to human form. An ordinary tiger might be killed, -but a medicine-man in tiger form could not be.[303] On one occasion a -medicine-man I met had a bag made of tiger-skin hung round his neck, in -which he carried all his paraphernalia. But the medicine-men never wear -these skins as wraps or coverings. Each hides his tiger skin away, when -not in actual use for magic purposes. - -The power to return after death in the shape of the dreaded jaguar is -a further defensive measure, a precaution against hostile peoples, as -in this shape both before and after death the medicine-man can attack -the tribal enemies, and carry obnoxious individuals away into the bush -whenever opportunity offers. - -The medicine-man lives with, and yet aloof from his fellow-tribesmen. -He has to observe many tabu, certain kinds of food are prohibited, and -he must have no connection with women when making his medicines,[304] -for should the woman bear a child it will be a tiger cub. To make his -drugs and unguents a medicine-man goes alone into the forest, and this in -itself marks him as different from other men, who will never of their -own free will go far without a companion. Spruce mentions an armed guard -attendant on medicine-men, “their lives being in continual jeopardy,” -but no such thing is known south of the Japura.[305] The medicine-men -certainly wander in the bush alone, for they will disappear at times, -and on their return inform the tribesfolk that they have been about -some magical journeyings; they may have worked in the guise of tigers -against tribal enemies; or paid visits in the spirit to other lands. No -armed escort could protect a medicine-man better than his own reputation -suffices to do, for all medicine-men are feared--certes one that was not -feared would not be worth the killing--and no Indian would be likely -to risk the danger resultant on doing one an injury. I doubt if even a -hostile tribe would wittingly put a medicine-man to death, for they fear -retaliation on the part of the spirit, which would certainly haunt them, -even if it worked no graver ill. - -The medicine-man’s dress, as already mentioned, is largely a matter of -personal taste; something original and striking is usually attempted. -The Orahone medicine-man clothes himself in tapir-skin, and the Andoke -medicine-man in the illustration opposite p. 73 was wearing a dyed -turban when I took his portrait. Any fancy article that comes to hand is -utilised to make him different from his fellows. His “properties,” which -are carried in an ornamented bag of tiger skin, or of beaten bark sewn -with fibre string, consist of a rattle--of rather more elaborate design -than the ordinary dance rattle--some small magic stones, and a cup made -from the shell of a river fish.[306] The latter resembles a large oyster, -and the mother-of-pearl inner coating is much used for earrings and -ornaments. The medicine-man takes this cup, speaks into it, and rubs the -sick person all over with it. Then, if this does not bring about a cure, -the patient must suck it till he vomits, and continue to vomit till the -evil spirit be expelled. - -Condor claws play a great part in magic-working among the northern -tribes. These gigantic birds are rare in the bush, and I never saw one, -though I heard of them from all the medicine-men, and obtained some -specimens of the dried feet from them. These are ugly objects, the leg -stump stopped with pitch and bound roughly round with bands of beaten -bark, about half or a quarter of an inch wide, and not twisted. But -though I got the claws I could not get any details as to what they were -supposed to do.[307] - -I once saw a medicine-man with the skin of an anaconda, and was told -that by using the skin he could control the spirit of the anaconda.[308] -For this purpose the medicine-men are habitually provided with the dried -skins of lizards and snakes.[309] - -The Andoke place great faith in strings of magical stones, five or seven -in number. These are taken off the string and laid by the medicine-man -in certain patterns on the sufferer. The medicine-man gazes at them -abstractedly till a degree of self-induced trance is established. He will -then break out into a frenzy, stamp, shout, and brandish his rattle. -The stones are also used for magical rubbing, and are most assiduously -guarded by their possessors, who will not part with them for any -consideration. The only string of such stones I managed even to see are -shown in the illustration. They are of quartz, somewhat roughly made flat -discs, worn smooth by continual use, about three-quarters of an inch in -diameter and a quarter of an inch thick, bored in the centre, the hole -being half the size in the middle to what it is at its external radius. -These stones are always carried on a string. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLI. - -STONE AXE HEAD (BORO) - -STRING OF MAGIC STONES (ANDOKE)] - -Whatever goes wrong in tribal life, from a pain in the finger to a -hurricane, the malice of an enemy working through the evil spirits is -held to be responsible, as will be shown more fully hereafter. It is the -medicine-man’s business not only to frustrate their malicious purposes, -but also to discover who is the foe inciting their wickedness by magical -influences. Mischief can be wrought without any bodily presence.[310] -Revenge is also possible by the exercise of similar extra-natural powers. -For instance, if a child is lost, or killed by a tiger, the bereaved -parents call the tribal medicine-man to their assistance. If the hunters -sent out to retaliate upon the tiger-foe fail to capture or overcome it, -the medicine-man proceeds to work magic. This may be quite simple, for -it is possible that in his solitary wanderings in the bush he may have -the luck to come across the lost youngster. In this case he “re-creates” -the child by the potency of his magic-working, and secures an unshakable -reputation by producing it alive in due course. Should such luck not -befall him he can but return with a tale of vengeance wreaked on the -tiger, and a tiger-tooth--not necessarily of fresh extraction--in proof -of that same. Then it is his duty to discover which might be the wicked -tribe that sent the tiger, or had it sent at their instigation, as he -would have to ascertain who had sent sickness were it the death of an -adult that was under investigation. The procedure is the same whether the -trouble be a house blown down by the wind or any other catastrophe. The -tribe assembles for a solemn palaver, and the medicine-man, frenzied with -drugs, eventually “divines” who is the enemy. The final decision usually -is that the tribe had better go to war at once lest worse befall them. - -The medicine-man invariably has a considerable say in intertribal -policy. War is never made without his advice, and in addition to his -duties as tribal avenger and healer, he must warn the tribe of impending -hostilities.[311] Should hostilities break out, or a death occur, -during a white man’s visit to a tribe, he would possibly find himself -in considerable personal danger. Success to the tribe might in part be -attributed to his virtue, but disaster would certainly be considered due -to his malign presence, a point the medicine-man would not be slow in -urging against the visitor. - -The white stranger, with his foreign magic--for magic every other thing -he possesses must seem to the unsophisticated child of the bush--in -any circumstances is regarded with some jealousy by the professional -magic-workers of the tribes. Naturally, therefore, it is with extreme -difficulty that any details of their methods and doings can be learnt. -It goes without saying that the medicine-man regards any inquisitive -stranger as a potential rival, is on his guard against bluff or bribery, -and never willingly gives so much as an opening for exchange of -professional confidences. It is the hardest thing in the world to obtain -information from the Indian, for every Indian will say “I don’t know,” -or “Pia”--because it is so--in order to avoid having to explain his -beliefs to the white man. I tried to bluff, and by feigning to possess -magical gifts hoped to draw the local exponent into a rival display, but -with no encouraging results. What I could gather had to be done with -circumspection, a bit here, a trifle there, a note from a chance remark, -a comment from another. - -The expulsion of the evil spirit causing sickness is a matter requiring -invariably much noise and fury. The _maloka_ is always dark, be it day -or night, and the gloom is not broken by torches for the medicine-man’s -visit, nor are the smouldering fires kicked into a blaze. The doctor, -well under the influence of drugs, works himself to a state of wild -exaltation. He beats the floor with a palm branch, shakes his rattle -vigorously, and makes the most appalling noises. He will imitate -the beasts and birds of the forest, and--as he must be a skilled -ventriloquist if he has any claims whatsoever to magic gifts--the sounds -apparently come from every side. This is to demonstrate the embodying of -the spirits of the nether world, the active causation of all ill. Also -it is to summon to his assistance all friendly spirits, or all over -whom he has attained magical influence. He carries on conversations with -the assumed speakers, and intermittently howls, and shrieks, and beats -the air with his palm branches. The greater the noise, the wilder the -excitement, the more potent is the magic of the medicine-man. South of -the Japura he does not blow smoke over the patient, but he makes use of -both tobacco juice and coca. He further drugs himself most probably with -some such powerful agent as aya-huasca, though that is not supposed to be -known to these tribes. The medicine-man also doses himself with a drink -made from a certain liana. When thoroughly intoxicated with it he will -run away, and shortly go into profound slumber. In this comatose state -he is supposed to hold intercourse with the unseen world, to wander in -spirit to other places, and, as a result of what he has hereby learnt, to -be able to foretell the future when he awakes. - -Magic-making in cases of sickness includes the blowing, sucking, and so -forth, already described. The relatives of the patient will discourse at -length on the story of the sickness, and the medicine-man will either -announce who sent it himself or expound the sick person’s dreams and -therefrom deduct the source of evil. The official explanation and verdict -is always given in the most ambiguous phraseology, so that whatever -happens the medicine-man may be able to twist his dictum to the desired -equivalent of “I told you so.” - -As already described the invalid may be given a strong narcotic drink, -the decoction of a root, and carried out to a small clearing made in the -bush. There he is left under a rough shelter. No one may speak to him, or -pass him while he lies there, otherwise he will die. The relations go out -of sight, and guard the bush tracks, to prevent any such passage. If the -patient die the medicine-man asserts very positively that some one has -transgressed, knowingly or unknowingly, and so caused the fatal ending. I -saw such a case on one occasion and was prayed by the Indians not to go -anywhere in the direction of the sick man. - -Should a man’s wife fall ill her relatives may, if they are within -reasonable distance, come and take her away. Koch-Grünberg mentions a -case among the Bara Indians where two men came from another tribe and -removed their sick sister. They were treated with a show of hostility -and followed--as the ailing woman took her healthy children away--for -some distance into the bush. But no tribal quarrel ensued, the hostility -appears to have been merely ceremonial. This is typical of what might -occur among any friendly tribes. - -Spruce, after seven months among the Uaupes Indians, “failed to catch a -payé”[312] or see one at work. I attempted to get on terms with sundry of -these gentlemen by an exhibition of my own “magic” powers, in the hope -that I might elicit some comments, or hints of their own secrets. I made -play with my eyeglass, and informed them that it was great medicine, and -enabled me to see through a man. But though the tribesmen had on their -own account attributed this faculty to my camera, the medicine-men were -very sceptical of the eyeglass. Still I had better fortune than Spruce, -for one day when I was with an Okaina tribe, a woman of my party went -down with fever. She had a temperature of 103° to 104°, and the quinine -with which I dosed her had no effect. There happened to be a great and -noted medicine-man in the district, so they sent for him. The _maloka_, -some fifty yards from wall to wall each way, was dark as pitch. Into -the gloom rushed a frenzied figure. It was the medicine-man in a state -of tremendous excitement. He passed his hands frantically all over the -woman’s body. She lay rigid, and he was shaking with the intensity of -his emotion. Never in my life have I seen a man so excited. If he were -play-acting he believed most emphatically in his own play-acting. Then -he filled his mouth with coca, and stooping over the moribund woman put -his lips upon hers. Eager and trembling, he sucked up the contents of the -woman’s mouth, then rushed out of the house and expectorated, emptying -his mouth with his fingers. After this he announced that he had sucked -away the evil spirit. - -Next morning the woman was perfectly well. - -I considered it the most extraordinary faith cure: but there was no -burking the fact that a dying woman had been restored most miraculously -to health. Certainly imagination goes very far in the curative process -with a patient in Amazonia--as elsewhere,--but even allowing for this it -was extraordinary. - -Faith in the healing powers of the medicine-men is not confined to the -tribesmen, for I knew one case of an Indian woman who had been married -for years to a white man and lived in the rubber district. She fell -ill, and her husband, instead of trusting to the white man’s remedies, -insisted on sending for a medicine-man. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - - Indian dances--Songs without meaning--Elaborate preparations--The - Chief’s invitation--Numbers assembled--Dance step--Reasons - for dances--Special dances--Dance staves--Arrangement of - dancers--Method of airing a grievance--Plaintiff’s song of - complaint--The tribal “black list”--Manioc-gathering dance and - song--Muenane Riddle Dance--A discomfited dancer--Indian riddles - and mimicry--Dance intoxication--An unusual incident--A favourite - dance--The cannibal dance--A mad festival of savagery--The - strange fascination of the Amazon. - - -Whatever of art there may be in the soul of the tribesman finds -expression in the dance. It is the concert and the play, the opera, -the ball, the carnival, and the feast of the Amazons, in that it -gives opportunity for the æsthetic, artistic, dramatic, musical, and -spectacular aspirations of the Indian’s nature. It is his one social -entertainment, and he invites to it every one living in amity with -him. Any excuse is enough for a dance, but nevertheless the affair is -a serious business. The dance, like the tobacco palaver, is a dominant -factor in tribal life. For it the Amazonian treasures the songs of his -fathers, and will master strange rhymes and words that for him no longer -have meaning; he only knows they are the correct lines, the phrases he -ought to sing at such functions, because they always have been sung, they -are the words of the time-honoured tribal melodies.[313] It is for these -occasions that he fashions quaint dancing-staves and wonderful musical -instruments, and dons all his treasured ornaments, while his wife paints -her most dazzling skin costumes. He practises steps and capers, tutors -his voice to the songs; meantime his children rehearse assiduously in the -privacy of their forest playground, against the time when they too may -take part in the tribal festivities. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLII. - -ANATTO, _BIXA ORELLANA_, A RED DYE, OR PAINT, IS MADE FROM THE SEED] - -The entertainment demands elaborate preliminaries. When any such carnival -is on hand the old women of the tribe for days previously are busied -making cassava, and with the preparation of _kawana_ or other appropriate -drinks. The amount of liquid refreshment necessary for a large dance is -enormous, in view of the custom by which the liquor-logged native simply -steps aside, and by the insertion of a finger down the throat is speedily -ready for a further supply. During the four or five days that a dance -continues only the old men among the Turuka will eat anything, and that -nothing more substantial than manioc starch; the dancers merely drink -_hashiri_. - -Nor is the inner man only to be considered. All sartorial treasures, -the feathers and necklaces of the men, the beaded girdles of the women, -are taken from their receptacles, the wardrobes in the rafters of the -_maloka_. The men--for the Amazonian male reserves to himself the -greatest brilliance of attire on occasions of ceremony--array themselves -in their feather tiaras, with necklaces, armlets, and sounding garters -of polished nuts. The maidens and matrons also apply themselves to -the elaboration of their toilets. No court dressmaker ever gave more -anxious thought to the fashioning of _chef-d’œuvre_ in silk and brocade -than do these dusky daughters of Eve to the tracing of circles, angles, -bands, and frets upon their naked skins. Coquetry is as essential an -accompaniment of the savage dance, in the unmapped bush of the Amazons, -as in a garlanded ballroom of Mayfair. The most vain of English beauties -probably spends less time over her adornment for any function than do -these young women as they squat in chattering crowds over the calabashes -of vegetable dye, white, scarlet, black, or purple, with which they trace -upon each other the cunning patterns that make their only dresses. - -When these preparations are satisfactorily advanced the chief, or some -one in authority, despatches his invitations, no formal cards entrusted -to a postman, but a summons mysterious as a Marconigram, and imperious -as a writ of the High Court. The chief takes his stand between the -_manguare_, the signal drums slung from the rafters of the great house, -and with the rubber-headed drumstick he beats out as message sonorous -notes that travel to every Indian within eight or nine miles. This -summons is no mere manipulation of the four notes which constitute the -range of the instrument, but an articulate message to convey the time, -the place, and the purpose of the meeting to the initiated. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLIII. - -HALF GOURDS DECORATED WITH INCISED PATTERNS, MADE BY WITOTO NEAR THE -MOUTH OF THE KARA PARANA RIVER - -DUKAIYA (OKAINA) RATTLE MADE BY NUTSHELLS] - -The numbers who congregate for a dance were a constant source of -astonishment to me. Out of the silent and trackless bush scores of -expectant guests, all painted and feathered, will pour into the clearing -about the _maloka_, at the time appointed by the signal drum, and by -nightfall some hundreds are gathered. Great bonfires are set ablaze, -and the interior of the tribal lodge, where the chief has a place in -the centre, flares ruddy with the light of torches. The men make loud -clangour with their instruments, flutes, pan-pipes, or drums, and out in -the clearing they form into line, clutching their jingling dance-poles, -while the women form up facing them. Led by a strenuous tribesman -clattering with nuts and dried seeds, the line begins its perambulation -of the _maloka_. Forward two steps--_thud!_ Backward two steps--_thud!_ -Clattering and pattering, with the fifes shrieking high above all other -sounds, as the drums growl deep below, the procession slowly encircles -the _maloka_, and then enters. In a frenzied flutter of feathers and -leaves the performers move round the chief, to a jangle of seed-pods and -rattles, till the company is completed, and the tribal lodge is packed -with the dancers, when he signals for silence. The dance stops. The -instruments cease their outcry, and in the sudden contrast of silence the -chief sings a line which is the keynote of the occasion, the explanation, -the reason for the assembly. Then dance and song begin, while those who -are not taking active part squat round upon their haunches and ejaculate -hoarse cries of approval and encouragement at intervals. - -As aforesaid, any excuse is good enough reason for such festival. Dances -take place continuously: at the harvest of the pine-apple and the manioc; -at the conclusion of a successful hunt or war-expedition; and at such -other times in the Amazonian season as the chief feels moved to give -entertainment. As the weather does not vary sufficiently to influence the -harvesting of the crops at any particular date, there is no equivalent -to our harvest; and, though manioc is planted as a rule just before the -heaviest annual rainfall becomes due, there is no part of the year when -some of the roots are not ready to gather. Pines are most plentiful -in October, and it is then that the special pine-apple dances take -place.[314] - -The dance takes its character from the occasion. The dancing staff, -unless the dance is in honour of some specific thing, is undecorated, -merely furnished with a calabash that contains nuts, or with a carved -head hollowed for the same purpose, and is sometimes hung with bunches of -dried seeds that rattle when shaken or when knocked on the ground. These -form important additions to the orchestra, and to the garters and anklets -strapped to the legs. Very often the Indian decorates his staff with -palm leaves merely for ornament, but in the harvest dances the staves -are adorned with bunches of whatever crop is to be honoured--a tuft of -pine-apple leaves or a bundle of manioc shoots. The Yakuna carve patterns -on their dance staves.[315] Among the Tureka, north of the Japura, dance -staves are a most important possession, and are looked on with great -affection by their owners. The Tureka men wear aprons when dancing, -and use clappers in one hand, instead of the horns and rattle used -alternately by the Tukana.[316] The Menimehe carries a club in his right -hand. On the Tikie, dancers are said to hold a flute in the left hand, -and always to have a green twig under their girdle. Koch-Grünberg further -states that they have clay whistles with which they blow at dances as -well as for signals. These are not customs of the Issa-Japura tribes. - -The soloist who leads the dancers from the start outside the _maloka_ -very probably commences by executing some fancy high stepping. He may, -for instance, prance like a stallion, and this is calculated to amuse the -company immensely. When the performers get too heated by their exertions -in the house they will file outside, still dancing, and after a few turns -on the open space in front of the _maloka_, will return within. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLIV. - -OKAINA GIRLS PAINTED FOR DANCE] - -Among the Okaina and the Boro the hand is often placed on the far -shoulder of the next in line. I especially remember one endless dance in -an Okaina house in which all free performers were double locked, while -those in possession of staves or rattles were content with a single lock -to allow freedom for one hand. The dancers invariably stand in single -file, usually with one hand resting on the shoulder of the next in -line. The Menimehe and most other tribes place the left hand on their -neighbour’s right shoulder, but, according to Koch-Grünberg, tribes -on the Tikie place the right hand, though the Tukana rest the left. -The figure is composed of a broken circle of men thus linked together, -whilst in their free hands they hold the dancing staves, rattles, or -flutes. Within, and concentric, is the ring of women dancers, who face -the men and maintain a time which is complementary and not identical -with theirs.[317] North of the Japura in some cases the women dance -between the men in the same circle,[318] or the men and the younger girls -dance round the elder women. When dancing, personal touch is not tabu -or disliked, possibly because it is ceremonial or conventional. In most -of these dances the woman who is not engaged in the inner circle of the -select--the complementary figure of the dance--places herself outside the -outer circle with her left hand on the left shoulder of the man of her -choice. Her frontal portion is thus at right angles, and away from that -of her man. - -The rhythm of the dance is always very marked. The figures and steps -are simple, neither suggestive nor lascivious, and wholly destitute of -the lustful invitation of the dances of the East. The step is almost -invariably a high, prancing flexion of the thigh upon the body, followed -by a deliberate extension to the ground, repeated two or three times, the -advance being completed with a resounding stamp of the right foot upon -the earth, according to the accentuation of the measure. The same steps -are repeated backwards in retiring, although less ground is covered, so -that the dancers sway rhythmically forward and backward; but the end of -each movement finds the whole line advanced some little distance from -where it was at the conclusion of the previous one. The forward movement -may be described simply as, right foot forward, left foot forward, stamp -with right, right foot backward, left foot backward, right foot back -in position, toe on ground, to start _da capo_ right foot forward, -in uninterrupted repetition. Spruce has described this movement as “a -succession of dactyls.”[319] In stamping, which is done by all the -dancers in unison, the knee is brought up to a right angle with the -trunk, and the foot then thrust down with the whole weight of the body. -Toe with right is the same motion as stamp right, but with only a slight -flexion of the knee, and comparatively noiseless. The circles move to the -right, continuing, but almost imperceptibly on account of slight change -of ground. The Tureka make a jump before the stamp, shout at the end of -the figure, and whistle through their teeth. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLV. - -BORO DANCING - -GROUP OF NONUYA, MEN AND WOMEN] - -While the principal dance is in progress a frequent form of side-show to -the main entertainment is the entrance of a tribesman with a grievance. -He will have made for himself the most remarkable costume he can devise, -and to ensure that he shall gain attention, wears upon his head a -veritable “_matinée_ hat” of absurd proportions.[320] He pays no heed -to the dance when he comes into the _maloka_, but stalks solemnly to a -position in the sight of all, though he will keep out of the actual track -of the dancers. Then, standing stock-still with upraised hand, facing -neither the performers nor the “sitters out,” but in any chance position, -he raises his staff and begins to recite his complaint to a monotonous -refrain. The following is a typical instance of what may be chanted: - - There came a man this morning to our lodge-- - A man who took cassava from my woman. - Cassava she gave him in exchange for two pines, - For two pines she gave him much cassava. - But where are the pines? - Where are the pines he promised? - Was this man a thief?-- - This man who took cassava from my woman.[321] - -Or the complaint might run: - - I came in with meat; - The hungry man took my meat, - But promised me bread. - He gave me no bread, - And my belly is empty. - -The following is a complaint made by a Boro chief’s daughter of her -treatment by her own tribe: - - The chief’s daughter was lost in the bush, - And no one came to find the spoor; - The branches were broken and the leaves were turned, - And no one came to find the spoor. - And where were my brothers and the sons of the chief’s brothers, - That no one came to find the spoor? etc. - -The petitioner will repeat his or her song for hours without ceasing. -To all appearance no one takes the slightest notice of his presence, -unless the dance should come to an end during the recitation, when the -performers jeer and laugh at his tale of woe. This has no effect upon the -plaintiff, who continues gravely to voice his grievance. The chief must, -however, take note of the matter, and if it be thought of sufficient -importance it is brought up for discussion and judgment at the next -tribal conference in tobacco palaver. At any rate, this method of airing -a grievance has the effect of placing the culprit on the black-list, in -view of the resultant publicity; and the natural wariness that is shown -by others of the tribe in all dealings with such suspect for the future, -is in itself a punishment for the crime. - -It is difficult in the extreme to obtain any reliable evidence of the -existence of initiation dances. Sixty years ago Dr. Russell Wallace -described as the initiation dance of the girls of the Uaupes a dance -which, six years ago, Dr. Koch-Grünberg, the latest and most painstaking -of Amazonian investigators, found as a Jurupari ceremony confined to -men on the river Aiary. The dance is the same in each case, and depends -for its distinction upon the infliction of serious bodily injury. The -mysteries of initiation, as has been said, have not yet been fathomed in -the Amazons, nor have those of Jurupari. There is undoubtedly a dance -in which the performers beat their fellows with lianas until the blood -is drawn and the victims faint with pain, but no white man has yet -spoken with certainty upon its origin.[322] The dance is not known in -the district between the Issa and the Japura, nor do the mysteries of -initiation fall to be discussed in this chapter. Those are not matters -which are readily laid bare to even the most enterprising investigator in -the haunts of the aborigines. - -According to Koch-Grünberg’s account, all the women, accompanied by the -smaller boys, leave the _maloka_ directly the notes of the flutes are -heard, and either hide in the woods or in another house with closed -exits. The performers circle round in quick marching time, blowing their -flutes, which each holds in his right hand, his left resting on the right -shoulder of the next man. At the completion of the circle they stand in -line. One dancer then draws the long whip they all carry under their -right arms, and while his companion holds his flute high up, blowing -lustily, he gives him three blows on the side and stomach heavy enough to -draw blood freely. This continues till all have taken part. There is no -singing, but the gaping wounds and much drinking of _kashiri_ rouse the -performers to a state of wild excitement. This dance is followed by an -ordinary one, in which the women take part.[323] Obviously none of the -Issa-Japura tribes practise this dance, for I never saw any signs of the -scars that must inevitably remain on the bodies of dancers cut in this -wholesale fashion. - -The account given by Bates of a dance at the Feast of Fruits among the -Juri and the Passé Indians is an equally good description of some of the -Issa-Japura harvest dances. The men carry long reeds instead of javelins, -and with their left hands on their neighbours’ right shoulders move -slowly to right and to left. The accompaniment is a song as drawling and -monotonous as the movement, which will be continued for upwards of an -hour at a time.[324] - -In the pine-apple dance the Indians tie pine leaves to boughs and wave -them as they move. The women of the chief, and possibly all the women -of the tribe, form a semicircle with the chief in the centre, sometimes -alone, sometimes with others. They carry the mid-rib of the Trooly palm -or some similar wand, with a small pine, or often the pine-top, tied to -the end. - -The proceedings at all harvest dances are very similar. I give as example -a Boro dance at the gathering of the manioc, which is but an excuse for -this dance, as manioc is pulled up at all times and seasons. As is almost -universal in Indian dancing, the outer circle, or rather semicircle, -is composed of men. The women, fewer in number, stand together in the -centre, or each behind the man of her choice. Their dancing staves are -all decorated with bunches of manioc shoots. The woman, with the nearer -hand resting on the man’s shoulder, keeps step with him, moving to her -own front and not sideways like the man, though in the same direction. -The inner group face the circle of men, and their steps are complementary -to those of the men, and not identical with them. The chief starts the -dance with the first line of the song, his wife replies, and her answer -is echoed by the chorus of the chief’s women. - - _Chief._ - - I am old and weak and my belly craves food. - Who has sown the _pika_[325] in the _emie_?[326] - - _Wife._ - - I have sown the _pika_ long, long ago. - The _maica_[327] is sown with young shoots. - - _Chorus._ - - We have sown the _pika_ long, long ago. - The _maica_ is sown with young shoots. - - _Chief._ - - I am old and weak and my belly craves food. - Who has cut the _pika_ in the _emie_? - - _Wife._ - - I, even I myself, have cut the _maica_. - The _maica_ is cut in the _emie_. - - _Chorus._ - - We, even we ourselves, have cut the _maica_. - The _maica_ is cut in the _emie_. - - _Chief._ - - I am old and weak and my belly craves food. - Who has soaked the _maica_ for the _mao_?[328] - - _Wife._ - - I, even I myself, have soaked the _maica_. - I have soaked the _maica_ for the _mao_. - - _Chorus._ - - We, even we ourselves, have soaked the _maica_. - We have soaked the _maica_ for the _mao_. - -The whole process of growing, harvesting, and preparing the manioc for -cassava is thus related, then the chief will ask: - - Who has made the _mao_ that I may eat? - That my belly may swell with _mao_? - - _Wife._ - - I, even I, have made the _mao_, - And my belly will swell with _mao_. - - _Chorus._ - - We, even we ourselves, have made the _mao_. - We will all eat that our bellies may swell, - That our bellies may swell with _mao_. - - _Chief._ - - _Ina? ina?_[329] that your bellies are swollen? - Who has eaten the _mao_ from the _pika_-- - The _pika_ in the _emie_? - -The suggestion is obviously that the women have stolen and eaten the -cassava of the chief, but it is made solely to bring in the sexual -suggestion. The women deny the imputation, and declare that their bellies -are empty, or that they are great with child, not swollen with _mao_. -The chief will then ask why, or when, the belly fills with child, and so -the song continues on the lines of the sexual ideas introduced until the -finale is reached, when the chief would sing: - - _Imine, imine_, - The women are good women, - _Imine_.[330] - -[Illustration: PLATE XLVI. - -MUENANE DANCE] - -The Muenane, who occupy a part of the central Issa-Japura watershed, -between the Andoke and the Resigero, possess a dance of their own, which -has travelled into many of the other tribes south of the Japura, and has -become very popular.[331] This is a combination of a riddle and an animal -dance. The figure is formed as in the pine-apple dance, but the centre is -taken by a warrior who has gained a reputation as a wit. His business is -to ask a riddle, which will in all probability be an original one, and he -asks it after the manner of a chant. Naturally a man with at least the -indigenous sense of wit is loudly applauded and received with shrieks of -laughter from the outset. The dancers take up the chanted question as -they rotate round the questioner. At the end of the measure the dance -stops, and the riddler rushes frantically round the circle with a lighted -torch, looking, like Alcibiades, for a man--to answer his riddle. He -stops suddenly, thrusts his torch into the face of a performer, and, -peering into his eyes to seek for some sign of answering intelligence, -repeats his question. The answer, if in the negative, is given--whatever -the tribe dancing may be--in the tongue of the originators of the dance, -Muenane--“Jana” (I do not know). The dancer thereupon, having failed to -reply correctly, is then impressed to be a follower of the questioner, -and must rush after him and imitate all his antics, which are apparently -to give the clue to the riddle. In a short time a long single file of -these failures is engaged in presenting a burlesque of the habits of the -animal whose name is the answer required. The first performer who guesses -correctly becomes the questioner in turn, and the dance starts afresh. - -It may be pertinent here to relate an incident which tends to convey at -least an insight into the Indian character, the lack of altruism, the -love of discomfiture of others. On one occasion the questioner--evidently -to take a rise out of a stranger, and being intoxicated, if not with coca -at least with the dancing mania--thrust his torch into my face, nearer -than would be tolerated in the usual way. I quickly placed my foot on his -chest, with the resultant back-somersault of torch and man. The shrieks -of laughter lasted a considerable time. I was the hero of the hour, and -custom decreed that the victim should laugh at his own discomfiture. - -All Indians are clever mimics, and the fidelity with which they reproduce -the actions of jaguars, tapirs, monkeys, parrots, and other familiar -animals of the bush is remarkable. The riddles are nearly always -concerned with animals, and the test of wit is the amount of sexual -suggestion contained in the reply.[332] A typical query is, “When is a -howler-monkey not a howler?” The answer would be, “When he is covering -his mate.” The dumb show of the actors delights the audience, and -leaves no small characteristic to the imagination. The riddles may defy -translation, but the actions are certainly not beyond interpretation. - -In this connection it is well to refer again to the subject of dance -intoxication. The excitement due to rhythmic motion struck me very -forcibly. It should be remembered too that the men are heroic cocainists, -and this stimulant, in forcing the imagination, undoubtedly for the -moment--_qua_ alcohol--has an aphrodisiacal tendency. The sexual -innuendoes of the songs, though not of the dance, increase the effect. It -must also be borne in mind that five days and nights is not an uncommon -limit to one dance. It may cease at sunrise for a short space, and -individuals, of course, rest and sleep as nature may dictate, but never, -to my knowledge, for any length of time. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLVII. - -OKAINA DANCE] - -On one occasion I was witness to the most remarkable salacity on the part -of an individual. In my innocence I considered it part of the dance, and -was satisfied with the idea that I had at last happed upon the indigenous -counterpart of the coition and parturition dances of the East. It was -not until the man was restrained by order of the chief that the true -facts were realised.[333] But this was exceptional. The dance is carried -on with frenzy and excitement, but with nothing beyond that. It never -touches eroticism.[334] The dance never ends, as we know ending. It -dwindles to cessation. - -Another dance, much appreciated by the tribes between the Issa and the -Japura, is not very dissimilar in essentials from the musical chairs of -our childhood. The dancers form into a line, or two parallel lines, and, -headed by the song-leader, carry out the customary step in single file. -At the leader’s mention of a certain word, or perhaps a certain subject, -previously agreed upon, the whole line must right-about turn, and pick -up the step again without losing a beat. Those who fail are withdrawn -from the line. The dance continues until the fittest alone remain, and is -productive of general amusement. - -But there are more tragic inspirations for a dance than the guessing -of riddles or the garnering of the crops. I refer to the triumphant -home-coming of tribal warriors, laden with booty from the war-path, -with a band of doomed prisoners. The treatment of the latter and their -disposal at the feast have been already dealt with. But the cannibal -ritual of insult is not the end. When the orgy of blood and gluttony is -over, the warriors must dance. Only the men may take part in the feast, -so only the men may participate in this dance. The music is chiefly -that of the drums, and to their gloomy rolling--according to Robuchon’s -account--the warriors lurch portentously, drunk already with victory, and -excited by dancing. They break apart frequently to stir the great troughs -of liquor with the forearms of their dead enemies, and to quaff deep -calabashes full of drink. Then they stagger back to the wild intoxication -of the dance. Their songs become shrieks, demoniacal, hellish. For eight -days this horrible dance of triumph continues, while the captive boys and -girls, young enough to be saved from the fate of the earthen pot, cower -in the darkness of the _maloka_ and suffer, perforce in silence, the -gibes of the women. But this scene defies description. - -Set against the darkly impressive background of the forest any tribal -dance gives an amazing effect of kaleidoscopic light and colour when, -with nightfall, by the flare of great fires and the glow of torches, the -performance begins. The chosen soloist of the tribe jangling his circlets -of nuts, sounding his gourd rattle, in a falsetto voice sings the ancient -air of the dance. The warriors follow the melody in canon. Then slowly -the great line of naked men, arms interlocked about each other’s necks, -surges forward two steps in perfect time, pauses a moment, then recedes -two steps. In a little while the whole earth shakes with the swing of the -movement. It is like the flowing and ebbing of mighty waves upon a shore. -It intoxicates with the recurrence of the accentuation. Slowly round the -big _maloka_ the procession passes, swaying in unison. The streaked and -banded women dance uniformly in an opposite direction. The fires splutter -and blaze. The torches cast strange shadows. The flutes, the pan-pipes, -and the drums blare, bleat, and boom their barbaric accompaniment. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLVIII. - -OKAINA DANCE] - -It is a mad festival of savagery. The naked men are wildly excited; their -eyes glare, their nostrils quiver, but they are not drunk. The naked -women abandon themselves to the movement of the dance; they scream their -chorus to the tribal dance-song; but they are not lewd. There is about -it an all-pervading, illimitable delirium. The wild outburst affects -even the stranger in their midst. Forgotten cells in his brain react to -the stimulus of the scene. He is no longer apart, alien in speech and -feeling. He locks arms in the line of cannibals, sways in rhythm with -them, stamps as solemnly, and sings the meaningless words as fervently -as the best of them. He has bridged an age of civilisation, and returned -to barbarism in the debased jetsam of the river banks. It is the strange -fascination of the Amazons. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - - Songs the essential element of native dances--Indian - imagination and poetry--Music entirely ceremonial--Indian - singing--Simple melodies--Words without meaning--Sense - of time--Limitations of songs--Instrumental - music--Pan-pipes--Flutes and fifes--Trumpets--Jurupari music and - ceremonial--Castanets--Rattles--Drums--The _manguare_--Method of - fashioning drums--Drum language--Signal and conversation--Small - hand-drums. - - -In considering the native dances it must be remembered that the -accompanying songs are essential elements of the entertainment: they -mark the character of the dance; and equally, in considering the songs, -it must be remembered that the imagination of the native never goes -beyond the relation of the sexes. The Indian’s poetry is an inverted -form of romanticism. Instead of seeking to give rhythmical expression -to an idealisation, to find in the beauties of Nature an analogy to the -realities of Life, he reverses the process. For instance, he views a -ripe fruit, and it only suggests to him a pregnant woman. In all such -natural phenomena as he recognises he notes but the crude, if possibly -the scientific, origin. In the most ordinary conversation he refers to -conditions that appear indecent in common print; they are, however, -undetachable from him. - -So it is that in his songs he debases idealism, does not elevate realism. -His poetry is on a par with that of the music-hall comedian who conceals -a mass of filth under avowedly innocent words--but the intention is very -different. The Indian possesses no other verbal vehicle, knows no other -source of inspiration. His imagination is bound by his vocabulary, as his -vocabulary is limited by his imagination. Curiously enough the effect -upon his audience is gained by the same means as those employed by the -red-nosed singer in the places of entertainment south of the Bridges, -and is almost identical in degree. Some of the Londoners of the County -Council schools have advanced ethically but little beyond their naked -brothers of the Amazonian bush. - -These Indians cannot be said to love music for its own sake. The use of -music in any form is almost entirely ceremonial. They neither sing nor -play instruments as a rule merely for pleasure. On the occasions of their -festivals and dances, though, they give evidence of the possession of -voices of considerable flexibility. They also display much ingenuity in -the manufacture of their instruments, and, next to their weapons, the -pan-pipes, flutes, and drums are most carefully fashioned and preserved. -In fact, these take precedence over all domestic implements, and even -most ornaments. - -The native singing voice is loud, high, and shrill. The male leader--as -a rule it is a man who is appointed, and he may be any one who knows -the old songs--sings the solo, to give the chorus their cue, in a high -falsetto which is very penetrating, and marks both time and tune for the -others to follow in canon. The song is started softly, and gradually -increases both in volume and speed. According to the circumstances, the -subject, and the occasion, the men sing alone, the women sing alone, or -the men and women combine as in the tribal dances. Most of the singing -is done in unison, with a regular drone accompaniment from those not -actually articulating the words. The songs are sung in regular time, to -the accompaniment of stamping, but not with hand-clapping. The melodies -are simple, and in the definite tribal songs consist of little more than -a single phrase that seems to admit of no variation, and is repeated _ad -libitum_, as, for example, _Mariana Keibeio_, a Boro tribal song. The -tune of this, notated from memory, and in part from a phonograph record, -runs approximately, so far as it can be rendered in our notation: - -[Illustration] - -What this implies no Indian now knows, for with all tribal songs the -natives offer no explanation of their meaning or their origin. They are -the songs that their fathers sang, and one can find no evidence of the -amendation or emendation of the score on the part of their descendants. -These tribal lays are so old that the words are obsolete and no longer -understood by the singers; what is of importance is the rhythm, and -to that, as is common with uncivilised peoples, the music is largely -subordinated. It is but an accompaniment to the dancing. “The sense of -time” in the Indian, as Stevenson noted among the South Sea Islanders, -“is extremely perfect,” and one might complete the quotation and add, “I -conceive in such a festival that almost every sound and movement fell in -one.”[335] It is not an easy matter to discuss, because the English and -the Indian standpoint are so diametrically opposite. So far as I could -judge the tunes are usually in a minor key, both melody and harmony being -of the simplest. - -There are no love-songs among the Indians, for the poetic conception of -love does not exist. Sacred songs and nursery songs are equally lacking. -A mother never croons to her baby; she does not understand a lullaby. -War-songs are merely the expression of the war-dance; they depend for -their significance upon the words and for their ferocity upon the grim -accentuation of the chorus. - -At the time of the harvest of pine-apples, when the great dance is held, -the men sing the challenge, and the women reply in their own defence. The -songs are similar to that sung at the manioc-gathering dance, and I have -previously tried to give some idea of such a song. - -Apart from the traditional songs of the tribes, which are sacred and -unchangeable, the Indians are very fond of a form of song which is -really a game rather than a musical effusion. More correctly, perhaps, -it should be called a ballad.[336] A leader of acknowledged fertility of -imagination and fluency of expression is appointed, as for the Muenane -riddle dance, and will collect the members of the tribe for what is -actually an impromptu dance. He, or she, will chant to an improvised air -with a simple rhythm, while the chorus repeat each line or its burden as -a refrain. Such songs give opportunity for all the wit of the tribe. They -are designed either to honour or to ridicule the subject of the ballad. -In reality a composition of this description takes hours to sing. The -first wit propounds the question, the chorus repeat it, and the second -wit then suggests the answer, which is again repeated by all amid much -laughter, and the repetition is continued not once but twenty times, -until the first wit breaks in with a new query. This is a very favourite -game among the women. - -The following is an attempt to suggest the song-words of a dance -performed by some Witoto for my benefit, though I do the Indians too much -justice, give too great an idea of continuity, in this version. There is -no cohesion in their productions, and reiteration is the salient feature -of all. The sound and the rhythm suggested to me at the time the metre -of _Hiawatha_, so I give this song in an attempt at Hiawathian measure. -But the adaptation is really too varied for the Indian original. I was -outside the _maloka_ when the women started--no men took part--and they -danced in front of me. After a time I went inside, and the performers -promptly followed me, and continued to dance in the central space of the -house. Naturally not one word would have been sung if these dancers had -known it would be interpreted to me. - - To our tribe there comes a stranger, - Comes a welcomed, honoured stranger. - And whence comes to us this stranger? - From what far and foreign country? - Wherefore comes this friend among us? - What the quest that brings him hither? - Are there in his native country - Empty fields and unkind women, - That he comes to seek among us. - So to satisfy his wishes? - - By what name is called the stranger? - Tell us what his people call him. - Call him Whiffena Ri-e-i; - Call him Whiffena, the White Man. - Partly, too, his name’s Itoma. - But--his friends and bosom cronies-- - Tell us, how do they address him? - He is nicknamed by his cronies - Ei-fo-ke, the Turkey Buzzard. - - Ei-fo-ke, the Turkey Buzzard, - Is this, then, the name endearing - That his lovers whisper to him - When of him they grow enamoured? - No, not good! The Turkey Buzzard - Is a bird with beak of scarlet, - Yes, a long sharp beak of scarlet. - And a loose and hanging wattle. - No, his name is not Ei-fo-ke. - Let his love-name be Okaina! - -This went on _ad nauseam_. The true object in all such songs is to bring -in and discuss sexual matters, and no song has advanced far before it has -become essentially carnal in idea and thoroughly licentious in expression. - -Although instruments are always employed at the dances they do not seem -to be introduced with any idea of organised accompaniment, but only to -help swell the body of sound. The natives, being ignorant of the use of -metal, have been forced to make their instruments entirely of vegetable -substances; the only other material used is bone, human bone, _bien -entendu_, and judging from a specimen presented by Robuchon to the -British Museum, the shell of a small land tortoise. Their instruments of -percussion are drums, castanets, and rattles: their wind-instruments are -flutes and pan-pipes. Very rarely a solitary Indian may be found playing -the flute, apparently for his personal amusement and solace. As a rule, -it is merely used in combination with its fellows to increase the volume -of sound without heed to its proper place in harmony. - -[Illustration: PLATE XLIX. - -PANPIPES] - -The pan-pipes are the simplest of all instruments of Amazonian music -to make, and are the most universally popular. They consist of a -bundle of reeds--three, five, six, seven, ten, or even seventeen in -number--bound together with palm-fibre, or, on the Napo, with finely -split cane. Although the pipes are cut to lengths yielding the necessary -musical intervals, the number seems to be purely arbitrary. They are -used in concert with all other instruments, and mark so much of tune -as the Indian orchestra strives to attain. The pan-pipes shown in the -accompanying illustration are Witoto instruments contrasted with the -neater finish of one made on the Napo. The latter has the greater number -of pipes, and all relatively smaller. There is nothing complicated about -the make of either set. The cane pipes are cut immediately below the -natural joint, and the node is thus made to serve as a stop.[337] - -The ubiquitous bamboo also furnishes the material for a larger flute, -and flutes or fifes are made out of the arm-bones of prisoners taken in -battle. After the victim is killed and eaten the humerus is cleaned, its -extremities opened, and the soft matrix scooped out. Finger-holes are -bored in the shaft of the bone, usually three in number, but occasionally -five. When human bones are not forthcoming the tribesman uses the -leg-bone of a jaguar. This is opened at the end and furnished with a -wax stop that leaves a small canal open to a three-cornered air-hole. -Occasionally one of these flutes is made with both ends open, in which -case a square or semicircular hole is cut out from the upper rim. The -flute is held against the lower lip, and commonly has three, or more -rarely four, sound-holes. Flutes are also made of heron-bones, open at -the lower end, with a square air-hole, and generally four sound-holes. -These have mouthpieces made of leaves, and their tones are exceedingly -shrill. But the most curious instruments of which I have note are -flutes made from skulls of animals, by covering them with pitch, and -only leaving open the holes of the nose and the occipital bone. One -hole is blown through, the other is the sounding-hole. Many of the -Indian instruments, especially the bone flutes, are gaily ornamented -with elaborate incised patterns that are dyed black and red with -vegetable extracts. The flutes are also adorned with tassels of cotton or -palm-fibre. - -The flute or fife is played from the extremity that is rudely fashioned -into a mouthpiece. No native trumpets are provided with sliding tubes -like the familiar trombone, and there is no plug in the mouth-hole. Nor -are any of the Amazonian wind-instruments fitted with a vibrating reed. -There are no bagpipes, and, in the regions I traversed, no stringed -instruments. Certain tribes north of the Japura, notably the Desana, use -whistles made of clay, which they employ both as alarm signals and as -adjuncts to the dance. - -Trumpets of bark and bamboo have an irregular distribution. Many tribes -dispense with them on all ordinary occasions, and confine their use to -Jurupari music. These sacred instruments constitute one of the most -profound mysteries of the Amazon. They are lengthy affairs, made from the -hollow stem of a palm, and fitted with a trumpet mouthpiece. The note -is akin to that of the bassoon. These trumpets are tribal possessions, -and are kept concealed at a distance from the _maloka_, in a hut which -the women are never permitted to enter, and where the various secret -paraphernalia connected with boy initiation--such as the whips of tapir -hide--are stored. It is a capital crime for any woman even to set eyes -upon them. The Jurupari trumpet is as tabu to Indian women as the -bull-roarer of the Australian native is to his women-folk.[338] The -Indian girls are brought up in the belief that the music of the trumpets -is an essential element in the exorcism of the evil spirit from the -body of the youthful initiate, and that any interference on their part -must lead to the eternal residence of such spirit in the novice, to the -consequent disaster of the tribe, and this belief holds good all their -lives.[339] No sooner is Jurupari music heard approaching the _maloka_ -than all the women and uninitiated hurry to the bush, and remain in -hiding until the ceremony is concluded and the trumpets have been -returned to their tabernacle. What the ceremony may be is held a profound -secret, and the punishment for infringement is death.[340] As a rule two -of these sacred trumpets are used, and they are tuned to the same pitch, -though differing in their tone according to their length. They are only -used north of the Japura; south of that river the tribes have no Jurupari -music and only know them as employed ceremonially by their neighbours in -connection with initiation secrets to frighten their women. - -The Tukana when dancing use a trumpet alternately with their rattles; and -the Indians north of the Japura have regular castanets, made of blocks -of hard wood, which are manipulated with one hand, much in the manner -that the nigger-minstrel plays the “bones.” All the tribes make rattles -of small gourds by the simple method of partly filling the calabash -with dried seeds, or fruit stones, and inserting a wooden handle so -that they can be shaken in time to the dance. Some of these are of the -roughest, the stick of the handle quite untrimmed; others are more finely -finished, and the polished black surface of the gourd may be ornamented -with designs in colour, or incised patterns. But these are by no means -the only rattles used at a dance. The Indians have them of many kinds -and descriptions. The smaller are worn as armlets, wristlets, leglets, -and anklets. These are made of nuts, strung with coloured beads on palm -fibre, and very carefully fashioned. The leg rattles are frequently -handsome ornaments, the rich brown of the glossy nutshell making a -splendid contrast with the blue or red of the Brummagem beads. The finest -are made from a nut not unlike the Brazil nut of commerce in shape, but -less angular. That shown in Plate XLIII. has natural groovings and marks -which give the polished sections the appearance of being engraved. A -section of the shell is cut off, thoroughly cleaned and polished, then -attached by a short string of beads to the main leg- or arm-band from -which these nut sections hang bell-like. The arm rattles are made of -smaller nuts, some are not unlike an oval hazelnut, flat on one side, -cut in half and highly polished. The nut is, roughly speaking, some -three-quarters of an inch across and long. These also are hung on threads -of beads pendant a quarter of an inch apart from the connecting beaded -string. Leg rattles are made of larger nuts, and one variety is made in -the form of a bunch, not a band or chain. The beads used for these are -blue and red in colour, and the bunch of nuts on their beaded strings is -fastened with plaited palm-fibre beneath the knee. The whole effect is -most distinctly ornamental. The jangle of two or three of these nutshell -bells is not unpleasant: there is almost a tinkle in their clatter, but -the volume of sound obtainable from a number of them is remarkable, and -so is the precision with which they accentuate the rhythm of movement. - -The Indians have no cymbals, gongs, or bells; but the drum is an -important factor not only in native music, but in native life. The drum -is the telegraph of the Amazons. In fact, the most remarkable of all the -native instruments is the _manguare_ or signal drum. Although the primary -use of this drum is to signal, it is utilised on great occasions as an -addition to the aboriginal orchestra. To make this important adjunct -of the _maloka_ two blocks of hard wood are chosen, some six feet in -length, and about twenty-four inches in diameter. These blocks are very -carefully hollowed out by means of heated stones that are introduced -through a narrow longitudinal slit, and char the interior. Instead of -endeavouring, however, as would be the case with an ordinary drum, to -contrive as nearly perfect a cylinder as possible, the object of the -signal-drum maker is to obtain a husk of varying thicknesses, so as to -secure differences in note. Accordingly, with his rude implements, hot -stones, capybara-tooth borer, and stone axe, he fashions the interior -of the drum in such a manner that the outer shell, the sounding-board, -varies in thickness from half an inch to four inches. Two blocks are -used; the smaller is called the male, and the larger the female. The ends -are simply the wood of the tree which is not removed, all the hollowing -being accomplished by means of the grooved slit. When finished these are -suspended by withes at an oblique angle, one end much higher than the -other--say six feet and three feet respectively from the ground. They -hang from the rafters of the _maloka_, or from an upright frame, and -present the appearance of two barrels surmounted by a narrow slit.[341] - -[Illustration: FIG. 9.] - -The musician takes his stand between these drums and, with a wooden -mallet headed with a knob of rubber, beats out his message or his -tune. Altogether he has a range of four notes--two low ones on the -female _manguare_, and two high ones on the male. On these he rings the -changes with great rapidity, and produces a sound which, though not -startlingly loud, has such penetrating qualities that it can be heard -twenty miles away. He beats very quickly in short and long strokes, not -unlike the Morse Code. By means of the _manguare_ a skilled signaller -can carry on a conversation as accurately as a telegraph operator at -St. Martin’s-le-Grand, or a soldier with a heliograph--but how he -does it is another secret of the Amazonian bush. When used for its -proper purpose as signal drum, the Boro and the Okaina can carry on -conversations upon almost any subject within their ken. Other tribes are -only able to distinguish between a warning of danger and an invitation -to a dance. Brown could use the drum for small matters--he could hurry -the bearers out of the bush for example. He said there was no code, -but that the signaller tried to represent the sound of words with the -drum, and Indians invariably told me that they made the words with -the drum. However, with a language dependent on inflection, as theirs -unquestionably is, there must be a code of some description. - -India-rubber, which has added a new and awful terror to the life of the -forest Indian, is only employed by these tribes to make the drum mallet, -used with the _manguare_, and the latex for depilatory purposes. The -Witoto call the mallet _ouaki_, the drum is _hugwe_. - -These great signal drums have designs worked upon them in which the -organs associated with the presumed sex of the instrument are prominent; -and, after the manner of the natives, both instruments are invariably -distinguished internally with the proper sexual characters, the female -drum having two breasts pendant inside. - -Even in the construction of a small playing drum much time and ingenuity -are expended. First an aeta palm[342] is selected, cut down, and a -section of the trunk laboriously hacked off. This section in turn is -carefully hollowed, until only a thin shell remains. Some tribes use -a section of bamboo in place of the hollowed palm, but these never -secure so fine an instrument or so fine a note as the palm trunk -makes. Over the two ends of the cylinder dried monkey skin is tightly -stretched--preferably that of the howler monkey, as it is popularly -supposed to produce a louder and more rolling sound. Some tribes then -fasten across one end of this drum a very tight cord, into the centre of -which has been tied a fine sliver of wood. By this means two notes are -obtained--the open note where nothing interferes with the vibrations of -the drumhead, and the closed note where the vibrations of the splinter -intersect those of the skin. A very inferior instrument is made with -agouti skin over a bamboo cylinder. The drums made on the Napo River -look very much like an English child’s toy drum, rather high and narrow, -and, of course, made entirely without metal. The sides bulge slightly, -and have crossed threads of fibre string. The vellum of the drumhead is -kept in its place tautly by a close-fitting ring. These drums are usually -decorated, and are objects of barter among many of the tribes. They are -played with the fingers only, not with drumsticks or mallet. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - - The Indians’ magico-religious system--The Good Spirit and the Bad - Spirit--Names of deities--Character of Good Spirit--His visit - to earth--Question of missionary influence--Lesser subordinate - spirits--Child-lifting--No prayer or supplication--Classification - of spirits--Immortality of the soul--Land of the - After-Life--Ghosts and name tabu--Temporary disembodied - spirits--Extra-mundane spirits--Spirits of particularised - evils--Spirits of inanimate objects--The jaguar and anaconda - magic beasts--Tiger folk--Fear of unknown--Suspicions about - camera--Venerated objects--Charms--Magic against magic--Omens. - - -Some travellers and writers have asserted that the Indian has no -religion. In the vulgarly-accepted meaning of the word he may have none. -There is great variation among the groups, the tribes even--I venture -to say--among the individuals. So far as they believe in anything they -believe in the existence of supreme good and bad spirits; but their -beliefs are always indefinite, only half understood even by themselves. -To a certain extent it is open to the medicine-man, the chief priest of -their magico-religious system, to vary, or even to disregard any current -belief. Among individuals are to be found sceptics of every grade. On -the whole their religion is a theism, inasmuch as their God has a vague, -personal, anthropomorphic existence. His habitat is above the skies, -the blue dome of heaven, which they look upon as the roof of the world -that descends on all sides in contact with the earth. Yet again it is a -pantheism, this God being represented in all beneficent nature; for every -good thing is imbued with his spirit, or with individual spirits subject -to him. - -In essence the idea of God is not that of a Supreme Being, and not -entirely that of a Creator, but rather that of a Superior Being, -possessed by an indulgent tolerance for all mankind. But he suggests only -the negative idea. He is a spirit of benevolent passivity. He is good -for no other reason than that he is not evil. There is no particularised -sanctity in his name, no adoration of his nebulous personality, only -an unquestioning acquiescence in his benignity. True, he is held in -high esteem, but that is because he permeates all in nature that is not -inimical, and thus demonstrates his kindly disposition. If the harvest -fails it is due to the malevolence of their _Diabolus_, or some of his -agents, yet if it be a good one the credit is due not to the Good Spirit, -but rather to the medicine-man for having with his magic frustrated the -machinations of the Bad Spirit. - -This Devil, or Bad Spirit, is affirmative in character, and is always -active. He must not be invoked, but he is to be prevented by charms and -magic from wreaking his vengeance on mankind, and must be placated at -all costs as the supreme author of sickness and misfortunes, and the -controlling power of malevolent nature. - -Both the Good and the Bad Spirit are attended by lesser spirits with -similar characteristics. So far as I could ascertain, there is no -suggestion that any of these supernatural beings ever lived in this -world, though they influence it so entirely, and can visit it at will. - -The Good Spirit may be more potent, but he is certainly more remote than -the Bad Spirit--too remote for ordinary people to be brought into any -degree of contact with him whatsoever. His influence, his benefits, are, -as he is, passive. The Bad Spirit, on the contrary, is of a ceaseless -energy. His active influence is invariably present. He is always exerting -his power in some definite, some concrete form. Poison, for example, -is an active agent. The devil in it works vigorously to the undoing of -his victim, definitely exercises a deleterious effect upon his enemy, -man. So, too, the rocks that bar the way upstream are more active than -passive. They repel, they may defeat the traveller, and, therefore, are -to be regarded also as the active agents of a hostile power. - -It is noteworthy in this connection that the Bad Spirit may be -materialised sufficiently to be able to carry a child bodily away, or to -steal a woman, should she stray out into the forest by herself.[343] For -this reason usually no woman will go alone into the bush, she will take -a companion with her, especially at night, for the demon is popularly -supposed to be unable to tackle more than one at a time, even if the -second be only a young child.[344] Women who run away from their husbands -are consequently said by them to have been taken by the devil. This is a -favourite theory, as the man may thereby avoid the censure or hostility -of the tribe. The men also do not care to be far in the bush alone, and -after dark nothing will induce an Indian voluntarily to embark on the -risk of adventuring into the forest by himself. - -One of the first difficulties met with when dealing in detail with the -religion of these peoples is their refusal to use the true name of any -spirit or deity. This has root in the same reason that ordains they shall -never disclose their own names, nor voluntarily except on rare occasions, -that is without questioning, the name of their tribe. - -In the Boro language we have the word _Neva_ as an equivalent for God, -the good or sympathetic deity, and the word _Navena_ for the Devil, -the great evil or antipathetic spirit, in fact the negative of all -represented by _Neva_. But inasmuch as _neva_ stands also for the sun, -the dawn, and the morning, while _navena_ is used for any spirit however -humble--whether the soul-part of a thing, animate or inanimate, or the -ghost or disembodied soul of the dead--we have a right to postulate -that such are not the true, or supposed self-appellated names of these -deities, but those that may be used without offence, and therefore free -of the consequent evils that the mention of the true name would entail on -the users. - -To give another example: In Witoto _Usiyamoi_ has the same meaning as God -in ordinary parlance; _Taife_ is the Devil, whereas _Taifeno_ is any bad -spirit whatever. But, again, the _Taife_, the dread of these people, the -all-pervading evil genius, is named _Apuehana_, a word never pronounced -above a whisper. Here then we may have reached a true secret name. - -The Boro _Neva_ and the Witoto _Usiyamoi_ are the _Tupano_ of the -Tupi-Guarani tribes of the east and the Negro River. This we find is the -_Apunchi-Yaya_ of the Guichua of the west, the Cachimana of the Orinoco. -_Navena_ and _Taife_ or _Apuehana_ are the same as the _Jurupari_ of -the north, the _Iolokiamo_ of the Orinoco, and the _Locazy_ of the -Ticuna.[345] - -To return to the personal characteristics of the two regnant powers, -the Good and the Bad Spirit, the former, though vague, is yet an -omnipotent tempestipresent deity, and, although passive, something more -than sympathetic and benevolent. He made the world, or it might be more -correct to put it that he permitted it to be created, for his amusement -and pleasure. When not otherwise engaged in his mysterious happy -hunting-grounds he keeps a watch over earth and over mankind. But so -great is he that no prayer or invocation is offered to him, nor, were it -offered, could he be thereby influenced.[346] It is because he is so big -a Chief that his attitude is entirely passive. Once Neva had forgotten -the puny human factor, so he took the guise of a man and came to earth. -The open spaces--the natural savannahs or geological outcrops--are where -he spoke to the Indians, and it is a sign of his speaking and of his -erstwhile presence that these are now open to the sun and the sky. But -one Indian vexed Neva, the Good Spirit, and he was wrath with all men, -so he went again to sit on the roof of the world. But before he departed -he whispered into the ears of all the tigers that they were to kill the -Indians and their children, and that is why the tigers to-day are wicked -and sometimes are the habitations of the most evil spirits. Before this -time the tigers were good to men, and they hunted together like brothers; -they lived together in the houses; they ate and drank and licked tobacco -in amity round the fire.[347] - -Such, so far as I could gather, is the Indian’s belief. The tale was -told me by a Boro, but the belief is approximately the same with all -these tribes. On the occasion of hearing this story of the visit of the -Good Spirit to earth I related, to the best of my ability, the Christian -story. The result may be of value in determining the possession of logic -by the Indian. After they had listened to my story the tribesmen held -a tobacco palavar, which lasted some six hours. Then the chief--the -medicine-man was surly and remote--appeared, and this was the burden -of his wisdom. His own people were greater than the people from the -clouds--the white people--for the Good Spirit, Neva himself, came to the -Indians, whereas only the Young Chief visited the clouds. And the Indians -were better than the white people, for the white people killed the Young -Chief, but the Indians listened to Neva, and only one among them vexed -him. - -I had heard the story of the Good Spirit’s manifestation before, but -doubted its genuineness, until one day when I inquired of a Boro what a -savannah was he answered me that it was where Neva spoke to the Indians. -When I questioned him further he told me the above. It is impossible -to say how far this story may be a genuine folk-tale, how far it is a -perverted version of the Biblical account. Tales travel far. They are -adopted from one people to another, with resultant variations. We know -that the Jesuits penetrated to the Rio Negro as early as 1668-69. There -have been missionaries of that Society on the Napo. But I met with -no traces of them on the upper waters, nor have any of these peoples -anything in the least resembling the Christian symbol in their designs. -One might expect to find so simple a figure as a cross reproduced in -native art if once known, but it certainly is not. On the face of it -we may here be dealing with a variant that has passed from tribe to -tribe, that has trickled through centuries, to reappear now as a tribal -tradition among peoples who have never been in any direct contact with -Christian influences.[348] - -As regards the rule of these supreme spirits over the lesser spirits of -good and evil they stand in the relation of great chief. The good spirits -are the spirits of trees that bear edible fruits, of the trees from which -arrows are made, of the _Coca erythroxylon_, of the astringent properties -of various herbs, of the medicine-man’s magic stones that may be used -as a prophylactic. These are not only the subjects of the Good Spirit, -they were made by him. He made all the good things of the forest; and -he also made the rivers and the skies. The Bad Spirit placed the rocks -in the rivers, the poison in the mandiocca and in all noxious growths -of the bush. He made the liana to trip the unwary walker, in short all -things hurtful. These malevolent elements are the bad spirits which, as -the name in Witoto appears to imply--the _Taifeno_,--are all subject to -the _Taife_. As the Good Spirit lives above the world so the Bad Spirit -inhabits the nether regions. The lesser spirits of evil go to him by -way of the earth holes,[349] for these are the passages to his kingdom. -The visit of the Good Spirit to earth as a corporate being was a unique -event never repeated, but the Bad Spirit wanders with his myrmidons in -the forest every night. Sometimes he takes the form of a tiger, or other -fierce animal; sometimes, as alternative to the tiger-lifting theory, -he resembles a man who can disappear at will. He imitates the call of -the hunter who has found game, or the call of an animal to be hunted. He -entices his victim by these and similar contrivances to venture deeper -and deeper into the bush, until the wretched wanderer is utterly lost. -According to tribal belief he is then destroyed, or spirited bodily -away. As has been said, the Bad Spirit never appears to more than one at -a time, and that one is usually spirited away, so can give no account -of the appearance, but as confirmation of his real presence an Indian -will sometimes whisper the evil name as he points out the track of an -abnormal-sized tapir, which is curiously reminiscent to the European of -the cloven hoof of his own Devil. - -The child-lifting story is a favourite one, and some amount of -corroborative evidence is forthcoming, for in the awful loneliness of -the bush a child naturally would become half demented with fear and -apprehension, and if ever found again would be only too honestly willing -to believe he had been in the very real clutches of a very real devil. -The juvenile adventurer, answering in this way to leading questions, -gives to these simple people all the proof they look for, and adds an -immediate and local authenticity to the accepted myth. - -As there is no prayer to the Good Spirit, so there is no supplication to -the Bad. The medicine-man, as I have said, invokes neither; he appeals -to neither; but he attempts by magic to force the Bad Spirit into -quiescence, to discover some more potent influence that shall make him -powerless to hurt, for unless coerced he is all-powerful. - -Indefinite as these beliefs in a deity, good or evil, may be, faith as -to the after-life of the soul is possibly still vaguer. Yet faith there -certainly is, for the existence of the spirits of the dead is an accepted -fact, acknowledged in the Indian ritual of burial. - -Of spirits there are four kinds: - -Permanent disembodied spirits, or the souls of the dead, their ghosts. - -Temporarily disembodied spirits, that is to say the souls of living men, -with power to send them forth out of their material bodies. - -Extra-mundane spirits, or those from other worlds. - -Spirits of, or in, all natural objects, animate and inanimate. - -Any of these four classes of spirits are good or bad, according as they -are benevolently or malevolently inclined. - -These Indians all believe in the temporary transmission of the -disembodied soul into the form of an animal, bird, or reptile, not -a regular and enforced series of such transmissions. This temporary -transmission is for the pursuance of a certain aim, perhaps for some -indefinite length of time. It appears that the spirit has the power -of transmigration into other animal bodies, or back again to its -extra-mundane form at will. Whether the animal is human, whether, when so -invaded, it incorporates two spirits and becomes dual-souled, the Indian -does not relate. - -Man’s soul in Indian belief is immortal, that is to say it exists as long -as it is felt to exist, whilst it continues to appear in the dreams, in -the thoughts of the survivors--for so long, in fact, as it is remembered. -Surely this is immortality. A thing forgotten has never existed; and, per -contra, the soul of a remembered being lives for ever. The disembodied -spirit or ghost lingers near the body after death, in the woods near the -house, or may even lodge in the house itself. And then indefinitely, -indeterminately, after the body is buried the soul wanders farther -afield, and goes at length to the happy grounds of the Good Spirit. Among -some tribes this paradise is located above the skies, among others it is -away up some river, in the far and mythical distance. The latter heaven -is situated, as has already been mentioned, upstream, and that, in this -country where the trend of the land is north-west and south-east, is also -approximately towards the setting sun.[350] - -This land of the After-Life is a diminutive replica of the ordinary -world, but with evil things eliminated and joyful things emphasised. -All is on a lower scale, stunted forests and pigmy game. This idea of a -world in miniature approximates to the Malay conception of a spirit, the -“diminutive but exact counterpart of its own embodiment,” appertaining -to all animal, vegetable, and mineral bodies.[351] The Indian miniature -world would thus be, it seems, constructed of the spirits of the material -world. Colour is given to this theory by the fact that individual -possessions are buried with the dead, and the Kuretu confess that this -is done to prevent the return of the soul in search of them. Were such -properties to pass into the possession of survivors the soul part of -each object, needed to represent it in the spiritual world, would be -detained in the material world. Burial sets it at liberty, presumably, -to accompany the soul part of its owner, to take in the miniature world -of the After-Life a position corresponding in every detail to that -which has been held here on earth. The soul is pictured as the body, in -miniature also, visible or invisible at will, for these people, like the -majority of many of a higher culture, are unable to imagine the soul -except in some material guise.[352] Life in this enigmatic sphere has -everything most prized in this world. Hunting is fruitful always; women -are beautiful and amenable, and the men are all the old familiar friends -of earth. The means of attainment to this desirable state are so vague as -to be unassignable. Good and evil have no part in this scheme of heavenly -philosophy. Broken tabus, crimes against tribal jurisprudence, apparently -bring only temporary evil influences into play. Their punishment is -immediate and material. The happy land is open to all the tribe with whom -the Good Spirit is not vexed. It is closed to all their enemies. - -These lost souls, the spirits of those divinely damned, must still -frequent the earthly forests, or perhaps ally themselves with the spirits -of evil and wander down the holes in the earth to join the legions of the -nether world. - -I have heard, but not very definitely, of the Zaparo belief that the good -and brave souls will pass into birds of beautiful plumage and feed on -the most delicate fruits, while the bad and cowardly are condemned to a -future existence in the guise of objectionable reptiles.[353] - -This belief in, at least, a partial presence of the spirits of the -dead has possibly a bearing on the Indian dislike, to use no stronger -term, of mentioning his proper name. In the case of some tribes, as -has been noted, the name of a dead man is given as a special honour -to his greatest friend among the survivors. With other tribes names -of the living may, and probably have once been those of persons now -dead. To mention such a name aloud might conceivably be to attract the -attention of the defunct erstwhile owner.[354] Therefore the name is only -whispered, lest the spirit hearing it might come and bother the speaker -or the individual named.[355] There is, of course, the further reason -that the knowledge of a man’s name gives an enemy power to work him -magical evil. But that is a point already dealt with, except in so far as -it argues some identity of the name with the essential _ego_. - -Not only do the Indians hold that a man’s soul leaves his body at death, -but, further, they believe that it may do so during life for a limited -period. We have examples in sleep, they argue, when the spirit is out -of the body and wanders about; for in dreams, they say, the soul passes -through the mouth and has adventures in the outer world.[356] Dreams are, -in fact, a portion of the man’s real life. His spirit has ventured forth -and actually gone through the experience his fancy paints. They realise, -therefore, that individuality is not in the body itself, but in the -spirit that inhabits the body. So if a man dreams he will not hesitate to -declare that he has done what he dreamed he was doing. - -This is an example of involuntary disembodiment, differing only from -actual death in that it is of temporary duration. The soul has gone -quietly, and will return. But if the soul make a violent effort to escape -that apparently entails fatal consequences, for the Indians declare when -anybody sneezes it is the soul attempting to leave the body and so cause -death. - -Voluntary disembodiment is believed to be possible in certain favoured -cases.[357] This power is said to be possessed by the medicine-man. He -may free his spirit for magical purposes, to fight unseen enemies on -better terms, or for the pursuit of some nefarious end. He may either -remain disembodied and invisible, or lurk for a time in the form of some -animal or object, a tree, a stone--where stones exist--or even in the -wind, the rain, or the river. The layman Indian, though perfectly aware -that he cannot of his own accord and free-will loose his own soul from -its fleshy trappings to adventure in some foreign sort, is quite willing -to believe that other more fortunate mortals can accomplish a feat to -him so impossible.[358] No alternative explanation offers to his mind to -elucidate sundry mysterious happenings. - -Quite distinct from these disembodied spirits are the extra-mundane -spirits, good and bad, that visit this world and benefit or plague its -inhabitants. These may invade all natural objects, and, especially those -evilly disposed, will work unceasingly as agents for the supreme powers -to whom they owe allegiance. The bad spirits haunt the darkness, they -lurk in the recesses of the woods, find a habitation in deep waters, -and ride to destruction on the floods. Danger from them threatens the -Indian at every turn. He can only be protected by the counter-magic -of his medicine-man. For fear of possible mischief at their malicious -hands no Indian will bathe at night unless supported by the presence -of companions. If he lose his way in the forest it is due to their -machinations;[359] and all that goes amiss in this by no means -best-of-all-possible worlds is at least in part engineered by them, -either at the suggestion of an enemy, or from their own innate badness of -heart. - -Sickness again is a concrete entity. The Indian knows not the microbe -of science, but he recognises the existence of a definitely hostile and -active enemy in the presence of disease. It is a spirit that wanders -about, and at the instigation of an enemy attacks individuals or tribes. -The attack is an actual invasion. Illness is due to the presence in the -flesh of the sick person of a foreign and inimical body.[360] - -Before a thunderstorm the Indian believes that the air is full of -spirits, and the medicine-man is requisitioned literally “to clear the -atmosphere.” Thunder is the noise of evil spirits making a turmoil and -fuss; whilst, according to Bates, any inexplicable noises are made by -another of this destructive band, Curupira, the wild spirit of the -woods.[361] Thunder probably means that an enemy is sending sickness to -destroy the tribe. Therefore if a man is ill a flash of lightning is -quite sufficient to kill him through sheer fright and shock. - -These extra-mundane spirits may be said to be the spirits of -particularised evils, just as the _Taife_, the _Navena_, the _Jurupari_, -is the supreme spirit of all evil.[362] - -With the final division of the spirit world is enwrapped the total -philosophy, the innermost meanings, in fact both the whole and the origin -of the Indian magico-religious system. As men have souls--so truly felt -in all--what is more natural than that animals who move and breathe, who -live and die, who in many respects are more powerful, more clever than -men, should be assigned souls also by the Indian’s primitive reasoning. -I say soul deliberately, for Indian metaphysicians do not differentiate -between soul and spirit--they are one and indivisible, the miniature self -that may be seen in the pupil of a living eye but has vanished from the -eye of the dead. The question of souls other than human is to the Indian -too obvious to need elucidation; it admits, indeed, of no argument. There -is a degree of belief in a spirit, “a transcendental _x_,”[363] in all -objects, even those that are inanimate. What lives and grows must have a -spirit. What can interfere with, or affect man in any way must possess -some occult influence, some mysterious personality, that works for or -against him, especially if that object be in any degree unfamiliar or -abnormal in appearance. All these things, vegetable growths, rocks, are -to the Indian as we have repeatedly seen, active agents in the scheme -of things, and as such must also possess the intangible _ego_, the -spiritual essence, that is the soul of all earthly forms. Evidence as -to animistic beliefs among the Indians is universal and overwhelming. A -point of interest to the psychologist comes in with the problem whether -the belief that undoubtedly exists is a belief in a duality of spirits in -one envelop, or whether, when the supernatural spirit, or the disembodied -spirit of a man, is transmitted into extra-human forms, it being the -stronger can oust the natural spirit of the animal or object which is -entered, and if so what becomes of the finally evicted spirit. On this -point I have unfortunately no information to adduce. - -While these beliefs are in the main general among all the language-groups -of the Issa-Japura regions, those of the Boro-speaking tribes are the -most intricate. They have more definite notions of the spirit-world, a -greater range of theories as to the powers and extent of supernatural -phenomena. They fear the local devils more, take greater care to appease -them and to avoid rousing their hostility. This is the natural result -of the increased isolation secured by the Boro tribes. They have been -influenced less by the outer world than the Witoto, for example. Both -Boro and Andoke tribes invariably keep aloof so far as may be from any -stranger. - -Two of the forest denizens, the jaguar and the anaconda, occupy -outstanding positions in this connection with spirits and magic to all -the other beasts of the wild. Any animal may be utilised by a spirit as -a temporary abiding-place, but the “tiger” and the great water-snake -independently of such spiritual possession are magical beasts. Tales -gather round them; differential treatment is their portion. As regards -the jaguar this may be due to the fact that it is seldom seen, and -therefore the more mysterious in its evil doings. It is also a dangerous -beast, bold and fearless, and to be dreaded for this if for no other -reason. But the anaconda is no such aggressive enemy of man. Yet, though -the Indian is an omnivorous eater, he will never kill either the tiger or -the anaconda for food.[364] - -The anaconda is looked upon as an evil spirit. It is the embodiment of -the water spirit, the _Yacu-mama_,[365] whose coils may bar the passage -of the streams, and the Indian goes in terror of it, nor would he bathe -in its vicinity, though, so far as my experience went, the gigantic -reptile will not attack human beings unprovoked.[366] The _Yacu-mama_, as -the name signifies, is the mother, the spirit of the streams. Among some -tribes, though not in my field of exploration, a relationship is held to -exist between this water-spirit and _Jurupari_, so it is said.[367] It -occupies the place in Amazonian folk-tales filled by the sea-serpent of -Europe; while the manatee and the dolphin are the Amazonian mermaids. The -cow-fish, or manatee,[368] is an object of wonder on the main stream, -but is unknown on the upper rivers. I have never seen one nearer than -the mouth of the Issa river. The dolphin also is not found in the higher -waters. On the lower rivers it abounds, but, according to Bates, no -Indian willingly kills one; and though dolphin fat makes good oil the -belief is current that when burnt in lamps it causes blindness.[369] - -Tigers are not killed unless they be the aggressors, that is to say -they are never killed wantonly. The reason for this is not cowardice, -but fear of further aggression on the part of the tiger family, or from -the family of the medicine-man who has assumed tiger form. Indians look -upon animals as having the same instincts as themselves, and therefore -capable of a prolonged blood-feud with humans who may have wronged -them. The tribesman is accordingly anxious not to provoke war with the -tiger tribe, but if Indians are challenged by the death of one of their -number the case is altered, and they will immediately accept combat. To -hunt a jaguar without provocation merely for food or for sport would be -foolishly to kindle the animosity of the whole tiger family, to rouse -the violent enmity of the wandering spirit domiciled for a time in the -body of the hunted beast. But when an Indian is killed, or a child -lost--and tigers are usually credited with the destruction of any child -missing from its home--the medicine-man is called upon, and he proceeds -to discover that it was a tribal enemy working in disguise, probably -the spirit of a hostile medicine-man, intent to destroy the tribe by -thus slaying potential warriors or mothers of warriors. The tiger is in -these circumstances to be treated as a human enemy. A big tribal hunt is -organised, and if the quarry be secured a feast of tiger-flesh follows, -a feast of revenge, very similar in detail to the anthropophagous orgies -already described.[370] At no other time does the Indian eat jaguar meat. -The tiger-skin becomes the property of the medicine-man, whose magic has -thus triumphed over the magic of a rival. - -I have already noted that anything abnormal or unknown is regarded with -suspicious dread. My camera was naturally endowed by Indian imagination -with magical properties, the most general idea among the Boro being that -it was an infernal machine, designed to steal the souls of those who -were exposed to its baleful eye. In like manner my eyeglass was supposed -to give me power to see what was in their hearts. When I first attempted -to take photographs the natives were considerably agitated by my use of -a black cloth to envelop the evil thing; and when my own head went under -it they had but one opinion, it also was some strange magic-working -that would enable me to read their minds, their unprofessed intentions, -and steal their souls away; or rather become master of their souls, and -thus make them amenable to my will at any time or in any place. This was -undoubtedly due in part to the fact that I was able to reproduce the -photograph. The Indian was brought face to face with his naked soul, -represented by the miniature of himself in the photographic plate. One -glance, and one only, could he be induced to give. Never again would he -be privy to such magic. The Witoto women believed that I was working more -material magic, and feared should they suffer exposure to the camera -that they would bear resultant offspring to whom the camera--or the -photographer--would stand in paternal relation. - -[Illustration: PLATE L. - -GROUP OF WITOTO WOMEN BY DOUBLE-STEMMED PALM TREE - -GROUP OF WITOTO MEN BY DOUBLE-STEMMED PALM TREE] - -To cite another instance of the attitude of the Indian towards the -abnormal. A certain Witoto tribe have a tree that they regard as -an object almost of veneration. This palm, as may be seen in the -photographs, has a forked stem, the trunk dividing into two some few feet -above the ground. I met with no more formulated sign of tree-worship than -this. Unquestionably, though they did not worship--for as I have said, -these Indians worship nothing--the Witoto looked upon this tree as a -thing to be respected, prized, and if it were not meted proper treatment -perchance to be definitely feared.[371] - -Finally, in addition to all these spirits good or evil, the tribes -south of the Japura are concerned with the sun and the moon. These -are venerated, the sun as a great and sympathetic spirit, but not an -incarnation of the great Good Spirit, the moon as his wife, who is sent -betimes by the sun into the heavens at night to prevent the evil spirits -from depopulating the world. Of the stars these people seem to have the -vaguest ideas, and only one Boro explained to me that they were the souls -of the chiefs and of the great men of his tribe.[372] - -The Indian lives in a world of imagined dangers, over and above the real -ones that confront him at every turn. There is possible menace in any -place, dormant hostility in all surrounding nature, active menace in -the unfamiliar and unknown. One might expect to find that he decked his -person and his belongings with an unlimited number of charms, to protect -against these battalions of evil. But it is not so. The Tukano do, it -is said, place certain green, sweet-smelling herbs under the girdle as -a love charm, to attract the opposite sex, but nothing of this sort is -known south of the Japura, and charms, as the western world knows them, -hardly exist. I know of none beyond the medicine-man’s magical stones, -the iguana-skin wristlets of the men and the wooden ring placed on a -child’s arm, which appear to partake of the nature of charms. Magic -is to be met by magic, not by material properties. The hostile evils -that threaten a man are only to be turned aside by the exercise of more -powerful anti-hostility on the part of his medicine-man. But the Indian -must go warily, observe signs and portents, pay due heed to good and -evil omens. He must, for example, never shoot a poisonous snake with a -blow-pipe. Should he do so one poison will neutralise the other, and -destroy not only the poison on the arrow that wounded the snake, but also -all poison whatever that was in his possession at the time. It is magic -against magic. - -As an instance of the Indian belief in omens, I remember that once a -small species of wild turkey alighted in a clearing, and kept running -round and round in circles. This was taken by the Indians to mean that -people were coming to the _maloka_ who might be either friends or -enemies. This gave rise to an excited discussion as to which would be the -more likely event of the two. It so happened that a party of friendly -Indians did arrive that same evening. Casement relates how a large wood -ibis descended among a crowd of Witoto and Muenane in the compound at -Occidente.[373] A Muenane wished to shoot the bird, and when persuaded -to leave it unmolested, expostulated that the ibis must have been sent -by their enemy the Karahone to bring disaster upon them. As a rule, it -strikes me, an enemy would appear in a less kindly guise than that of an -ibis. In my case no attempt was made by the Okaina to interfere with the -bird in any way, in fact it was looked upon as a friend who came to give -due notice of approaching visitors, and therefore was to be regarded with -gratitude. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - - Darkness feared by Indians--Story-telling--Interminable length of - tales--Variants--Myths--Sun and moon--Deluge traditions--Tribal - stories--Amazons--White Indians tradition--Boro tribal - tale--Amazonian equivalents of many world tales--Beast - stories--Animal characteristics--Difference of animal - characteristics in tale and tabu--No totems--Indian hatred of - animal world. - - -Darkness is full of mysterious horrors to the Indian, nor can one wonder -that he fills with imaginary demons the weird and terrifying solitudes of -the bush by night. The children are openly afraid of the dark, because of -the tigers that may then be prowling about, let alone less substantial -perils. Adults are not so frank with regard to their fears, but as a -matter of course all occupations cease at sun-down, and every one makes -for the sheltered warmth of the _maloka_. There, by the flickering -firelight, after the contents of the family hot-pot have been discussed, -long tales are told. First one and then another takes up the burden of -recital. The chatter dies slowly, maybe it will linger on by the fire -of some verbose story-teller, till the chill of coming dawn brings the -sleepers from their hammocks to stir the smouldering embers into a blaze, -and to gather round them waiting for daybreak to dispel the evil agents -of the night. - -The tales are endlessly long, and so involved that they are utterly -unintelligible to the stranger until they have been repeated many times. -Then the drift of myth and tradition, the meaning of fable and story, may -be broadly grasped. To win it comprehensively in detail is a matter of -time, patience, and intimate knowledge of the speaker’s tongue. Moreover, -the tales have such numerous variations, and are so grafted the one on -to the other, according to the momentary fancy of the narrators, that it -is exceedingly difficult to differentiate between a variant of a known -story and one that may in its essentials have been hitherto unheard. - -“It is,” postulates Dr. Rivers, “not the especially familiar and uniform -which becomes the object of myth.”[374] The mythopœic influence of that -which is seldom seen would lead us to expect that among these Indians, -sunk in “the gloom of an eternal under-world of trees,”[375] the heavenly -bodies would play a prominent part in tribal folk-tale and myth. But -so far as the stars are concerned this is not the case at all;[376] -they seem to be ignored; and, as regards the sun and moon, it is the -sun--contrary to usual tropical custom--that is the most important, the -moon--as with more northern peoples--occupies the subordinate position -of wife. Her inconstant appearances are accounted for by the suggestion -mentioned in the previous chapter that she is sent periodically by -the sun her husband to drive away the evil spirits of the night that -await the stray or heedless loiterers in the forest thickets. But this -protective character is denied to the moon by other tribes, and some -South American Indians will hide young infants lest the moon should -injure them.[377] - -What I cannot but consider the most important of their stories are -the many myths that deal with the essential and now familiar details -of everyday life in connection with the _manihot utilissima_ and -other fruits. The tale that follows does not purport to be a literal -translation of the myth as related to me, or in my hearing. I have merely -attempted to put together, infinitely more concisely than any Indian -raconteur would ever dream of doing, the various details of the local -story and belief: - - The Good Spirit when he came to earth showed the Indians a - manioc plant, and taught them how to extract the evil spirit’s - influence.[378] - - But he did not seem to have explained how the plant might be - reproduced. - - The Indians searched for seeds, but found none. - - They buried the young tuberous roots, but to no effect. - - The Good Spirit was vexed with them; that is why he did not - divulge the secret. - - But long, long after, a virgin of the tribe, a daughter of the - chief, was found to be with child. - - When questioned she replied that long, long ago, when sick to - death, and under the medicine-man’s magic,[379] she wandered far, - far into the bush. - - In the bush she found a beautiful manioc plant. - - She was seduced by the tuberous root--some Indians say the plant - was metamorphosed into a beautiful young hunter--and in due - course she gave birth to a girl-child, who could both talk and - walk at birth. - - This child took the women of the tribe to a beautiful plantation - of manioc, far, far up a certain river, and there the precocious - infant explained how to reproduce the plant with bits of the - stalks. - - So to this day the chief food of all the peoples is cassava. - -This story is utterly different from one Spruce heard from more northern -tribes at Saō Gabriel. The Barré story has it that a bird discovered to -the Indians the use of the mandiocca, then a great and solitary tree. All -the tribes came to procure the roots, and when none were left carried off -branches; hence the varieties of mandiocca now grown.[380] - -Deluge traditions are to be found among practically all the tribes. I -repeatedly asked questions on this point, and invariably found, as other -travellers had discovered previously elsewhere,[381] that the Indians -would tell of a flood that drove their fathers in the long, long ago to -seek refuge in canoes, for all the earth was under water. But though -Mr. Joyce considers it “strange how this deluge myth not only pervades -practically the whole of the Andean region of South America, but extends -also to many regions in the northern portion of the Continent,” it must -be remembered that inundations are frequent in these regions, and a great -one probably occurs every few decades. It would only be strange were -there no deluge myths. As Sir Everard im Thurn has so aptly put it, when -“the Indian tells in his simple language the tradition of the highest -flood which covered all the small world known to him, and tells how the -Indians escaped it, it is not difficult to realise that the European -hearer, theologically prejudiced in favour of Noah, … is apt to identify -the two stories.”[382] - -With the possible exception of the Eldorado fable, there is no South -American legend that has excited so much interest and speculation as the -story of the warrior women who in some mysterious forest fastness dwelt -apart from men, cultivated masculine attributes, and destroying the -male brought up the female progeny resultant from the yearly exception -to their celibate rule,[383] to be women of the same stern pattern as -their extraordinary selves. Some writers would make them a seventeenth -century edition of the modern suffragette, rebel against the “tyranny” -of man--and with certainly better reason for rebellion.[384] The story -has been treated as mere Spanish romance,[385] or a mistake on the part -of the invaders due to the custom of wearing the hair long among many -of the tribes.[386] It has been taken to be a deliberate fabrication on -the part of Pizarro to explain his failure, a temptation to which Sir -Walter Raleigh himself also fell victim.[387] Be it what it may, the -tale was told, the land known as the land of these women warriors, and -their name of Amazons bestowed upon the great river. The tale of warrior -women is, however, not confined to the forests of the Amazon. One comes -therewith to the question of nomenclatory origin. The Baron de Santa-Anna -Nery devotes the first ten pages of his _Land of the Amazons_ to this -discussion. It seems to be a case of where doctors disagree.[388] But at -least the tale, Asiatic, African, or autochthonic, was localised here, -and stories of feminine prowess in the field continued to be quoted even -in the nineteenth century. Wallace himself mentions “traditions” said to -be extant among the Indians themselves, of “women without husbands.”[389] -This is no proof of the local existence at any time of celibate women -warriors. The tradition may well exist, the only curiosity again would -be if it did not. For three centuries at least the invading white man -has talked of, and inquired for, a tribe of such warrior women. It takes -less than this to start the most robust of folk-tales. A world agape like -the Athenians of old for some new thing, some tale to vary the oft-told -stories, does not require three centuries to adopt a novel romance. The -question “do such things exist?” is not asked long before it ceases to -be a question and becomes an assertion. The more positive the assertion -the greater will be the wonder of the tale. When the wonder is sufficient -it will be established as a current myth. I do not therefore deny that -such a tale is told, or at least may be told, but for my own part I -never heard mention of it. Spruce speaks of women assisting their men to -repulse an attack on tribal head-quarters,[390] but no story of any woman -fighting, or having done so at any time, was ever told me. Moreover it -should not be forgotten in this connection that all weapons are strictly -tabu to women. - -A story that is prevalent throughout South America tells of a race of -white Indians who sleep in the daytime, and only go abroad at night. -This tale was laughed at when repeated at a recent meeting of the -Royal Geographical Society, but it is certainly in existence among the -tribes,[391] and Crevaux states that the Ouayana will not go near one -river, “_à cause des singuliers habitants qui habiteraient près des -sources … des Indiens aux chevaux blonds qui dorment le jour et marchent -toute la nuit_.”[392] - -Of tales as to the reputed origin of any tribe I have no note, though -when I cross-questioned a Boro tribe as to why a certain district was -almost uninhabited, they told me that the reason was as follows: - - Once a large tribe lived there, one of the most powerful of all - the tribes, and also one of the most numerous. - - But long, long ago a chief, an _Abihibya_, of this tribe of - the Utiguene had a daughter, who was not only ugly but bird - rumped. The _Chekobe_, the medicine-man, gave her the name of - Komuine.[393] - - When she grew older and was about five feet high,[394] Komuine - went into the _Bahe_, the bush, to pick _dio_, peppers, and - berries, but did not return. - - The tribe then said that a _wipa_, a tiger, must have carried her - off. So a tribal hunt was instituted, and the bush searched for - the tiger; but with no success, for when they were in the bush - they were attacked by a wicked tribe, which fell upon them and - killed them in great numbers. - - So they returned with great sadness to the _maloka_. - - Long, long after this Komuine reappeared in the _Ha-a_, the great - house of the tribe, and sang a solo, as is the custom among the - people when making a complaint. And this is the complaint Komuine - sang: - - The Chief’s daughter was lost in the forest, - And no one came to find the spoor; - The branches were broken, the _gwahake-ane_, the leaves, were turned, - And no one came to find the spoor. - And where were my brothers, and the sons of the chief’s brothers,[395] - That no one came to find the spoor? - - And while Komuine was dancing, it was noticed, to the disgust of - the tribe, that her bird rump was covered with _nikwako_, hair, - so the old women came and rubbed milk[396] upon her to remove - the unsightliness. But as they pulled and the unsightliness was - removed, more unsightliness came, and the hairier she grew. When - she was covered with leaves,[397] she told her story: - - “O my brothers! When I was in the forest picking peppers a - _komuine_ came to me, and taking me by force he deflowered me. He - took me with him into the bush to become his _gwame_, his woman, - and I gave birth to twins, and the second one was buried, for - even _komuine_ have but one _ehemene_, one child. And the child - was hairy like a _komuine_, but had the face of a man. And when I - gave him milk the unsightliness came, and I ran from the beasts - and came to my own people.” - - The tribe then had a tobacco palaver, and because of the - unsightliness, and the pollution,[398] and the blood-feud with - their enemies which had cost the tribe so many warriors, it was - decided to destroy her. - - And when she heard this she fled into the forest, and all the - _komuine_ came and robbed the _emiye_, the plantation, and there - was no _pika_, manioc, and no _kome_, fruit. - - And when the men of the Utiguene went out to hunt, the lianas - were like a net in the path, and so thick no one could pass. And - the tribe got thinner and thinner, and now to-day there is no - tribe of the Utiguene.[399] - -The Amazonians have stories equivalent to many worldwide tales, such as -that of the lion and the mouse, only in the forest version it is the -jaguar who enacts the lion’s part, while the mouse is replaced by the -ant, a liana serves instead of a net to keep the great beast captive, -and there are other correspondingly local and numerous variations. The -hare and the tortoise fable has its counterpart in the story of a race -between the deer and the tortoise. The ramifications of this tale are -most intricate. These stories are very dissimilar in detail, so far as I -could gather, from their equivalents in the Old World, but in each case -the same principle is evolved: by a widely different route Old and New -reach eventually an identical goal. - -There is a marked prevalence of animal stories, tales--and this is a -point not to be overlooked--of the familiar forest beasts, the birds -and the reptiles of everyday life. In these the birds and beasts have -certain accepted characteristics, they stand in the Indian folk-tales as -representing definite abstract ideas. Thus, as with us, the tortoise is -crafty and slow; the ant and the bee are typical of industry. The snake, -that is to say the poisonous snake, in Amazonian myth, as in Biblical -story, represents evil, the evil eye. The tapir stands for blindness and -stupidity, while cunning and deceit are represented by the dog. These -bush dogs approximate to our fox, and like Reynard have sharp up-standing -ears. They prowl round the _maloka_, and will clear off anything they -can find, even in close vicinity to the house. The agouti, or capybara, -takes with the Indian the place held in African folk-tales by the hare. -He is the wittiest of beasts, can outmanœuvre all the others, and is the -practical joker of the forest. The boa-constrictor, unlike the poisonous -snake, is not evil; it exemplifies the silent and the strong. The -chattering parrot represents irresponsibility; it is a woman in disguise, -and is certain in Indian animal tales to be noisy and unreliable, and -probably will betray some secret. The peccary is for constancy, the hawk -for cunning, the sloth for laziness, and the tiger for bravery. The -monkey stands for tenacity of life, which is probably due to the fact -that owing to constriction of the muscles its hold on a branch does not -relax for some time after death. - -These characteristics, however, do not appear to govern in any way -the question of food tabu concerning the respective animals. On the -contrary, the reasons alleged for such tabu often appear to be, if -anything, opposed to what one would expect to find from the foregoing -classification. It is the material, not the abstract characteristic -with which the tabu deals. Moreover the tabu varies. Irrespective of -those connected with birth, at certain times of the year there is a -restriction, if it does not amount to an actual prohibition or a tabu, -with regard to eating heavy meats. Simson assigns such avoidance to a -belief current among Indians “that they partake of the nature of the -animal they devour.” This is the case professedly for any tabu on foods -for women with child, but the reason given to me for general restriction -as regards, say, tapir flesh, was not that the eater would be affected -by any characteristic of the animal, material or spiritual, but that -the tapir meat if eaten at forbidden seasons was very bad, that is to -say unhealthy, and would be the cause of certain skin diseases. It -probably would be. Tiger meat, as already explained, is treated much -as human flesh is treated. Apart from the tiger, the meat of larger -game will, it is sometimes averred by other tribes, make the eater -gross and unwieldy.[400] In connection with this question of big game -and food, Spruce refers to a “superstition” among the Uaupes Indians -that may be a possible survival of a totemic system, though he does not -advance the theory. “How should we kill the stag?” they say, “he is our -grandfather.”[401] However this may be with other language-groups, among -those of the Issa-Japura regions there is no trace of any totemic system, -except in so far as that boys and girls are named, as already stated, -after birds and flowers respectively. Animal names are made use of -occasionally, but only as names of contempt and ridicule. These Indians -look upon all animals as enemies. To suggest that any animal is an -ancestor would be the direst of insults to people who so strenuously try -to avoid all likeness to the brute creation. One need only refer to such -customs as the killing of one of twins, or depilation, to give the lie to -any theory that would seek to trace in Boro story--for example--for sign -of suggested descent from any eponymous animal. Relationship is traced -indeed only so far as memory serves; that is to say the oldest man may -relate how he remembers his grandfather telling who _his_ grandfather’s -father was. Also there are invariably tales of bygone chiefs, great -warriors whose deeds and characters are outstanding enough to be -remembered. - -A story is told of a small fish that is to be found in these rivers -which may be fact or may be fable. All Indians say that this fish is a -parasite that will find its way into the intestines of human beings when -they are bathing. This belief is noted elsewhere, and I merely refer to -it here because it is so universally credited without--so far as I could -ascertain--an atom of corroborative evidence. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - - Limitations of speech--Differences of - dialect--Language-groups--Tribal names--Difficulties of - languages--Method of transliteration--Need of a common - medium--Ventral ejaculations--Construction--Pronouns as - suffix or prefix--Negatives--Gesture language--Numbers and - reckoning--Indefinite measure--Time--No writing, signs, nor - personal marks--Tribal calls--Drum-language code--Conversational - repetitions--Noisy talkers--Ventriloquists--Falsetto - voice--Conversational etiquette. - - -In speech, as in everything else, the forest Indian is confined within -the narrow limits of his immediate surroundings. Unlike the nomadic -Indian of the plains, he passes his entire existence in an area little -larger than an English parish. He has almost no commercial dealings with -his neighbours. The only fresh blood that penetrates his tribe is brought -in by the immature children taken prisoners in war. Like the landscape -his imagination owns no perspective, no horizon. In the Amazonian bush -an Indian may live and die without ever having gazed upon a terrestrial -object at the distance of a mile. His mode of life, a community within a -single house, under a single roof, makes of household words a dialect, -and with the passing of a generation makes that dialect a language. - -In a society where each tribe is complete in itself and at deadly enmity -with all its neighbours, and where writing is unknown, language must -naturally undergo very rapid, very definite change. Moreover Indians will -not voluntarily speak the language of other Indians. Thus the Amazonian -natives use no common tongue, and there is little in the vocabularies so -far collected to explain either the origin or the relationship of the -existing dialects. Tribes divided by the breadth of a narrow river speak -languages that are mutually unintelligible. On the other hand, tribes -distant some hundreds of miles from each other possess a language with a -common root, which is fundamentally different from those in use among all -the intervening peoples. - -So far as I could classify them, the language-groups of this district -fall under thirteen headings. By group I comprehend all tribes speaking -a language with common roots, though the dialects may vary considerably. -These groups, and the approximate number of Indians in each, are as -follows: - - Witoto 15,000 - Yuri unknown - Yahua} Yahua unknown - Pegua} - Andoke 10,000 - Boro or Miranha 15,000 - Muenane 2,000 - Nonuya 1,000 - Resigero 1,000 - Okaina or Dukaiya 2,000 - Karahone } - Umaua } Karahone 25,000 - Saha } - Tukana } - Yahuna } - Makuna } unknown - Opaina } - Bara } - Kuretu } - Menimehe } 15,000 - Akaroa } - -According to Koch-Grünberg all the tribes on the Tikie speak the Tukano -language, and as a result of segmentation the Airi and Tihio speak the -Dessana language. - -Occasionally tribes, though speaking an entirely diverse tongue, and -members of a distinctly different language-group, have some comprehension -of the tongue spoken by a neighbouring language-group. For instance, -the Muenane can understand Witoto, but they have no knowledge of Boro, -probably because they come more in contact with the former people. -The Menimehe know some words of Tupi, or lingoa-geral, which is -extraordinary, even though their acquaintance with it is very slight. - -The tribal names in ordinary use are, as has been said, bestowed by -neighbouring tribes, and are merely nicknames. It follows that the name -by which a tribe becomes known to a traveller is the name in use among -the tribes in the districts through which he passes, so that a visitor -from the north probably knows of a tribe by a different extra-tribal -name from that known to a new-comer from the south. The difficulties -of identification caused by this have already been commented on in an -earlier chapter, it is only necessary to refer to them here in so far as -the same difficulties beset any attempt to learn the local dialects. - -Of the thirteen languages tabulated above, one of the most difficult, and -the most guttural, is the tongue spoken by the Resigero group of tribes. -Nonuya, also guttural, is perhaps equally difficult, whilst Andoke is -possibly the worst, as it is almost ventral. Okaina, though presenting -many difficulties, is easier to acquire than the first-named three, and -may be characterised as nasal, while Boro and Witoto are neither nasal -nor ventral nor impossibly guttural. Muenane is somewhat akin to Boro, -but is richer in words. Menimehe approximates more to the speech of the -Uaupes River Indians, and it again is nasal. - -The endeavour to reproduce the guttural expressions of the Indian in -Roman letters is rendered the more complex by the uncertainty of his -utterance and the aural variations of his European interpreters. The same -word phonetically transcribed by an Englishman, a German, a Frenchman, -and a Spaniard bears little or no resemblance to a common inspiration. -Each European observer conveys to his written word the error of his -national idiosyncrasy of impression and pronunciation. - -The difficulty of a phonetic rendition of a foreign language into -English has long been apparent, and is one shared--though in a lesser -degree--by all Continental linguists. To meet this difficulty the Germans -have devised a system almost Chinese in its intricacy, while the French -seek to reproduce such simple sounds as that of our English “W” by -combinations of diphthongs. Many of these elaborate phoneticisms have -been adopted by English writers without consideration of the lingual -limitations of their inventors, or of the confusion induced in the mind -of the student. - -To simplify transliteration, though at the sacrifice of the finer -distinctions of the language, the orthographic system of the Royal -Geographical Society has been used in this work,[402] and the explanation -of the system given in the appendix with the Witoto and Boro vocabularies -is taken from the rules laid down by that Society and adopted by the -Royal Anthropological Institute.[403] This system ordains that an -approximation to the sound should be aimed at only, as any system which -attempted to represent the more delicate inflexions of sound and of -accent would be so complicated that it would merely defeat itself. - -I attempted to make a vocabulary of Andoke words, but the language is, -as I have noted, so guttural, not to say ventral, that it renders all -attempts impossible without some medium to work upon at the start, such -as I had with Boro and Witoto. In these two cases Brown’s knowledge of -the latter, and even his very slight acquaintance with the first, were of -great use to me as a basis upon which to work. - -As an example of the difficulty to be faced without some common medium, -I have asked a native, “What is this?” and touched my head or a stick, -but could find no clue to whether his answer referred to the thing -touched or my action in touching it. Only a long and tedious study can -overcome conundrums of this description, and when to these is added the -impossibility of conveying accurately by written signs the sound as -uttered, the attempt proved beyond my powers and resources. - -Mention has been made by one writer of the “‘cluck’ of -satisfaction--common to all the tribes of the Provincia Oriental.”[404] -I consider the sound emitted by the Issa-Japura peoples as a sign of -assent or pleasure is more ventral than that described by Simson. It -is approximately _Hurrr!_ like a grunted sigh of satisfaction. The -exclamation of surprise amongst all these peoples is very similar and -may be written _Huh!_ This sound, lengthened considerably, is the -Witoto affirmative _Huhhh_. _Huh!_ _huh!_ _huhh!_ as affirmatives are -very freely used in conversation. The more an Indian agrees with the -speaker the more ventral do his ejaculations become. The negative will -not be used except in direct answer to a question, for it is contrary -to Indian custom and etiquette to interrupt or contradict. The absence -of the affirmative _Huh!_ is practically a contradiction, on the ground -of doing nothing being itself negative. A similar idea is seen in the -tobacco palaver, where the dissentient signifies his disapproval by -abstaining from licking tobacco. Should an Indian, however, wish to give -an affirmative answer to a negative question, he will then make use of -the negative No, for to answer Yes in Indian parlance would be to confirm -the negative. - -This brings us to the question of construction, and it is at once -apparent that in Witoto, for example, the construction of a sentence -tallies more with the construction of the deaf and dumb mute’s gesture -language than with anything else, that is to say it is the very -antithesis of the Chinese, or of our own. It may be said of the Indian, -as Tylor wrote of the deaf and dumb mute, that he “strings together … the -various ideas he wishes to connect, in what appears to be the natural -order in which they follow one another in his mind.”[405] For instance -the Witoto say, _Benomo honne_, literally “here put it”; _benomo ekkono_, -“here open it you”; _eijo rie dotoenyino_, “much fruit put in it not do -you”--“do not put much fruit into it.” - -It will be noted that the personal pronoun here has become the suffix -of the verb. This is the general rule, as in _dinitikwe_, “I shall -carry it”; _a chimitekwe_, “I am going to see”; _ona dueruetckwe_, “I -want you.” But this rule is not invariable, as we find _kwe mona_, -“I am unable”; _ke hanyete_, “I do not understand,” with the pronoun -_kwe_ or _ke_ placed, as we should put the “I” before the verb; nor is -the variation caused by the negative, as “I do not want you” is _ona -dueruenetckwe_. In this instance the position of the personal pronoun -_kwe_ is probably determined by the objective _ona_, which structurally -must precede, otherwise the meaning of the phrase would be inverted and -become “You do not want me.” A pronoun is also used as a prefix to a noun -to denote possession, as _tano_, “cassava,” _ometano_, “your cassava.” -According to Koch-Grünberg the suffix _make_ indicates some other place, -or thing; it occurs in _baimake_, “other”; _naimake_ “them”; but I am not -aware that it acts as a definitely differentiating suffix in these or any -other case. - -In Witoto _nyete_ as a suffix negatives what proceeds it, the literal -meaning of the word _inyete_--a compound of _ite_ = are--being the -equivalent of the French _il n’y en a pas_.[406] As examples of its -use we get _figora_, “good,” _figonyete_, “bad”; _huchite_, “twisted,” -_huchinyete_, “straight,” that is to say “not twisted.” The Boro negative -is _ne_, as for instance in _imine_, “good,” _nemine_, “bad,” _i.e._ “not -good.” - -Repetition of a word literally doubles its meaning, as in the Witoto -_nana_, “all,” and the Boro _paa-paa_, “low-low,” that is to say, -“lower”; _kame-kame_, “high-high,” _i.e._ “higher.” - -I have said that the principle of construction in both Boro and Witoto -is that of the mute’s gesture language, but gesture language actually is -almost unknown, non-existent, among all these tribes. The hand is pointed -to show direction, or to identify a person or object. The Indian beckons -with one hand, but its movement is downward, not upward as with us. There -is also a recognised sign to express desire for sexual intercourse. This -is a mere jest, a ribald suggestion, as with boys of a certain age among -our lower classes. The right elbow is grasped with the left hand, the -elbow being so flexed as to allow the hand to point upwards. It is, in -fact, the letter Z of the dumb alphabet. - -Fingers and toes are used for reckoning, and are the more needed in that -the Indians’ knowledge of numbers is of the slightest. But few can -reckon beyond five, though I once found a senior wrangler who counted -seventeen, by the aid of all his fingers, all the toes of one foot, and -two of the other. The remaining three toes he covered over, to show -that they were not required for the total sum. If an Indian wished to -enumerate anything over ten he would place both hands to his head and -say, “Like the hairs of my head.”[407] In Boro I could only learn of four -numerals, _tiamie_, “one-half”; _tsanere_, or _tsape_, “one”; _mieke_, -“two”; _sause_, “five.” These in combination give _tsape-mieke_, “three”; -_mieke-mieke_, “four.” The Witoto numerals are _dahe_, “one”; _mena_, -“two”; _dahe-amene_--equivalent to the Boro _tsape-mieke_,--“three”; -_menahere_, “four”; _dapekwiro_, “five”--that is one hand; _nagapekwiro_, -“six.” - -It makes absolutely no difference to the value whether you say -_tsape-mieke_ or _mieke-tsape_; _dahe-amene_ or _mena-dahe_. - -For measures these tribes have nothing more definite than a handful, -a foot- or finger-length, and of weights they possess no knowledge -whatever, nor, so far as I am aware from their customs or their language, -is there any consciousness of more possible or desirably-accurate -definition. - -To express a length of time other than the merely immediate past, -present, and future, the Indian makes use of what conveys to him an -indefinable idea, “As long as the hairs of my head.” This is similar -to his notion of expressing any large number. He reckons time by the -moon to the extent of saying, “When the moon is small,” or, pointing to -it, “As it is now,” but I never heard anything like “so many moons,” -or an equivalent value in a word. In fact, time to the Boro, so far as -I am aware, is distinguished by only _pekare_, “to-morrow,” _aiupe_, -“yesterday.” The Witoto will speak of _beiruito_, “to-day”; _wiremoni_, -“to-morrow”; _dawire_, “the day after to-morrow,” or _nawire_, -“yesterday”; _beinawire_, “the day before yesterday,” or _beinawife_, -“the night before last.” - -There is, as I have already mentioned, no writing, not even the most -primitive picture-writing. The Indian makes use of no signs as aids -to memory; and the only recognised symbol that I met with--other than -such symbolic practices as the presentation of wood and thatch by the -bridegroom to his parents-in-law--was the tobacco folded in a strip of -palm leaf that is the regular invitation card of North-Western Amazonia -when festivities are toward. Neither individuals nor families have any -recognised name-marks--such as a peculiar notch or number of notches--to -distinguish personal property. It must be remembered that in the small -private habitations in the bush a man and his wife and children are -more or less isolated, and that in the great tribal house the family -community have most of their possessions in common. It is difficult with -so communal a people to know what may be looked upon as general property, -and what as individual, with the exception of personal ornaments. -Indians recognise their property only by differential qualities, certain -ornamentation, ways of binding or lashing, patterns in basketry, -colouring--and division of colours--on pottery; and these differences are -known and recognised by others, as well as by the actual owners. - -Each tribe has its peculiar call or signal, which I believe is altered -occasionally as a precautionary measure. This may be a whistle, or the -imitation of the cry of bird or beast. Then there is the so-called -drum-language used in signalling, and already noted in a previous -chapter, which I certainly believe to be some sort of code. Brown’s -assertion that the sound of the word is made with the drum, and -the Indians’ description of making the words is, I take it, merely -the untaught intelligence striving to explain how an onomatopœic -language--such as Boro and Witoto to some extent certainly are--can be -further conventionalised to a scope even more circumscribed than the -ordinary monotone of the Indian’s speaking voice. - -Not only is the Indian voice monotonous, but the conversation is rendered -yet duller by the invariable repetition of the last words of a sentence. -This is particularly the case with the Tuyuka, where conversation has -a definitely ceremonial form. For instance, if a man leaves a party to -bathe, he says, “I go to take a bath,” and the company present reply in -chorus, “You go to take a bath.” On his return the formula runs, “I have -taken a bath,” and the confirmative echo follows, “Yes, you have taken a -bath.” This endless repetition, as was noticed with regard to songs, is -characteristic of all Indians. - -In quality their voices are strident and rasping, and are always raised -in conversation and grow higher with increased excitement. No Indian -speaks confidentially, he shouts; and unless something very sacred and -secret is under discussion the conversation in an Indian house can be -heard a mile away. In the forest the mass of vegetation above appears to -act as a sounding-board, and so to lengthen the distance that sound is -carried, not, as one might think, to stifle it. But independent of this -the Indians possess extraordinary power of throwing the voice, a sort -of ventral whisper; and all, to some extent, are ventriloquists. Even -semi-civilised Indians of Brazil, who have lost much of the cunning of -their brethren, the “Wild Indians” of the forest, have this power. - -The Indian is as fond of speaking and singing in a high-pitched -voice interspersed with ventral grunts as a Chinese coolie, and this -predilection, as regards the falsetto voice, is greatest on the part of -the women, whose voices are always higher than the men’s. - -When an Indian talks he sits down, no conversation is ever carried on -when the speakers are standing unless it be a serious difference of -opinion is under discussion; nor, when he speaks, does the Indian look at -the person addressed, any more than the latter watches the speaker. Both -look at some outside objects. This is the attitude also of the Indian -when addressing more than one listener, so that he appears to be talking -to some one not visibly present. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - - No individualism--Effect of isolation--Extreme reserve of - Indians--Cruelty--Dislike and fear of strangers--Indian - hospitality--Treachery--Theft punished by death--Dualism - of ethics--Vengeance--Moral sense and custom--Modesty - of the women--Jealousy of the men--Hatred of white - man--Ingratitude--Curiosity--Indians retarded but not - degenerate--No evidence of reversion from higher culture--A - neolithic people--Conclusion. - - -We find in all savage races, peoples of the lower cultures, that there is -no differentiation of individualism, that is to say all members of the -race or group are at approximately the same level. This is what we know -as a “low state of civilisation.” It has been suggested that such dead -level, the lack of all initiative, of progress in short, is due to the -absence of religion, of ideals or gods, through which true enthusiasm -only is engendered. A religious ideal undoubtedly tends to progress, -and with the exception of patriotism--which, after all, is a religious -ideal--is the main influence. It is a case of cause and effect, however, -for the effect of environment must not be overlooked. Local conditions -initiate progress and may cause enthusiasm for an ideal, the effect and, -at the same time, the potent accelerator of such progression. - -It is an extraordinary but undeniable fact that the Indian is -individually wise yet racially foolish, individually intelligent, -racially inept. This may be due entirely to geographical control, to -the peculiar characteristics of the social environment. The greatest -incitement to human progress, intercommunication, is denied in the Amazon -wilds. True, there are the rivers, but the value of rivers and waterways -in this respect is negatived by custom. Existing conditions make this -necessary, for in isolation alone is protection to be found for any -tribe. - -We find, then, the group system, where the community is everything, -the individual nothing, blocking the path of progressive evolution to -a very great extent among the forest Indians of South America, as it -has done among the native tribes of Australia. The individual can gain -nothing for himself, he can only work for the greater glory of the group, -and has therefore no intimate incentive for strenuous advancement. A -tribe has little or no opportunity for progress when it consists of -but a few hundred members, and is practically isolated from all other -tribes, except for the hardly intellectual shock of war, or perhaps the -occasional intrusion of some wandering barterer, a member of possibly -a hostile tribe, who is tolerated on account of the necessary articles -which he brings, things that cannot be manufactured by the tribes he -visits. - -The Indian is hedged about with a constricting environment against which -he can scarcely be said to battle. He accepts with the resignation of the -East, and knows nothing of the restless rebellion that makes for Western -amelioration and progress. What the Indian lacks is not intelligence but -character, that is to say will-power. The Indian is brave, he endures -pain and privation with the greatest stoicism, he can be doggedly -obstinate, but only in exceptional cases can he rise above his fellows to -anything approaching individuality and strength of mind. - -The dominant characteristic of the Indian is a profound and nervous -reserve. The extreme nervousness of his manner is due undoubtedly to -wholesale indulgence in coca. It affects all the conditions of social -intercourse. It makes the Indian character extraordinarily negative. -Enthusiasm is to seek in Amazonia. The Indian never expresses violent joy -or fear. A shock is more likely to raise a laugh from him than a cry. He -will submit to much, he will bear greatly, but it is easy to provoke a -laugh against even a fellow-tribesman. An Indian will invariably laugh at -another’s discomfiture. But with a stranger all Indians are taciturn, and -they will have little or nothing to say to him if he be a white man. - -Outside the narrow limit of the tribe the Indians possess no altruistic -feelings, no sympathy with strangers. They look upon every man as a -definite, or at least a possible enemy. The gentle Indian, peaceful and -loving, is a fiction of perfervid imaginations only. The Indians are -innately cruel. They certainly have no true kindliness for animals; -every animal is a foe, as I have elsewhere noted. The Maku children are -especially cruel to them, but cruelty to the dumb brute is universal -among the tribes. On the other hand, intra-tribal hospitality is without -end. I have given a single biscuit to a boy and seen him religiously -divide it into twenty microscopic pieces for all and sundry. But they -are quite improvident so far as the morrow is concerned. If a family is -threatened with famine the whole party will walk over to another house, -make themselves at home, eat and drink without the slightest hesitation, -without even craving invitation so to do. The reason is obvious. The -host of to-day may be the guest of to-morrow. I have seen, however, a -hunting party doing their best to eat a whole tapir, with the evident -desire to finish the feast before the arrival of another, and possibly a -less successful, hunting party. Otherwise division of spoil is absolutely -equal, except that the chief by right has the greatest share. - -The Indian is not always a hospitable host where other than his own -tribe or language-group is concerned. Vague tales have penetrated even -to his well-guarded ignorance of the customs of the Rubber Belt, of the -servitude of his fellows. He hates the white man and mistrusts him. -The Andoke are invariably surly in their attitude towards him. There -are tribes--the Karahone, for instance, on the northern bank of the -Japura--who refuse all attempts whatsoever at intercourse. They will -neither receive presents nor ambassadors. If the explorer persist despite -the rejection of his overtures he will find poisoned stakes sunk in his -path. He will be harassed in all his doings. When at length he attains to -the tribal head-quarters he will find a house indeed, and perhaps food, -but no warriors, no women, no children The fire will still be burning -within the _maloka_, but the tribe has vanished, leaving no track, no -sign of its whereabouts. The Indian’s “Not at home” is no mere social -euphemism. It is a demonstrated fact. - -When the stranger finds such silent evidence of the tribal attitude -toward his presence, it behoves him to take steps very promptly for -his protection. He may be certain that the natives, though hidden, are -covering his every action. If he, or one of his party, show himself, a -flight of poisoned arrows whistles forth from the bush. Then follows a -siege that tries the nerves of the stoutest campaigner. The hidden enemy, -the noiseless weapons, menace from every tree. It is almost certain -death to stop in the open. Within the house is a shelter little more -dependable. The natives pierce the thatch with fire-javelins, with tiny -spears bearing blazing tufts of hemp or cotton, and sooner or later the -great structure will catch fire. There follows the imposed rush into the -clearing, and the quick butchery by that unseen but ever-watchful enemy. - -Later comes the dance of triumph and the feast of the victims. - -Against such an enemy, in such a situation, the resources of civilisation -are of little avail. A wretched little dart steeped in the tribal -war-poison may be fragile as a reed, but fired from the near shelter of -the bush it is as effective as a Mauser bullet. - -When travelling among these Indians it is necessary in order to gain -their respect to do as they do. I have emphasised this throughout. The -traveller must cross the most nerve-racking bridge without help, he may -have no hammock in which to be carried. This is a striking contrast to -what I have met with in parts of Africa, where to walk is taken as a sign -of unimportance; the man who does so cannot in native eyes be what they -would call in India a “burra sahib.” I have also noted that the student -of life must conform in all things that may be with the customs and -habits of the tribesmen with whom he wishes to associate. In a land where -_pia_ is the supreme law, deviation from custom can be only regarded as -criminal. - -When an Indian house is reached the chief comes out with a party of his -warriors. The burden of proof rests with the invading European. He -advances to the chief with his interpreter, and must make declaration of -friendship. If the explanation of his appearance be accepted, the Indian -laughs and may slap his visitor vigorously on the back, after the usual -custom of the native in South America welcoming the stranger. Together -they then proceed to the house, and the chief calls his woman and orders -food to be provided for the strangers. The white man on his part tenders -whatever he has brought by way of presents--beads, gun-cartridges, a -small-tooth comb, or a knife. - -When the evening meal is finished the chief stalks into the centre of -the _maloka_, which has hitherto been untenanted, like the arena of a -circus before the performance begins. A great fire is made up, and about -it the men of the tribe squat on their haunches. The chief explains to -them the presence of the stranger, and takes counsel on the question -of his entertainment. As he describes his intentions he falls into a -rhythmic chant, and his followers assent with deep-chested _Huhh!_ All -this is a lengthy business, but the tribe eventually arrive at a common -decision. The chief then bends forward to the tribal tobacco pot that has -been placed midway among the group. Into this he solemnly dips a tobacco -stick, and conveys a little of the liquid to his tongue. Man after man -bends forward round the circle, and each in turn dips his splinter of -wood into the pot to notify his assent. It is a sign of tribal agreement -as binding as the Lord Chancellor’s seal on a document of state. With it -the tobacco palaver is concluded and the Indians seek their hammocks for -sleep. - -The Indian’s treachery is proverbial. I may mention on this point two -sayings--there are hundreds similar--which illumine this phase of the -character and customs of the tribesmen. The Andoke says, relevant to the -Karahone, “If your spirit wander (sleep) in the hammock of a _monkey_ -or _beast_ Indian, it wanders always.”[408] The meaning is this, the -Karahone appear to have a real and exact knowledge of virulent poisons. -It is related that they can saturate a hammock with some narcotic which -the victim does not discover, thus ensuring his death or destruction. -They also burn fires under the hammock of those they wish to remove from -the world, and stifle them with a narcotic smoke. - -Another proverbial remark runs: “If a Karahone give you a pineapple, -beware.” This refers to the Karahone’s playful habit of presenting -poisoned pines. The Boro have a similar saying: “Take a pine from an -enemy and die,” but this is due to the recognition of the fact that an -Indian is never so dangerous as when simulating hospitality that is -treacherous in the extreme. - -Perhaps the Indian trait that soonest strikes, and most indelibly -impresses the observer, is his charming altruism in the community of the -family or tribal group, his wild misanthropy towards other tribes. His -ambition is to live undisturbed with his family in the deep recesses of -the forest. He asks only to be let alone. - -In a region where land is free for all to take who will, and personal -belongings are few--and invariably buried with the owner--laws of -inheritance there can be none. But the law of possession is strict, and -the penalty is death. There can be no toleration of theft, as on account -of the publicity in which the Indians live it may be effected with such -ease. The punishment for theft has therefore to be drastic, final. The -victim may kill the thief. I was told that this is done by hacking at -the culprit’s head with a wooden sword or a stone axe. This savours of -ceremonial sacrifice. But though to steal from a member of the tribe is -to steal from the whole community and therefore a crime, there is no -bar against stealing from the stranger. They will do so unblushingly. I -remember once missing a pair of scissors. On searching I discovered a -Witoto woman stealing them. But she swore she had never put them in her -basket, though they were found there! - -There is very distinctly a dualism of ethics, one law for the tribe, and -another law for all who are not members of it. To kill a fellow-tribesman -is to injure the tribe by destroying one of its units. Sin against the -individual is of no importance except in so far as injury to any one -person is injury to a unit of the tribe, to be punished by the law of -retaliation in kind if the offender be of another tribe. Sin against -another tribe is no sin except in the eyes of the tribe sinned against; -then for its members it becomes not the sin of the individual doer but of -his whole community. It is the tribe and not the individual that would be -held guilty for any offence committed by one of its members. For instance -if a Boro killed a Menimehe, vengeance may be taken by the dead man’s -tribe on all or any of the members of the Boro tribe concerned. - -Vengeance is primarily a matter for the individual principally affected. -A man considers it a disgraceful thing not to be able to avenge himself, -and will therefore never apply to the chief for tribal help. On the other -hand the chief and the tribe will sometimes take up a quarrel and make it -their own. This is a common custom amongst small communities, an affront -to any one of the community being a personal attack upon every other -member, though it is not necessarily avenged by all unless the affronted -one is himself unable to compass revenge. - -Members of a tribe sometimes quarrel, though rarely, but at times a fight -commences in which others join, till eventually it becomes a “set to” -between two families. On the whole I am inclined to say that the natives -of the Amazons are the least quarrelsome people I have ever met. - -It would be wrong to state that these people have no moral sense, because -a slavish adherence to custom in itself is moral. That is to say they -possess a moral code. However that does not entail any right or wrong as -we know it, but only _pia_, that is “what our forefathers thought and -did,” in other words tribal usage, which may be translated by what we -call “good form.” There are no words in the Indian tongues for virtue, -justice, humanity, vice, injustice or cruelty. These are unknown to the -tribes who differentiate only with the equivalents for good and bad. -Points like this earmark the ethics of a people. The curious negative -character I have already noted is carried out here also. Again there -is recognition of the moral law of conjugal fidelity in that there is -definite punishment for infidelity--the ordeal of the stinging ants. -Punishment infers transgression of a law or code. It is not sufficient -to say that in this case it is due to the extraordinary jealousy of -Indian husbands, for the penalty is imposed on both husband and wife, -the retribution is due to public opinion not personal revenge. Before -marriage the men take the tribal prostitutes--the Maku girls and to -some extent the unattached women--openly, but after marriage this is -not the case. Incest is unknown among them, and in that term I include -promiscuous intercourse among any of the members of a household. The -antipathy to this lies only between those living under the same roof, -it does not extend to consanguineous individuals who are members of -different households. - -The women are extraordinarily modest in their behaviour. Their eyes -rarely leave the ground in the presence of a stranger. I had one woman -in my party who never spoke to me, or even looked in my direction, the -whole time we were together. After much dancing, I have seen the women, -succumbing to dance stimulation, show their preference for certain men -in the dancing party by placing their hands on their shoulders, an act -in obedience to the impulse of the moment. In fact after dancing for a -length of time they become comparatively boisterous and irresponsible. -But even at the height of excitement there is nothing markedly rude in -the dance, when one allows for the fact that sexual suggestion is not to -be included in that category in Indian ethics. Even on this point they -have their limitations, for Koch-Grünberg relates that when talking to -some Desana Indians on sexual subjects, the conversation was stopped by -them till the women were sent away. After their departure the men talked -freely and broadly. This I did not remark among the Indians I visited, in -fact sexual matters appeared to be discussed freely and lewdly by both -sexes, and even by young children. - -The Indians under the range of discussion most certainly possess the -greatest racial antipathy towards the white man. This is noticeable among -the women especially, for they will never admit to their own people if -they have ever had any dealing or connection whatsoever with the white -man. - -Gratitude among Indians is unknown--at least to me. Take this example: -I had Indians who had been slaves, who had elected to come with me, or -at least had evinced no repugnance at the idea, with whom I had shared -all the food at my disposal, stinting myself often to ensure their -gratitude--as I thought--caring for them, doctoring and curing them when -sick, till eventually I became fond of them. But on the main river at the -first opportunity they ran, apparently at the suggestion of one of their -own tribe, the Peon of a rubber-gatherer. What arguments were used I know -not--perhaps that I was a devil, that my real motive was to fatten them -for culinary purposes. The fact remains they left me, to all appearances, -willingly. - -This stealing of Indians is a well-recognised source of amusement on the -Amazon river, and the victims of such loss--who of course perpetrate -the same sort of outrage on others directly opportunity permits--are so -indolent, so lethargic, that they will not cross a river to recover the -stolen. The custom is the more prevalent on account of the character of -the Indian. He will always leave one white man to go to another. He is -always on the alert to run, to go elsewhere. This is true of Indians -enslaved by other Indians, to a limited extent. Unless they are well -treated and identified with the tribe they will run, only to be again -enslaved by others, or put to death. The matter is hard to explain. It -simply is in the blood. It is _Pia_, as Brown remarked. It is their -custom. They do it “just for so.” - -Another point about the Indian is that he must always be kept up to the -work in hand. The women toil unceasingly, but the men are only too ready -to seize any excuse to cry off a job. They spend their time mainly in -mooning around. Obtaining food is their chief occupation. But when an -Indian is kept up to his work he works hard and well. - -Though the Indian attitude at first is invariably stoical they are not -lacking in inquisitiveness. Their curiosity was enormously aroused by -many of my possessions. It is hard to say what will evoke their wonder. -I have seen an Indian evince no interest in a steam-boat, but show the -most extraordinary interest in my jackboots, and be greatly occupied with -the problem of how I got into them. A walking-stick was an unanswerable -conundrum to them, it never occurred to their minds that I could use it -as an assistance in walking. My eyeglass, my camera, were mysterious -devils that could read into their hearts and filch their souls, as I -have already noted. My watch, with an alarm to it, struck consternation -to their simple minds. My phonograph, that reproduced records of dancing -which were repeated on reversal, raised shouts of wonder. An Indian in -a down-river town saw nothing to excite him in a tram, and took a ride -thereon quite unconcernedly, but the women’s hats were exciting, and at -the sight of a man on a bicycle his astonishment was unbounded: it was -“man on spider-web!” Horses are unknown in these regions, and there is no -possibility of the majority of the Indians seeing any one on horseback. I -could only get a mule as far as the first big river, but beyond the bush -became too dense. Otherwise I fancy their amazement would equal that of -the Australian natives when they saw the beast come in two on the man -dismounting.[409] - -Decadent the Indian may be, and thanks mainly to his inveterate cocainism -he undoubtedly is, but that he is the degraded descendant of a higher -race is a theory that I beg leave to doubt entirely. According to von -Martius the standard of ethics rises or falls with the increase or -decrease of a tribe. He based his theory on the fact that the most -corrupt Coeruna and Nainuma were nearly extinct. It is possible to -argue that they were dying out because they were corrupt,[410] rather -than they were corrupt because they were dying out. Sir Roger Casement -appears to have accepted the theory expounded in _Vergangenheit und -Zukunft der amerikanischen Menschheit_. But Tylor remarks, “I cannot but -think that Dr. Martius’ deduction is the absolute reverse of the truth.” -Certainly the theory of the Indians’ regression is, I consider, entirely -erroneous. I see nothing to suggest it. On the contrary it appeared to me -that in spite of the awful handicap of their environment, these tribes -were slowly evolving a higher standard of culture. There is no evidence -of their having reverted from a higher culture. A people who once knew -how to produce fire by friction do not easily forget that method to rely -on the clumsy processes of fire-carrying. Men who have smoked tobacco -are not very likely to content themselves, nor would their offspring be -contented, with merely sucking it. People who knew the simple method of -preparing yarn with a spindle would only revert in exceptional cases -to the slow and even painful process of rolling fibre on the naked -thigh, and that in a land where cotton is abundantly to hand on every -side. The tedious method of plaiting and tying by hand would hardly, -one imagines, be substituted for weaving. A race that has once worked -metal and relapsed to the use of stone without even more exceptional and -definite reasons for that relapse, is no more likely in fact than it is -recorded--so far as I am aware--in history. - -Examples are known of peoples who have forgotten one useful art, for -material and utilitarian, or social, or magico-religious reasons; but a -people who have allowed some half dozen to disappear is unknown to me. -Yet these Indians carry fire, lick tobacco, roll fibre on the thigh, and -though they make use of an embryo loom--the two posts between which their -hammocks are plaited--have not appreciated its potentialities. Some of -the Amazon tribes,[411] though surrounded by canoe-building peoples, can -only make rafts; the secret of the dug-out, if ever known to them,[412] -has been forgotten. But it is possible that an isolated section of the -original canoe-builders--as we have seen these tribes today are all -isolated sections--may for some reason have had no need to construct -a canoe for such lengths of time that the method of fire-heating and -burning, especially of forcing the hot trunk open, had through disuse -been at least partially forgotten.[413] Presume that they failed in -their attempt to build one for some reason,[414] and it was found that a -raft would do momentarily in its place, the original skill and knowledge -might easily die out in a generation. Therefore the absence of canoes -alone would be no convincing argument. Nor must it be forgotten, as Dr. -Rivers has pointed out,[415] that other causes besides defective memory -and lack of practice may result in the entire disappearance of even -useful arts. But I repeat hardly of so many among all these tribes in -common. - -Everything points to the conclusion that these tribes found their way to -the forest in a very primitive condition. The forest has arrested, it -has stunted their growth, but it has not plunged them back from later -cultures to the Stone Age. The stones themselves deny it, _for stone is -not the natural substitute for iron in these regions_.[416] Whence the -tribes came hither, and when, in whatsoever far back age of our earth’s -story, they were a Neolithic people--hardly that, a people emerging from -the unsettled conditions of the Paleolithic hunter, agricultural but not -yet pastoral, and such they have remained throughout the centuries. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -APPENDIX I - -PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS - - -Physically, as may be judged from the accompanying tables, there is a -wide margin for dissimilarity among these tribes. Their appearance is -nearly as varied as their speech, more so in fact, in that there is much -diversity of type even among individuals of the same speaking-group. I -have seen a Boro as dark as a Witoto, while his fellow-tribesmen may be -yellow as a Chinaman. It is, of course, possible that the darker Boro are -sons of Witoto women. The custom prevalent in all the tribes of adopting -the young children captured from their enemies, makes of necessity -for great changes in type even in one household, so that despite the -preference for group endogamy that undoubtedly exists there are few -households where cross-breeding is not in evidence. - -In stature the Indian is small, which I take to be a result of depression -due to his forest environment; but the body is well-balanced and upright. -Among the tribes I visited the Andoke as a speaking-group were, so far -as I could observe, the largest in build and the tallest. The Okaina -may possibly come into the same scale. The Karahone represent the mean, -while the Maku are invariably small, a low class and badly-fed people. -The average measurements of the tribes are best gathered from the types -tabulated. I made the average height to be for men 5 feet 6 inches; -and for women 4 feet 10 inches.[417] I certainly remember one case of -a man among the Andoke nearly 6 feet high, but can recall no other. -The women were never much over the average of the female type. I give -my measurements for what they are worth, but unfortunately I did not -know the correct way in which they should have been taken; they were -made with a centimetre rule, but not on the correct anthropometrical -principles. The Indians stood against the side of the house to be -measured, and I registered their height by the simple process of placing -the ruler on the head and measuring its distance from the ground.[418] - -The bone of the Indian’s skull is thick, and both dolichocephalic and -brachycephalic types are in evidence.[419] - -The Indian does not run to fat, rather is he inclined to be thin, but -strong, muscular and healthy, with rounded outline and finely-developed -chest. The Witoto, however, though broad and strong, fail in the limbs, -their legs especially lack development. On this point my observations -tally with Robuchon’s notes. The Tukana have a magnificent physique. The -Andoke, though some are tall, with large frames, as a group incline more -to breadth of both face and figure. The tribes of the Tikie are of a low -grade. - -The Indians as a rule, have hands of an average size, with stumpy -fingers, and short, spatulate nails. Constant manual labour of some -sort would seem to keep the nails naturally of a normal length. I never -remember seeing an Indian pare his nails, but fear this is a point that -may have escaped my observation. The men’s arms are frequently distorted, -and the shoulders gain an artificial breadth by the use of ligatures to -swell the muscles of the upper arm by means of constriction. - -The natural symmetry of the Indian’s person is further enhanced by slight -hips, flat buttocks. The abdomen seldom protrudes though the navel is -prominent, but not to the same extent as is found among negroes. - -[Illustration: PLATE LI. - -1 & 2. WITOTO TYPES. - -3. WITOTO FROM KOTUE RIVER] - -The men generally have large feet,[420] with long toes. Both men and -women have very prehensile toes, and will pick up objects off the ground -with their feet rather than trouble to stoop. They are flat-footed. - -The Indian does not extend his legs when he walks, as Europeans do. He -moves rather with the action of an unathletic woman. His step is on an -average about two-thirds of an ordinary man’s thirty-inch pace. The foot -is of necessity raised well above the ground, on account of the lianas -which would trip the slovenly walker. This does not make for rapid -progression. But though he walks more slowly than the white man, the -Indian can keep up a jog-trot of about five miles an hour for tremendous -distances. Moreover his wind is far better than any white man’s. At a -push, to get away from hostile neighbours for example, he is capable of -going sixty miles a day. In ordinary circumstances he walks nowhere, -except about the house and compounds. Consequently he has developed a -different set of muscles from the ordinary pedestrian. - -As the Boro are more harassed than the Witoto they march as a rule in -silence, while the Witoto are noisy generally; but a march in country -that might prove hostile is done in silence by every tribe for obvious -reasons. In friendly country the Indians go along chattering and joking, -or in silence, just as the spirit moves them: there is no rule. The -necessity for walking in single file, and the invariable difficulties -of the route, do not, however, altogether encourage conversation. These -restricted paths have a further influence upon the Indian. Often enough -it is necessary to place one foot directly in front of the other in -order to find any footway at all. This is the probable reason, or one of -the reasons, why the men walk with a straight foot, a specially needed -precaution on the narrow bridges, that are merely formed of single -trees. The women walk in rather a stilted fashion, with the toes turned -inwards at an angle of some thirty degrees, on account of the tight -ligatures they wear below the knee and above the ankle, which cause the -calf to swell to enormous proportions, as has been noted. This may not -inconceivably have a contracting effect in the angle of the foot. It is -regarded as a sign of power if the muscles of the thighs are made to come -in contact with each other when walking. - -That the men run and jump well is due to their good wind, but they have -no pace, and could easily be outstripped over a limited course by an -average white man in good condition. But the women neither run nor jump -with any facility, as they all suffer from varicose veins, caused by the -ligatures to some extent, but also by the burdens they carry, and from -labouring in the fields when in a condition unsuited to such physical -exertion. As weights are carried on the back suspended by a strap -across the forehead, the tendency to stoop or grow round-shouldered is -counteracted, for the pull of the strap brings the head back, and the -strain is taken by the muscles of the neck.[421] Water is always carried -in vessels balanced on the head, and though the Amazonian Indian may not -have the superb carriage of her sisters in the East, yet the young girls -at least are very well set up, though with advancing age a lifetime of -field work and burden-bearing may bow the elder women till they walk, as -described by Robuchon, “in an inclined position.” - -The Indian woman has generally a beautiful figure, well proportioned -and supple, with high, straight shoulders. Untrammelled by dress she is -graceful and free in her actions. Before marriage the women have very -small breasts, but after they have borne a child the breasts develop -considerably. Old women, probably on account of poorer nourishment, are -very flat-chested, and one never sees a woman with very pendent breasts. -In the older women they atrophy.[422] - -There is great individuality in the faces of the Amazonian Indians. A -tribe is no herd of sheep, differentiated only to the experienced eye -of the shepherd; the dissimilarities of countenance are immediately -apparent, and even to the most casual observer Indians show marked -variety of face and colour and feature. Like all savages the Indians -admire most the lightest coloured skins. The divergence of colour is -both tribal and racial; and as a rule it will be found that the higher -the type the better the physical development, and the greater the mental -capacity, the lighter will be the skin. On account of the saturation of -the atmosphere the Indians mostly have skins of a good texture. I never -found rough skins on Indians in these districts.[423] Of all the tribes -the Menimehe have the lightest complexions, and they are invariably -fatter and in better condition than the surrounding tribal groups. - -[Illustration: PLATE LII. - -COMBS--1. ANDOKE COMB WITH NUTSHELL CUP FOR RUBBER LATEX - -2. WITOTO COMB - -3. BORO COMB] - -I have mentioned the custom of covering a new-born infant with rubber -milk either for warmth or to protect the skin; the women daub themselves -with gum and a yellow clay because it is supposed to preserve the skin; -but none of these peoples use any oil for lubricating purposes, and they -are free from any noxious-smelling secretion. The smell of a negro they -consider most offensive, but do not extend this dislike to the white man. -The Indian owes his immunity from this unpleasant trait in part because -he does not perspire at all freely, perhaps to difference of glandular -secretion, and in part to frequent ablutions. Yet, though even a dirty -people like the Witoto will bathe at least three times a day and most -tribes far more often, these Indians, as has already been noted, are by -no means free of body parasites. Head lice may be said to be universal, -and in addition jiggers and the red tick that drops off leaves in the -forest and burrows under the human skin, there is another burrowing -parasite that invades the human body to lay its eggs, which is extremely -common among these people. One is apt to be infested with these pests -merely from touching an Indian, certainly by lying in an Indian hammock. -The parasite causes considerable irritation, and the local remedy is to -apply babasco juice. - -Except in the case of a medicine-man, who never depilates, hair is -looked upon as dirt; therefore it is always removed, only the hair -of the head being permitted to grow. Depilation is usually done just -before a dance. The method of removal adopted is to cover the hirsute -parts with rubber latex. This is allowed to dry, so that a grip can be -obtained and the hair removed simply with the forefinger and thumb or by -means of two small pieces of cane. Two persons will, as far as facial -hairs are concerned, depilate one another. It is universally considered -a sign of cleanliness to remove all the body hairs, and even to pull -out the eyebrows and eyelashes.[424] That the eyebrows are not removed -for æsthetic purposes is proved by the fact that the effect is promptly -reproduced with paint. It is not easy to get information with regard to -the removal of body hair,[425] but I was able to obtain a little from a -Karahone slave boy who was with an Andoke tribe I met. He told me that -the Karahone did not depilate the hair of the face. This is the one -exception among these tribes. - -On the authority of Schomburgh, im Thurn states that occasionally when -there is great demonstration of grief at a burial “the survivors crop -their hair.” So far as my experience went none of the Indians of the -Upper Amazons ever “crop” the hair close, except that of young girls when -danger threatens. Should there be any reason to suppose that some man is -inclined to steal a girl, her hair might be closely cut as a preventive -measure to save the child from being kidnapped, for a hairless woman is -looked upon as a social outcast among the tribes. The young Indians have -long hair that often reaches to below the small of the back, but this -length does not continue, and it is a varying quantity among the adults. - -The hair is uniformly scattered over the scalp, and is coarse in texture, -lank, and very abundant. Baldness is unknown, and greyness, as with the -negroes, is very rare. I have only seen grey hair on a few people of -apparently unusual age. In colour it is almost uniformly black, a red- -not a blue-black, which gives it an occasional brown glint. Some of the -children are lighter-haired, but such a variation as red hair is unknown, -though in the sunlight the women’s hair may take a reddish gleam. Both -women and children have finer hair than the men, and with young children -it is often quite downy. As a rule it is straight, but among the Tukana -wavy hair is more evident. - -Among the greater part of these peoples the hair is not cut, either by -the men or women. The Karahone men cut their hair to the shoulders; the -Boro women, and in some cases the men, trim theirs round very much as is -often seen among our small girls. Sometimes the Witoto women trim their -lank locks. This is done with a knife if they have one, otherwise it is -singed. With the Menimehe and Karahone it grows very low on the forehead. -The Tikie tribes have most untidy and ill-kept hair. - -Owing to race--possibly of Mongoloid origin--and to the prevalence of -depilatory customs, the men have scanty beards, if any. - -On the whole these Indians hold their own in the matter of good looks, -even the lowest types are not repulsive in appearance. I mean, of course, -to the eye of the stranger, not according to their individual standard -of beauty. In feature both the various language-groups and the tribes -of each group show many grades. It may be taken as usual that with a -lighter skin the nose and lips are thinner than among those with darker -colouring. The Boro and the Resigero, both comparatively light-skinned -groups, have thin lips. This naturally follows from what I have already -said as to colour and type, the higher type possessing, as would be -expected, the more refined features. The Boro, taken as a group, are -the best looking, many of them are very handsome, and some of the Andoke -also are notably well favoured in appearance. “Noble” is Koch-Grünberg’s -decision on the question of the Tukana tribesmen’s appearance. The -Okaina, also, must be classed as good looking. - -[Illustration: PLATE LIII. - -BORO TRIBESMAN FROM THE PAMA RIVER - -A MENIMEHE CAPTIVE] - -It seems somewhat of a contradiction after this to remark that a squint -is so common a trait among these tribes that one cannot but notice -immediately any one with normal eyes. This is, however, with the -exception of the Tukana, very prevalent among all these tribes. The -eyes are not large, and are deeply set. They are black in colour with -occasional yellowness of the eyeball, but never to the degree seen in the -bilious eye of the negro. Both eyesight and hearing are very acute. In -the bush, or in the dark, the tribesmen have most penetrating sight, and -can distinguish details at a glance where the ordinary white man can see -nothing of any description. In the sun, or any strong light, their sight -is inferior. - -It is difficult to judge what an Indian’s ears would be like if left to -Nature’s fashioning, as they are invariably distorted to more or less -degree by artificial means. They are frequently prominent, and do not -appear to be set close to the head in any case. The large ear-plugs will -pull the lobe of the ear half-way down the neck and more. Nose-boring is -not carried to so disfiguring an extent. The Boro, especially the women -of those tribes, bore the wing of the nose--a custom peculiar to this -people--as well as the septum, which is also bored by Muenane and Witoto -women, but the nose pins are small, and do not distort the feature as -the ear-plugs do the ear. The Tukana’s nose has naturally large alæ. The -tribes on the Tikie also have broad noses, with prominent cheek-bones, a -characteristic noted by Wallace among the Kuretu.[426] - -The Indian’s chin is narrow, small, rounded, and, especially in the case -of the women, retreating. There is no dimple or cleft. The teeth are big -and even, and very rarely found projecting. - -The Indian’s expression is stolid enough ordinarily, but when talking -he has much play of feature, and he will gesticulate freely under the -influence of coca. Among the tribes to the south of the Japura a man will -look a stranger straight in the face, but north of that river the native -has a more furtive glance. The Indian’s gaze is intense. - -They are never demonstrative of affection, and, though they will touch a -white man as a salutation, never touch each other. By this I mean that -when friendlily disposed an Indian would return a white man’s salute, -the offer of the hand, but no Indian would grasp a fellow-tribesman’s -hand, or put an arm around his neck. Kissing is unknown among these -people. Crevaux records that he saw children among the Calina kiss to -show affection, but the nearest approach to an embrace I ever witnessed -was a slap on the shoulder, probably under the shoulder-blade, which is -the salutation between great friends. Mothers of course fondle their -children, and I have even seen a woman with her arm round her husband, -but such an exhibition is considered barely decent. Neither do they -exhibit grief by weeping. The girl children cry occasionally, but no -child ever screams; and adults may whine but never shed tears. - -As regards brain-power, the Boro group are the most intelligent, with -the possible exception of the Menimehe. I invariably found the Boro -exceedingly anxious to learn from me anything they judged might be of -utility to themselves. They evinced a definitely intelligent interest, -not to be confounded with the ordinary curiosity of the untaught. Among -all these peoples the power of mental development ceases after they have -attained puberty. - -One limitation that is to be noticed with all of them is their inability -to grasp any chronological data. They have nothing in the way of a tally -of any description, and in speaking use the vaguest expressions only -for reckoning. It is my opinion, based on observation of the number of -generations still living at any one time, that these people live to an -advanced age. They grow elderly at from twenty-five to thirty years, and -may, under favourable conditions, live another half-century or more. -This is borne out by the fact that I found occasionally a man with grey -hair--a sign in all coloured peoples, and I believe in Mongoloid peoples, -of great age. But no Indian can give any information as to his own age, -or the age of his children. For him age is non est, time of little value. -He cannot tell you when he came to the neighbourhood in which you find -him, though obviously only a year or two may have been passed there. His -day is regulated to some extent by the rising and the setting of the -sun, portioned only by its height in the heavens. If but occasion serve, -one or other of the warriors, drunk with coca, will talk the whole night -through, excitedly recounting some folk-tale, or endlessly boasting his -feats in the hunt or on the war-path. The interruption is not resented by -his comrades, nor does it seem to interfere with their slumber. Indians, -in fact, never appear to sleep much, or rather they sleep little and -often, as chance offers. Night is no more the time of repose than day, -except in so far as darkness puts a stop to certain of their avocations. -When sleeping on the ground an Indian curls up on one side with his knees -to his chin, or he sleeps on his stomach, seldom lying on the back.[427] - -Though, as has been noted, they sleep with no wrap or covering, these -Indians are most sensitive to climatic changes. They are decidedly -susceptible to a difference of locality, and, more than this, in a -land where the extreme contrast of temperature is no more than twenty -degrees throughout the year, with an average of half that total, they are -affected by even slight variations of temperature. They fear the cold of -the early morning, and, accustomed as they are to the half-lights of the -forest, they dislike sunshine, and prefer to keep in the shade, fearful -of sun-sickness if exposed to the sun. - -It has been suggested by some travellers that the curious habit of the -Indians of inducing sickness every morning by means of a feather was -based on the idea that any food which was retained in the stomach all -night must be unwholesome and ought to be removed immediately.[428] I -have often seen the Indians do this, but always put it down to a desire -to rid the stomach of the non-absorbent constituents of the coca powder, -as only the men, who alone may take coca, resort to this practice. The -Indian in the early morning drinks an infusion of herbs, as I have -already mentioned, which induces the removal of such substances by -vomiting, although not taken primarily for this purpose. - -Sickness is also secured with the fingers after a prohibitive quantity -of cahuana has been drunk, as afore noted, during a big dance. Having -imbibed to his utmost capacity, the Indian adopts this simple expedient -to enable him to drink again. - -The tribes of the upper Amazons are, comparatively with others, very -cleanly. But it is only comparatively. The Boro are the cleanest, and the -Witoto unquestionably the most dirty. Immediately on rising all Indians -resort to the river, but except among the Boro and the Resigeros, who rub -themselves with sand, the performance can hardly be called washing, it is -simply bathing. The Nonuya and Muenane are cleanly, like the Resigero. -Even the Andoke, though they use no sand, are cleaner than the Witoto, -for this tribe never wash, and only take a dip two or three times a day, -while at least five times is the ordinary rule with the majority.[429] - -The first duty of the morning is a visit, as has been said, to the -bathing-place. Thither troop the old and the young, both male and female, -to wash and revive in the water. They do not attempt to rub their bodies -dry, but are content to let the moisture evaporate when they emerge from -the stream. When on a march or out hunting Indians will always bathe in -any water available on the route. They go in streaming with perspiration, -but seem to suffer no ill-effects. Bates has described them as “taking -merely a sitz-bath” like a dog,[430] but they seemed to me to bathe as -any ordinary person would who went into the water to get cool. - -After returning from war the Indians bathe scrupulously before they -re-enter the house. It is in the nature of a ceremonial washing, and -possibly is a subconscious act of purification, though the Indians, -when asked the reason, told me only that it was _pia_, our custom. In -fact lustration with the Indian is too frequent an action to keep any -ceremonial significance it may ever have had. - -It follows as a matter of course with people so familiar with water that -one and all are expert swimmers. The Indian of the Amazons invariably -swims as naturally as he walks, and with as little tuition. From the hour -of his birth he has been conversant with the river, and in a climate -where the temperature of the water varies but little from 75° to 80° or -more, he regards a dip as his chief solace. He never passes a stream -without taking advantage of its proximity to bathe, and the fact that he -may have recently fed, or that he is perspiring freely, does not hinder -him from a plunge, and makes no difference to his enjoyment. - -In swimming the Indian paddles like a dog, and does not attempt to attain -to anything approaching the breast-stroke of the European, nor does he -extend the legs widely. He flexes the legs sharply upon the trunk, and, -suddenly stretching them in a straight line, drives the body forward. -The stroke is not a tiring one, and the native is capable of undergoing -long immersion without suffering exhaustion, but the speed he can acquire -is not remarkable. For that matter there are no reasons why the Indian -should desire to make rapid progression. Swimming to him is an adjunct to -bathing, or a means to cross a stream; its finer developments trouble him -not at all. In the muddy rivers of the Amazons there is nothing to tempt -the native to dive, nor are there suitable places to jump off the banks. -The Indian slips in as best suits the occasion, and does not aspire to -exhibition feats, or to water games. - -[Illustration: PLATE LIV. - -WITOTO TYPES - -WITOTO WOMAN WITH LEG LIGATURES] - -When bathing the Indian is exposed to a certain element of danger from -fish that inflict varying degrees of injury. There is the stinging eel, -and skate of some sort and another stinging fish,[431] the caneiro, and -the piranha. Electric fish are less common in the upper rivers than in -the main streams, and I never noticed one Indian of the Issa-Japura -tribes take any special precaution against them, though elsewhere the -natives will beat and prod the water with rods before they bathe, to -discover, if possible, whether any eels are lurking in the vicinity. -The caneiro’s method of attack is by suction, not shock. They are -very plentiful in all these rivers, and their power of suction is -most extraordinary. I am not likely to forget the first time I made -acquaintance with one of these voracious little fish. It suddenly -attacked, or rather attached itself with its sucker-like mouth, to the -inner side of my leg. The sensation was most alarming. I made with all -possible speed to land. The caneiro certainly sucks up the flesh rapidly -and painfully, but I am doubtful if it really “tears off pieces of the -skin and flesh,” as it is said to do.[432] The piranha, though quite a -small fish,[433] is even more ferocious. It will attack anything, and is -said to be capable of reducing a large animal to a skeleton in the space -of a few minutes. There is a story, repeated elsewhere, that one very -small fish is actually a human parasite. The Indians aver that it will -enter the body of a man when bathing. Orton mentions this fish, which -according to him is “a slender silurid fish (_Vandellia_)” but remarks -that he never met “with one confirmatory case.”[434] Neither did I. But I -found that all Indians take precautions against it when bathing. - - - - -APPENDIX II - -MONGOLOID ORIGIN - - -On the vexed question of original Asiatic extraction what little evidence -I have to offer is in general support of the theory that some at least -of the ancestral stock probably found their way hither from Asia, -or--what is more in accordance with the laws of migration as so far -ascertained--spread from the American to the Asiatic continent. There is -undeniably a marked prevalence of what are recognised as Mongoloid traits -among these peoples. I fully accept Ratzel’s dictum, “We may hold firmly -to the relationship of the Americans with the East Oceanic branch of the -Mongoloid race.”[435] To quote another writer, “As Burton remarks, this -strain demonstrates itself in big round Calmuck skulls, flat faces, with -broad, prominent cheek-bones, oblique oriental eyes, rather brown than -black. They have also dark thick eyebrows, and thin moustaches fringing -large mouths, with pointed teeth and sparse beards hardly covering the -long pointed chin.”[436] The truth of this description can be judged from -the illustrations in this volume. The most casual observer must notice -the prevalence of Mongoloid facial characteristics prevalent among the -South American Indians, such as obliquity of eye, prominent cheek-bones, -broad flat nose. My own observations led me to conclude that the -Mongoloid type was very pronounced in individual cases, so much so that -I estimated at least one per cent to be of a pure Chinese type, and my -common name for them (_vide_ my note on secrecy of individual names, p. -154) was Chin-Chin. I would refer to such illustrations as that facing p. -254 in the second volume of Spruce’s _Notes of a Naturalist_. (See again -Spruce, i. 328; Orton, p. 170, for references to prevalent obliquity of -eye.) On the other hand, Bates remarks of the Tupuyo that “their eyes are -black and seldom oblique like those of the Tartar races” (Bates, i. 78); -and Wallace remarks, “I never could discern an unusual obliquity of the -eyes” (Wallace, p. 332). I cannot agree with this statement. The latter, -however, noted the prominent cheek-bone among the Curetu (p. 354); and -Orton refers to it and to the flat nose (Orton, p. 170). - -Further characteristics in common among Mongoloid peoples and these -tribes are the customs of shaving or depilating facial hair, and a -prolonged period of suckling the young (_vide_ Westermarck, p. 484). - - - - -APPENDIX III - -DEPILATION - - -All tribes south of the Japura remove hair, except that on the head. - -Tukana depilate body hair. - -Tuyuha men depilate armpits, not pudenda: women depilate pudenda. - -Kuretu--all depilate. - -Purakato, according to Koch-Grünberg, do not depilate. - -Karahone are said not to depilate. This (see text) is debatable. I -believe that they pluck out the hair of the chin and whiskers, but leave -eyebrows and moustache. - -Bara--women only depilate. - -Menimehe--all depilate, but the women are not so careful about it as the -Boro. - -Boro--all depilate. - -Witoto--men more careless, women depilate. - -Tuhana, according to Koch-Grünberg, do not depilate. - -Okaina--all depilate. - -Resigero--all depilate. - -Muenane--all depilate. - -These tribes have no body hair, except pubic hair, which is very scanty. -The Indian women are most particular about the removal of all pubic hair. -The men are less careful, though it is supposed to be done, but as that -part of their bodies is never voluntarily exposed they are more heedless -than the women. - - - - -APPENDIX IV - -COLOUR ANALYSIS AND MEASUREMENTS - - -COLOUR - -(_Vide_ Colour Curve. Tintometer.) - - 1. Menimehe--lightest. - 2. Resigero. - 3. Okaina. - 4. Boro. - 5. Nonuya. - 6. Andoke. - 7. Karahone. - 8. Muenane. - 9. Witoto. - -Robuchon gives the colours of the Witotos as brown-copper colour, -varying between twenty-nine and thirty of the chromatic scale of the -Anthropologicas of Paris. - - -COLOUR ANALYSIS - -_Unexposed Part--Armpit_ - - +---------------+-----------------------------------------------------+ - | Substance | Matching Standards. Colour developed. | - | examined. +------+---------+-------+--------+---------+---------+ - | | Red. | Yellow. | Blue. | Black. | Orange. | Red. | - +---------------+------+---------+-------+--------+---------+---------+ - | Witoto } | | | | | | | - | Muenane } | | | | | | | - | Karahone } | 3.6 | 2.8 | 1.6 | 1.6 | .2 | .8 | - | Andoke } | | | | | | | - | Nonuya } | | | | | | | - | | | | | | | | - | Boro } | | | | | | | - | Okaina } | | | | | | | - | Resigero } | 3.3 | 2.7 | 1.5 | 1.5 | .2 | .6 | - | Menimehe } | | | | | | | - +---------------+------+---------+-------+--------+---------+---------+ - -Mean average attempted by means of colour markings and identified -according to Lovibond’s tintometer scale. - -There was practically no tribal differentiation of pigmentation in the -units of these groups, as far as the unexposed part of the body is -concerned. This is understandable. The palm of the nigger’s hand differs -little from his white brother’s. - - -COLOUR ANALYSIS - -_Exposed Part--Back_ - - +---------------+-----------------------------------------------------+ - | Substance | Matching Standards. Colour developed. | - | examined. +------+---------+-------+--------+---------+---------+ - | | Red. | Yellow. | Blue. | Black. | Orange. | Red. | - +---------------+------+---------+-------+--------+---------+---------+ - |9. Witoto } | | | | | | | - |8. Muenane } | 10.6 | 9.2 | 6.2 | 6.2 | 3.0 | 1.4 | - | | | | | | | | - |7. Karahone } | | | | | | | - |6. Andoke } | 8.7 | 7.5 | 4.5 | 4.5 | 3.0 | 1.2 | - | | | | | | | | - |5. Nonuya | 8.0 | 7.0 | 4.0 | 4.0 | 3.0 | 1.0 | - | | | | | | | | - |4. Boro } | | | | | | | - |3. Okaina } | 4.9 | 4.4 | 1.5 | 1.5 | 2.9 | .5 | - |2. Resigero } | | | | | | Yellow. | - | | | | | | | | - |1. Menimehe | 3.4 | 4.1 | .7 | .7 | 2.7 | .7[437]| - +---------------+------+---------+-------+--------+---------+---------+ - -There is here more differentiation. The tribes numbered 1-9 are in order -of shade, from the lightest according to personal observation. This is -borne out by data except the grouping which was not so apparent to the -eye. - -Apparently in one tribe only is red non-existent, free yellow taking the -place--No. 1 (_vide_ curve). - -[Illustration: COLOUR CURVES OF SKIN PIGMENTATION (INDIANS OF THE MIDDLE -ISSA AND JAPURA VALLEYS)] - -_Note._--It will be seen at a glance that differentiation is caused by -increased “sadness” or excess of black, and by the amount of free red. -These are the two governing factors. Orange is constant throughout. - -_N.B._--There is extraordinary variation amongst individuals of the -same tribe, as well as amongst tribes of the same language-group and -language-groups themselves. - - -HUIS’ MEASUREMENTS OF SAMPLES OF WOMEN’S HAIR - -No. 1. Maturity. - -No. 2. Ante-pubertal. - -_Note._--The lighter tips of latter which become eliminated after -puberty, _i.e._ elimination of _orange_. - - +--------------+------+---------+--------------+--------+---------+ - | | Red. | Yellow. | Blue. Black. | Green. | Yellow. | - +--------------+------+---------+--------------+--------+---------+ - | No. 1 | 19.5 | 31.0 | 28.0 = 19.5 | 8.5 | 3.0 | - | | | | | | | - | | | | | Orange.| | - | No. 2 | 18.5 | 26.0 | 17.0 = 17.0 | 1.5 | 7.5 | - | | | | | | | - | Light tips } | | | | Green. | | - | Dark ends } | 19 | 26.0 | 25.0 = 19.0 | 6.0 | 1.0 | - +--------------+------+---------+--------------+--------+---------+ - -_Descriptive Characters_ - -_Eye._--1. Dark, _i.e._ black-brown iris. _Note._--Outer angles of eyes -visibly elevated; deep-set; eyeball thick; covers the caruncle; outer -angle slightly compressed and pointed. - -_Hair._--_Colours_--1. Black, _not coal_ black. 2. Children’s hair is -some shade lighter than adults’, but still “black.” - -_Form of Face._--1. Face inclined to be square and wedge-shaped. 2. -Inclined to concavity. 3. Compare photographs. 4. Chinese, Fig. 6, -but not so pronounced. (_N.B._--There is great variation.) 5. Chin -small, round, retreating. 6. Cheek-bones broad. Face flat (inclination -to, _vide_ photographs). 7. Medium lips--great variation. 8. Ears -medium-sized--flat. 9. Lobes sometimes attached. - - -MEASUREMENTS OF TYPES[438] IN CENTIMETRES - - +-------------+-----------------+-----------------+ - | | Head--Round. | Head--Across. | - | Tribe. +-----------------+-----------------+ - | | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | - +-------------+-----------------+-----------------+ - | 1. Resigero | 56 | 53 | 14 | 14 | - | 2. Nonuya | 56 | 51 | 16 | 14 | - | 3. Boro | 56 | 52 | 18 | 15 | - | 4. Andoke | 57 | 53 | 17 | 16 | - | 5. Witoto | 54 | -- | 15 | -- | - +-------------+-----------------+-----------------+ - - +-------------+-------------------+------------------+ - | | Head-Length. | Neck. | - | +---------+---------+--------+---------+ - | Tribe. | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | - +-------------+---------+---------+--------+---------+ - | 1. Resigero | 20 | 18 | Short | Short | - | 2. Nonuya | 21.5 | 19 | Long | Short | - | 3. Boro | 24 | 20 | Short | Long | - | 4. Andoke | 22 | 19 | Medium | Short | - | 5. Witoto | 21 | -- | Short | -- | - +-------------+---------+---------+--------+---------+ - - +-------------+-------------------------------+------------------+ - | Tribe. | Cheek-Bones. | Mouth. | - | +---------------+---------------+----------+-------+ - | | Male. | Female. | Male. |Female.| - +-------------+---------------+---------------+----------+-------+ - | 1. Resigero | High, not | High, not | Moderate | Large | - | | pronounced | pronounced | | | - | 2. Nonuya | Very high | High, not | Large | Large | - | | | pronounced | | | - | 3. Boro | Wide, high | Wide, high | Small | Small | - | 4. Andoke | -- | -- | Small | Small | - | 5. Witoto | Wide, high | -- | Large | -- | - +-------------+---------------+---------------+----------+-------+ - - +-------------+---------------------+--------------------+ - | Tribe. | Teeth. | Eyes. | - | +-------------+-------+----------+---------+ - | | Male. |Female.| Male. | Female. | - +-------------+-------------+-------+----------+---------+ - | 1. Resigero | Large | Large | Oblique | Oblique | - | 2. Nonuya | -- | -- | Deep-set | Oblique | - | 3. Boro | -- | -- | Deep-set | Oblique | - | 4. Andoke | -- | -- | Slightly | Oblique | - | | | | oblique | | - | 5. Witoto | Large, even | -- | Oblique | -- | - +-------------+-------------+-------+----------+---------+ - - +-------------+-----------------------+---------------+ - | Tribe. | Nose. | Height. | - | +-----------+-----------+-------+-------+ - | | Male. | Female. | Male. |Female.| - +-------------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+ - | 1. Resigero | Straight | Broad, | 160 | 138 | - | | | bridged | | | - | 2. Nonuya | Aquiline | Flat | 168 | 149 | - | 3. Boro | Depressed | Depressed | 162 | 146 | - | 4. Andoke | Aquiline | Depressed | 171 | 146 | - | 5. Witoto | Flat | -- | 164 | -- | - +-------------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+ - - +-------------+---------------+---------------+ - | Tribe. | Chest--Round. | Waist. | - | +-------+-------+-------+-------+ - | | Male. |Female.| Male. |Female.| - +-------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ - | 1. Resigero | 85 | 75 | 73 | 71 | - | 2. Nonuya | 87 | 79 | 73 | 75 | - | 3. Boro | 88 | 75 | 77 | 65 | - | 4. Andoke | 89 | 82 | 76 | 76 | - | 5. Witoto | 90 | -- | 77 | -- | - +-------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ - - +-------------+---------------+------------------------+ - | Tribe. | Hips--Round. |Tip Shoulder-Tip Elbow. | - | +-------+-------+------------+-----------+ - | | Male. |Female.| Male. | Female. | - +-------------+-------+-------+------------+-----------+ - | 1. Resigero | 82 | 79 | 35 | 28 | - | 2. Nonuya | 83 | 88 | 35 | 32 | - | 3. Boro | 87 | 81 | 34 | 30 | - | 4. Andoke | 90 | 87 | 38 | 33 | - | 5. Witoto | 84 | -- | 36 | -- | - +-------------+-------+-------+------------+-----------+ - - +------------+---------------------------+-----------------------+ - | Tribe. |Elbow to Top Middle Finger.|Eminence Buttock to Tip| - | | | Flexed Knee.[439] | - | +-------------+-------------+-----------+-----------+ - | | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | - +------------+-------------+-------------+-----------+-----------+ - | 1. Resiger | 45 | 39 | 52 | 44 | - | 2. Nonuya | 47 | 41 | 53 | 48 | - | 3. Boro | 46 | 42 | 47 | 45 | - | 4. Andoke | 48 | 40 | 53 | 48 | - | 5. Witoto | 44 | -- | 52 | -- | - +------------+-------------+-------------+-----------+-----------+ - - +-------------+-----------------------------+------------------------+ - | Tribe. |Crutch to Tip of Flexed Knee.|Eminence Knee to Ground.| - | +---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ - | | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | - +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ - | 1. Resigero | 37 | 28 | 51 | 44 | - | 2. Nonuya | 40 | 31 | 53 | 45 | - | 3. Boro | 36 | 32 | 51 | 45 | - | 4. Andoke | 41 | 33 | 55 | 44 | - | 5. Witoto | 38 | -- | 52 | -- | - +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ - - +-------------+-----------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | Feet. |Distance between Nipples.| - | Tribe. +--------------+--------------+------------+------------+ - | | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | - +-------------+--------------+--------------+------------+------------+ - | 1. Resigero | Broad, large | Broad, small | 20 | 23 | - | 2. Nonuya | Long | Broad | 21.5 | 23 | - | 3. Boro | Large | Small | 23 | 22 | - | 4. Andoke | Large, broad | Medium | 22 | 20 | - | 5. Witoto | Large, broad | -- | 22 | -- | - +-------------+--------------+--------------+------------+------------+ - - +--------------+---------------------------+--------------------------+ - | |Length from Centre Nipples | | - | | to Navel. | Navel to Crutch. | - | Tribe. +-------------+-------------+-------------+------------+ - | | Male. | Female. | Male. | Female. | - +--------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+------------+ - | 1. Resigero | 23 | 24 | 19 | 19 | - | 2. Nonuya | 25 | 22 | 24 | 20 | - | 3. Boro | 21 | 22 | 20 | 20 | - | 4. Andoke | 25 | 25 | 24 | 23 | - | 5. Witoto | 26 | 22 | -- | -- | - +--------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+------------+ - - +----------------------+----------------------------------------------+ - | | Remarks. | - | Tribe. |-------------------+--------------------------+ - | | Male. | Female. | - +----------------------+-------------------+--------------------------+ - | 1. Resigero | Moderate | Plump | - | 2. Nonuya | Lean | Fat | - | 3. Boro | Well-nourished | Well-nourished | - | 4. Andoke | Well-nourished | Very plump | - | 5. Witoto | Well-nourished | -- | - +----------------------+----------------------------------------------+ - - -ESSENTIAL MEASUREMENTS - -_Two Cases, Women, Witoto_ - - Centimetres. - - 1.} Head {Maximum length 17.3 18.15 - 2.} {Maximum breadth 13.85 13.9 - 3.} Nose{Length from base to root 4.3 4.0 - 4.} {Breadth across nostrils 3.0 3.0 - 5.} {From vertex to root of nose 9.2 10.0 - 6.} Projection { ” ” mouth 16.0 14.2 - 7.} of head { ” ” chin 19.0 17.4 - 8.} { ” ” tragus of ear 10.7 12.0 - 9. Bizygomalic breadth of face 12.75 12.0 - 9. Face length from nasim to chin 10.2 9.3 - 10. Length of upper limb 60.0[440] - 11. ” cubit 38.0 - 12. ” hand along its back 15.0 - 13. ” foot 23.0 - 14. Sitting height 72.0 - 15. Kneeling height 103.75 - 16. Standing height 139.5 - 17. (Obvious) height to chin 120.5 - 18. Height to sternal notch 117.0 - 19. Height from internal malleolus to ground 6.4 - 20. Span of arms 140.5 - - - -EXTRA NOTES ON TWO WOMEN, WITOTO (chosen types) - -No. 1. Very short neck; short sternum; straight shoulders. When standing -at ease the middle finger of hand is half-way between flexion of knee and -hip-joint. Thighs short. - -No. 2. Neck short; shoulders straight; good teeth--very large and even. - - -GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF TWO INDIAN WOMEN FOR EVOLVING A TYPE. BOTH -WITOTO-SPEAKING - -No. 1. Woman full grown. No. 2. Still growing, of pubertal age. According -to _Schedule_, pp. 11, Anatomical Observation. - -_External Characters._--General condition well nourished--healthy. No. 1. -Stout. No. 2. Medium. - -_Descriptive Characters._ - - A. Colour of skin. - No. 1. Exposed part light reddish-brown. - No. 2. Unexposed part--very much lighter, and - tintometer curve, etc. - - B. Colour of eyes. Black. - No. 1. Dark-brown iris. - No. 2. Black iris. - - C. Fold of skin at inner angle of eyes. - No. 1. } Covering the caruncle. - No. 2 } - - D. Colour of hair. - No. 1. } Black, brown in sunlight, - No. 2. } _i.e._ brown-black. - - E. Character of hair (_vide_ Section of Hair). - No. 1. } Straight and coarse (horse hair but finer). - No. 2. } - - F. Amount of hair. - No. 1. Body very very scanty, depilation not recent. - No. 2. Face _nil_. Body _nil_. - - G. Shape of face. - No. 1. Short. Broad. - No. 2. Pyramidal. Wedge-shaped. - - H. Profile of nose. - No. 1. Chinese type. - No. 2. Chinese type, but not so pronounced, between - this and European. - - I. Prognathism. - No. 1. Slight. - No. 2. Very slight. - - J. Lips. - No. 1. Medium--slightly everted. - No. 2. Medium European type. - - K. - No. 1. } Platyoprosopic _not_ excessive. - No. 2. } - - - - -APPENDIX V - -ARTICLES NOTED BY WALLACE AS IN USE AMONG THE UAUPES INDIANS THAT ARE -FOUND WITH THE ISSA-JAPURA TRIBES - - -_Household Furniture and Utensils_ - - Hammocks. - Baskets, flat and deep. - Calabashes and gourds. - Earthenware water-pots. - Earthenware cooking-pots. - Manioc graters. - Manioc squeezers. - Wicker sieves. - -_Weapons_ - - Bows and arrows. - Quivers. - Blow-pipes. - Small pots and calabashes for poison. - Spears. - Nets. - Rods, lines, and palm-spine hooks. - Wicker fish-traps. - -_Musical Instruments_ - - Fifes and flutes of reeds--Menimehe and Napo tribes. - -_Dress and Ornaments_ - - Feather head-dress. - Palm-wood combs. - Necklaces of seeds, beads, and teeth. - Wooden ear-plugs. - Armlets. - Painted aprons. - Rattles and ornaments for legs. - Knitted garters. - Calabashes of red pigment. - Painted earthen pot for _caapi_. - Small pot of dried peppers. - Dancing rattles. - Balls of string. - Baskets for edible ants. - Small dug-out canoe. - Paddles. - Pestles and mortars. - _Bombax_ silk-cotton for arrows. - Stone axes. - - - - -APPENDIX VI - -NAMES OF DEITIES - - -Many writers have stated that the Indians of the Upper Amazon forests -have no words in their languages to express a Supreme Being. (See, for -example, Bates, i. 162; Wallace, p. 354; Nery, p. 273; Orton, p. 316; -Bates, ii. 137, 162-3; Markham.) It therefore seemed to me worth while to -make the following list of words expressive of some idea of a superior, -non-human being, good or bad. - - Tribe. | Good Spirit. | Bad Spirit. - Amazon (proper) | | _Curupira_ - | | _Diabo do mato_ - | | (Spruce, ii. 437) - Atabayoo, Inivida | _Cachimana_ | _Iolokiamo_ - (Orinoco tribes) | (Humboldt, ii. 362) | (Humboldt, ii. 362) - Baniwa | _Diotso_ | _Yenauepena_ - | | (Koch-Grünberg) - | | _Ienahabapen_ - | | (Tavera-Acosta) - Baré | _Diose_ (Sp. _Dios._) | _Iyehe_ - | (Koch-Grünberg, | (Koch-Grünberg) - | p. 92) | - | _Oayaba_ | - | (Spix) | - Boro | _Neva_[441] | _Navena_[442] - Bororo | | _Bope_[443] - | | (Cook, p. 55) - Casiquiari | | _Yamadu_ - | | (Spruce, ii. 437) - Equatorial Andes | | _Munyia_ - | | (Spruce, ii. 437) - Guayana | | _Yawahoo_ - | | (Bancroft and - | | Stedman, Spruce, - | | ii. 437) - Hypurina | | _Kamiri_ - | | (Steere, p. 379) - Imihita Miranya | _Nawene_ | - | (Koch-Grünberg, | - | Z. 9081) | - Karutana | | _Inei_ - | | (Koch-Grünberg, - | | p. 93) - Katapolitani | | _Iyemi_, _Koai_ - | | (Koch-Grünberg, - | | p. 93) - Puru | _Ara_, _Carimade_ | _Arabuny_, _Camery_, - | (Clough, p. 117) | _Mendy_ - | | (Clough, p. 117) - Quichua | _Apunchi-yaya_[444] | - | (Orton, p. 628) | - Siusi | _Yaperikuli_[445] | _Iyeimi_ - | (Koch-Grünberg, | (Koch-Grünberg, - | p. 92) | p. 93) - Tamanac | _Amulivaca_[446] | - | (Humboldt, ii. | - | 473-474). | - Tariana | _Yaperikuli_ | _Iyei_ - | (Koch-Grünberg, | (Koch-Grünberg, - | p. 93) | p. 93) - | _Iapiricure_ | _Inhat_ - | (Crevaux) | (Crevaux) - Ticuna | _Nanuloa_ | _Locazy_ - | (Markham) | (Markham) - Tupi-Guarani | _Tupan_[447] | _Ananga_[448] - | (Nery, p. 281) | (Nery, p. 281) - Uaupes | _Tupanau_ | - | (Wallace, p. 348) | - Uarekena | | _Kue_ - | | (Koch-Grünberg, - | | p. 92) - Witoto | _Usiyamoi_,[449] | _Taifeno_, _Taifa_, - | _Husinaimui_ | _Taegfeno_ (spirit), - | (Koch-Grünberg) | _Foremo_ (phantom) - | | (Koch-Grünberg) - _Yagua_ | _Tupana_ | - | (Orton, p. 628) | - Yukuna | | _Hiya_ - | | (Koch-Grünberg, - | | p. 93) - Zaparo | _Piatzo_[450] | _Mungia_ (black - | (Orton, p. 628) | spectre) - | | (Orton, p. 170) - | | _Zamaro_ - | | (Simson, p. 175) - | | _Samaro_ - | | (Simson, p. 263) - - - - -APPENDIX VII - -VOCABULARIES AND LISTS OF NAMES - -_Note re Pronunciation._--Vowels as in Italian and consonants as in -English. The system adopted by the Anthropological and Geographical -Societies has been followed. - - -SOME WITOTO TRIBES OF THE ISSA-JAPURA WATERSHED - - Achopego. - Aifuya. - Aiguya. - Aigwene. - Aimene. - Aiyofo. - Amenane. - Angarofo. - Aniliene. - Arama. - Aronia. - - Baienise. - - Chaigero. - Chepeye. - Choria. - - Dedinuia. - Diguene. - - Eguidafo. - Eifuya. - Eikifo. - Emerai. - Emuidifo. - Enao. - Enenea. - Enifofo - Enokaise. - Erai. - Erifo. - - Fainya. - Feyagene. - Fitia. - Foetano. - Fueragero. - Futekwene. - - Gidone. - Gimene. - Guidua. - Gwamareya - - Hane. - Hedua. - Hegero. - Hemui. - Heone. - Heya. - Hifikuine. - Hikoniai. - Himene. - Himua. - Hipunya. - Hitamene. - Homaguya. - Huieku. - Hui-Hui. - Hurae. - Husinene. - - Iagero. - Iane. - Iconya. - Ifekwene. - Ipunya. - Isikifo. - Itomangero. - Iyane. - - Kaiduya. - Kaio. - Kaniane. - Kaniene. - Kitopeise. - Kokoya. - Kotuene. - Kotwine. - Kuito. - Kumaiere. - - Machifuri. - Megiya. - Menia. - Merekweine. - Mereta. - Mikagwe. - Minwa. - Mofuinista. - Mokine. - Monane. - Monanisei. - Monanuise. - Monawike. - Muidofege. - Muititefa. - Muitofeiche. - - Naikwene. - Naimene. - Naiuiene. - Nefesa. - Nemuigaro. - Nigwerene. - Nimaita. - Nofuinista. - Nirafo. - Nomene. - Nomuene. - Nongone. - Nonuya. - Nufuidai. - Nufuya. - Nuisai. - Nuiuene. - - Owapirei. - Owapure. - - Pofaito. - Pueneisa. - Puinaise. - Puineita. - Puruia. - - Raikene. - Riai. - Rochegero. - Ruiraga. - - Sebua. - Seguene. - Sigwene. - Sikibia. - Sikitaise. - - Taigwene. - Taikebua. - Tiase. - Torifa. - - Uane. - Uchopego. - Uekanise. - Uguine. - Uiguene. - Uhiya. - Urafo. - Urama. - Utiguene. - - Yaaniani. - - -SOME TRIBES OF THE OKAINA GROUP - - Aniokasa. - Dukaiya. - Ekanocha. - Enoya. - Fatite. - Harabahanako. - Konega. - Movanio. - Netarako. - Nimone. - Ofofo. - Pikaha. - Tokoia. - Tonhanoija. - Zohonoija. - - -SOME BORO TRIBES OF THE ISSA-JAPURA WATERSHED - - Atehl. - - Bachiwame. - Bakiehe. - Bakohe. - - Chemaio. - Chenome. - Chibame. - - Dossamehe. - - Ibamahe. - Ikepake. - Imene. - Inege. - Itiage. - Ivamehe. - - Kontadura. - Kugwamihe. - Kugweme. - - Megwae. - Megwamehe. - Mememue. - Metakwe. - - Nabeme. - Nevahe. - Nonuya. - Nuremehe. - - Oha. - Okaina. - - Paheime. - Pei. - Pirehamuena. - - Teiere. - Tichibamuene. - - Ugwame. - Uhemehe. - Uratefo. - Uwame. - - Wanahe. - Warime. - Warine. - Warume. - Wawako. - - -WITOTO CHIEFS AND MEDICINE-MEN - - Aikikwe. - Ainenatofe. - Amenatofe. - Amuiyena. - - Bogana. - - Diehi. - Diomao. - - Eavama. - Echu. - Efuyaima. - Etokwenami. - - Fenamena. - Forina. - - Hename. - Henatoba. - Hifaro. - Hirevaina. - Huguraitoma - Husinachire. - - Itomakuto. - - Kaimarigero. - Kutina. - Kutofirima. - Kwegado. - Kwegare. - - Magui. - Maiji. - Maiu. - Mayi. - Meinyitofo. - Monagara. - - Naimekwe. - - Okaima. - Okainama. - - Puinanyete. - Puinayeni. - Puineima. - - Riaduema. - - Sekwana. - Sotaro. - Suneirokwe. - - Tifecheamena. - - Wamue. - - -NAMES OF BORO CHIEFS AND MEDICINE-MEN - - Adiama. - Adiwako. - Agepa. - Akteume. - Ativa. - Ativatahe. - - Bugwaheio. - - Chevetahgwe. - Chiako. - Chikaho. - - Darapade. - Dekio. - Dihidihe. - - Ekeniba. - Evahihaia. - Evahikie. - - Gwanebe. - - Ibaje. - Ibapakama. - Imenepa. - Inateraka. - - Kadokuri. - Katinere. - Kivape. - - Magapamena. - Matremiko. - Mewago. - Mucheochime. - Muchichigwako. - - Nehevaio. - Nevamarime. - Nevame. - Nipemeiwako. - Nivagwa. - Nivahna. - - Poachiiba. - - Rimetagwa. - - Tchitchitaga. - Teripa. - Tikaame. - Tirakagwako. - Tirakawako. - - Uvatipa. - - Wadikova. - - -WITOTO - - Darkness (devil) _Apuehana_ - Fire _Ireiki_ - God _Usiyamoi_ - Moon _Fuibui_ - Sky _Mona_ - Sun _Itoma_ - Water _Heinowei_ - - Hunger _Ameniti_, _naimede_ - Laugh _Sateide_, _seteide_ - Metal _Okkupe_ - Paper (book) _Kwerape_ (literally my leaves) - Paper (leaves) _Rape_ - Paper, a speaking leaf _Kwede_, _hweyarape_ - Powder (dust) _Himuisa_ - Sleep _Inude_, _unyude_, _kwinyakate_ - Sleep, dream _Inie_ - - Bush, the _Aisikumo_ - Cliff _Ifere_ - Compound _Gicheipwere_ - Palm jungle _Amena_ - Plantation _Akafo_ - River _Imane_ - River, a large _Ichue_ - Road _Io_ - Stream _Hurete_ - Streamlet _Ichemo_ - - Alligator pear _Nomedo_ - Coca _Hibia_ - Cocoa _Museje_ - Fruit (general) _Rie_ - Grape fruit _Hurekoi_ - Gum (rubber milk) _Hittie_ - Leaves _Rape_ - Maize _Bechado_ - Mango palm _Himeki_ - Mango palm drink _Hayabei_, _hagapui_ - Manioc (poisonous) _Maika_ - Palm _Amena_ - Palm _Himepile_, _hitiji_ - Palm drink (pjnayo) _Himepwi_ - Palm-spines _Edo_ - Pepper _Ifigo_ - Pineapple _Rosiji_ - Plantain _Ogoda_ - Plum _Nemawsi_ - Rubber _Isire_ - Rubber latex _Hittagei_ - Sugar-cane _Kananoganei_, _kononga_ - Sugar-cane juice _Kananogan’heinowei_, _kononochiki_ - Tobacco _Deui_ - Tree _Inya_ - Trees, felled _Amena_ - Tree poles _Neda_ - Withe _Vineihi_ - - Bird (small generally) _Siji_ - Bird (small unknown species) _Iguyitoi_ - Bird, cock _Eitaba_ - Birds (small game) _Ataba_ - Birds, chickens _Ataba hissa_ - Capybara _Okeina_ - Curassoa _Eifoke_ - Deer (one species) _Kito_ - Deer (generally) _Chaota_ - Eggs (generally) _Herga_ - Eggs (one kind) _Ataba hige_ - Fish (general) _Jukua_ - Jaguar _Hekko_ - Monkey (general) _Homa_ - Monkey (one species) _Hemwi_ - Monkey, small _Hidobe_ - Parrot _Kwiyoto_ - Parrot (another kind) _Kweko_, _Uiyike_ - Pig _Mero_ - Pig, small _Emo_ - Spider _Humakinyo_ - Tapir _Zuruma_ - Tiger, dog, etc. _Hekko_ - Turkey _Muitoka_, _muito_ - Turkey (another kind) _Egwe_ - Turkey Buzzard _Eifoke_ - - Boy _Toii_ - Girl _Rinyosa_ - Lad _Hivisa_ - Man _Rema_ - Man, old _Weikiroma-superoma_ - Man, strong _Reima_ - Men, white (Europeans) _Riei_, _riama_ - People _Komweine_ - Stranger _Oikommo_ - Stranger, an enemy _Ikagmake_ - Stranger, a friend _Cheinama_ - Woman _Rinyo_ - Woman, old _Weirinyo-irokwe_ - - Brother-- - Man speaking _Ama_ - Woman speaking _Tio_ - Brother-in-law _Oima_ - Child _Hito_ - Father _Moma_ - Grandfather _Marama_ - Grandmother _Einyoko_ - Husband _Une_ - Mother _Einyo_ - Nephew-- - Brother’s child _Enasai_ - Sister’s child _Komona_ - Niece-- - Brother’s child _Enasanyo_ - Sister’s child _Momonio_ - Sister-- - Man speaking _Mirinyo_ - Woman speaking _Epunyo_ - Sister-in-law _Ofanyo_ - Uncle-- - Father’s brother _Iso_ - Mother’s brother _Vichama_ - Wife _Ei_ - - Anus _Sirafo_ - Arm _Onawji_ - Fore-arm _Onefai_ - Belly _Ero_ - Blood _Dueidi_ - Body _Namaseapwi_ - Bowels _Hepe_ - Clitoris _Hito_ - Ears _Efo_ - Eyes _Uise_ - Face _Uyeko_ - Feet _Elba_, _epa_ - Finger _Onoko_ - Flesh _Jukua_ - Hair _Ifoterai_ - Hair (body) _Heinektere (!)_, _heineitere_ - Hair (face) _Eimago_ - Hair (pubic) _Hueke_ - Hand _Ono_ - Head _Ifo_ - Heart _Komeke_ - Limbs _Rueisi_, _reesi_ - Mouth _Fue_ - Nails _Onokobi_, _onopeko_ - Nails (toe) _Ekobe_ - Navel _Modda_ - Neck _Kimo_ - Nose _Dofo_ - Penis _Hechina_ - Pudenda _Jana_ - Semen _Uke_ - Skull _Ifoku_ - Teeth _Isido_, _isife_ - Testicles _Hinyergo_ - Tongue _Hufe_ - Urine _Poji_ - Vagina _Berirafo_ - - Ague _Fuibuiko_ - Diarrhœa _Nuimuisa_, _Jui_, _chui_ - Illness _Duide_, _tuike_ - Small-pox _Guiyoko_, _tutuko_ - - Bark cloth _Vinei_ - Beads _Sirie_ - Breech cloth _Mokoto_, _makuto iroi_, _hinoi-giroi_ - Clothes (general) _Uiniroi_ - Cord (belt) _Kirige_ - Feather head ornaments _Eniago_ - Necklace, dance _Chikai_ - Necklace of seeds _Imaidu_ - Necklace, of teeth _Efoke_ - Slippers, boots _Epa iko_ - Socks _Epa iko_ (see Feet and Cap) - White man’s cap _Ifoigiko_, _ifoiko_, _iko_ - White man’s shirt _Kaifofero_ - - Baking-pan _Sipe_ - Cassava _Tano_ - Firewood _Rege_ - Hammock _Kunei_ - House _Hofo_ - House, large _Ejo hofo_ - Hut _Hiochupe_ - Light (artificial) _Maha_ - Lighted torch _Maha_ - Mat _Duriei_ - Pot _Inogo_, _ichuki_ - Thatch _Ereije_ - Tobacco-pot _Kuruke_ - Torch _Rekekawdo_, _rekeketo_, _recheki_ - - Axe _Chovema_ - Blow-pipe _Obidiake_ - Fish-hook _Fakawasi_ - Knife _Chovefa_, _chovetera_ - Drum _Hugwe_ - Drum mallet _Quaki_ - Pan pipes _Piabami_ - Sword _Chovega_ - Trap, animal _Iregi_ - Weapons, stones, shot _Chowefi_, _jowefi_, _chowefei_ - Signal-drum _Ware_ - - Afternoon _Nawipe_ - Morning _Wiremoni_ - Morning, early _Monanyeno_ - Night _Nagona_ - Night, last _Nago_, _hahe nago_ - Night before last _Beinawife_ - To-day _Beiruido_ - To-morrow _Wiremonei_ (see Morning) - To-morrow, day after _Dawire_ - Twilight _Naruide_, _nagona-yakate_ - Yesterday _Nawire_ - Yesterday, day before _Beinawire_ - - All _Nana_ - Before _Fuere_ - Before (position) _Uikota_ - Before (long time) _Heiyei_ - Behind _Moina_ - Behind (position) _Moina_ - Enough _Asirete_ - Farther _Beife_ - For _Mero_ - Full, carefully, good measure _Einue_ - Full _Moniteidi_, _monite_ - Here _Benomo_ - How many? _Nigama?_ - How much? _Niga?_ - Much _Eijo_ - Much, enough _Monome_ - Nobody _Buna_ - Now _Monokoi_ - Only _Dama_ - Then, afterwards _Achue_ - There _Batinomo_ - This _Pie_ - Together _Fofona (?)_ - Well? _Mei?_ - What? _Nifote?_ - Where? _Ninomo?_ - Who? _Bu?_ - Why? _Nibaji_, _nibeiji?_ - - No _Damaita_ - Not _Inyete_ - Yes _Huhh_, _U_ (ventral) - - I _Kwe_ - Thou _O_ - He, she, him _Afima_ - We _Koko_ - You _Omei_ - They, them _Afimaki_ - - Bad _Figonigete_ - Big _Eijue_ - Bitter _Neimenete_ - Black _Ituide_ - Cold _Rosirete_ - Cool _Maneide_ - Dark _Hitirite_ - Dead _Teide_ - Deeper _Nane efarite_ - Dry _Daherede_ - Good _Figora_ - Hard _Agarrite_ - Heavy _Merete_ - Hot _Usirete_ - Light (sun) _Hite_ - Light (weight) _Fekote_ - Long _Are_ - Red _Larede_ - Short _Hiannare_ - Small, little _Yewrete_ - Soft _Itieide_ - Straight _Huchinyete_ - Strong _Agarrite_ - Thick _Herie_ - Thin _Henite_ - Twisted _Huchite_ - Well (in health) _Gagritte_ - White _Userede_ - - Early, soon _Ono_ - Slowly _Puiya_ - Soon _Reiri_ - - To bathe _Noise_ - To bring _Ate_ - To carry _Ui_ - To come down _Anabi_ - To come up _Kifobi_ - To cool _Rosirete_ - To cry _Ede_ - To dry _Nokitenyete_, _nohipuinyete_ - To eat _Oko_, _gunyo_ - To go down _Anahei_ - To go quickly _Reiri maka_ - To go up _Kifohei_ - To hear, listen, understand _Kekate_ - To heat _Usirete_ - To hurt _Isirete_ - To like, love, desire (persons) _Dwere-uite_ - To like, love, desire (things) _Oyakate_ - To know _Onote_ - To make _Nenyo_, _fuiho_ - To rain _Nokitede_, _nokipuite_ - To sit down _Anarana_ - To sleep _Mei-ine_ - To speak _Naitode_ - To stay _Fuipire_ - To take _Gweipi_ - To urinate _Chowei_, _pochite_ - To wait _Anafue_ - To wash _Hokoa_ - To work _Biefono_ - - I am _Iti kwe_ - Thou art _Iti-o_ - He is _Afima ite_ - We are _Iti koko_ - You are _Iti omoi_ - They are _Afimaki ite_ - - I was _Kwe ia_ - Thou wert _Ia o_ - He was _Afima ia_ - We were _Koko ia_ - You were _Ia omoi_ - They were _Afimaki ia_ - - One _Dahe_ - Two _Mena_ - Three _Dahe-amene_ - Four _Menahere_ - Five _Dapekwiro_ - Ten _Nagapekwiro_ - - Ask me _Kwemohikka_ - Give me _Kweme_ - Give me food _Eka_ - A few days ago _Tika irue_ - It is dark _Nawite_ - - It is going to rain { _Teyakate_ - { _Puiyakate_ - - What tribe do you belong to? { _O Komweine?_ - { _O Memeka bu?_ - - Move along! { _Hei!_ - { _Ifo!_ - - Come! _Bi!_ - - It is very far { _Hikka Ite_ - { _Hikka Are_ - - It is near _Hiannare_ - It is very near _Hikka-iannare_ - It is very much farther _Hikka-fe_ - Be quick _Reiri_ - - Be slow { _Pwia hei_ - { _Pwia ifo_ - - You do not want me _Kwena dueruenyeteo_ - I am about to punish you _O feitakkwe_ - What do you want? _Nifote oyakateo_ - How much do you want? _Niga oyakateo_ - I want to see _Eroi yakatekwe_ - I want to eat _Okoyakatekwe_ - I want to sleep _Iniyakatekwe_ - I do not want to sleep _Iniyakanyetekwe_ - Let us sleep _Meikoko ini_ - Let us walk _Manyakoko maketchi_ - Let us bathe _Manya koko noi_ - Go and wash _Hokorise_ - What are you doing? _Nefoteo nia?_ - What are they doing? _Nefoteo nietimeke?_ - What have you done? _Nefoteo nieteo?_ - What have you others done? _Nefoteo omoi nieteo?_ - Are you sick? { _O seicha?_ - { _Tuiko teiteo?_ - What is the matter with you? _Neisoi o icha?_ - What pains you? _O nino isiritte?_ - He is dead _Ei e teide_ - He is well again _Ei e hichoet_ - Put water to boil _Heinoi kokoita_ - We are nearly there _Duki-eikateki_ - We have not arrived _Duki nieteke_ - It is a long way yet _Nia areiti_ - It is a very long way _Nia are are are_ - It is very short _Wei iannare_ - Put on more wood _Nane rege honne_ - Fill it full _Nue oruita_ - Be careful not to break it _Chitesai_ - Remove the leaves _Rape honne_ - Open it carefully _Nue ekonotta_ - Cook only manioc and plantains _Dama seteo meika ogoto_ - Eat the skins _Igore ine_ - Take some crushed maize _Pechato tuta hisano ui_ - How many women are there? _Niga rinyona hisa ite?_ - From what cause has your - brother died? _Nipeiche tio teide?_ - Why did you leave the child - outside? It will be eaten - by the dogs _Nipeiche hito hino o fuaka ia daria_ - Go soon and guard the women _Mei rieri rinyona hofona ipeise_ - Do not do it again _Mene amanyete omoi_ - An unmoral Indian woman _Rinyo Rei-irage_ - An immoral Indian woman _Rinyo Kachirete_ - With whom have you been having - intercourse? _Bu tika beriteo?_ - How many husbands have you had? _Nigama bettora-o?_ - Are you (a virgin) married? _Nia rutanyega-o?_ - Who ravished you? _Bu-o rutaka?_ - You are blind (a fool) _O ui nirite_ - Do not delay _Fwepi neri_ - Give me something _Feka_ - Do not give anything _Fekanyete_ - Walk _Mekkate_ - Do not walk _Mekanyete_ - I do not understand _Kehanyete_ - That’s my business (common - expression without intention - of rudeness) _Pia_ - My body aches _Kwe apui isirete_ - Let me go _Kwe-mosueta_ - Hold me _Kwe-mojeno_ - Turn round _Jireno_ - Do not move _Weihoi_ - Why do you shout? _Nipeiche kicheteyo?_ - It is big _Ei ichwe_ - It is small { _Hurete_ - { _Eichonyete_ - It is not good _Fogonyete_ - Do you like it? _Kimmarueteo?_ - Do you not like it? _Kimmaruenyeteo?_ - You are pretty _Nuen otego_ - You are ugly _Nuenonyeteo_ - You are dirty _Oapwi gagrette_ - I want you _Ona dueruetckwe_ - I do not want you _Ona dueruenetckwe_ - Tie well (the cross poles) _Nue kwina_ - Tie higher _Keifofe kwina_ - Take care not to break _Titeise_ - Well done, you thatch well _Mei omoi ita_ - Is everything clean? _Nana ganino fuinore?_ - That is dirty, I shall - punish you _Vie gagrette a kioiteo o feitikwe_ - It is very sweet _Eicho nimerettega_ - I do not like it hot _Usirete ittinyetekwe_ - I like it warm _Chiei maneide ittitekwe_ - Look well in front of you _Nue oroi_ - The plantation is a good one _Nue akafo icha_ - The plantation is a bad one _Akafo fogonyete_ - Let us go and build a house _Manya ofo koko fuinoche_ - There are not sufficient - palisades _Nia amena nana inyete_ - All of you bring timber _Omoi amena atiche_ - You make the thatches _Are niite omoi_ - These boys will bring canes _Bie hettanitino are gweichi_ - These others will bring palm - leaves _Bimeke ererite_ - Those will make holes _Bimeichino iffweirakte_ - I do not want it there _Batinomo ittinyetekwe_ - Open it here _Benomo ekkono_ - Send me the small boy _Urettema kwemo hito_ - Go and throw away that water _Mei ba i heinoi dota_ - Wash it well _Nue hokorii_ - Do not delay _Are enyeno bi_ - You are dirty _Nia gagrette_ - Put it there _Batinomo honne_ - Put it here _Benomo honne_ - Put it yonder _One honne_ - Do not put it over there _Batinomo honne nieno_ - Why are you sad? _Nipeiche sure iteo?_ - Who hurt you? _Bu o faga?_ - When did you come? _Nirueteo viteo?_ - When did you go? _Nirueteo heito?_ - It is so firm I cannot move it _Are agagrette ekkononyette_ - Bring the wood _Itofie nue omoi ire_ - Do not throw them away _Oni tinyeno nue ofitare_ - I am going to see _A chimitekwe_ - If you do not bring them, I - shall punish you _Omoi pweya fachiomoi_ - Plant them carefully _Nue omoi haire_ - Go and clean up _Mei omoi reitiseiri_ - Place all the sticks together _Reitekinyo nue omoi ofitare_ - You have left the plantation - untidy _Akkafo gagritte omoi fueka_ - Why don’t you bring it? _Nipeiche atinyeta omoi?_ - Make enough cassava _Eichwe tano fuinore_ - Let it be good _Nuere finoiche_ - Bring a little _Yewre atitomoi_ - Not enough _Dutenyete_ - It is soft _Itieide_ - What are you doing? _Nifote niecomoi?_ - What are you eating? _Nifote okoteomoi?_ - Where are they--the rest - of you? _Ninomo iteomoi?_ - Why have they (the others) - gone without telling me? _Nipeiche kwe jonyeno heite omoi?_ - Bring it to the light _Useritenomo ate_ - To-morrow go and see the tribe - and then return here together _Weirimoni dama komweine hoke teiteo - nana fofona orerire_ - Split it with the knife _Chovefa do ekkono_ - Take out the cane early _Monanyano kononwe ono_ - It is rich _Kei maritte_ - Wash the pot well before - boiling water in it _I chiko nue hoko heinowei hoku-itechi_ - Do not put much fruit in it _Eicho rie dotenyino_ - It is very inconvenient _Y otirette_ - I am unable { _Kwe mona_ - { _Hitinyete_ - I shall carry it _Diuitikwe_ - Do not carry it _Uinyetekwe_ - I am tired _Aeeiontekwe_ - You are going to carry manioc _Meika omoi ui_ - - -BORO - - Brother _Tanyabe_ - Chief _Abihibya_ - Chief’s wife _Abihilya_ - Child _Chemene_ - Father _Iero_ - Fellow-tribesman _Miamuina_ - Husband _Tahe_ - Liar _Aliraje_ - Man _Gwapime_ - Medicine-man _Chekobe_ - Mother _Gwaro_ - People _Akime_ - Sister _Tanyali_ - Sluggard _Ubeye_ - Son _Chukije_ - Wife _Tapa_ - Woman _Gwame_ - - Abdomen _Mebigwa_ - Arm _Menejeko_ - Back _Meatche_ - Belly _Epae_ - Blood _Tibune_ - Body _Kepe_ - Bone _Pukene_ - Bosom _Neghpane_ - Buttocks _Medehe_ - Cheek _Mekwa_ - Ear _Menimeo_ - Eye _Ajike_ - Finger _Utsigwako_, _mechiko_ - Flesh _Iyame_ - Foot _Tia_ - Hair _Nikwako_ - Hand _Meuche_ - Head _Nikwa_ - Heart _Meebe_ - Knee _Mimoko_ - Leg _Take_ - Mouth _Mehe_ - Navel _Icheba_ - Neck _Metchke_ - Nose _Metiko_ - Penis _Nomeo_ - Testicles _Domiba_ - Thigh _Kibaje_ - Tongue _Menigwa_ - Tooth _Igwahe_ - Vagina _Elyapo_, _diugwa_ - - Ague _Chinabe_ - Prickly heat _Nikemoi_ - Smallpox _Maraipa_ - Tick _Chichihe_ - Wound _Pepene_ - - Dance _Machiba_ - Falsehood _Achipe_ - Fear _Apichune_ - Grief _Abiyene_ - Ill _Chemei_ - Remedy (in general) _Tabota_ - Smell _Tukine_ - Truth _Imiane_ - - Agouti _Bute_ - Anaconda _Bua_ - Ant-eater _Ehe_ - Armadillo _Tie_ - Bird _Karaha_ - Capybara _Uba_ - Deer _Nibigwa_ - Fish _Amome_ - Flea _Ikookwa_ - Frog _Nihagwa_ - Hawk _Ane_ - Head-louse _Knawni_ - Jigger-flea _Mipahe_ - Land crab _Nekwalige_ - Monkey _Kemuime_ - Mosquito _Nee_ - Paca _Tahe_ - Parrot _Yabe_ - Pig _Mene_ - Tapir _Ukahe_ - Tiger, wild dog _Wipe_ - Tucan _Neiche_ - Turkey-buzzard _Pikahe_ - Wild turkey _Imiko_ - - Cane _Imuepa_ - Cassava _Mao_ - Cassava (cake) _Topohe_ - Coca _Ipe_ - Fruit _Kome_ - Grain _Tsokome_ - Guarana fruit _Inye_ - Guava _Tuche_ - Gum _Makhine_ - Leaf (letter) _Gwahake-ane_ - Lemon _Teheba_ - Maize _Ihio_ - Manioc (flour) _Chobéma_ - Manioc (Poisonous) _Pika_ - Manioc (Sweet) _Baheri_ - Millet _Matsaka_ - Palm needle _Aneto_ - Peppers _Dio_ - Pine-apple _Kitsea_ - Plantain _Uhiko_ - Plantation _Emiye_ - Stinging-herb _Ate_ - Twig _Katine_ - Withe _Ahéba_, _mo_ - Yam _Kate_ - - Basket _Minyeba_ - Baulks of timber _Imei_ - Comb _Pidogwa_ - Cooking pot _Iguanye_ - Door _Cheugwa_ - Drinking gourd _Jirijo_ - Firewood _Kuba_ - Grater _Chilye_ - Hammock _Gwapa_ - House _Ha-a_ - Manioc squeezer _Buahe_ - Mirror _Mekeme_ - Oil _Diripa_ - Platter _Patahe_ - Salt _Kanama_ - Small timber _Igwa_ - Soap _Nishtie_, _tagwa_ - Spoon _Daihigwa_ - Tobacco _Banye_ - Tobacco stick-match _Kugwao_ - Torch _Diripa_ - Water jar _Ijo_ - - Arrow _Beremehe_ - Arrow-poison _Bakua_ - Boat, canoe _Kihikwame_ - Blowpipe _Dodike_ - Dance rattle _Tekie_ - Fish-net _Tsene_ - Gun _Anihe_ - Head feathers _Aboka_ - Knife, sword _Nitsikwa_ - Mallet _Imepachura_ - Paddle _Bodugwa_ - Rope (vegetable cable) _Igwanye_ - Signalling drum _Kimwe_ - Sword _Pitoho_ - Whip _Gwachike_ - - Beads _Ichkabe_ - Clothes _Kwaiame_ (loin-cloth) - Garment _Kameha_ - Head ornament _Gwatako_ - Loin-cloth _Ike_, _pakehe_, _kwaiame_ - Man’s bracelet _Manyame_ - Metal _Tsitsi_ - - Bush, the _Bahe_ - Dawn _Tsitsibeko_ - Death _Tsihibeko_ - Devil _Navena_ - Dust _Anijio_ - Fire _Kihigwa_ - God _Neva_ - Good Spirit _Neva_ - Gunpowder _Anijio_ - Morning _Neva_ - Night _Beko_ - Plantation _Emie_ - Rain _Nihava_ - Shadow _Nave_ - Star _Mikirigwa_ - Stream _Te-e_ - Sun _Neva_ - Thunder _Tsitsi_ - Water _Nepakio_ - - Now _Ikuka_ - To-morrow _Pekore_ - Yesterday _Aiupe_ - - Yes _Eh_ - No _Cha_ - - To call attention of a man _Mupe!_ - To call attention of a woman _Muije!_ - - All _Bemere_ - Enough, much _Lirane_ - Other _Chipe_ - Same _Tedere_ - - Slowly _Tsikene_ - Quickly _Chukure_ - - Far _Chiejene_ - Far away _Kamine_ - Here _Iji_ - Near _Perine_ - There _Eji_ - What _Itsebane_, _ina_ - When _Mukoka_ - Where _Kia_ - Why _Ivekie_ - - Angry _Kaiyupa_ - Bad _Nemine_, _imitine_ - Black _Kiribebe_ - Cold _Tsigore_ - Good _Imine_ - High _Kame_ - Higher _Kame-kame_ - Lazy _Urenere_ - Little _Neku_ - Long, big _Kameme_ - Low _Paa_ - Lower _Paa-paa_ - Old _Kieme_ - Purple _Chepanye_ - Small _Chuchine_ - Strong _Kupene_ - Thin _Arenegwe_ - Warm _Kogore_ - White _Alijimuinya_ - Young _Balyika_ - - I } - Me } - We } _O_ - Us, Mine } - Ours } - You } - Yours } _Di_ - My _Ta_ - - One _Tsanere_, _tsape_ - Two _Mieke_ - Three _Tsape-mieke_ - Four _Mieke-mieke_ - Five _Sause_ - One-half _Tiamie_ - - To advance _Ikeyi_ - To bathe _Maboigete_ - To beat flat _Kihigwa_ - To bind, sew _Tsiko_ - To break wind _Nepo_ - To bring _Tsate_ - To call _Pibwa_ - To catch hold _Dekeba_ - To come _Dichabe_ - To crush _Megwasako_ - To cut, shorten _Gwatairo_ - To drink _Mado_ - To eat _Macho_ - To go _Opeko_ - To go away _Gwadipe_ - To hang _Nehigwa_ - To make, do _Mene_ - To move _Chinye_ - To open _Paiyeke_ - To rain _Nihaba_ - To rest _Paribe_ - To run away _Imiba_ - To scratch _Medonakons_ - To search _Neku_ - To see _Aktime_ - To speak _Dibaje_ - To strike _Kaboko_ - To throw _Wago_ - To tie _Chichi_ - To wait _Ubi_ - To wash _Nitie_ - To work _Wakimei_ - - Where are you going? _Kia bwipe ite?_ - Where do you come from? { _Kia-te itse?_ - { _Minekwe?_ - Do not go away _Tsa petine_ - Stand still _Tachure_ - Sit down _Takebe_ - Bring here _Chibahe_ - Let us go _Mahu Mepei_ - Leave me alone _Ubiédere_ - Give me _Okedake_ - Where (is it?) _Kia_ - Whose (is this?) _Mu_ - There is none _Tsa ikatine_ - I do not know { _Ureta_ - { _Tsa quaha Kétine_ - How many? _Muitemeko?_ - What is the matter? } _Ina ichabie?_ - What is hurting you? } - What are you called? _Muipa dimene?_ - Are you willing? _Imeje?_ - Cover it up _Gwatako_ - Hold your tongue _Kéktere_ - It is well _Imine_ - Good-bye _Opeko_ - - - - -APPENDIX VIII - - - _Oikommo_ is within the _hofo_,[451] - With our tribe there is _Oikommo_, - And whence cometh _Oikommo_, - And from where does he come? - He comes from the clouds, - From the clouds he comes; - And why does he come so far? - And why does he come? - In his land are no bread and few women - In his land is no bread; - And what is the name of the stranger, - And what is his name? - His name is Whiffena _Ri-e-i_,[452] - His name is Whiff-en-a, - And partly his name is Itoma,[453] - Itoma is also his name; - And what is he called by his man friends. - And what is his other name? - His privy name is _Ei-fo-ke_,[454] - _Ei-fo-ke_ is his privy name;[455] - And why is he called _Ei-fo-ke_? - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] My arrival in England was postponed to some months later through an -attack of beriberi. - -[2] It was unknown to me till afterwards that Dr. Koch-Grünberg of Berlin -had, in 1904, ascended the Uaupes to, I believe, 71° west longitude. - -[3] A rifle, where possessed, is never used against an animal but kept -for use against the white man. - -[4] Turtle eggs are, curiously enough, not considered fœtal. - -[5] For my share I had the honour to receive, through the Secretary of -State for Foreign Affairs, the thanks of the French Government. - -[6] Steamers have been on the Amazon since 1853, and navigation is -continuous throughout the year (cf. _Brazilian Year-Book_). - -[7] I never saw the Andes actually from these districts, but the -suggestion is always there, they are seen in the mind’s eye; an ultimate, -if invisible, limit to what would otherwise seem more than illimitable. - -[8] Wallace, p. 246. - -[9] Spruce, ii. 379-380. - -[10] Robuchon’s estimate of distances is 471 geographical miles from -Iquitos to the mouth of the Issa; thence to the Cotuhe, which he places -at 2° 53′ 12″ S. and 69° 41′ 10″ W., 150 geographical miles. From -the Cotuhe to the Igara Parana, 252 miles, a total distance of 873 -geographical miles from Iquitos to the Igara Parana. - -[11] Robuchon gives latitude 1° 43′ 9″ S., longitude 71° 53′ 36″ W. - -[12] Spruce, i. 7, ii. 100. - -[13] September to January is the hottest portion of the year, the heat -being at its worst in December. 90° would be extreme heat, and 70° the -lowest the mercury would probably reach; the average being from 75° to -85°. Robuchon is responsible for the statement that the temperature at -the mouth of the Cotuhe in September was 43° Cent. in the shade, but -that after a brisk shower it fell to 31°. The water of the Amazon has a -temperature of 81°; the Japura is a warmer river and reaches 85°. Wallace -gives the mean temperature of the Rio Negro water in September--that is, -during the hot season--as 86°, and the corresponding temperature of the -air as from 76° to 92.5°. The water, he considers, is probably never -less than 80° at any time. The temperature of the Uaupes has been noted -as invariably 76° at three to six feet below the surface (_Geo. Journ._, -1910, p. 683). - -[14] The Amazon at its mouth is 158 miles across from bank to bank. - -[15] This I take to be the _Yacitara_ mentioned by Spruce, i. 30. - -[16] Wallace noted a butterfly frequenting “the dung of some carnivorous -animal” in Malacca, and remarks that many tropical butterflies suck -liquid from muddy places, “and are generally so intent upon their meal -that they can be easily approached and captured” (Wallace, _The Malay -Archipelago_, pp. 29, 114). - -[17] Spruce, ii. 366. - -[18] Bates, ii. 262. - -[19] Spruce, i. 49. - -[20] One tree is reputed to be so poisonous that no Indian will touch it. -See Maw, p. 294. - -[21] These tribal houses differ from the communal long-houses of the Fly -Delta, British New Guinea, not only in shape, but in that there are no -platforms and no divisions for each family; the whole interior is open. -For description of Kiwai and Daudai long-houses see _Expedition to Torres -Straits_, iv. 112-117. - -[22] _Maloka_ = Indian lodge or tribal house (lingoa-geral). - -[23] _Manicaria saccifera_ (cf. Spruce, i. 56). - -[24] Eugene André noted that two kinds were commonly used on the Causa, -the _mulato_, a kind of _Aroideae_, and the _murcielago_, which belongs -to the _Bignoniaceae_ family. - -[25] Several kinds of palm-leaves are used for this purpose, and -whichever was most easily procurable in the district where the house -was built would be used by the tribe. Hardenburg mentions the leaves of -the _Phytelephas macrocarpa_, the vegetable ivory-tree, as in use among -the Witoto, and the _Bactris ciliata_ or Chonta palm for the posts and -rafters (p. 135). The leaves of the Bussu palm, _Manicaria saccifera_, -will make a thatch that lasts for ten or twelve years, by some accounts -(cf. Waterton, p. 479). - -[26] Wallace, p. 341. - -[27] This is architecturally interesting in view of Foucart’s theory of -the evolution of the Egyptian grooved stone pillar from wooden originals, -bundles of reeds. - -[28] Simson mentions such a “door,” p. 237. - -[29] Wallace, p. 341. - -[30] Among the Jivaro one partitioned half of the house is kept for the -women (Orton, p. 171). There is no such distinction among the Issa-Japura -tribes. - -[31] Cf. Wallace, p. 354. - -[32] Crevaux has described the process. He watched an Indian “qui fait du -feu en roulant vivement un roseau dans une cavité creusée dans une tige -de roncon” (_Voyage dans l’Amérique du sud_, p. 214). Wallace mentions -this method among the Kuretu, _op. cit._ 355. - -[33] If a jigger is removed at once with a needle it will not hurt, and -scarcely makes a puncture. - -[34] Vampires in this country are few and far between, but Simson -mentions them as a plague at Agnano (Simson, p. 131). - -[35] Bates, i. 246. For the taming of a full-grown _Coita_ see p. 247. -Another pet mentioned by Bates, a “strange kind of wood-cricket,” is also -unknown to me as a pet, and though I have often heard loud-voiced insects -of the cricket class they have never been in captivity (cf. Bates, i. -250). - -[36] Cf. Martius, _P.R.G.S._ ii. 192. - -[37] See Appendix. - -[38] Deniker, p. 552. - -[39] Marriage by capture was a Carib custom (Westermarck, p. 383). It is -unknown nowadays to the tribes south of the Japura. - -[40] Partial couvade is found also among tribes in the north of America, -that is to say, certain things are tabu to the father after the child’s -birth. Cf. Dorsey, _Siouan Cults_, p. 511; Venegas, i. 94; Tylor, pp. -294-7. - -[41] im Thurn, p. 173. Joyce locates the original Caribs on the upper -Xingu, from whence, he considers, they spread over Guiana and the lesser -Antilles (_South American Archæology_, p. 256). Rodway, on the authority -of Spanish chronicled Arawak information, suggests they were the original -inhabitants of the north-west coast, migrant from Mexico (_Guiana_, pp. -41, 45). - -[42] _Ibid._ pp. 171-2. - -[43] Crevaux, _Fleuves de l’Amérique du Sud, Yapura_, F. 5 et 7. - -[44] Crevaux, _Vocabulaire français-roucouyenne_. - -[45] Koch-Grünberg, _Journal de la Société des Américainistes de Paris_, -tome iii. No. 2 (1906). - -[46] Koch-Grünberg, _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxxviii, 189. - -[47] It must be remembered that I came to all these people from the -Witoto country. - -[48] Crevaux, _Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud_, p. 368. - -[49] Martius, _Beiträge_, ii. 340. - -[50] The Inca were called _Orejones_ by the Spaniards on account of the -large studs they wore in the lobes of their ears. See Joyce, p. 110; -Ratzel, ii. 172. - -[51] Simson, p. 210. - -[52] Koch-Grünberg, _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxxviii. 188 (1906). - -[53] Cd. 6266, pp. 9, 10, 12, 25, 26. - -[54] Rice, p. 690. - -[55] Wallace, p. 354. - -[56] See Appendix. - -[57] Hardenburg, _Man_, p. 134. - -[58] This combination is of so exceptional a character that it is hardly -to be recognised as a definite trait of organisation, and it follows that -though such exceptional cases may point to a possible past unity of clans -as a tribe, these clans are now practically small tribes, being incapable -of combining for common action. The expressions language-group, tribe, -and tribesman are therefore more correct than tribe, clan, and clansman -would be. - -[59] Cf. im Thurn, p. 185. - -[60] This is exactly the reverse of the matrilocal customs related by Sir -Everard im Thurn. - -[61] Or their artists and publishers. - -[62] “The natives are ashamed, as they say, to be clothed” (Humboldt, -_Travels_, iii. 230; cf. also Wallace, p. 357). Clothes, in fact, are -often donned by savages at periods of license only. See Westermarck, -_History of Human Marriage_, chap. ix. - -[63] There are several trees in these forests that supply the needed -fibrous bark. im Thurn suggests that the bark used is that of the -_Lecythis ollaria_, but Spruce states that tauari is made from the bark -of certain species of _Tecoma_ of the _Bignoniaceae_ order, and tururi, a -thinner bark-cloth, from various figs and _Artocarps_. Naturally natives -use the tree that is handiest when required (cf. im Thurn, pp. 194, 291; -Spruce, i. 27). - -[64] Dr. de Lacerda in his journal for July 22, 1798, describes just such -a manufacture of bark-cloth carried on by the Muizas, who traded this -with their neighbours the Maraves. See _Land of Carembe_, R.G.S., 1873, -p. 71. Loin-cloths made from the bark of the _Artocarps_ are also found -among the Semang of Kedah and other wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula. -See Skeat and Blagden, i. 143-4, 157, 376, etc. - -[65] A similar geographical progression has been noted among the women of -British New Guinea. See Williamson, _The Mafulu_, p. 28. - -[66] Sandals known as _alparagatas_, with soles of plaited aloe-fibre, -are usually worn by travellers in the Amazons. These can be cleaned and -washed in the same way. See also Simson, p. 83. - -[67] Wallace, p. 351. - -[68] Feather ruffs are worn by Napo Indians, but not by these tribes. - -[69] im Thurn, p. 305. - -[70] One feather head-dress in my possession is made with rough cotton -yarn, obtained presumably by barter, for none of these tribes make cotton -yarn themselves, and it is very rarely to be found among them. The -feathers are bound into the hank with very fine fibre. - -[71] _Oenocarpus distichus._ - -[72] Wallace, p. 351. - -[73] According to Koch-Grünberg the Yahabana and other Kuretu-speaking -tribes part the hair in the middle and plait it with bast. After bathing, -the hair is dried, combed, and arranged with a bandage. - -[74] Red was the favourite colour for a djibbeh. White ones were not much -liked. - -[75] This corresponds with the bead _tanga_ described by Wallace, but the -Uaupes’ apron is “only about six inches square,” and these girdles or -garlands are two feet long or more (Wallace, p. 343). - -[76] Value, I believe, about ninepence exchange or less. - -[77] So uncommon is it that I was under the impression that it was -entirely unknown until I examined the necklace in question very carefully -after my return to England. Certainly I never saw any of these tribes -preparing cotton or making use of it in any way except in its natural -state to tip their blow-pipe arrows. String or yarn of any sort, except -the fibre thread, I always found to be absolutely unobtainable anywhere -throughout these districts. - -[78] Possibly one of the _Histeridae_ mentioned by Bates, i. 211. - -[79] _Pace_ Maw, p. 226. - -[80] Belts of apparently similar minute plaiting are worn by the Mafula -of British New Guinea. These natives also wear armlets and leglets of the -same material, but not tightened to swell the muscles. The thread these -are made of is manufactured from vegetable fibre in the identical manner -employed by the Issa-Japura Indians (Williams, _The Mafula of British New -Guinea_, pp. 32, 53, 54). - -[81] Compare illustration with pictures of ligatures in D. Rannie’s _My -Adventures among South Sea Cannibals_, pp. 80, 170, 179. - -[82] The Spaniards called the Inca _Orejones_ on account of the large -studs worn by them in the lobes of their ears. See Joyce, p. 110. - -[83] Wallace states that all the Indians “have a row of circular -punctures along the arm” (Wallace, p. 345). These tribes have nothing of -the sort. - -[84] Wallace describes the mark as “three vertical blue lines on the -chin” (Wallace, p. 345). This is not correct; _vide_ drawing. - -[85] Crevaux, p. 264. - -[86] The _Bixa Orellana_ (Spix and von Martius, p. 228). - -[87] _Genifa americana_ (Spix and von Martius, p. 228). - -[88] Hardenburg, p. 138. - -[89] “Covering, if not used as a protection from the climate, owes its -origin, at least in a great many cases, to the desire of men and women -to make themselves mutually attractive” (Westermarck, p. 211). “Clothing -was first adopted as a means of decoration rather than from motives of -decency. The private parts were first adorned with the appendages that -were afterwards used by a dawning sense of modesty to conceal them” -(Johnston, _The River Congo_, p. 418). - -[90] The result of this is that a traveller is forced to have women -as well as men in his escort, or he would find that half the services -required would not be rendered him. For instance, no male Indian will -prepare food, neither will he wash clothes, nor clean the cooking -vessels. This refers to the untouched districts, and must not be confused -with the forced “willingness” of the Rubber Belts. - -[91] A. R. Wallace, p. 349. - -[92] E. B. Tylor notes that the savage is often skilled in map-making as -a form of picture-writing (_op. cit._ p. 90), and quotes Prescott for -the existence of maps in Peru before Europeans reached South America -(Prescott, _Peru_, i. 116). Ancient maps or books like “rolled up palm -leaves” (Ratzel, ii. 169). - -[93] See Chap. XVIII. - -[94] _Pudenda maioris statuae muliebris nigra, labia maiora rubra picta -sunt; sed et in maiore et in minore statua vagina tam profunde perforata -est ut transitum ab vulva ad uterum suggerere videatur. Scrotum statuae -virilis nigrum, praeputium rubrum, pictum est; membrum autem ipsum, -quamvis quiescens, erectum tamen est et sic ad abdomen parallelum._ - -[95] See Chap. XVII. - -[96] Keane tells of the Mojos valley natives that so uncommon is stone -in that district that if a man set out on a journey to the uplands where -stone is procurable he would be asked to bring some back as a curiosity -(Keane, p. 12). For some use of stone implements of the past still -employed among present-day peoples, see Mitchell, _Past in the Present_, -p. 12, etc.; Routledge, _With a Neolithic People_; Spencer and Gillen, -_Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 592-4, etc.; Skeat and Blagden, -_Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, i. 242, 296. - -[97] Spruce mentions a white pitch obtained from _Icica_ trees, I never -saw any white pitch. These Indians use only black. - -[98] Some tribes near the Napo also use circular shields of tapir hide, -p. 116. - -[99] The use of the potter’s wheel was even unknown to the Incas (Joyce, -p. 193). - -[100] Crevaux, p. 193. - -[101] The caraipé tree is, according to Spruce and Bentham, one of the -_Licania_ genus of the _Chrysobalaneae_ order (Spruce, i. 13). - -[102] Spruce, i. 14. - -[103] The _Cerropia peltata_, according to Spix and Martius, p. 259. - -[104] Tylor mentions the hammock as one of “the inventions which it seems -possible to trace to their original districts,” and states that it has -spread from South America and the West Indies “far and wide over the -world, carrying with it its Haitian name, _hamac_” (_op. cit._ p. 175). -It is interesting to note in this connection that a hammock is known as a -_hamaka_ among the Yakuna; the Tariana call it _hamaka_ or _amaka_; and -the Yavitero Indians call it _aimaiha_ (Koch-Grünberg, _Aruak-Sprachen -Nordwestbrasiliens und der angrenzenden Gebiete_, p. 65). The Baré -Indians call it _mi_; the Baniwa _bidzaha_ or _bisali_; the Siusi _pieta_ -or _piete_; the Katapolitani change the _t_ to _d_ and have _pieda_; the -Kurutana call it _makaitepa_; the Uarekena say _soalita_ (Koch-Grünberg, -_op. cit._); while the Pioje call hammocks _jangre_ (Simson, p. 268). The -Witoto word is _kinai_ and the Boro _gwapa_. - -[105] Hamilton Rice gives the distances between the meshes as the space -of thumb to little finger stretch for the Witoto, palm-length for the -Karahone, four fingers for the Cubbeo (p. 700). I knew the spacing -differed, but never heard that it was a tribal distinction. - -[106] The palm employed is, according to Bates, an _Astrocaryum_ (Bates, -ii. 209). Wallace and im Thurn mention the _Mauritia flexuosa_ (A. R. -Wallace, p. 342; im Thurn, pp. 283, 290), which, according to Spruce, -“seems confined to the submaritime region” (Spruce, i. 15). He gives -_Bromelia karatas_, ii. 520. Spix and Martius give the Tucuma palm -(_Astrocaryum vulgare_) and others of the same genus (Spix and Martius, -p. 248). - -[107] “A species of _Desmoncus_” (A. R. Wallace, p. 336). - -[108] Women make both cassava-squeezers and graters. This may be a -coincidence, as I have seen men making the mats for the doorways, usually -women’s work. - -[109] _Guilielmia speciosa._ - -[110] Spruce, ii. 447. - -[111] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. -668-9, and _Across Australia_. - -[112] Any hard wood may be used, but cedar makes the best canoe. Hamilton -Rice says _cachicama_ (Rice, p. 691). Spruce mentions “a heavy laurel, -probably _Paraturi_,” used by the Tussari for making their _cascos_ -(Spruce, i. 413). Bates mentions the _Itauba amarello_, “the yellow -variety of the stone-wood” (Bates, ii. 117). But all trees will not do, -for some will not open properly when they are fired (André, pp. 241-2). - -[113] _Iriartea ventricosa._ - -[114] This is said to be the only kind of canoe used by the Auhishiri -(cf. Simson, p. 199). - -[115] Viz. the Maca, the Guaharibo, and the Guahibo (Spruce, i. 477). - -[116] Wallace, p. 358. - -[117] For example, the Zaparo (Simson, pp. 169, 295); the Uaupes Indians -(Wallace, p. 349). - -[118] Among other tribes this is not always the case. Manioc and banana -cultivation with the Rucuyens is carried on by the men (Ratzel, ii. 128). - -[119] There is a wild species on some of the rivers, but the Indians make -no use of it (cf. Bates, i. 194). - -[120] _Anauana sativa_ (Wallace, p. 336). - -[121] Spruce, i. 180-81. - -[122] Among the Issa-Japura tribes it is rather sustaining than -stimulating, _i.e._ it is not fermented. - -[123] _Theobroma_, the food of the gods (Spruce, i. 79). - -[124] I would suggest that _manioc_ is the true name for the plant, -_cassava_ for the “bread” made therefrom. _Mandiocca_ is only -American-Spanish for manioc. - -[125] Bates i. 194, n. - -[126] Spruce, i. 215. - -[127] _Capsicum frutescens_ (Spix and Martius, p. 259). _Artanthe eximia_ -and other _Artanthe_ and _Peperomia_ (Spruce, ii. 283-4). - -[128] For processes of growing and preparation, see Markham, pp. 148-9. - -[129] _Erythroxylon coca_ and _E. cataractarum_ (Spruce, ii. 446-8). - -[130] Cf. E. B. Tylor, p. 170. - -[131] An illustration in Sir H. Johnston’s _Liberia_, ii. 406, shows a -West African native climbing with only one ring and both arms and ankles -free. Bates mentions an Indian climbing with only one ring used for -the feet (Bates, ii. 196). The same method is to be found in Ceylon, -among the Malays, etc. (cf. Skeat and Blagden, i. 51, 62, 85; Tennant, -_Ceylon_, ii. 523; Partridge, _Cross River Natives_, p. 150, etc.). - -[132] This is no uncommon thing among peoples of lower culture, but -that it does not of necessity follow as a corollary to life in the bush -is proved by some of the West African tribes who are most indifferent -sportsmen. This is the case among sundry of the peoples of the Northern -Territories of the Gold Coast, where a British official has before now -had to train his shikari, if he hoped for successful sport. - -[133] The blow-pipe, the _gravitana_ in lingoa-geral, is known as the -_zarabatana_ among the Teffe tribes (Bates, ii. 236); the _bodoquera_ -on the Napo. Koch-Grünberg gives the following names for it: _todike_, -Imitritä Miranya; _uataha_, Yavitero; _uilipona_, Uarekena; _uapana_, -Yukuna; _Mauipi_, Katapolitani; _mauipi_ or _moipi_, Siusi; _mauipi_ or -_mauipi_, Tariana (_Aruak-Sprachen_, p. 73). - -[134] A species of _Arundinaria_. - -[135] _Bactus ciliata._ - -[136] The wood used is _paxiaba-i_, the _Iriartea setigera_ (Spruce, ii. -522). This small palm grows from ten to fifteen feet high, with a stem -of an inch to two inches in diameter. When dry the soft inner pith is -removed, and the bore polished with a bunch of tree-fern roots pulled up -and down (Wallace, p. 147). - -[137] _Jacitara_ (Bates, ii. 236). - -[138] From the _arbol-del-lacre_ (Hardenburg, Man, p. 136); -_Pao-de-lacre_, _Vismia guianensis_ (Spruce, ii. 522). - -[139] _Bombax_ (Wallace, p. 147); _Eriodendron sp._ (_Sterculiaceae_), -(Spruce, ii. 523; Bates, ii. 237). - -[140] _Oenocarpus Batawa_ (Spruce, ii. 522). - -[141] These blow-pipes appear to be similar to those still in use among -the Orang Kuantan Malays, of which a specimen is to be seen in the -British Museum. It is made of two grooved halves of a hard wood, bound -with cane, and coated with “a gutta-like substance” (Skeat, _Man_, 1902, -No. 108). This is, however, a shorter instrument than the Witoto or -Boro use, the measurements given being only 5 feet 2 inches for total -length, with an interior diameter of seven-sixteenths of an inch at the -mouthpiece and three-eighths of an inch at the muzzle-end. The blow-pipe -is found among all Malayan tribes. For distribution in the South Seas, -cf. map in Skeat and Blagden’s _Pagan Tribes_, i. 254. - -[142] Deniker states that the Miranha hunt “like the ancient Quechuas by -means of nets stretched out between the trees, into which they drive, -with cries and gestures, the terrified animals” (Deniker, p. 561). I have -never seen or heard of such nets among them. - -[143] Orton, pp. 169-70. - -[144] Cf. method of poisoning adopted by natives of Torres Straits -(_Torres Straits_, iv. 159). - -[145] _Jacquinia armillaris._ According to Spix and Martius _babasco_ -poison is made from the leaves and blossom of the _Budleya connata_ (Spix -and von Martius, _Reise_, 1820, p. 98). - -[146] Simson, p. 131. - -[147] _Paullinia pinnata_ (_Sapindaceae_) (Spruce, ii. 523; Bates, ii. -82-3). Spruce also mentions _cunambi_, poison obtained from the roots of -_Ichthyothera cunambi_ (Spruce, ii. 520); and Yuca-raton, the root of -_Gliricidiae sp._ (Spruce, ii. 455). - -[148] The frame is made of _timbo-titica_, _Heteropsis sp._ (Spruce, ii. -523). - -[149] Such very hard wood is procurable, and so abundant is it that even -tribes like the Botucudo, who could use shell, stone, or metal, use wood -in preference, and many tribes prefer their lithic axes to metal ones. -The inference is obvious--these peoples are not, and never have been, -metal-using races, and poisoned wood suits sufficiently their purposes -for arrow-heads. - -[150] Oakenfull, p. 30. - -[151] Compare with customs of the Mafulu in British New Guinea -(Williamson, p. 179; _Fiji_, Thompson, p. 35). - -[152] Clough, pp. 104-5; Wallace, p. 353. - -[153] Partridge, _Cross River Natives_, p. 59; “Upper Congo Cannibals,” -_J.R.A.I._, xxiv. pp. 298-9. - -[154] For example, Maw, p. 160. - -[155] Wallace, pp. 346-7. - -[156] Ratzel, ii. 138-9; Orton, pp. 171-2. - -[157] See British Museum, Cambridge Museum, Munich Museum. - -[158] Bates, ii. 132. - -[159] I was never present at a cannibal feast. This information is based -on Robuchon’s account, checked by cross-questioning the Indians with whom -I came in contact. - -[160] Johnson, _Liberia_, ii. 898. - -[161] On the other hand earth-eating is prevalent among the Torres -Straits people, where salt is not rare. The pregnant woman eats it to -make her infant light in colour and strong and brave (_Torres Straits -Exped._, iv. 139). - -[162] Crevaux, p. 287. - -[163] Bates, ii. 195. - -[164] _Ibid._ - -[165] Some tribes, for example the Jivaro (Simson, pp. 93-4), are said to -be more provident in this respect, but the Boro and Witoto groups are not -among them. Occasionally a store of pines may be made in October, when -pines are most plentiful, but this is all. - -[166] It may be noted here that all the denizens of the forest, including -even the larger carnivora, are by popular report fruit-eaters, and are -specially fond of the wild alligator pear (cf. Spruce, ii. 362-3). - -[167] _Tapirus americanus._ - -[168] All animals when wounded appear to take to water. - -[169] _Coelogenys paca._ - -[170] _Hydrochaerus capybara._ - -[171] _Dasyprocta agouti._ - -[172] I captured some and brought them away as pets. - -[173] Spruce, i. p. 182. - -[174] _Dicotypes tajacu_ is the only one I observed in these parts, but -_D. labiatus_ is common in the bush. The peccary is called _kairooni_ -by the Arawak; _mero_ and _emo_ by the Witoto according to the species; -_mene_ by the Boro; and _whinga_ by the Macusi. - -[175] See Wood’s _Natural History_, “Mammals.” - -[176] Oakenfull, p. 30. - -[177] Turning turtles is prohibited by law in Brazil, but no law reaches -these wilds. - -[178] The Indians of British Guiana who eat the turtles’ and iguana eggs, -also “will not touch the egg of a fowl” (im Thurn, p. 18). - -[179] They do not, however, object to their food being decidedly “high” -(cf. Simson, p 115). - -[180] In this they share the tastes of the Liberian women (cf. Johnston, -_Liberia_, ii. 954). - -[181] Spruce, ii. 381. - -[182] _Manihot aypi._ - -[183] The description given by Fr. Pinto in Dr. de Lacerda’s -eighteenth-century journal of the preparation of manioc flour by the -Murunda Kaffirs differs only from the Indian method in that the root is -not squeezed, merely soaked till “almost rotten,” then dried and pounded -(R.G.S., _The Lands of Cazembe_, 1873, p. 129). - -[184] It would seem that the Boro use what is known in Brazil as _Farinha -de aqua_, and the Witoto make _Farinha secca_ (cf. Spruce, i. 11-12). -Brazilian arrowroot and tapioca are products of the manioc prepared in -different ways. Only the Boro and Menimehe make _Farinha de aqua_. - -[185] “A mandiocca oven (called _budari_ in Barré)” (Spruce, ii. 477-8). - -[186] Bates noted that he saw Indians on the Tapajos season this sauce -with ants in place of fish (Bates, i. 318-19). - -[187] Wallace, p. 340. - -[188] Simson mentions salt-licks in the neighbourhood of the Rio Salado -Grande (Simson, p. 238). - -[189] The ashes of the drum tree (_Cecropia peltata_) “are saline and -antiseptic” (Spruce, ii. 447). “A kind of flour which has a saline taste” -is extracted from the fruits of the _Inaja_ palm (_Maximiliana regia_), -and the _Jara_ palm (_Leopoldinia major_), and the _Caruru_, a species of -_Lacis_ (Wallace, p. 340). _Cuaruru_ is given by Spruce as a native name -for _Pogostemon sp._; when this is burnt the ashes give salt (Spruce, ii. -520). - -[190] Cf. _Torres Straits_, “The chief meal of the day is taken at night, -soon after sundown; the remains are eaten in the morning,” iv. 131. - -[191] This is probably the puruma (_Puruma Cecropiaefolia Martius_) -mentioned by Bates (Bates, ii. 217). - -[192] _Yerba Luisa_ (Simson, p. 61). - -[193] This may be _Mimusops sp._ (_Sapotacae_) or _Callophora sp._ -(_Aponcynaccae_) (Spruce, i. 50, 224; ii. 520). Bates, i. 69; Spruce, i. -51; Orton, pp. 288, 500, 581. - -[194] _Caapi_ is known as _aya-huasca_, the drink of Huasca, the greatest -king of the Inca, to the Zaparo and other tribes farther west (Spruce, -ii. 424). - -[195] Spruce, ii. 419-21. - -[196] _Banisteria Caapi_ (Spruce, ii. 414). - -[197] _Haemadictyon amazonicum_ (_ibid._ p. 415). This is only added by -the Uaupes tribes. - -[198] Both _Manihot utilissima_ and _Manihot Aypi_ (Spruce, ii. 414). - -[199] Cf. Tylor, pp. 179-80. - -[200] _Paullinia cupana_ (Spruce, i. 180). - -[201] _Guarana_, “_pro panacea peregrinantum habetur_” (von Martius), is -made from the roasted seeds. It is “almost identical in its elements with -theine and caffeine” (Spruce, i. 181). It is cultivated on the Negro as -an article of trade. According to Bates it is made from the seeds of a -climbing plant (_Paullinia sorbilis_) (Bates, ii. 134). - -[202] _Coca Erythroxylon._ - -[203] Spix and von Martius, p. 153. - -[204] Joyce, p. 97. - -[205] Markham, _Peruvian Bark_, p. 151. - -[206] According to Bates the leaves of the candelabrum tree (_Cecropia -palmata_) are used (Bates, ii. 211-12). Spruce has the _imbauba_ or drum -tree (_Cecropia peltata_) (Spruce, ii. 447). Markham gives the quinoa -plant (Markham, _op. cit._ p. 151). - -[207] _Re_ effects. Spruce notes that it had little effect on him -(Spruce, ii. 448). One of my companions though “at first affected … with -slight nausea … soon became accustomed to it, and found it very useful on -many occasions” (Hardenburg, p. 137-8). This is interesting in relation -to my own continued intolerance. “In Peru its excessive use is said to -seriously injure the coats of the stomach” (Spruce, ii. 448). At Ega it -was regarded as a vice only to be indulged in secretly (Bates, ii. 211). -Markham, on the other hand, considers it “the least injurious, and the -most soothing and invigorating” narcotic (Markham, _op. cit._ p. 152). He -even recommends it as a preventative of loss of breath to Alpine climbers -(_ibid._ p. 153). With this I cannot concur. - -[208] See Appendix for this and other notes. - -[209] Spruce relates that a Guahibo told him, “With a chew of _caapi_ and -a pinch of _niopo_ … one feels so good! No hunger--no thirst--no tired!” -(Spruce, ii. 428). - -[210] _Mimosa acaciodes_ (Bentham). “A species of Inga” (Bates, i. 331). -The seeds of _Acacia Niopo_ (Humbolt). _Piptadenia peregrina_ (L.) -(Bentham and Spruce, ii. 427). - -[211] The Guahibo use no quicklime (Spruce, ii. 426). - -[212] This is curious, but I can advance no reason. - -[213] Or “a bit of the leg-bone of the jaguar, closed at one end with -pitch” (Spruce, ii. 427). - -[214] And by the natives on the upper Orinoco (Spruce, ii. 423). - -[215] “Two feet long and as thick as the wrist” (Spruce, ii. 420). It -“is smoked in the ordinary way”. A long cigar is also smoked on the -Equatorial Pacific coast, but “held in the mouth _at the lighted end_” -(_ibid._ p. 436). This is common amongst negroes. - -[216] Like the eyes of a cocoanut--to allow passage to the budding -rootlets. - -[217] Spruce, ii. 413-55. - -[218] Bates, ii. 288. - -[219] Also called _curari_, _ourali_, _worara_, _woorari_, _urari_, -_ervadura_. “A powerful South American arrow-poison occurring in commerce -as a blackish extract, somewhat resinoid in appearance,” used for -tetanus, hydrophobia, epilepsy (_Dict. Mat. Med._). - -[220] _Strychnos castelmoeana_ and _Cocculus toxicoferus_ (Hardenburg, p. -136). - -[221] “Many ingredients are used, such as several kinds of barks, roots, -peppers (_Capsicum_), ants, and the poison-fangs of snakes” (im Thurn, p. -311). - -[222] Crevaux gives a long description of the preparation of this poison -(Crevaux, pp. 268-337). - -[223] According to Bates, salt is considered to be an antidote for this -poison (Bates, i. 247). - -[224] Bates, ii. 200. This agrees with Darwin, _Descent of Man_, i. 128. - -[225] Dr. Galt considered “that there is no more fertile race than the -pure-blooded Indian of the Marañon” (Orton, p. 465). - -[226] Menstruation has been known to commence in England at the age of -eleven, generally in cases of well-nourished blondes, and in exceptional -cases even earlier. It has been known to occur at nine years, but this -was induced by a severe accident. This is unknown among the forest -people. I made out the age of puberty to be not less than fifteen for -girls, and eighteen for boys, among the tribes I was with. - -[227] Cf. Thomson, _The Fijians_, pp. 179-80; Codrington, _The -Melanesians_, p. 228, etc. - -[228] Tapir flesh is undoubtedly rich, and over-indulgence would have -evil effects upon any woman independent of other conditions, for equally -it would upset a man. - -[229] A tribe in British Guiana, the Macusi, carry this idea even -further, and impose such restriction on a man before his actual marriage -(im Thurn, p. 222). I have never met with this. - -[230] Wallace in his account of the Uaupes Indians states that “the women -are generally delivered in the house, and do no work for four or five -days” (Wallace, p. 345). This does not tally with the customs among the -Issa and Japura tribes, at least I never found it to be the case. - -[231] These Indians adopt a sitting, _i.e._ continental (not English left -lateral) position for parturition. - -[232] For similar treatment elsewhere see Schomberg, _Reisen in Britisch -Guiana_, ii. 66. - -[233] Hardenburg, p. 135. - -[234] I cannot help thinking that some infanticides may be due to the -fear by the wife that the husband would refrain from the fulfilment of -his _debitum conjugale_ did he find that it resulted in his having to -support an unduly increasing family. - -[235] Infanticide is a subject open to unlimited misapprehension and -misrepresentation. Compare with the above, for instance, the statements -of a missionary among some of the Indian tribes farther south. Mr. Grubb -speaks of “a shrill cry of pain when a child perhaps has been cruelly -murdered” (_An Unknown People in an Unknown Land_, p. 17). A reviewer -with much knowledge and experience of Paraguay, remarks, “I never -remember hearing the women’s shrill cry of lamentation. The children are -killed almost immediately after birth, as secretly as possible, and no -one pays much attention to the fact” (Seymour H. C. Hawtrey, for R.A.I.). -This is certainly the case with the Issa and Japura groups. - -[236] Among the Ucayali deformed children are killed because they “belong -to the devil” (Orton, p. 321). - -[237] A similar practice is reported among the Kuni of British New Guinea -(Williamson, _The Mafulu_, p. 178). - -[238] Among Zaparo tribes also this is the case (Simson, pp. 175, 183). - -[239] _Early History of Mankind_, p. 247. - -[240] This is one of the many supposed indications of a possible Asiatic -origin of these peoples, “remnants of a race driven into the mountains -by the present dwellers in the plains,” as Tylor says of the Miau-tsze, -who also practice the couvade (_op. cit._ p. 295). The practice is as -widespread as the performance of the medicine-man or shaman, though -not invariably an accompaniment of so-called shamanism or kindred -performances: for example the Arunta have medicine-men but do not -practise the couvade, the Basque people have couvade but no medicine-man. - -[241] In support of this theory note that in Melanesia proper couvade -has only been observed “where the child follows the father’s kindred” -(Codrington, p. 228). - -[242] According to one writer some Indians go so far as to remove all -weapons and furniture from the house (Clough, p. 104). - -[243] With the Issa-Japura tribes the father is subjected to no such -torturing processes at the hands of his friends as are recorded of -other tribes and peoples, “in such sort that from being sick by pure -imagination they often make a real patient of him” (Tylor, _loc. cit._ p. -288 _et seq._; _J.A.I._ xviii. 248; cf. also Crevaux, Spix, and Martius, -p. 381; Schomburg, _Reisen in Britisch Guiana_, ii.). - -[244] Bird names, as is commonly the case in South America, are attempts -to repeat the cry of the birds themselves. _Kweko_, for instance, is a -most suggestive name for a parrot. Birds, it may here be noted, very -seldom sing in Amazonia. - -[245] See Brinton on this subject, _Religions of Primitive Peoples_, p. -196. Cf. Howitt, p. 739. - -[246] Witoto. - -[247] Boro. - -[248] Cf. Tylor, _Early History of Mankind_; im Thurn, p. 220; Hodson, -_Naga Tribes_, p. 176; Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 139; Brinton, p. -195, etc.; Seligmann, p. 140; André, p. 16; Lang, _Origin of Religion_, -etc. - -[249] See _Folklore Journal_; Mitchell, _Past in the Present_. - -[250] Every Indian man has two names, his own name and his secret name -(name of genitalia). The latter is generally a significant name, and is -used in ribald jesting round the fire, _e.g._ “the _Okaina_ (a rodent) -went to the stream to bathe,” etc. etc., _ad nauseam_. - -[251] The converse of this holds good elsewhere, for the names of the -dead are often tabu. See Rivers, _Todas_, pp. 625-6; Tylor, p. 142; -Brinton, pp. 94-5. - -[252] Brinton, p. 197. - -[253] _Pace_ Ratzel, ii. 128. - -[254] Simson, p. 92; Ratzel, ii. 128. - -[255] Markham, Clough, p. 104. - -[256] Wallace, p. 360. - -[257] According to Waitz the Carib medicine-man was accorded the _jus -primae noctis_ (_Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, iii. 382); Westermarck, -p. 76. Von Martius also attributes this custom to certain Brazilian -tribes, the chief, not the medicine-man, claiming the right (i. 113, 428, -485). - -[258] Letourneau, _The Evolution of Marriage_, p. 52. - -[259] Wallace, p. 355. - -[260] This is quite usual of course. See Westermarck, pp. 445-7. - -[261] Cf. custom among the Muskoks (Ratzel, ii. 125. See also im Thurn, -p. 221; Westermarck, p. 18). - -[262] Wallace, p. 346. - -[263] Westermarck puts the disparity of years at from five to six among -natives of Brazil (_op. cit._ p. 137; Spix and Martius, ii. 248). - -[264] This invariably takes place in the forest, for no intimacy, even -between husband and wife, is ever permitted in the publicity of the -house. According to Westermarck a similar custom prevailed in Fiji (_op. -cit._ pp. 151-2), but this is denied by Thomson, _The Fijians_, p. 202. - -[265] im Thurn, pp. 186, 221. - -[266] As De Morgan remarked of a somewhat similar practice among the -Sakai of Perak, this is a form of marriage by purchase “modified by the -smallness of the price paid … a purely formal substitute” (_Bulletin de -la Société Normande de Géographie_, vii. 422; Skeat and Blagden, ii. -60-61). - -[267] Or _potacea_, a nut of bitter taste the size of an acorn. - -[268] See von Martius, i. 113. For similar instances cf. Westermarck, p. -151. - -[269] This confirms the account given by Wallace, p. 346; von Martius, i. -600. - -[270] See for similar etiquette, Alcedo-Thompson, _Dictionary of America -and the West Indies_, i. 416; E.R. Smith, _The Aurocanians_, p. 215; -Westermarck, pp. 383-4. - -[271] This seems to be the same as the Hottentot custom (Kolben, _Present -State of the Cape of Good Hope_, i. 157). - -[272] These are, I believe, the same ants that are used in the -manufacture of the _curare_ poison. They are fairly common. In -lingoa-geral they are called _tucaudera_. - -[273] “The Carayas maintain quasi-husbands for widows at the public -cost, lest they should be a source of disturbance to the general peace” -(Ratzel, ii. 126). Widows are _repi_, prostitutes among some Melanesians -(Codrington, p. 235). - -[274] See, for similar belief among the Zaparo, Simson, p. 174. - -[275] For example, among the Bororo when the medicine-man has announced -that the patient will die in a given time, “if at the end of this time he -still lives, the executioner, sent of course by the priest, will suddenly -appear in the hut, sit astride his stomach, and strangle him to death” -(Cook, p. 55). - -[276] See Joyce, p. 249. - -[277] See _supra_, p. 151. - -[278] The idea of blood crying for vengeance is familiar enough, and the -most universally-known example is that of the fratricide Cain informed -that his brother’s blood cried for vengeance from the ground (Gen. iv. -10). - -[279] See _supra_, p. 31. - -[280] “A microscopic scarlet _Acarus_” (Orton, p. 485). - -[281] “To an Indian smallpox is certain death--the most dreaded enemy, -who has over and over again swept off entire tribes, and the name or -passing suspicion of which from youth up has always been trembled at and -fled from as from death itself” (Simson, p. 142). - -[282] There are many varieties of this complaint. In one kind the -patient wastes away. With another it assumes the characteristics of -elephantiasis, the legs swell, the flesh becomes soft and podgy, the skin -unhealthy and white. It is said by the rubber-gatherers that a cure can -only be effected when the patient sees the sea, in other words through -complete change of air. - -[283] Simson speaks of a “skin-disease common amongst all Indians of -the higher Marañon, called ‘carata.’ The skin is ‘scaly and blotched -all over with black’” (Simson, p. 178). This seems to be similar to -the “cutaneous disease” mentioned by Bates, except that he explicitly -mentions “the black spots were hard and rough but not scaly” (Bates, ii. -382). The Purupura Indians have also a skin complaint that causes them -to be “spotted and blotched with white, brown, or nearly black patches” -(Wallace, p. 357). - -[284] I did myself, and so did my boy Brown and others of the party. - -[285] André, pp. 16-110. - -[286] Spix and Martius, p. 31. - -[287] Simson, pp. 148, 194. A very common practice among Indians. - -[288] Koch-Grünberg, pp. 134, 165. - -[289] I do not mean the body of an infant killed at birth, which, as I -have said, is done as quietly and secretly as possible. - -[290] “Primary urn-burial is characteristic in the main of the -Tupi-Guarani family” (Joyce, p. 270). - -[291] For the same reason that prompted similar proceeding among the -Norsemen, an influence still alive in many parts of our own country. Cf. -Mitchell, _Past in the Present_. An instance is reported from Hampshire -within the last few years of a child’s toys being broken on its grave. -(Read, _Folklore Journal_, vol. xxii. p. 322.) - -[292] Ratzel, ii. 155. - -[293] Shaman is in more general use among Americans. It should be -remembered that the Zaparo, with whom Simson mentions the _shimano_ -(Simson, pp. 174-5, 177), have had considerably more intercourse -with western civilisation than the tribes away from the Napo line of -communication. - -[294] Vol. xxiv. - -[295] “The chief ‘medicine’ of the Payes on the affluents of the Amazon, -both northern and southern, and on the Orinoco” (Spruce, ii. 436). - -[296] Crevaux, p. 300. - -[297] im Thurn, p. 312; Wallace, p. 347; Crevaux, p. 299. - -[298] im Thurn, p. 368. - -[299] Spruce mentions Barré Indians “sucking out the rheumatism” from -each other’s shoulders (Spruce, ii. 435). - -[300] I am unable to say whether the medicine-man believes that an actual -stick has been literally in the patient’s flesh, or whether he believes -that the stick concealed in his mouth becomes a habitation for the -supernatural power causing the sickness, or if he merely does the whole -thing to impress his audience, and confirm their belief in his magical -powers. Quite possibly all these reasons combined in varying degrees are -present in any case. See Marett, _Anthropology_, p. 247. - -[301] A boy “with epileptic tendency being preferred,” as im Thurn noted -was the case in British Guiana (im Thurn, p. 334). - -[302] Waterton, p. 449. - -[303] Cf. im Thurn, p. 349. - -[304] Cf. Westermarck, p. 152. - -[305] Spruce, ii. 430-31. - -[306] I have never seen the medicine-man’s palm-leaf boxes mentioned by -Spruce, ii. 431. - -[307] Among the Mungaberra the medicine-men “can and often do assume the -form of eagle-hawks,” and thus attack other tribes (Spencer and Gillen, -p. 533). It may be that the medicine-men of Indian tribes nearer the -mountains, where these birds have their habitat, assume the form of a -condor, as the medicine-man of the forest districts does that of the -jaguar, for the condor is “sacred throughout practically the whole of the -Andean region.” See Joyce, p. 175. - -[308] The jaguar and the anaconda are both magical beasts. See Chap. XIX. - -[309] Note: Among the Arunta the medicine-man has “a particular kind -of lizard distributed through his body, which endows him with great -suctional powers” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 531). - -[310] See im Thurn, pp. 329-31. - -[311] Spruce, ii. 432. Cf. Rochfort, _Histoire naturelle et morale des -Isles Antilles_, p. 472. - -[312] Spruce, ii 431. - -[313] That the words are now incomprehensible may have arisen from the -fact that the songs were originally intended only to recall things to -those already instructed, in the same way that Mexican picture records -“do not tell their stories in full, but only recall them to the minds -of those who are already acquainted with them” (E. B. Tylor, p. 96). As -instruction and memory lapsed the words would become mere gibberish. -Certainly all these tribes appear to have songs they can no longer -interpret. _La danse est accompagnée des chantes; je regrette de n’avoir -pu saisir le sens de leurs paroles_ (Crevaux, p. 104). There are old -dances with words no longer understood among the Tukano (Koch-Grünberg, -p. 254). This is, of course, by no means peculiar to the Amazonian -Indians. Some of the singing games played by children in British New -Guinea have words whose meanings are either obscure or lost (Barton, -_J.R.A.I._, p. 269). Among the Naga tribes the language of the songs “is -known in many cases to be now unintelligible to those who sing them” -(Hodson, _Naga Tribes_, p. 68). Corrobborees are passed from one tribe -to the other among the Australian natives, “the result is that the words -are, as a general rule, quite unintelligible to the performers” (Spencer -and Gillen, _Central Australia_, p. 281). Zulu charm songs are said to -be incomprehensible to the singers (Callaway, _Religious System of the -Amazulu_, p. 413). These instances might be multiplied, but they suffice -to show that this survival of words with lost meanings is world-wide. - -As a curious contrast to this we find that the Spanish missionaries in -South America complained that they had great difficulty in getting their -converts to remember the Ave Maria and the Paternoster “seeing that -the words were mere nonsense to them” (Tylor, p. 96). It should not be -forgotten though, in this connection, that the potency of a word is in -inverse ratio to its incomprehensibility. Cf. Brinton, _Religions of -Primitive Peoples_, p. 92. - -[314] Possibly there may be a second pine harvest and dance, but the -great feast takes place in October. - -[315] Koch-Grünberg mentions the same among the Opaina. - -[316] Koch-Grünberg. - -[317] Maw describes quite a different arrangement in a dance at -Tabitinga. “The dancers were usually linked three together, one principal -character supported by two others, one on each side; and there were -generally two sets dancing at the same time, each set being followed by -women and children dancing or jumping in the similar manner” (Maw, p. -220). - -[318] Koch-Grünberg mentions a dance among tribes north of the Japura -where the men and women dance together in pairs. The women do not wear -aprons, and at the end of the figure they disappear. - -[319] Spruce, i. 313. - -[320] One is irresistibly reminded of the clown, especially of the -comic man who usually puts in an appearance at military sports. It is -possible that this custom of dressing-up to secure attention when airing -a grievance is what has been mistaken by some writers for a part of the -dance. Sir Roger Casement, quoting Maw in the _Contemporary Review_, -September 1912, talks of “the masked men” as “a necessary part of each -performance.” It is certainly quite unknown to me, for I never saw or -heard of anything of the kind, though in the first edition of Bates’s -_Naturalist on the River Amazon_ the frontispiece of the second volume -gives a masked dance of the Tukuna, so I do not suggest that masked -dancers do not exist, only that they are not known among the tribes of -the Issa-Japura valleys. - -[321] It must be remembered that Indians are extraordinarily generous, -or improvident, in the matter of food. I should never hesitate to -join a family party when feeding, without waiting for an invitation. -The complaint in question probably refers to a whole basket of manioc -bartered in the plantation, which transaction would belong to quite -another category. - -[322] Crevaux gives an account of an initiation dance where the torture -applied is by means of the application of stinging ants to the naked -bodies of the neophytes (Crevaux, pp. 245-50). - -[323] Koch-Grünberg, p. 188. The German doctor also gives an account of -a dance where boys and girls perform in couples. When the figures are -ended the couples withdraw into the forest, and night covers subsequent -proceedings. This takes place among the Yahuna of the Kuretu group. The -men of these tribes when summoned by drum to a dance leave their women -behind them. - -[324] Bates, ii. 207. - -[325] Manioc. - -[326] Plantation. - -[327] Manioc root. - -[328] Cassava. - -[329] What is it? what is it? - -[330] It is good. - -[331] As proof that this dance is borrowed, and not common to all the -tribes that dance it, is the fact that all tribes, whatever their -language-group, use the Muenane words for the answer. - -[332] See Appendix. - -[333] The individual in question was labouring under the most -extraordinary sexual excitement. This may have been due to coca -influence, to the lubricity of the song words, or to the intoxication due -to rhythmic movement. The first two possible causes are eliminated by the -fact that Indians are almost continually under the influence of the drug, -and that no song could be more lewd than the ordinary conversation of -these people. - -[334] These Muenane riddle dances somewhat resemble the _Pirapurasseya_, -or fish dance, seen by Bates at Ega. The performers joined hands in a -ring and questioned the leader in the centre, who finally might try to -rush the ring, and when successful was succeeded by whoever might be -responsible for his escape (Bates, ii. 276). im Thurn’s description of a -Guiana animal dance also tallies more or less with these dances. See im -Thurn, p. 324. - -[335] R. L. Stevenson, _In the South Seas_ (Pocket Edition, 1908), p. 100. - -[336] “Dancing to the accompaniment of the human voice only. The word -_ballad_ is derived from this.” Ital. _ballare_ = to dance. See _Games, -Sports, and Pastimes_, by D. H. Moutray Read, in the new _Folklore -Handbook_. - -[337] North of the Japura the tribes use what are known as _Yapurutu_ -pan-pipes, which are usually played in pairs. The Tukana call them -_bupupo_ or _yapurato_ (Koch-Grünberg, p. 300). - -[338] Cf. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 345, chap. -xi., etc. Bull-roarer too sacred for women to see in Muralug Island, -Torres Straits (_Expedition Torres Straits_, iv. 276; v. 217). - -[339] Cf. Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_. -Sound supposed by women and children to be the voice of the great spirit -assisting at the boy’s initiation. - -Also Howitt, pp. 594-5; Andrew Lang on “the Bull-roarer” in _Custom and -Myth_; Haddon, _Study of Man_, p. 309. - -[340] See Koch-Grünberg; Humbolt, ii. 363; Nery, p. 261; Spruce, ii. 416; -Wallace, pp. 348-9. - -[341] There are two in the British Museum on the top shelf in the South -American room. - -[342] _Mauritia flexuosa._ - -[343] Cf. Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 517. - -[344] The one exception being where parturition is imminent, and no -helpmate is available. - -[345] See Appendix. - -[346] Compare with identity of the white culture-hero of the higher South -American cultures, Quetzalcoatl of the Nahua, Uiracocha of Peru, Tsuma of -Venezuela. Note this being came from the East. See Joyce, p. 12. He is in -fact the _Atahocan_ of the Algonquin “remote from the world, to whom no -worship was paid”(Ratzel, ii. 144). - -[347] According to the Malays’ anthropomorphic ideas concerning the -tiger, “the tiger-folk … have a town of their own, where they live in -houses, and act in every respect like human beings” (Skeat, _Malay -Magic_, p. 157). In Perak tigers with human souls live in similar -villages (Sir W. E. Maxwell, _J.R.A.S._, No. vii. p. 22). The natives of -Korinchi in Sumatra are credited with the power to assume tiger form at -will (Sir H. Clifford, _In Court of Kampong_, pp. 65-6). - -[348] When Markham says of the Ticuna that “they fear the evil spirit, -and believe of the good one that, after death, he appears to eat fruit -with the departed and takes them to his home, this would seem to be a -distinct survival of missionary teaching, for these Indians were preached -to between 1683 and 1728.” Christian influence is also shown in their -naming ceremonies (Markham, p. 200). - -[349] These holes in the heavy mould of the forest are caused by -subsidences. The Indians do not understand how they came to be, and -explain the fact by asserting they are the work of devils. - -[350] Among the Kuretu the soul is believed to hover near the body for -one day after death, and then to flit away, and finally to retire to a -beautiful house at the source of a mysterious river. - -[351] Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 52. - -[352] im Thurn, p. 343. Cf. also Skeat, _Pagan Malay_, p. 47. - -[353] See Simson, p. 175; Orton, p. 170. - -[354] Cf. Spencer and Gillen, p. 498. - -[355] This is so frequently the case among primitive peoples as hardly to -need amplifying. It is very general among the Indian races. See André, p. -16; im Thurn, pp. 158, 220. - -The Algonquin hold that the mention of a man’s name offends his personal -deity (H. R. Schoolcraft, _Oneota_, pp. 331, 456; _Indian Tribes of the -U.S._ ii. 65). Australian natives only mention secret names in a whisper -(Spencer and Gillen, p. 139). See also note on names in Chap. XI. - -[356] This belief is also held by the Dyaks. “Their theory is that during -sleep the soul can hear, see, and understand, so what is dreamt is -really what the soul sees. When any one dreams of a distant land, they -believe that his soul has paid a flying visit to that land” (E. H. Gomes, -_Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_, p. 161). Howitt writes -of the South Australian native: “While his body lies motionless, his -spirit goes out of him on its wanderings” (Howitt, pp. 410-11). See also -Seligmann, p. 191. - -[357] im Thurn, pp. 329, 343. - -[358] See im Thurn, p. 349. In Australia “one black fellow will often -tell you that he can and does do something magical, whilst all the time -he is perfectly well aware that he cannot, and yet firmly believes that -some other man can really do it” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 130). - -[359] Spruce relates a custom unknown to me practised by some tribes -when astray in the bush. The Indian when lost “names the Curupira, and … -twists a liana into a ring … throws it behind him … follows the direction -in which it has fallen” (Spruce, ii. 437-8). The Bororo use a bull-roarer -to drive the bad spirits off (W. A. Cook, _The Bororo Indians of Matto -Grosso_, p. 55). - -[360] The Caribs of the Pomeroon river actually attempt to counter the -attack of epidemic sickness by blocking the forest tracks “to stop the -passage of the spirits” (im Thurn, p. 356). In Guiana disease is regarded -as an evil spirit that prowls around (Brett, _Indian Tribes of Guiana_, -p. 225). - -[361] Bates, ii. 115. - -[362] Jurupari is unknown south of the Japura. I can therefore give no -particulars or description from personal investigation and knowledge of -aught concerning this all powerful demoniac deity of the northern tribes. - -[363] J. D. Pfleiderer, _Die Genesis des Mythus der indogermanischen -Völker_, p. 48. - -[364] Elsewhere this appears not to be the case. See Bates, ii. 114. - -[365] _Yacu_ = water, _mama_ = mother, _Mai d’agoa_ (Tupi). _Pachamama_, -the earth, was worshipped in Peru, and the Inca also reverenced -_Mamaccocha_, the sea mother (Joyce, pp. 154, 225). - -[366] Bates mentions a boy at Ega being devoured by one of these huge -creatures (Bates, ii. 113-15). - -[367] Clough, p. 60. - -[368] For description see Wallace, pp. 127-8. - -[369] Bates, ii. 264. - -[370] For dance at tiger’s “wake” see Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 169. - -[371] Cf. Darwin, p. 64. - -[372] “They consider the sun as the fountain-head of majesty and power -and even of beneficence, and as the abode of the Great Priests who have -passed to the spirit world and fear him” (W. A. Cook, _op. cit._ p. 55). - -[373] Occidente is on the left bank of the Igara Parana, a tributary of -the Issa. - -[374] _Folklore Journal_, 1912, p. 314. - -[375] Casement, _Contemporary Review_, September 1912, p. 325. - -[376] Indians on the main river, however, according to Dr. Silva -Coutinho, “not only give names to a great number of celestial bodies -[stars], but they have legends about them” (Nery, p. 252). - -[377] Markham, pp. 93-4. - -[378] Poison. - -[379] Narcotic. - -[380] Spruce, i. 314. In South America manihot is propagated by means of -slips or cuttings; but in the Torres Straits the _manihot sp._ introduced -by the white man is grown from pieces of the old roots (_Exped. Torres -Straits_, iv. 149). - -[381] Clough, p. 212; Humboldt, ii. 182; Oakenfull, pp. 34-5; im Thurn, -p. 375; Joyce, p. 167. - -[382] im Thurn, p. 375. - -[383] Humboldt, ii. 400-1; Chanoine Bernadino de Souza, _Para e Amazon_; -see Nery, pp. 8-9. - -[384] Humboldt, pp. 88, 400. - -[385] Spruce, ii. 561. - -[386] Spruce wisely remarks on this point, “that the Spaniards had -been for two whole years among Indians who wore their hair long,” and -therefore were not likely to mistake men for women (Spruce, ii. 459). - -[387] Nery, p. 6. - -[388] The French traveller rejects the ἀ-, μαζός theory in favour of the -ἄμα ζώνη--bound with a belt (Nery, p. 2). - -[389] Wallace, p. 343. - -[390] “I have myself seen that Indian women can fight.… The women pile up -heaps of stones, to serve as missiles for the men” (Spruce, ii. 457-8). -This, _vide_ “stones,” is not possible in the Issa-Japura district. - -[391] Where tribal differentiation of colour is so marked as among these -people it is only natural that tales should be told of some mythical -“white” folk. - -[392] Crevaux, _Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud_, p. 284. - -[393] _Komuine_ = monkey (Boro). - -[394] “So high”--demonstrated with the hand. - -[395] These would be her natural protectors. - -[396] Rubber latex. See Depilation. - -[397] To hide the unsightliness. - -[398] Of the chief’s daughter. - -[399] This may be a folk-tale of the monkey-people stealing Indian women -for their mates. Cf. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 185; Clifford, _Studies in -Brown Humanity_, p. 243. - -But it should not be overlooked that the Boro depile most carefully, -while the Andoke medicine-man does not depile at all, and the Andoke -are mortal foes of the Boro. The Karahone also are said not to depile, -and on this score would be regarded by the Boro as no better than brute -beasts. So this story may be a traditional account of the actual rape of -a chief’s daughter by a hostile tribe, the Amazonian version of Helen and -Troy. - -[400] Simson, p. 168. - -[401] Spruce, i. 332. im Thurn relates of the Arawak Indians that “each -family is descended--their fathers knew how, but they themselves have -forgotten--from its eponymous animal, bird, or plant” (im Thurn, pp. 184, -376). - -[402] The general principle is well known, and is now used both by the -authorities of the United States and of Great Britain. It consists in -giving to the vowels in native words their Italian significance, and to -the consonants that which they have in the English language. - -[403] _Notes and Queries on Anthropology_ (1912), pp. 187-96. - -[404] Simson, p. 94. - -[405] Tylor, p. 25. - -[406] Koch-Grünberg transliterates it as _ingetā_, or _ingétā_; and gives -_marā_ for good, _maringetā_, _marinyetā_, bad; _faréti_, fat; _faré -ingetā_, thin (_Die Uitóto Indianer_, pp. 10-11). - -[407] Orton stated that the Zaparo “have no words for numbers above -three, but show their fingers” (Orton, p. 170). Simson gives words for -four and five as in use among those tribes, and after that _manunu_, -meaning “many-many” (Simson, p. 179). - -[408] The reference to monkey or beast is due to the fact that the -Karahone do not depilate all body and face hair. - -[409] Spencer and Gillen, _Across Australia_, ii. - -[410] Cf. Ratzel, ii. 125. - -[411] For example the Maca, the Guaharibo, and the Guahibo (Spruce, i. -477). - -[412] _Vide_ Chap. VI. p. 101, where it is stated that the dug-out is not -the autochthonic boat of this country. - -[413] These canoes, it must be remembered, are not affairs of everyday -manufacture. They are tribal possessions, not many in number, and needing -time, skill, and, above all, experience, to make successfully. - -[414] For instance the wrong wood might have been chosen; some trees will -not open when heated (cf. André, pp. 241-2). - -[415] _The Decadence of Useful Arts._ - -[416] There are no stones in this region it should be remembered. - -[417] Wallace gives 5 feet 9 inches or 5 feet 10 inches as not uncommon -for the height of a Uaupes man (Wallace, pp. 335, 353), and the Isanna -as very similar. The Bugre are shorter, 5 feet 4 inches, and misshapen -in the leg (Oakenfull, p. 33). The Tukana, 160 to 170 centimetres -(Koch-Grünberg). - -[418] I had no calipers, and the breadth in all cases is approximate -only, taken from point to point where it was individually greatest, not -where, as I subsequently discovered, scientific measurement decrees. - -[419] Tukuya, two types dolichocephalic. Koch-Grünberg. Napo, -brachycephalic (Orton, p. 166). According to Orton the “long-headed -hordes” came from the south (Orton, p. 316). - -[420] Bates noted that the Tapuyo have “small hands and feet” (i. 78), -and Orton mentions it as a characteristic of races of Tupi origin (Orton, -p. 316). - -[421] The women are muscular in the neck, and will carry considerable -weights in baskets slung on a band passed round the forehead. They will -carry through the thickest bush as much as sixty pounds and more in -the same manner, their strength in lilting and carrying weights being -confined to the neck. - -[422] Robuchon states that the women’s mammae are pyriform, and the -photographs show distinctly pyriform breasts with digitiform nipples. -I found them resembling rather the segment of a sphere, the areola not -prominent, and the nipples hemispherical. - -[423] Orton and Galt, however, note that “one will sometimes find the -skin of the Indian rough, hard, and insensible, like the skin of the -larger lower animals” (Orton, p. 591). _Skin--Colour and Texture._--“Je -remarque que ces Indiens, comme les Roucouyennes et les Oyampis, out les -plis de la peau beaucoup plus saillants que chez les races blanches et -noires. Les plis du genou resemblent à une peau d’orange. Je voudrais -représenter exactement ces détails, qui m’intéressent au point de vue -anthropologique, mais je trouve la difficulté insurmontable. Il me vient -toutefois une idée; je fais barbouiller un Indien avec du roucou des -pieds à la tête, et, à moyen d’un papier mince que j’applique avec la -main, j’obtiens tous les détails de structure. Le roucou agit comme de -l’encre d’imprimerie. Avec un pen d’exercice je recueille les détails -anatomiques de toutes les parties du corps, et particulièrement des -pieds, des mains, du genou et des coudes. Il est à noter que la peau -d’enfant à la mamelle présente des plis aussi accentués que ceux d’un -blanc à l’âge adulte. La peau d’un jeune homme vue à l’œil me semble -grossie trois fois à la loupe” (Crevaux, p. 303). We have already noted -that there Issa-Japura tribes are free from the skin diseases that Napo -and other Indians frequently develop. This probably accounts for the -contradiction of my observances with the notes of other writers. - -[424] See note on Depilation, p. 282. - -[425] According to Wallace, though the Uaupes Indians remove facial or -body hair the Isanna tribes do not (Wallace, pp. 353, 356). - -[426] Wallace, p. 354. - -[427] I have found this amongst all people who sleep on the ground, I -take it, for obvious buffer reasons. - -[428] Simson, p. 93. - -[429] During menstruation women wash more frequently, with intent to -arrest as well as to hide their condition. A girl at such times will -bathe as often as twenty times in a day. The cold water acts as a styptic. - -[430] Bates, i. 200. - -[431] Simson, p. 234. - -[432] Simson, p. 235. - -[433] Four inches to fourteen inches in length (Keane, p. 551). - -[434] Orton, pp. 482-3. - -[435] Ratzel, ii 170. - -[436] Oakenfall, p. 26. - -[437] The only yellow free colour. - -[438] Approximate measurements. - -[439] Outer measurements not, as they should have been, from head of -fibula to top of great trochanter. - -[440] _N.B._--As Case 2 was growing, further measurements will be useless -if not misleading. These were taken with the help of a medical man and -are therefore more correct than other measurements. - -[441] _Neva_ = also sun, morning. - -[442] _Navena_ = ghost, devil. - -[443] _Bope_ = also disembodied soul. - -[444] _Yaya_ = father. - -[445] _Yaperikuli_ = heroes. - -[446] Originally father or creator, not Great Spirit. - -[447] Soul of father or parents. - -[448] Soul of Evil. - -[449] Heroes of the tribe. - -[450] Also great-great-grandfather. - -[451] House. - -[452] _Ri-e-i_, white man. - -[453] _Itoma_, sun. - -[454] _Ei-fo-ke_, Turkey-buzzard. - -[455] Privy name. Reference to the fact that all Indians have two names. -See p. 154 for note on _nomen penis sui_. - - - - -LIST OF BOOKS REFERRED TO - - -ALCOCK, FREDERICK, F.R.G.S. - - _Trade and Travel in South America._ 2nd edit. London, 1907. - -ANDRÉ, EUGENE, F.R.G.S., F.Z.S., M.S.A. - - _A Naturalist in the Guianas._ London, 1904. - -BANCROFT, HUBERT HOWE. - - _Native Races of the Pacific States._ 1875-76. - -BANCROFT, EDWARD, and STEDMAN. - - _Essay on Natural History of Guiana._ 1769. - -BATES, HENRY WALTER. - - _The Naturalist on the River Amazons._ 2 vols. London, 1863. - -BRAZILIAN YEAR BOOK. 1908. - -BRINTON, DANIEL G. - - _Religions of Primitive Peoples._ London and New York, 1897. - -CLOUGH, R. STEWART. - - _The Amazons._ London, N.D. - -CREVAUX, DR. J. - - _Voyages dans l’Amérique du sud._ Paris, 1883. - _Fleuves de l’Amérique du Sud, Yapura._ - _Vocabulaire français-roucouyennes._ - -DARWIN, CHARLES. - - _Narrative of the Voyages of the Beagle._ 1839. - -DENIKER, JOSEPH, SC.D. Paris. - - _The Races of Man._ 1900. - -ENOCH, C. REGINALD, F.R.G.S. - - _The Andes and the Amazons._ London, 1907. - _Peru._ London, 1908. - -FOUNTAIN, PAUL. - - _The River Amazon._ London, 1914. - -HARDENBURG, W. E. - - _The Putumayo._ London, 1912. - -_History of South America_, by an American. 1899. - -HUMBOLDT. - - _Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions by - the New Continent, 1799-1804._ 3 vols. Bohn edition. 1852-53. - -IM THURN, SIR EVERARD F., K.C.M.G. - - _Among the Indians of Guiana._ London, 1883. - -JOYCE, THOMAS A. - - _South American Archæology._ London, 1912. - -KOCH-GRÜNBERG, DR. THEODOR. - - _Aruak-Sprachen Nordwestbrasiliens und der angrenzenden Gebiete._ - _Journal de la Société des Américainists de Paris._ - _Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern: Reisen in Nordwest-Brasilien, - 1903-1905._ 2 vols. Berlin, 1910. - _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie._ - -MARKHAM, SIR CLEMENTS R., K.C.B. - - _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons._ Hakluyt Society, 1911. - _Peruvian Bark: Introduction of Chinchona Cultivation into India, - 1860-1880._ 1880. - -MAW, HENRY LISTER. - - _Journal of a Passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic._ London, 1829. - -NERY, BARON DE SANTA-ANNA. - - _The Land of the Amazons._ London, 1901. - -OAKENFULL, J. C. - - _Brazil in 1909._ 1st edit. Paris, 1909. - -ORTON, JAMES. - - _The Andes and the Amazon._ New York, N.D. - -RATZEL, F. - - _History of Mankind._ 3 vols. Translated from 2nd German edition by - Sir A. J. Butler, M.A. London, 1897. - -RICE, HAMILTON. - - _Quito to Iquitos by the River Napo._ - _Further Explorations in the North-West Amazon Basin. The River - Uaupes._ - -RODWAY, JAMES. - - _Guiana: British, Dutch, and French._ London, 1912. - _In the Guiana Forest._ 1894. - -SCHOOLCRAFT, H. R. - - _Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, etc., - of the Indian Tribes of the United States._ Philadelphia, 1851. - -SIMSON, ALFRED. - - _Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador and Exploration of the Putumayo - River._ 1886. - -SPIX, JOHN BAPTIST VON, and MARTIUS, C.F.P. VON. - - _Travels in Brazil, 1817-20._ Translated by H. E. Lloyd. 1824. - -SPRUCE, RICHARD, Ph.D. - - _Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and Andes._ 2 vols. London, 1908. - _The Great River. Notes on the Amazon and its Tributaries._ - London, 1904. - -TYLOR, E. B. - - _Researches into the Early History of Mankind._ London, 1865. - -VON MARTIUS, C. F. P. - - _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie._ - _Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas zumal - Brasiliens._ - -WALLACE, ALFRED R. - - _A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro._ London, 1853. - _On the Rio Negro._ Pamphlet. 1853. - -WATERTON, CHARLES. - - _Wanderings in South America._ New edition. London, 1879. - -WESTERMARCK, EDWARD. - - _The History of Human Marriage._ 3rd edit. London, 1901. - -WOODROFFE, JOSEPH F. - - _The Upper Reaches of the Amazon._ London, 1914. - -[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE NORTH WESTERN AFFLUENTS OF THE AMAZON -RIVER - -BY CAPTAIN THOMAS W. WIFFEN.] - -[Illustration: THE AMAZON RIVER WITH ITS NORTHERN AFFLUENTS - -Compiled from various sources and corrected from observations BY CAPTAIN -THOMAS W. WIFFEN.] - - - - -INDEX - - - Agriculture-- - crops, 104; - harvest, 193; - plantations, 103; - sowing, 104; - women’s work, 67, 102, 103-4, 105, 131 - - Amazons, legends of, 239-40 - - Animals-- - characteristics, 243-4; - no domestic, 52, 102; - scarcity of, 128 - - Agouti, 127; - ant-bear, 127; - armadillo, 128; - bats, 51; - capybara, 127, 147; - deer, 128, 147; - dogs, 102; - jaguar, 36, 182, 185, 221, 231, 232, 244; - monkey, 52, 128; - paca, 127; - peccary, 128-9, 148; - tapir, 126-7, 147, 174, 244; - tiger (_see_ jaguar) - - Anthropophagy-- - dances, 204-5; - feasts, 119-23; - practices, 119; - reasons for, 120-21, 177 - - Arts and Crafts-- - basket-making, 96-7; - carving, 91-2, 93, 211-12; - painting, 91 (_see_ Ornaments); - pottery, 62, 95, 96 - - - Bates, Henry Walter, 52, 122, 125, 146, 199, 229, 232, 278, 280 - - Birds, 129; - shooting, 108, 109; - condor, 183-4; - parrots, 129 - - Birth-- - customs, 146-52, 273 (_see_ Couvade); - of twins, 120, 150, 244 - - Boats-- - how made, 100-101; - canoes, 29, 101, 265; - rafts, 101, 265 - - Bridges, 28-9 - - Brown, John, 3, 8, 9, 14, 38, 249, 253 - - Burial, 175-7, 224; - customs, 74, 81, 176, 226 - - - Casement, Sir Roger, 234-5, 246 - - Cassava--preparation of, 132-4, 144; - grater, 99, 131-2; - squeezer, 98, 132; - Boro, 98, 132; - manufacture of, 98-9; - Witoto, 55, 98-9, 132 - - Cazes, Mr. David, 2 - - Charms, 234 - - Chiefs, 64-5, 67, 71, 193, 200, 244, 257, 258-9; - death of, 65, 70, 119, 176-177; - dress of, 71, 73, 76; - house of, 47, 64; - influence of, 64; - wife of, 73, 123, 159, 200-201; - women of, 64, 159-60, 163; - Katenere, 63; - Nonugamue, 63 - - Children, 88, 124-5, 135, 146-58, 208, 236, 257, 269, 276; - boys, 76, 108, 165; - capture of, 69-70, 274; - girls, 68, 157-8, 164-5; - marriage of, 162; - stealing by spirits and tigers of, 219-20, 224, 232; - treatment of, 155-8; - toys, 93, 108, 156 - - Chorrera, 4, 5, 6, 21 - - Climate, 22-4, 25 - - Clough, R. Stewart, 158 - - Coca, 104, 106, 135, 141-2, 179, 187; - effects of, 142-3, 264, 277; - preparation of, 141 - - Couvade, 55, 148, 151-3 - - Crevaux, Dr., 55, 57, 72, 87, 96, 240-41, 276 - - - Dances, Chapter XV.; - complaints at, 196-7; - decoration and dress for, 75, 191; - effect of, 202-3, 204; - invitation to, 192, 253; - preparation for, 140, 191-2, 273. - Varieties-- - animal, 201-2; - harvest, 193, 199-201, 208; - initiation, 197-9; - Jurupari, 157, 158, 198, 212-13; - riddle, 201-2, 209; - war, 203-5 - - Dancing-ground, 42, 102, 192, 194 - - Dancing staff, 193-4, 195 - - Dancing steps, 193, 194, 195-6, 203, 204 - - Death, 167, 168, 170, 173, 187; - how regarded, 61, 175, 178; - of chief, 65; - homicide, 118, 171-2; - infanticide, 146, 149-51, 170-71 - - Deniker, J., 54 - - Depilation, 120, 181-2, 241-2, 273, 281, 282 - - Disease, 168, 178, 186, 229; - chronic, 170; - infections, 169, 173; - mental, 169; - skin, 174, 175; - beriberi, 13, 174; - fever, 173, 188; - smallpox, 174; - sun-sickness, 173 - - Divorce, 165-6 - - Dress, 71-6; - ceremonial, 74; - travellers’, 15, 16; - men’s, 72, 73; - women’s, 72, 79; - breech-cloth, manufacture of, 73; - never removed, 74; - ligatures, 73, 77, 83, 84, 271. - _See_ Chief, Medicine-man, etc. - - Drinks, 101; - fruit, 104, 139; - herb, 138, 277; - intoxicating, 139-41; - unfermented, 138-9 - - Drugs, 140, 175, 182-3, 187. - _See_ Poison, Snuff, etc. - - - Escort, 3, 5, 71; - management of, 4 - - - Field of exploration, 17-18 - - Fire, 48-50, 133, 136; - by friction, 48; - method of making unknown, 48; - plan of, 49, 50 - - Fish, 130-31, 245, 279 - - Fishing, 112; - nets, 112; - poison, 113-14; - spears, 113 - - Floods, 22, 32; - traditions of, 238-9 - - Folk tales, 221-3, 231, 236-45; - animal stories, 243-4 - - Food, 50, 126, 128-30, 257; - difficulty of obtaining, 15, 38; - eggs not taken for, 130; - influence of, 121, 147-8; - preparation of, 68, 105, 135-6; - scarcity of, 120, 121, 126; - when eaten, 134-5; - animal, 128-9; - peppers, 105, 134; - pepper-pot, 129, 134, 135-6; - reptiles, 129; - salt, 124, 134; - sauces, 133-4, 139; - sugar, 104; - turtles, 129-30; - vermin, 130. - _See_ Cassava, Fish, Fruit, etc. - - Forest-- - birds in, 26; - description of, 26-8; - depressing influence of, 14, 35-6, 265, 266; - lost in, 37; - noises in, 34; - silence of, 34; - tracks in, 28; - travellers’ danger in, 29; - travelling in, 14, 34-5, 37 - - Fruit, 104, 135, 136-7 - - - Games, 157; - singing, 208-9; - toys, 93, 108, 156 - - Geophagy, 124-5 - - - Hair, 274, 282, 285; - how worn, 77-8, 274 - - Hammocks, 55; - how slung, 47, 50; - made by women, 97-9; - Witoto, 54, 91 - - Hardenburg, W. E., 62, 88, 149, 163 - - Head hunters, 122 - - Houses-- - private, 47-8, 161; - temporary, 47; - tribal-- - Maloka, 40-52; - construction of, 43; - light in, 49, 186; - plan of, 41, 43, 45, 46; - sites of, 42, 118; - thatch of, 43-4 - - Hunting, 104, 107-9, 110; - rights, 112; - traps, 110-11. - _See_ Weapons - - - Igarape Falls, 6 - - Implements-- - household, earthenware, 133; - human bone, 123-4; - knives, 94; - pestle and mortar, 99, 141; - tools, 95, 214; - troughs, 99, 140-41 - - im Thurn, Sir Everard, 55, 76, 152, 239, 274 - - Indian-- - beliefs, Chapter XVII.; - character, 4, 13, 61, 110, 156, 202, 236, 256-64, 275-6; - cruelty to infirm, 169-70, 257; - ethics, 65, 66, 68, 260-62; - kinship, 67, 244, 276; - life, 50, 236, 246, 276-7, 278; - origin not decadent remnants, 54, 264-6; - physical traits, 269, Appendices; - treachery, 4, 258, 259-60; - types, classification of, 53; - Neolithic, 94, 266; - voice, 207, 253-4; - woodcraft, 106-7 - - Indians, story of white, 240-41 - - Initiation, 157-8, 165; - dances, 197-9 - - Insects, 30, 52; - ants, 32, 33, 51, 97; - beetles, 82; - bees, 31, 51, 130; - butterflies and moths, 31-2; - flies, 30; - harvest boys, 31; - jiggers, 51, 173-4, 273; - lice, 130, 173, 273; - mosquito, 31, 51; - pium, 30-31, 51, 173; - sand-fly, 31; - spiders, 51; - ticks, 31, 273; - wasps, 31, 130 - - - Joyce, Thomas A., 238 - - Jurupari, 229, 231. - _See also_ Dances - - - Koch-Grünberg, Dr., 46-7, 60, 77, 111, 121, 151, 159, 175, 188, 194, - 198, 247, 251, 262, 275, 282 - - - Language, Chapter XIX.; - drum, 215-216, 253; - gesture, 251; - groups, 56, 57, 247 - - - Manioc, 68, 104-5, 237-8; - cultivation of, 104-5, 131; - preparation of, 98-99, 131-4 - - Map--Witoto, 92-3 - - Markham, Sir Clements, 158 - - Marriage, 60-61, 66-7, 103, 159-67; - arrangement of, 158, 159-60, 161; - betrothal, 162; - ceremonies, 160-164; - fidelity in, 69, 166-7, 262 - - Medicine-man, 140, Chapter XIV., 273; - dress of, 73, 95, 183; - functions of, 151, 153, 168-9, 175, 185-6; - influence of, 64; - magic powers of, 172, 178, 179-81, 182, 183-4, 185, 186-7, 188-9, - 224, 228, 232; - poison made by, 144, 178-9; - succession of, 181-2 - - Music, 207-8; - instruments, 210-17; - castanets, 213; - drums, 204, 210, 214-17; - signal drums, 192, 214-17, 253; - flutes, 123, 192, 194, 195, 197, 204, 210, 211-12; - pan-pipes, 192-3, 204, 210-211; - rattles, 83, 64, 194, 195, 210, 213-14; - trumpets, 211-12; - whistles, 194, 212; - Jurupari, 212-213 - - - Names, 56, 244, 248; - boys’ and girls’, 153; - not mentioned, 57, 153-4, 220, 226-7, 280 - - Nery, Baron de Santa-Anna, 239 - - - Ornaments, 76; - beaded garlands, 79-80, 81, 191; - beads, 79-80, 82-3, 213; - bracelets, 82-3, 213; - combs, 77-8; - earrings, 85, 86, 275; - feather head-dress, 75-6; - feathers, 76-7, 83, 85, 86, 191; - labret, 86; - necklaces, 81, 82, 192; - nose-pin, 86, 275; - paint, 87, 192; - scarification, 66; - tattoo, 86, 87 - - Orton, James, 279, 280, 281 - - - Palms, 30; - _Aeta_, 26; - _Astrocaryum_, 30; - _Chambiri_, 97; - edible varieties, 137; - _Iriartea ventricosa_, 29 - - Poisons, 91, 111, 116-17, 168-9, 219, 259-260; - preparation of, 144-5, 179 - - Proverbs, 259-60 - - - Rainfall, 22 - - Reptiles, 33; - anaconda, 184, 231; - boa-constrictor, 36; - frogs, 129; - iguana, 129; - lizard, 184; - snakes, 129; - fear of, 30 - - Rice, Hamilton, 97 - - Rivers, Dr. W. H. R., 237, 266 - - Rivers-- - Acre, 11; - Aiary, 198; - Amazon, 17, 18, 20, 33; - fascination of, 17, 205; - scenery of, 25; - soil of basin, 24-5; - Apaporis, 10, 59; - Avio Parana, 7, 8; - black water streams, 19; - Fue, 6; - Igara Parana, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 18, 58; - description of, 20; - Ira, 58; - Issa, 5, 17, 19, 24, 31, 58, 173; - description of, 19, 22; - fish in, 131; - Issanna, 140; - Japura, 6, 8, 11, 12, 17, 18, 33, 58, 70, 73; - camp on, 5; - scenery, 22; - Kahuinari, 7, 11, 13, 31, 58; - description of, 22; - journey up, 5; - Kara Parana, 18, 21; - Kuemani, 58; - Miriti, 74; - Napo, 18, 24, 222; - houses on, 44; - trip up, 2; - Negro, 18, 19, 104, 222; - Papunya, 8, 20, 58; - Tapajos, 113; - Tauauru, 58; - Tikie, 61; - Uaupes, 18, 59, 91, 112; - black water, 19; - description of, 18-19; - houses on, 46; - proposed journey up, 1, 2, 13; - Wama, 58; - white water streams, 19 - - Robuchon, Eugene, 20, 31, 46, 65, 86, 88, 89, 99, 119, 122, 123, 163, - 210, 270, 272; - deserted by carriers, 7, 8; - disappearance of, 5-12; - dog “Othello,” 7, 8, 10, 11; - last camp of, 9, 10; - last message from, 8; - previously lost, 11; - relief expedition, 8, 11; - survivors of, 6 - - Route, 2, 3, 5, 8, 9, 10, 13 - - Rubber-- - Belt, 3, 4, 11, 40, 72, 80, 91, 101, 174, 257; - gatherers, 2, 3, 48, 63-4 - - - Simson, Alfred, 243, 250 - - Slaves, 5, 69-70, 124, 170, 263, 273. - _See_ Tribes, Maku - - Snuff, 143, 179 - - Songs, 190, 196-7, 199-201, 206-10; - meaning of words lost, 190, 207-8 - - Spelling, 57, 248-9 - - Spines, 30, 35; - used for combs, 77 - - Spirits, 92, Chapter XVII.; - evil, 179, 185, 186, 218, 219-20, 223-5, 228-9, 233; - Good, 218-19, 221, 223, 224-5, 226; - appeared to man, 93, 221-3, 237-8; - land of, 225-6; - return of, 172, 176, 177, 182, 224-7; - transmigratory, 224-5, 227-8 - - Spruce, Richard, 19, 32, 33, 99, 101, 128, 140, 188, 238, 240, 244, 280 - - Stone-- - absence of, 20, 24, 94, 265; - found at Chorrera, 21; - axes, 94, 260; - magic stones, 163, 184 - - - Tabu, 90, 243; - birth, 121; - coca, 68, 105, 143, 152; - food, 121, 135, 147-148, 152, 155, 243-4; - medicine-man’s, 162; - removal of, 180; - tobacco, 68, 105, 143-4; - women’s, 68, 105, 123, 135, 140, 143-4, 147-8, 165, 197, 212-13, - 240, 244 - - Teeth, 275; - necklaces of human, 81, 124; - painted black, 88 - - Theft, 171 - - Tobacco, 104, 105, 187; - ceremonial licking, 153, 163, 221, 259; - drinking, 65-6, 179; - not smoked, 143, 158; - preparation of, 143-4. - _See_ Tabu - - Tobacco palaver, 46, 64, 65-6, 117, 165, 197, 222 - - Tobacco pot, 65, 144, 259 - - Trade, 61-2, 79, 91, 105-6, 108, 134, 144, 164, 217 - - Travelling in bush, 14, 15, 258-9; - dress, 75; - equipment, 15-16 - - Tree-climbing, method of, 106 - - Tribal Council, 65; - house (_see_ Houses, Maloka); - marks, 61, 66, 158; - signals, 253; - system, 62-5 - - Tribes, 54, 56, 57, 58, 256; - localities changing, 59, 62 - Aiary, 198 - Akaroa, 247 - Andoke, 132, 133, 157, 162, 231, 273; - appearance of, 60, 269, 275; - cannibals, 120; - character, 257, 259, 277; - chief, 5, 65; - country of, 5, 58, 201; - dress of, 78; - language of, 14, 248; - manufactures, 108; - medicine-man, 73, 95, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184; - ornaments, 88, 89; - statistics, 59, 247 - Apaporis, 74, 75, 116, 158, 175 - Arekaine, 120 - Arawak, 54 - Auhishiri, 60 - Bara, 59, 61, 108, 140, 157, 188, 282; - statistics, 247 - Boro, 55, 56, 71, 104, 112, 127, 132, 133, 152, 153, 154, 162, 178, - 216, 276; - appearance of, 58, 60, 61, 77, 269, 271, 274-5, 282; - beliefs of, 230-31, 234; - cannibals, 119; - character, 277; - chief, 63, 197; - dances, 194, 199-201; - dress, 75, 78, 83, 84; - folk-tales, 221-2, 241-2, 244; - houses, 44, 48; - language, 14, 220, 221, 247, 248, 251, 252, 253, and Appendices; - localities, 58; - manufactures, 91, 96, 108; - ornaments, 82, 85, 86; - statistics, 59, 247; - tribal marks, 87; - tribes, 9, 11, 12, 62; - women, 149 - Botocudo, 129 - Carib, 54 - Catanixi, 101 - Chepei, 6 - Cobeu, 120 - Coto, 58 - Issa, 79, 124 - Issanna, 140, 160 - Japura, 59, 60, 75, 79, 116, 124 - Jivaro, 115-16, 122, 158 - Karahone, 55, 57, 61, 140, 174-5, 178; - appearance, 269, 274, 282; - character, 257-8, 259-60; - dress, 74, 77; - manufactures, 96; - ornaments, 87; - poisons made by, 91, 111, 118, 144, 168, 259-60; - slave boy, 5, 273; - statistics, 59, 62, 247; - women, 80 - Kuretu, 104, 139, 140, 147, 150, 164, 176, 226; - appearance, 275, 281, 282; - character, 60; - country, 59, 75; - dress, 75; - houses, 48; - language-group, 58-9; - ornaments, 84, 86; - statistics, 247 - Maku, 60, 61, 257, 262; - appearance, 269; - country, 59, 70; - slaves, 70 - Makuna, country, 75; - dress, 75, 77; - houses, 44; - ornaments, 86; - statistics, 247 - Menimehe, 10, 56, 61, 75, 115, 139, 140, 143, 144, 276; - appearance, 273, 274, 283, 284; - beehives made by, 51, 130; - character, 11; - country, 11, 58, 74; - dress, 74, 76; - language, 247, 248; - monkeys kept by, 52; - ornaments, 86; - pottery, 62, 91, 95; - shooting fish, 113; - statistics, 59, 247; - tribal marks, 61, 86, 158; - weapons, 95, 115, 116, 117, 194; - women, 10 - Muenane, 56, 61, 235; - appearance, 77, 282; - character, 277; - country, 8, 63, 201; - dance, 201, 208-9; - language, 247, 248; - ornaments, 86, 275; - statistics, 59, 247 - Napo, 58, 60, 74, 76, 82, 85, 112, 113, 116, 140, 174, 175, 211, 217 - Nonuya, 56; - character, 277; - chief, 63; - country, 58, 63; - dress, 76; - houses, 44, 46; - language, 248; - statistics, 59, 247 - Okaina, 56, 60, 99, 132, 188, 216, 235; - appearance, 269, 275, 282; - country, 56; - dances, 194; - dress, 81, 83; - language, 248; - ornaments, 89; - statistics, 59, 247; - tribes, 62 - Opaina, 59; - country, 74; - dress, 75; - statistics, 247 - Orahone, country, 58; - dress, 74; - houses, 46; - medicine-man, 73, 183; - name, 58, 85; - ornaments, 85, 88 - Orahone, 60 - Ouayana, 241 - Pegua, 247 - Piohe, 60 - Resigero, 60, 61, 132; - appearance, 274, 282, 283, 284; - baskets for ants, 97; - cannibals, 120; - character, 277; - chief, 63-4; - country, 8, 58, 63, 201; - dress, 77; - language, 248; - ornaments, 86; - statistics, 59, 247 - Rio Negro, 140, 221 - Roucouyennes, 57 - Saha, 247 - Saka, 86 - Tapajos, 113 - Tikie, 61, 104, 111, 147, 159, 194, 247, 270, 274, 275 - Tukana, 59, 61, 112, 135, 194, 195, 213, 234, 247, 270, 274, 275, 282 - Tureka, 194 - Turuka, 191, 194, 196 - Tutapishco, 58 - Tuyuka, 86, 143, 151, 254, 282; - houses, 47 - Uacarra, 161 - Uaenambeu, 160 - Uaupes, 59, 76, 85, 116, 140, 143, 188, 198, 244, 248 - Umaua, 74, 247 - Witoto, 54, 55, 56, 57, 61, 71, 104, 115, 126, 132, 133, 151, 152, - 153, 162, 178, 211, 231, 235; - appearance, 58, 60, 269, 270, 271, 274, 282; - arts, 92, 93; - character, 277; - country, 58; - dance, 209-10; - dress, 76, 63, 84; - fishing, 112, 113; - houses, 44, 46, 48; - language, 14, 72, 220, 221, 248, 250, 251, 252, 253; - language-group, 56, 247; - manufactures, 91; - ornaments, 82, 86, 88, 89; - statistics, 59, 60, 62, 247; - tribes, 6, 62, 93; - tree venerated by, 233; - women, 3, 149, 155, 223, 260, 275 - Yahabana, 84, 86 - Yahua, 247 - Yahuna, 10, 116, 143, 194, 247 - Yakuna, 86 - Yuri, 56, 247 - Zaparo, 226 - - Tylor, E. B., 152, 264 - - - Vampires, 51-2 - - Vegetable life, 24-5, 26, 104, 130, 131 - - von Martius, Dr., 57, 264 - - - Wallace, Dr. Russell, 1, 19, 44, 46, 60, 91, 101, 121, 134, 158, 160, - 161, 197, 240, 275, 280 - - War, 61, 62, 117-19; - blood feuds, 61; - causes, 61; - dance, 203-5; - defensive, 5, 14, 118; - dress, 74; - preparations for, 5, 185; - prisoners in, 118-19, 120-21, 159-60; - strategy, 117 - - Waterton, Charles, 181 - - Weapons, 16, 115; - arrows and darts, 109, 115-17, 145; - blow-pipes, 91, 107, 108-9; - club, 115, 116, 194; - fish-spears, 113; - guns, 91, 115; - javelins, 111, 113, 115, 116, 145; - shields, 115, 119; - swords, 115, 116, 260; - traps, 110-11, 118 - - Women, 47, 51, 67-9, 195; - behaviour of, 262; - duties and work of, 90-91, 95, 96, 97, 98, 102, 134, 173-4, 263; - mothers, 147-55; - physical traits, 271-2, 282; - position of, 135, 159-160, 161, 164-5, 166, 240; - prostitutes, 159-60, 167; - widows, 167 - -THE END - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The North-West Amazons, by Thomas Whiffen - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORTH-WEST AMAZONS *** - -***** This file should be named 55540-0.txt or 55540-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/5/4/55540/ - -Produced by deaurider and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The North-West Amazons - Notes of some months spent among cannibal tribes - -Author: Thomas Whiffen - -Release Date: September 13, 2017 [EBook #55540] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORTH-WEST AMAZONS *** - - - - -Produced by deaurider and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p> - -<h1>THE NORTH-WEST AMAZONS</h1> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 425px;" id="frontispiece"> -<img src="images/frontispiece.jpg" width="425" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">BORO MEDICINE MAN, WITH MY RIFLE</p> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p> - -<p class="titlepage larger">THE NORTH-WEST<br /> -AMAZONS</p> - -<p class="titlepage">NOTES OF SOME MONTHS SPENT<br /> -AMONG CANNIBAL TRIBES</p> - -<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br /> -THOMAS WHIFFEN<br /> -<span class="smaller">F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Captain H.P. (14th Hussars)</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage">NEW YORK<br /> -DUFFIELD AND COMPANY<br /> -1915</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span></p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller"><i>Printed in Great Britain</i></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p> - -<p class="titlepage">TO THE MEMORY OF THE LATE<br /> -<span class="smcap">Dr. ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE, O.M.</span><br /> -THESE NOTES ARE DEDICATED</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></p> - -<h2>PREFACE</h2> - -<p>In presenting to the public the results of my journey through -the lands about the upper waters of the Amazon, I make -no pretence of challenging conclusions drawn by such experienced -scientists as Charles Waterton, Alfred Russel -Wallace, Richard Spruce, and Henry Walter Bates, nor to -compete with the indefatigable industry of those recent -explorers Dr. Koch-Grünberg and Dr. Hamilton Rice.</p> - -<p>Some months of the years 1908 and 1909 were passed -by me travelling in regions between the River Issa and the -River Apaporis where white men had scarcely penetrated -previously. In the remoter parts of these districts the tribes -of nomad Indians are frankly cannibal on occasion, and -provide us with evidence of a condition of savagery that -can hardly be found elsewhere in the world of the twentieth -century. It will be noted that this area includes the -Putumayo District.</p> - -<p>With regard to the references in footnotes and appendices, -I have inserted them to suggest where similarities of culture -or variations of a given custom are to be found. These -notes may be of some use to the student of such problems -as the question of cultural contact with Pacific peoples, and -at the least they represent the evidence on which I have -based my own conclusions.</p> - -<p class="right">THOMAS WHIFFEN.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">London, 1914.</span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span></p> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table summary="Contents"> - <tr> - <td colspan="2"></td> - <td class="tdr smaller">PAGE</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Introductory</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Topography—Rivers—Floods and rainfall—Climate—Soil—Animal - and vegetable life—Birds—Flowers—Forest scenery—Tracks—Bridges—Insect - pests—Reptiles—Silence in the forest—Travelling - in the bush—Depressing effects of the forest—Lost - in the forest—Starvation the crowning horror</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">The Indian homestead—Building—Site and plan of <i>maloka</i>—Furniture—Inhabitants - of the house—Fire—Daily life—Insect inhabitants—Pets</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Classification of Indian races—Difficulties of tabulating—Language-groups - and tribes—Names—Sources of confusion—Witoto and - Boro—Localities of language-groups—Population of districts—Intertribal - strife—Tribal enemies and friends—Reasons for endless - warfare—Intertribal trade and communications—Relationships—Tribal - organisation—The chief, his position and powers—Law—Tribal - council—Tobacco-drinking—Marriage system and - regulations—Position of women—Slaves</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_53">53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Dress and ornament—Geographical and tribal differentiations—Festal - <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span>attire—Feather ornaments—Hair-dressing—Combs—Dance - girdles—Beads—Necklaces—Bracelets—Leg rattles—Ligatures—Ear-rings—Use - of labret—Nose pins—Scarification—Tattoo—Tribal - marks—Painting</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Occupations—Sexual division and tabu—Tribal manufactures—Arts - and crafts—Drawing—Carving—Metals—Tools and implements—No - textile fabrics—Pottery—Basket-making—Hammocks—Cassava-squeezer - and grater—Pestle and mortar—Wooden - vessels—Stone axes—Methods of felling trees—Canoes—Rafts—Paddles</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Agriculture—Plantations—Preparation of ground in the forest—Paucity - of agricultural instruments—Need for diligence—Women’s - incessant toil—No special harvest-time—Maize the only - grain grown—No use for sugar—Manioc cultivation—Peppers—Tobacco—Coca - cultivation—Tree-climbing methods—Indian - wood-craft—Indian tracking—Exaggerated sporting yarns—Indian - sense of locality and accuracy of observation—Blow-pipes—Method - of making blow-pipes—Darts—Indian improvidence—Migration - of game—Traps and snares—Javelins—Hunting - and fishing rights—Fishing—Fish traps—Spearing and poisoning - fish</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">The Indian armoury—Spears—Bows and arrows—Indian strategy—Forest - tactics and warfare—Defensive measures—Secrecy and - safety—The Indian’s science of war—Prisoners—War and - anthropophagy—Cannibal tribes—Reasons for cannibal practices—Ritual - of vengeance—Other causes—No intra-tribal cannibalism—The - anthropophagous feast—Human relics—Necklaces of - teeth—Absence of salt—Geophagy</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">The food quest—Indians omnivorous eaters—Tapir and other animals - used for food—Monkeys—The peccary—Feathered game—Vermin—Eggs, - carrion, and intestines not eaten—Honey—Fish—Manioc—Preparation - of cassava—Peppers—The Indian hot-pot—Lack - of salt—Indian meals—Cooking—Fruits—Cow-tree - <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span>milk</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_126">126</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Drinks, drugs, and poisons: their use and preparation—Unfermented - drinks—<i>Caapi</i>—Fermented drinks—<i>Cahuana</i>—Coca: its preparation, - use, and abuse—<i>Parica</i>—Tobacco—Poison and poison-makers</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_138">138</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Small families—Birth tabu—Birth customs—Infant mortality—Infanticide—Couvade—Name-giving—Names—Tabu - on names—Childhood—Lactation—Food - restrictions—Child-life and training—Initiation</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_146">146</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Marriage regulations—Monogamy—Wards and wives—Courtship—Qualifications - for matrimony—Preparations for marriage—Child - marriages—Exception to patrilocal custom—Marriage - ceremonies—Choice of a mate—Divorce—Domestic quarrels—Widowhood</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_159">159</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Sickness—Death by poison—Infectious diseases—Cruel treatment of - sick and aged—Homicide—Retaliation for murder—Tribal and - personal quarrels—Diseases—Remedies—Death—Mourning—Burial</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_168">168</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">The medicine-man, a shaman—Remedies and cures—Powers and - duties of the medicine-man—Virtue of breath—Ceremonial healing—Hereditary - office—Training—Medicine-man and tigers—Magic-working—Properties—Evil - always due to bad magic—Influence - of medicine-man—Method of magic-working—Magical - cures</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_178">178</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Indian dances—Songs without meaning—Elaborate preparations—The - Chief’s invitation—Numbers assembled—Dance step—Reasons - <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>for dances—Special dances—Dance staves—Arrangement - of dancers—Method of airing a grievance—Plaintiff’s song - of complaint—The tribal “black list”—Manioc-gathering dance - and song—Muenane Riddle Dance—A discomfited dancer—Indian - riddles and mimicry—Dance intoxication—An unusual - incident—A favourite dance—The cannibal dance—A mad - festival of savagery—The strange fascination of the Amazon</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_190">190</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Songs the essential element of native dances—Indian imagination - and poetry—Music entirely ceremonial—Indian singing—Simple - melodies—Words without meaning—Sense of time—Limitations - of songs—Instrumental music—Pan-pipes—Flutes and fifes—Trumpets—Jurupari - music and ceremonial—Castanets—Rattles—Drums—The - <i>manguare</i>—Method of fashioning drums—Drum - language—Signal and conversation—Small hand-drums</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_206">206</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">The Indians’ magico-religious system—The Good Spirit and the Bad - Spirit—Names of deities—Character of Good Spirit—His visit to - earth—Question of missionary influence—Lesser subordinate - spirits—Child-lifting—No prayer or supplication—Classification - of spirits—Immortality of the soul—Land of the After-Life—Ghosts - and name tabu—Temporary disembodied spirits—Extra-mundane - spirits—Spirits of particularised evils—Spirits of inanimate - objects—The jaguar and anaconda magic beasts—Tiger - folk—Fear of unknown—Suspicions about camera—Venerated - objects—Charms—Magic against magic—Omens</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_218">218</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Darkness feared by Indians—Story-telling—Interminable length of - tales—Variants—Myths—Sun and moon—Deluge traditions—Tribal - stories—Amazons—White Indians tradition—Boro tribal - tale—Amazonian equivalents of many world-tales—Beast - stories—Animal characteristics—Difference of animal characteristics - in tale and tabu—No totems—Indian hatred of - animal world</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_236">236</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">Limitations of speech—Differences of dialect—Language-groups—Tribal - names—Difficulties of languages—Method of transliteration—Need - of a common medium—Ventral ejaculations—Construction—Pronouns - <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span>as suffix or prefix—Negatives—Gesture - language—Numbers and reckoning—Indefinite measure—Time—No - writing, signs, nor personal marks—Tribal calls—Drum-language - code—Conversational repetitions—Noisy talkers—Ventriloquists—Falsetto - voice—Conversational etiquette</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdmore">No individualism—Effect of isolation—Extreme reserve of Indians—Cruelty—Dislike - and fear of strangers—Indian hospitality—Treachery—Theft - punished by death—Dualism of ethics—Vengeance—Moral - sense and custom—Modesty of the women—Jealousy - of the men—Hatred of white man—Ingratitude—Curiosity—Indians - retarded but not degenerate—No evidence of - reversion from higher culture—A neolithic people—Conclusion</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#Page_255">255</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#APPENDICES">APPENDICES</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">I.</td> - <td>Physical Characteristics</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_I">269</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">II.</td> - <td>Mongoloid Origin</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_II">280</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">III.</td> - <td>Depilation</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_III">282</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IV.</td> - <td>Colour Analysis and Measurements</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV">283</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">V.</td> - <td>Articles noted by Wallace as in use among the Uaupes Indians that are found - with the Issa-Japura Tribes</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_V">291</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VI.</td> - <td>Names of Deities</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_VI">293</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VII.</td> - <td>Vocabularies and Lists of Names</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_VII">296</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VIII.</td> - <td>Poetry</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#APPENDIX_VIII">311</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2">LIST OF BOOKS REFERRED TO</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#LIST_OF_BOOKS_REFERRED_TO">313</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2">INDEX</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#INDEX">315</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span></p> - -<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> - -<table summary="List of Illustrations" class="loi"> - <tr> - <td class="tdr smaller">PLATE NO.</td> - <td></td> - <td class="tdr smaller">FACING PAGE</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td> - <td>Boro Medicine Man, with my Rifle</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#frontispiece"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">I.</td> - <td>Houses in the “Rubber Belt” of the Issa Valley</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate1">4</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">II.</td> - <td>A House in the “Rubber Belt,” Issa Valley</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate2">16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">III.</td> - <td>1. Typical River View below the Mouth of the Negro River<br /> - 2. Bank of Main Amazon Stream in the Vicinity of the Mouth of the Japura River</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate3">18</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IV.</td> - <td>1. River View on Main Stream near Issa River<br /> - 2. Landscape on Upper Amazon Main Stream</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate4">20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">V.</td> - <td>The Bulge-stemmed Palm, <i>Iriartea Venticosa</i>, showing portion of Leaf and Fruit</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate5">28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VI.</td> - <td>Flowers and Section of Leaf of the Bussu Palm. The Leaf is used for Thatching</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate6">44</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VII.</td> - <td>1. Self, with Nonuya Tribe 2. Muenane Tribe</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate7">46</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VIII.</td> - <td>1. Group of Witoto<br /> - 2. Group of Some of my Carriers</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate8">70</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IX.</td> - <td>Medicine Man and his Wife (Andoke)</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate9">72</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">X.</td> - <td>Boro Tribesmen</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate10">74</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XI.</td> - <td>Witoto Feather Head-dresses</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate11">76</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XII.</td> - <td>Groups of Resigero Women</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate12">78</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XIII.</td> - <td>Centre of Dancing Group—Muenane</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate13">80</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XIV.</td> - <td>Boro Comb of Palm Spines set in Pitch and finished with Basketwork of Split Cane, Fibre Strings, and Tufts of Parrots’ Feathers</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate14">78</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XV.</td> - <td>1. Dukaiya (Okaina) Bead Dancing-girdle<br /> - 2. Condor Claws, used by Andoke Medicine Man of the Upper Japura River</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate15">80</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XVI.</td> - <td>Necklaces of Human and Tiger Teeth</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate16">82</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XVII.</td> - <td>1. Necklace of Polished Nutshells.<br /> - 2. Leg Rattles of Beads and Nutshells.<br /> - 3, 4, 5, and 6. Bead Necklaces. The Black “Beads” are Bits of Polished - Nutshell, threaded between White Beads</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate17">82</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a></span>XVIII.</td> - <td>Boro Ligatures</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate18">84</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XIX.</td> - <td>Boro Leg and Arm Ligatures. Witoto Leg Ligature</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate19">84</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XX.</td> - <td>1 and 3, Boro. 2, Witoto, Ligatures</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate20">86</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXI.</td> - <td>Andoke Girls</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate21">88</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXII.</td> - <td>Witoto Baskets of Split Cane and Fibre</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate22">90</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXIII.</td> - <td>Boro Necklace of Jaguars’ Teeth with Incised Patterns<br /> - Necklace of Jaguar Teeth, Incised, and Flute made of Human Bone</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate23">92</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXIV.</td> - <td>Boro Cassava-squeezer. (A) Loop at End</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate24">96</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXV.</td> - <td>1. Okaina Group<br /> - 2. Group of Okaina Women</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate25">98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXVI.</td> - <td>1. Indian Plantation cleared by Fire preparatory to Cultivation<br /> - 2. View on Affluent of the Kahuinari River</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate26">102</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXVII.</td> - <td><i>Erythroxylon-Coca</i></td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate27">106</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXVIII.</td> - <td>1 and 2. Andoke Bamboo Cases with Darts and Cotton.<br /> - 3. Dart with Cotton attached.<br /> - 4. Blow-pipe with Dart.<br /> - 5. Javelin.<br /> - 6. Fishing Trident.<br /> - 7. Spears in Bamboo Case.<br /> - 8. Dance Staff</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate28">108</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXIX.</td> - <td>Andoke Bamboo Case with Darts for Blow-pipe and Gourd full of Cotton</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate29">110</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXX.</td> - <td>1. Water Jar, Menimehe; (a) Witoto.<br /> - 2. Drums (Witoto).<br /> - 3. Pan-pipes, Witoto; (a) Boro.<br /> - 4. Stone Axe (Andoke).<br /> - 5. Paddle used on Main Amazon Stream.<br /> - 6. Paddle used on Issa and Japura Rivers.<br /> - 7. Menimehe Hand Club. 8. Wooden Sword (Boro).<br /> - 9. Pestle—Coca, etc. (Boro)</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate30">116</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXI.</td> - <td>Bamboo Cases, filled with Darts for Blow-pipe, showing Fish-jaw Scraper, and Gourd filled with Raw Cotton. One Dart has Tuft of Cotton placed ready for Use. These are Andoke Work</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate31">118</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXII.</td> - <td>Witoto War Gathering</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate32">120</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXIII.</td> - <td>1. Boro Necklace made of Marmoset Teeth<br /> - 2. Andoke Necklace of Human Teeth</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate33">124</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXIV.</td> - <td>Boro Women making Cassava</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate34">132</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXV.</td> - <td>Witoto Cassava-squeezer. Boro Manioc-grater with Palm-spine Points</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate35">134</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXVI.</td> - <td>One of the Ingredients of the Famous Curare Poison</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate36">138</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</a></span>XXXVII.</td> - <td>Incised Gourds</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate37">144</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXVIII.</td> - <td>Karahone Child. Boro Women carrying Children</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate38">150</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XXXIX.</td> - <td>Boro Women carrying Children</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate39">154</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XL.</td> - <td>Okaina Girls</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate40">158</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLI.</td> - <td>Stone Axe Head (Boro). String of Magic Stones (Andoke)</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate41">184</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLII.</td> - <td>Anatto, <i>Bixa Orellana</i>. A Red Dye, or Paint, is made from the Seed</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate42">190</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLIII.</td> - <td>Half Gourds decorated with Incised Patterns, made by Witoto near the Mouth of the Kara Parana River. Dukaiya (Okaina) Rattle made of Nutshells</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate43">192</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLIV.</td> - <td>Okaina Girls painted for Dance</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate44">194</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLV.</td> - <td>Boro Dancing. Group of Nonuya, Men and Women</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate45">196</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLVI.</td> - <td>Muenane Dance</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate46">200</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLVII.</td> - <td>Okaina Dance</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate47">202</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLVIII.</td> - <td>Okaina Dance</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate48">204</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XLIX.</td> - <td>Pan-pipes</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate49">210</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">L.</td> - <td>Group of Witoto Women by Double-stemmed Palm Tree<br /> - Group of Witoto Men by Double-stemmed Palm Tree</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate50">232</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">LI.</td> - <td>1 and 2. Witoto Types. 3. Witoto from Kotue River</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate51">270</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">LII.</td> - <td>Combs.<br /> - 1. Andoke Comb with Nutshell Cup for Rubber Latex.<br /> - 2. Witoto Comb.<br /> - 3. Boro Comb</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate52">272</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">LIII.</td> - <td>Boro Tribesman from the Pama River<br /> - A Menimehe Captive</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate53">274</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">LIV.</td> - <td>Witoto Types. Witoto Woman with Leg Ligatures</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#plate54">278</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc" colspan="3">MAPS</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Map. 1.</span></td> - <td>Approximate Plan of Route</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#map1">2</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Map. 2.</span></td> - <td>Sketch Map</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#map2">10</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Map. 3.</span></td> - <td>Diagrammatic Map of the Issa-Japura Central Watershed, showing Language Groups</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#map3">58</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2">Sketch Map of the North-Western Affluents of the Amazon River</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#map4"><i>At end</i></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2">Sketch Map of the Amazon River with its Northern Affluents</td> - <td class="tdpage"><a href="#map5"><i>At end</i></a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</a></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br /> -<span class="smaller">INTRODUCTORY</span></h2> - -<p>In the spring of 1908, having been among the Unemployed -on the Active List for nearly two years on account of ill-health, -and wearying not only of enforced inactivity but -also perhaps of civilisation, I decided to go somewhere and -see something of a comparatively unknown and unrecorded -corner of the world. My mind reverted to pleasant days -spent in the lesser known parts of East Africa, and at this -moment I happened to come across Dr. Russel Wallace’s -delightful <i>Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro</i>. His -spirited adventures, and the unique character of the country -through which he passed and the peoples he met, fascinated -me. I thought of attempting to complete his unfinished -journey up the Uaupes River, and imagined I would be able -to secure in South America all the instruments and materials -such an expedition required. There lay my initial error. -My inability to obtain anything of the sort hampered me -in scientific research, so that these chapters must simply be -regarded as impressions and studies of native ways and -doings, noted by a temporary dweller in their midst.</p> - -<p>Difference of technique, industry, ability, and scientific -knowledge may in the light of future investigations reveal -errors or misapprehensions that must bring me into conflict -with those who may go there better equipped and with -greater understanding. But in any critical appraisement -it must be remembered that these tribes are changing day -by day, and every year that passes will increase the difference -between the Amazonian native as I knew him and as he -may be when studied by my successors. So far as in me<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span> -lies, I have here set forth an account of what he was when -I travelled in his forest solitudes and fastnesses.</p> - -<p>I left England towards the end of April 1908 and arrived -at Manaos on the Negro River on May 27. Incidentally I -arrived again at Manaos homeward bound on the same -day and almost at the same hour the following year.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It -may be taken, therefore, that my entire journey covered -exactly twelve months.</p> - -<p>On arrival at Manaos, I made inquiries as to the facilities -for proceeding to S. Gabriel near the junction of the -Negro and Uaupes Rivers, and thence up the latter stream.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> -My theory at the time was that it would be possible to -ascend this river to its source, and from the vicinity to -make a way across country <i>via</i> the Apaporis, Japura, Issa, -and Napo Rivers to Iquitos. I soon found that the difficulty -of obtaining the necessary men would be immense, and the -ascent, in local opinion, impracticable without an expedition -on a scale for which I possessed neither the influence nor -the pecuniary resources. Persuaded that my line of least -resistance, so far as the Uaupes was concerned, would be -to reverse the contemplated journey and work from Iquitos -to a point on the Uaupes and then descend to Manaos, I -proceeded by the Navigation Company’s steamboat to the -former town, where I arrived the second week in June.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;" id="map1"> -<img src="images/map1.jpg" width="700" height="400" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">APPROXIMATE PLAN OF ROUTE</p> -</div> - -<p>In company with Mr. David Cazes, the British Consul, -to whom I am indebted for many kindnesses, I made a -trip up the Napo River. It was soon apparent, however, -that it would be practically impossible to cross from that -river to the Issa. This was not due to the difficulty of -porterage, because there is a “recognised route” from a -point some way above the mouth of the Curaray to Puerto -Barros, but to the impossibility of obtaining men. Rumours -were rife at this time of fighting between the Colombian -and Peruvian rubber-gatherers on the Issa River, and the -Napo Indians would not go in that direction on account<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span> -of a not unnatural dread lest they be treated as enemies by -whichever party of combatants they might happen to meet.</p> - -<p>Eventually, through the good offices of the British Consulate, -I sailed from Iquitos by way of the main Amazon -River and the Issa or Putumayo River to Encanto at -the mouth of the Kara Parana, which I reached in the -middle of August. It is from this point that my notes on -the manners and customs of the Indians really commence.</p> - -<p>I saw at once that it would be impossible to gain any -insight into the ways and customs of the various tribes -unless I spent some considerable time in what one might -call a roving commission among them. I had with me at -this time John Brown, a Barbadian negro. He had been -for some three years previously in the Issa district in the -employ of a Rubber Company, and I enlisted him as my -personal servant at Iquitos. He had “married” a Witoto -woman some two years before, and through this attachment -I was able to derive much valuable information. In -fact, he was invaluable throughout the whole expedition, -and was more loyal and more devoted than a traveller -with some experience of the African boy in his native -haunts had reason to anticipate of any black servant.</p> - -<p>On the 18th of August we started for the Igara Parana, -having collected eight Indian carriers, two half-castes, and -eight “rationales,” or semi-civilised Indians, armed with -Winchesters, together with three Indian women, wives of -three of the rationales.</p> - -<p>It may here be mentioned that these armed Indians -were to be obtained in the Rubber Belt by arrangement -with their employers. It is the practice of the rubber-gatherers -to train Indian boys and utilise them as escort, -and to obtain rubber from the tribes hostile to those to -which the boys belong. This is perhaps necessary to avoid -collusion. In my experience there was never any question -of fixed charge or price when hiring carriers. They expected -to be given, at the conclusion of their service, a present of -cloth, beads, a shot gun,<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> or such other item of trade as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> -their heart coveted. The line of argument was simple: -“You do what I tell you, and when we part I will make -you a rich man.” Wealth was represented by cloth, beads, -and a knife. A boy I called Jim promised to go to the -end of the earth if I would give him a shot gun. This was -his sole ambition. He was one of my escort, and although -carrying a Winchester, I do not think it ever entered into -his head to make off with it. Such is the simple Indian -nature. I do not mean that he would not have run away -if such a plan suited him, but he would not have done so -for the sake and value of the Winchester.</p> - -<p>The two half-breeds were rubber-collectors. They were -bound for the Igara Parana, and were only with me until -we reached Chorrera.</p> - -<p>The semi-civilised Indians are fairly trustworthy, although -discipline must be strongly enforced to prevent looting if -only because of the danger of reprisals on the part of the -indigenous natives. During my wanderings the carriers -were often changed, especially while passing through the -Rubber Belt. Those men will always run if they get the -chance, even if they are in the midst of hostile tribes, when -to desert is more often death than not. In number the party -remained approximately the same throughout my journey.</p> - -<p>The carriers must be incessantly shepherded, kept from -lagging behind or going ahead too quickly. They must not -be allowed to stop for any length of time or a forced camp -will be a necessity. It is the custom of all Indians to -bathe whenever possible, however heated they may be, and -this will have to be tolerated; but if progress is to be made -they must not stop to eat. It was my custom to eat at -daybreak and again at the end of the day’s march.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate1" style="width: 590px;"> -<img src="images/plate1.jpg" width="590" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE I.</p> -<p class="caption">HOUSES IN THE RUBBER BELT OF THE ISSA VALLEY</p> -</div> - -<p>Treachery on the part of the native Indians it is always -necessary to guard against—in the Rubber Belt because of -the treatment they have received in the past; farther -afield partly on account of the rumours of such treatment, -and partly on the principle that it’s the nervous dog that -bites. They ask but one question: “Why is the white -man here?” They accord it but one answer: “We know -not. It is best to kill.” And it is not, as is noted elsewhere,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> -the custom of the Indian to attack openly, but -when he has the chance of succeeding with little or no -danger to himself.</p> - -<p>We reached Chorrera, or Big Falls, on the 22nd of -August, and thence wended our way by land up the -Igara Parana, arriving without much incident in the -Andoke country on the 19th of September. Here, by -arrangement with an Andoke chief, I managed to get a -young Karahone lad, a slave who had been captured some -years previously by the Andoke and who said he would -take me to his own people across the great river. While -we were encamped near the banks of the Japura River, and -searching for the bulge-stemmed palm tree with which to -make a canoe, we observed three canoes of Karahone on -their way down the river, possibly after some warlike -expedition. We tried to stop them, but in vain. When, -eventually, we crossed the river, we found the occupants -of the canoes had given the alarm. Every house we visited -was abandoned, four in all, and the path was peppered -with poisoned stakes sharpened to the finest point and -exposed above ground for perhaps half to three-quarters -of an inch. A carrier who trod on one had to be carried -back as he was quite disabled for the march.</p> - -<p>Returning to the Japura River, we made our way to -the upper reaches of the Kahuinari River, visiting different -tribes and collecting information. I was anxious at this -time to descend this river and find out, if possible, the fate -of Eugene Robuchon, the French explorer, who had been -missing for some two years.</p> - -<p>It may be pertinent here to give in full the story of -Robuchon’s disappearance and my search for traces of his -last expedition.</p> - -<p>Eugene Robuchon, the adventurous French explorer -whose notes on the Indians of the Putumayo are known to -every investigator, left the Great Falls on the Igara Parana -in November 1905. It was his intention to make for the -head waters of the Japura and to explore that river on behalf -of the Peruvian Government throughout its length for -traces of rubber. He started with a party consisting of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> -three negroes, one half-breed, and five Indians with one -Indian woman. He carried supplies barely sufficient for -two months. I carefully examined all the survivors of the -expedition that I encountered, and from them gathered the -following account of the journey:—</p> - -<p>Having left the Great Falls, Robuchon proceeded by -canoe up the Igara Parana to a point some ten miles above -the mouth of the Fue stream. He left the river there, -struck northward through the Chepei country, and reached -the Japura approximately at 74° W., some thirty miles -above the Kuemani River. The Indians encountered at -this spot belonged to a Witoto-speaking tribe, the Taikene. -They were friendly, but either could not or would not -provide Robuchon with a canoe. Three valuable weeks -were spent in the search for a suitable tree and in the -construction of a canoe.</p> - -<p>When at length this was finished, the party started down-stream, -and for a time progressed without incident. No -natives were seen for several days. At last Robuchon’s -Indians called his attention to a narrow path that led up -from the river-bank on the right. Anxious about his food -supply, he landed and followed the path until he came upon -a clearing and an Indian house. Eventually Robuchon -arranged with the inhabitants that four of them should -come down to the canoe with food and receive presents in -exchange. But when a larger number than he expected -appeared upon the bank, the explorer feared treachery and -at once pushed off without waiting for the much-needed -provisions. The Indians thereupon manned their canoes -and started in pursuit, shouting the while to him to stop. -But with his small party Robuchon dared take no chances. -He pushed on until the pursuers had been satisfactorily -outdistanced.</p> - -<p>The boy who told me the tale was convinced that these -Indians were perfectly friendly in intention, and the incident -appeared to be proof of the nervous state of the party. -Some time after this, while shooting the rapids at the -Igarape Falls, the canoe was upset and the greater part -of the remaining stores was swept away.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span></p> - -<p>The details of this misadventure I was never able to -extract in a coherent fashion from the followers I interviewed, -but they agreed that very little food of any kind -was left, and what was rescued had been almost entirely -destroyed by water.</p> - -<p>Short of food, and without a canoe, the boys became -mutinous. The three negroes and the half-breed deserted, -and sought to cut a way through the bush backward in the -direction whence they had come. This task was beyond -them, and, a few days later, weary, disheartened, and starving, -they returned to beg Robuchon’s forgiveness. The -reunited party improvised a raft, and, after undergoing the -customary hardships of an unequipped expedition in this -hostile country, reached the mouth of the Kahuinari. The -whole party was weak with hunger and fever, Robuchon himself -prostrate and incapable of going farther. He determined -to remain where he was with the Indian woman and the -Great Dane hound, Othello. He ordered the negroes and -the half-breed to push on up the Kahuanari to a rubber-gatherer’s -house which he believed was situated somewhere -between the Igara Parana and the Avio Parana. They -were to send back relief at the earliest possible moment. -The boys left Robuchon on February 3, 1906. He was -never again seen by any one in touch with civilisation.</p> - -<p>The boys had journeyed for but a few hours when they -came across a herd of peccary. They killed more than they -could possibly use, but made no attempt whatever to carry -any meat back to the starving and abandoned Frenchman. -Instead they wasted two valuable days in gorging themselves -and smoking the flesh for their own journey.</p> - -<p>For days they followed the course of the Kahuinari, -hugging its right bank, and in this way happened across a -Colombian half-breed, from whom they sought assistance. -The Colombian took them to his house near the Avio -Parana but would not grant them even food until they -paid for it with the rifles they carried. The idea of succouring -Robuchon was far removed from his philosophy. -The boys, then, having surrendered their rifles in return for -the stores they so much needed, made the narrow crossing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> -from the Avio Parana to the Papunya River, and followed -that stream without deviation to its junction with the -river Issa. Turning backward up the left bank of the Issa, -they reached the military station at the mouth of the Igara -Parana and there told their tale.</p> - -<p>When at last a Relief Expedition was made up, it consisted -of three negroes—John Brown and his comrades—and -seventeen half-breeds. The party left on its search for -Robuchon thirty-seven days after he had been abandoned -at the mouth of the Kahuinari. It took ten days to reach -the junction of the Avio Parana and the Kahuinari, and -twenty-one days more to arrive at the camp on the Japura. -It had taken ten weeks to bring help. The relief party -found some tools, some clothes, a few tins of coffee, a little -salt, and a camera. There was no trace of Robuchon, of -the Indian woman, or of the dog. On a tree was nailed a -paper, but the written message had been washed by the rain -and bleached by the sun till it was illegible. Robuchon’s -last message can never be known.</p> - -<p>The relief party divided into two companies for the -journey back—one section of twelve, the other of eight men. -The larger party arrived in the rubber district six weeks -later. The smaller party, with the three blacks, was lost -in the bush. Five months and a half afterwards five survivors -attained safety. The story of their misery is a -chapter in the history of Amazonian travel that may never -be written.</p> - -<p>Two and a half years afterwards I was returning from a -disappointing trip to the Karahone country. There were -persistent rumours that Robuchon was held a prisoner by -the Indians north of the Japura. I determined to see if -any evidence could be found to settle his fate. I had in my -party one of the negroes who had accompanied the French -explorer. We journeyed overland southward through the -Muenane-Resigero country till we reached the Kahuinari, -thence by canoe to the Japura River. The Japura at this -point is about a rifle-shot in width—2500 to 3000 yards -across. Some three miles below this point on the right -bank, a little way back from the river, was a small clearing.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span> -In it were three poles marking the site of a deserted shelter. -John Brown, my servant and formerly Robuchon’s, said it -was the last camp of Eugene Robuchon.</p> - -<p>We made camp in the clearing. A little way inland I -found an abandoned Indian house, but all indications -pointed to its having been deserted many years before. -Half buried in the clearing I discovered eight broken photograph -plates in a packet, and the eye-piece of a sextant. -Other evidence of civilised occupation there was none. At -some little distance my Indians detected traces of a path, -and though to me it seemed only an old animal track, they -maintained it was a man-made road. Cutting along the -line of this path, at the end of a hard day’s work we emerged -upon a second clearing and the ruins of a shelter. After -careful searching we unearthed a rusty and much-hacked -machete or trade knife. There our discoveries ended. The -path went no farther.</p> - -<p>We encountered no Indians in our search. On further -investigation it appeared that there are none in the vicinity, -and the nearest to the deserted camp on the south of the -river are the Boro living on the Pama River, forty or fifty -miles away.</p> - -<p>Believing that the most probable route of escape was -down the Japura, I journeyed slowly eastward almost to -the mouth of the Apaporis. We then turned and came -back, searching the right bank. Throughout this time we -found no Indians and no signs of Indians. On the bank, -about a mile and a half below Robuchon’s last camp, -we found the remains of a broken and battered raft. It -had evidently been carried down in full river, and left -stranded on the fall of the waters. Brown recognised the -wreck as that of the raft which the Frenchman’s party had -built after the loss of the canoe. But it afforded no clue.</p> - -<p>Much as I should have liked at this time to pursue my -investigations among the Indians of the left, or north, bank -of the river, I had perforce to give up further progress for -the time being on account of the mutinous hostility of my -boys. Nothing would persuade them that they would not -be eaten up if they crossed the great river at this point.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span></p> - -<p>Foiled, therefore, in my attempts to learn anything on -the scene of Robuchon’s disappearance, I determined to -prosecute inquiries among the Boro scattered about the -peninsula bounded by the Pama, the Kahuinari, and the -Japura. But here also no amount of examination could -elicit any information as to the explorer, the woman, or the -dog. I was particularly impressed by the fact that the -existence of the Great Dane—an object of awe to the Indians—had -left no legend among the natives. Robuchon himself -wrote of his hound: “My dog, as always, entered the house -first. The great size of Othello, his flashing teeth, and -close inspection of strangers, his blood-shot eyes and bristling -hair invariably inspired fear and respect among the Indians.” -Had such an animal fallen into the hands of the Boro, I feel -certain its fame would have outlived that of any chance -European who might have become their prisoner, however -much they desired to conceal their participation in -his murder. My own Boro boys could find no record -among their compatriots of the presence of Othello or his -master.</p> - -<p>After this we proceeded in a northerly direction, and, -crossing the Japura, visited the Boro tribe located on the -north bank of the river, between the Wama and the Ira -tributaries. The chief of this tribe had married a Menimehe -woman who, curiously enough, remained on terms of friendship -with her parent tribe. The chief informed me that in -the Long, Long Before—from reference to the size of his son -at the time, I calculated about three years previously—the -Menimehe had captured a white man with face hairy -as a monkey’s. As Robuchon was wearing a beard at the -time of his disappearance this seemed to present a clue, but -as the Menimehe refused to confirm the statement, and -there was no mention of the woman or of the dog, it added -but little to the evidence of his fate.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;" id="map2"> -<img src="images/map2.jpg" width="400" height="400" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">Spot where Eugene Robuchon was last seen</p> -</div> - -<p>The testimony was further weakened by the knowledge -that about that time either the Menimehe or the Yahuna -destroyed a Colombian settlement near the mouth of the -Apaporis River, and made prisoners of white men. Whatever -the truth of the bearded white man, there was certainly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span> -no memory remaining of the Indian woman nor of Othello, -the Great Dane.</p> - -<p>On my return to the Rubber Belt I learned that Robuchon -had been lost on a previous expedition for a considerable -period, and had lived during that time with Indians. -Although this had occurred in the regions south of the -Amazon on the Peru-Brazil-Bolivian frontier, somewhere -in the neighbourhood of the Acre River, the general haziness -of natives with respect to place and time may have accounted -for the rumours of captivity among the semi-civilised Indians -of the Rubber Belt, which set me on a fruitless search -among the Indians of the Kahuinari-Japura.</p> - -<p>To sum up the evidence with respect to the fate of -Robuchon, it seems to me that he did not die of starvation -at the mouth of the Kahuinari, because a certain amount of -food-stuff was found by the first Relief Expedition at the -site of the camp, but no signs of human remains. The -illegible message nailed to the tree suggests that he vacated -the spot and endeavoured to leave information as to his -route for those who might come to his relief.</p> - -<p>Robuchon had five courses open to him once he decided -on abandoning the camp:</p> - -<p>1. He could retrace his steps up the Japura. With respect -to this means of escape, I consider it extremely improbable -that he would attempt to return against stream over the -route which he had already traversed with such difficulty -when aided by the current and the full strength of his party.</p> - -<p>2. He could proceed across the Japura to the country of -the Menimehe. He was unlikely, however, to cross that -river, owing to the bad name enjoyed by the Menimehe. He -could not count upon a relief expedition following him there.</p> - -<p>3. He could journey up the Kahuinari. He could hardly -negotiate the difficulties of the upstream journey though -with the inadequate assistance of a single woman. He was -aware of the existence of unfriendly tribes on the banks. -My inquiries among the Pama Boro yielded no trace of his -ever having been seen upon the river. If he had made his -way along the right bank of that river, probably some -evidence of him would have been found by the relief party.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span></p> - -<p>4. He could have voyaged down the Japura in a canoe -or upon a raft. It would have been very hazardous to have -attempted this alone—practically hopeless. In any event, -if he did make the attempt, he failed to reach the nearest -rubber settlement.</p> - -<p>5. There remains one means of escape—by an overland -march. It would appear that he adopted this method, but -only without any idea of permanent relief, in desperate search -of temporary assistance. The line of the Kahuinari was the -obvious route for a rescue party. Robuchon, however, -was starving, and the native track promised a path to a -native house and food.</p> - -<p>I presume he was located by a band of visiting Indians, -captured, and either murdered or carried away in captivity -to their haunts on the north bank of the Japura. I suggest -the probability of the Indians coming from the north bank -up the Japura, because, so far as I could learn, it was not -the custom of the Pama Boro to journey to the mouth of -the Kahuinari, since they could obtain all they needed from -the river at points more easily and more speedily accessible -to them. There were no Indians resident in the vicinity, -but Indians from across the Japura made excursions at low -river in search of game or of turtles and their eggs.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> - -<p>It is upon one of those chance bands that reluctantly I -am forced to lay the responsibility for the death of Eugene -Robuchon in March or April 1906.</p> - -<p>This was little enough to add to the ascertained fact of -Robuchon’s end, but such as it was it brushed aside some -of the mystery, and proved of interest to the members of -the French Geographical Society and to the relatives of the -lost explorer.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> - -<p>After concluding my investigations among the Boro in -the vicinity of the Pama River, I again crossed the Japura -River near the Boro settlement on the north of that river, -and proceeded eastward into the country of the Menimehe. -This country appears more sparsely populated than the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span> -Kahuinari districts, and the manners and customs of these -people vary considerably from the tribes inhabiting the -country to the south.</p> - -<p>From the most easterly point I decided to proceed in a -north-westerly direction with a view to striking the upper -waters of the Uaupes River eventually. It was in this -neighbourhood that I developed beriberi; and, owing to -the swelling of my legs, which were covered with wounds -and sores, I was only able to walk with difficulty, although I -had no pain. My brain was numbed as well as my legs. I -slept at every opportunity, did not want to eat, and seemed -to be under the effect of some delusive narcotic. Yet I -never failed to take all necessary precautions—it was mechanical, -a mere habit. Stores were running short, owing to -their bad condition, and my boys and carriers were becoming -mutinous. Game was scarce, and the few native houses we -encountered were for the most part deserted; what Indians -we came across were surly and sullen, and appeared latently -hostile.</p> - -<p>I decided to return, overcome by the argument of Brown -that if I did not do so the boys would go, so we turned back -to the east and south of the original line, and proceeded -overland by way of the Kuhuinari River to the Igara Parana, -and thence to the Kara Parana by river. Arriving at the -latter river at the end of February, and finding that the -steamer for Iquitos would not start for some time, I made -a short trip among the tribes of this river.</p> - -<p>By reference to the sketch-map it will be seen that from -the time I left Encanto on my arrival from Iquitos to my -arrival at the same place, bound for Iquitos, was approximately -seven months.</p> - -<p>The difficulties in the way of obtaining information are -such that it is only those who sink for the nonce all inherited -and acquired ideas of superiority, manners, and customs -who can be successful. As a consequence, the stranger will -have to journey with savages, eat with savages, sleep with -savages, from the moment he seeks to penetrate their land. -Watchfulness night and day must be the price of any -desire to understand the native in his home. The field-worker<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span> -must subordinate every previous and personal -conception. Native justice must be his justice. Almost -necessarily native ethics must be his ethics. He is no -missionary seeking to convert those he meets to ideas -of his own; rather is he a learner, an inquirer, eager to -understand the thoughts that inspire them, to analyse the -beliefs they themselves have gathered. Then there is no -common medium of language. Sometimes a native speaking -a tongue with which the traveller has a passing acquaintance -can make himself understood in another tribal language -whereof the white man is blankly ignorant, and then some -approximation of the truth sought to be conveyed is arrived -at tortuously. For example, I had a Witoto Indian who -understood a little Andoke, and by way of Brown the -Barbadian carried to me much information of these little-known -Indians. John Brown was here invaluable as he -knew Witoto well and Boro to some purpose. But much -of the appended vocabularies had to be gathered by the -crude method of pointing to an object. Having noted the -word phonetically, one had to get it confirmed by trial.</p> - -<p>Travelling in the bush is a dreary monotony of discomfort -and ever-present danger. There are weary stretches of -inundated country, sweating swamp. You pass with an -unexpected plunge from ankle-deep mire to unbottomed -main stream. The eternal sludge, sludge of travel without -a stone or honest yard of solid ground makes one long for -the lesser strain of more definite dangers or of more obtrusive -horrors. The horror of Amazonian travel is the horror of -the unseen. It is not the presence of unfriendly natives -that wears one down, it is the absence of all sign of human -life. One happens upon an Indian house or settlement, -but it is deserted, empty, in ruins. The natives have -vanished, and it is only the silent message of a poisoned -arrow or a leaf-roofed pitfall that tells of their existence -somewhere in the tangled undergrowth of the neighbourhood.</p> - -<p>On the trail one speedily learns the significance of the -phrase “Indian file.” Here are none of the advance -guards, flank guards, and rear guards that are needed to -penetrate unfriendly country in other lands. The first man<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> -hacks a way for those who follow, and the bush is left as a -wall on either side that is as inscrutable to the possible -enemy on the flank as to the advancing party. On account -of such conditions I should say, from my experience of bush -travel in these regions, that the whole party should rarely if -ever exceed twenty-five in number. On this principle it -will be seen that the smaller the quantity of baggage carried -the greater will be the number of rifles available for the -security of the expedition.</p> - -<p>The difficulty of an efficient food supply is very great. -Game is always hard to shoot on account of the density of -the bush, and in many parts appears to be non-existent. -Preserved goods in sealed cases, of convenient size for -porterage, should be taken from Europe. My failure to -carry out my original intentions was due more than anything -else to the fact that my supplies were purchased in the -country, and 50 per cent proved unfit for consumption. -The country where supplies must be husbanded has little -enough of food that is appetising to offer. Fish, if plentiful, -are hard to catch for the uninitiated. One hungers for the -occasional tapir or peccary, the joys of monkey-meat, and -an incautious, though unpalatable, parrot, and in the days -of real distress may be glad to fall back on frogs, snakes, -and palm-heart. The real fear of starvation, after perhaps -the ghastly dread of being lost, is the great cause of anxiety -to the traveller in the Amazons.</p> - -<p>As for shelter,—a tent is an encumbrance,—an open screen -of rough palm thatch can be erected in a very short time, and -is all that is necessary, although not all that is to be desired. -The shelter is a poor one that does not prevent the dews -and the inevitable rain from chilling one to the bone.</p> - -<p>Clothes for the Amazons are not designed with a view to -fashion or appearance. In the past, continental explorers -have introduced some interesting fashions in ducks and -khaki, but travelling through a country where one’s life is -passed in a bath of perspiration, their distinction of -appearance yields to the simple comfort of the native’s nudity. -In search of a compromise, I have found that a thin flannel -suit of pyjamas with the trouser-legs tucked into the socks,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> -and a pair of carpet slippers laced over the instep, best meet -the requirements of the region. Ordinary boots are a -positive danger on account of the narrow and sometimes slippery -tree-trunks over which one clambers uneasily. A small -towel round the neck to wipe away the perspiration is a -great comfort. For head-gear a cloth cap or “smasher” -hat suffices.</p> - -<p>A long knife or cutlass must be carried, and, personally, -I invariably carried a revolver, while the gun-bearer should -always be at hand with a rifle or scatter-gun. A blanket, -sleeping-bag, and waterproof sheet of course must be taken, -with the other comforts, medical and hygienic, common to -all expeditions.</p> - -<p>The drawings that appear in this volume are either taken -from photographs or from actual trophies and articles in -my possession. The photographs are a record of industry -and patience. Films I found useless in this climate, and -plates alone materialised. It must be remembered, also, -that every time plates have to be changed it is necessary to -build a small house, and double thatch and treble thatch to -prevent the entrance of any light. Even then the -experienced do their work at night.</p> - -<p>The difficulty of posing and overcoming the objection -of the native subject will be at once realised. Too many -groups have been draped by explorers in the unaccustomed -decencies of camp equipment, though it has become an -essential of the country—climatic and psychological—that -the women walk abroad naked and the men unembarrassed -by more than a loin-cloth.</p> - -<p>The maps cannot pretend to be more than the roughest -approximate sketch-maps. When absence of a horizon and -the density of the bush are realised, it will be obvious that -they can be nothing more. It is hoped that they will suffice -to give some idea of the general trend of the country and the -location of the various language-groups.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate2" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate2.jpg" width="650" height="440" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE II.</p> -<p class="caption">A HOUSE IN THE ‘RUBBER BELT,’ ISSA VALLEY</p> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Topography—Rivers—Floods and rainfall—Climate—Soil—Animal and -vegetable life—Birds—Flowers—Forest scenery—Tracks—Bridges—Insect -pests—Reptiles—Silence in the forest—Travelling in the bush—Depressing -effects of the forest—Lost in the forest—Starvation.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Although the Amazons have been known to Europe for -fully four hundred years, exploration has been confined -almost entirely to the main river and its great tributaries. -Little addition has been made to the information possessed -by Sir Walter Raleigh in the three hundred years that -have elapsed since his death. The rivers certainly are -known and charted, yet the land beyond their banks is -almost as much a land of mystery in the twentieth century -as it was in the days of Queen Elizabeth. It is possible to -spend a lifetime in navigating the Amazon,<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> and to know -nothing more of its 2,722,000 square miles of basin than can -be peered at through the curtain of vegetation which drapes -the main streams. Behind that veil lies the fascination of -Amazonian travel.</p> - -<p>We are not here concerned with the scanty records -history offers of these vast regions, nor, for our immediate -purposes, is it needful to inquire into the conditions and -features of the Amazon watershed as a whole, except in so -far as they differ from or resemble those of my field of -exploration, the tracts between the middle Issa and Japura -Rivers, and in their vicinity. Roughly speaking, this lies -in that debatable land where the frontiers of Brazil meet -those of Peru, Colombia, and—perhaps—Ecuador, a country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span> -claimed in part by the three latter, but administered by -none. Here the dead level of the lower Amazonian plains -imperceptibly acquires a more decided tilt, the trend of -the land from the great Andean water-parting on the west -and north-west being south-east to the mighty river on -the south, consequently these north-western affluents of the -Amazon flow in more or less parallel lines from the north-west -to the south-east. It is the rivers that dominate this -country, the mountains, those primal determinants, are -only distant influences, snow-topped mysteries but dimly -imagined on the far horizon from some upstanding outcrop, -a savannah where momentarily a perspective may be gained -over and beyond the illimitable forest.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> - -<p>On the south of the tracks here dealt with the Amazon -slowly sweeps its muddy yellow waters, 500,000 cubic feet -per second, towards the ocean. On the north the Uaupes -River flows to join the Rio Negro. Between the Uaupes -and the Amazon the Rio Caqueta, or Japura River, runs -south-east, due east, and south to the main stream, and -almost parallel with it the Putumayo, or Issa, gathers the -waters of the Kara Parana and the Igara Parana, both -on its northern, that is to say its left bank, and joins -the Amazon where the main river turns sharply south -471 miles below Iquitos. West again, the Napo drains -down to join the great water-way 2300 miles from the -sea. Of the Napo much has been written since Orellano -sailed down it from Peru, homeward bound to Spain in -1521, and it may be left outside the bounds of our -inquiry. With the Issa and Japura we must deal in some -detail, but of the Uaupes and Rio Negro a few words will -suffice.</p> - -<p>Rapids and cataracts bar the navigation of the Uaupes, -the chief tributary if not, as some would have it, the main -stream of the Negro, until it is, according to Wallace, -“perhaps unsurpassed for the difficulties and dangers of -its navigation.”<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate3" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate3.jpg" width="650" height="475" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE III.</p> -<p class="caption">TYPICAL RIVER VIEW BELOW THE MOUTH OF THE NEGRO RIVER</p> -<p class="caption">BANK OF MAIN AMAZON STREAM IN THE VICINITY OF THE MOUTH OF THE JAPURA RIVER</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span></p> - -<p>Wallace estimated the country to be not more than -1000 feet above sea-level. I should judge it to be considerably -less, by the trend of the country to the south of -it. But even here I may be mistaken, as my aneroid was -useless, for undiscovered reasons, and my opinion is based -simply on the force of the currents of the rivers, the number -and depth of the rapids, and the distances to the main -river and thence to the sea. The height above sea-level -cannot be great, for the tides are felt at Obydos, more -than half-way from the ocean to the mouth of the Rio -Negro, and there is no abrupt rise from the Obydos levels; -indeed the slope of the land is so slight that in the middle -reaches of the main river during wet seasons the floods -spread for twenty miles, and there is no visible current.</p> - -<p>The Uaupes, though lighter than the majority of southern -tributaries of the Negro, is what is known as a black water -river, while most of the rivers flowing in on the northern -bank are white water rivers. This peculiarity, which may -be as marked as the difference between ink and milk, is due -apparently to the variety of soil in the country drained by -the rivers. The chief tributaries of the Uaupes, the Itiya -and the Uniya, are both white water streams. Spruce -notes that fish are scarcer in black than in white water -streams,<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and attributes it to the absence of vegetation. -This may be true in part of the Negro, but it is not true, -I think, of other rivers. Certainly these have some sort of -fish, for I have seen them rise. One species is known to -feed on a variety of laurel berry very plentiful on some of -the river-banks.</p> - -<p>The Rio Negro itself, the waters of which are dead black, -is navigable for more than a third of its course to vessels -of a 4 feet draught even in the dry season, and communication -is possible from its upper waters with the great northern -artery of the Orinoco, through the Casiquiari, the most -important of the natural canals that abound throughout -the Amazon regions.</p> - -<p>The Issa, or Putumayo—the Peruvian name is perhaps -better known than the Brazilian, the true geographical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -one—is the first tributary of importance to join the Amazon -after it has entered Brazilian territory. Of its 1028 miles -only 93, according to the <i>Brazilian Year-Book</i>, are not -navigable by steamers. This exceeds the truth, for there -is practically no communication with Colombia or Ecuador -by this route, as the statement would imply. In the upper -reaches of the Issa rock and shingle are to be found, while -300 miles down stream hardly a stone is to be seen. The -water is very muddy, and the current variable as the -depth. Now it will be a swirling storm-fed torrent, the -turbid water burdened with a wild flotsam of forest trees -and matted vegetation, cutting into the soft layers of -vegetable mould that form its banks, and rise above it as -much as 25 feet in places; anon it is a sluggish stream -that spreads oilily nowhither, with scarce a ripple over the -deep alluvial deposits of its bed. This river is at its -lowest in February and March. At its juncture with the -Amazon looking upstream from the main water-way, the -Issa is the more imposing of the two, for its course lies -wide and fully exposed, while the Amazon bends sharply, -and gives the impression that it and not its affluent is the -tributary stream. Robuchon calculated that its breadth -there was 600 metres, the depth 8, and the current 2½ -miles an hour. He states very truly that landslides often -occur on the banks of these rivers, and that such destruction -of the bank, together with the quick rise and fall of the -streams, may so alter the appearance of any stretch as to -render it quite unrecognisable, even within a few hours. -Special mention is made by him of the Papunya River, that -enters on the left bank of the Issa. Forty miles from the -Papunya is the Parana Miri,<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> a river with very black water -and a large group of islands at its mouth. Many of the -islands in these rivers are not stationary, they are floating -masses of soil and vegetation, torn away from the banks -when the river is in spate. They may be as much as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span> -hundred yards from bank to bank, and birds are to be found -living upon them.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate4" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate4.jpg" width="650" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE IV.</p> -<p class="caption">1. RIVER VIEW ON MAIN STREAM NEAR ISSA RIVER</p> -<p class="caption">2. LANDSCAPE ON UPPER AMAZON MAIN STREAM</p> -</div> - -<p>The Igara Parana runs into the Issa where that river -makes a horse-shoe bend,<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> the junction being on the inner -side of the horse-shoe. The breadth of the stream at its -mouth is 161 metres. The water is clearer than that of -the Issa, and the current slower, never more than 3 miles -an hour. Some 220 miles upstream there is an important -waterfall, known as La Chorrera, or the Big Falls. The -Igara Parana becomes vary narrow and most tortuous as -it nears them, and is only 30 metres wide at its exit from -Big Falls Bay. This is a huge pool almost as wide as -it is long, with a narrow exit at one end, and a succession -of cascades at the other. These falls are impassable in boats, -and traffic with the upper river can only be carried on by -land portage. Much debris of rocks and river-borne tree-trunks -obstructs the narrow passage above the falls, which -are given by Robuchon as having a total length of 120 -metres and a width of 18 metres. The waters descend over -a series of wide rocky steps, worn flat and smooth by -the ceaseless friction. Masses of stone line the right bank, -and rise perpendicularly from the water. This is the only -part of the country where I have seen rocks and stones -in any quantity.</p> - -<p>The upper reaches of the river are distinctly more picturesque -than its lower waters. The almost level banks, with -their monotonous succession of forest trees, grow gradually -steeper, till the sandstone cliffs rise like a fortification -above the fringe of vegetation that encroaches on the high-water -mark. Presently the river winds in and out between -shelving hills, tree-clad to the very margin of the water. -Between the Igara Parana and the Kara Parana the country -is a perfect switchback of hills and ridges, with a stream in -every gully. The steepness of these valleys, with a pitch -perhaps of 25° or 30°, does not permit the surface water to -lodge and form swamp or morass, in contrast to the waterlogged -plains of the lower rivers. Immediately on the left -bank of the Igara Parana, and in the vicinity of the Big<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> -Falls, the country continues to be hilly, but to the north-east -it is more open, and the bush is less obstructive, though -its density varies immensely. Similar diversified scenery -is to be found on the upper waters of the Japura.</p> - -<p>The Kahuanari, a considerable tributary on the south -bank of the Japura, drains the divide that intervenes between -that river and the Igara Parana. It is subject to -sudden floods, which wash down large quantities of forest -debris. I have seen it rise twenty feet in a day, and -afterwards subside as quickly.</p> - -<p>The floods are not to be wondered at when the tremendous -rainfall of these regions is considered. The question is -never if it will rain, but when and for how long it will be -fine. Rain is certain in a land which has but a few days -clear of it in every twelve months. Five days, a fortnight, -that, all told, is the extent of dry weather to be looked for -in this country. The dry season is but a name. It is dry -only in comparison with the wetter months from March to -August. The upper valley of the Amazon has a three-day -winter at our midsummer—June 24, 25, 26—so it is said, -and certainly I noted a very decided drop in the temperature -of these days in 1908. Snow is unknown, and hail not -common. Despite the daily rain the turquoise blue of the -sky is seldom long hidden, though from March to June -leaden skies portend rain, and seldom fail to make good -their portent. During the dry season the rain if it be -frequent is never continuous. Almost every day, between -three and four in the afternoon and two and five in the -morning, heavy clouds will roll up, a preliminary breeze -rustle through the leaves, shake the trees, and increase -till suddenly there comes a deluge of big drops. Such -storms last but half an hour, yet the rain will soak through -everything, and the wet bushes drench the passer-by for -hours afterwards. Nothing is ever really dry, things are -in a constant state of saturation, and it is possible at -all times to wring moisture out of any of one’s belongings. -So great and incessant is the evaporation that at night the -dew is as heavy as rain, while the marshy low-lying lands -and the rivers are shrouded by mist both morning and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -evening. With such humid air lichens and Hepaticæ -flourish on all the tree-trunks, though I have never seen -them, as described by Spruce, covering the very leaves of -the trees.<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> - -<p>Electric disturbances are numerous, and a sharp and -sudden thunder-shower often occurs about three in the -afternoon, or in the night, though rain at night without -thunder is common. These storms come up in the dry -season especially, and the worst storms may be expected -in February, at the breaking of the dry weather. Sometimes -the electric storm will consist of an uninterrupted -display of lightning with little or no thunder, and the -sizzle of light makes the landscape appear as in a cinematograph -picture. This continued on one occasion all -through the night, and from the amount of interest the -Indians evinced I judged it to be an unusual occurrence.</p> - -<p>It is always possible to tell when rain will come because -of the preliminary breeze, hardly felt below the tree-tops, -followed by a dead calm that precedes the downpour. -The prevailing wind for nine months of the year will be -from the east or south-east, from June to August it will be -north and north-west. In January the prevailing wind is -from the Atlantic, north-east, veering to south-west; in -July from the Pacific, south-west, round to north-east. -Fitful and uncertain local whirlwinds will, without warning, -swoop down on the clearings round the houses, play havoc -in forest and plantation, uproot trees, and destroy habitations.</p> - -<p>In spite of the continual rain, of the universal humidity; -the climate is not unhealthy. The heat, though a damp -heat, is never excessive, the enormously great evaporation -brings in a succession of fresh breezes to moderate the -temperature;<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> and so, despite apparently trying conditions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> -the climate is not injurious. The low watersheds between -the large rivers appear to be quite healthy, and if there be -fever its prevalence varies locally to an extraordinary -degree. It has been observed that where the soil is first -turned up fever not infrequently follows, a fact noted in -other parts of the world, and by no means a condition -peculiar to the Amazons.</p> - -<p>The soil of the vast Amazonian basin is mainly the -alluvial deposit of decomposed vegetable life for centuries -past. This sea of Pampean mud stretches from the ocean -marshes up to the very heels of the mountains that stand -outpost to hold the southern continent from the Pacific. -Black and rich it lies in layer after layer twenty, thirty, forty -feet beneath the great pall of vegetation that flourishes -above during its little day, to die and drop for successive -generations of arboreal life to thrive upon in their turn. -And in all this vastness is never a stone. Vegetable mould -and water-borne mud, but stone does not exist for thousands -upon thousands of miles. Only in the upper waters of the -Amazonian system are rock formations reached; in the -particular district under consideration nothing is to be -found harder than a soft, friable sandstone. On parts of -the Issa, as on the Napo, the deep banks show strata of -shingle, with perhaps red or white clay, that alternate with -the dark humus and decaying wood.</p> - -<p>It is the ceaseless activity of all vegetable life that -renders these regions fit for human habitation at all. There -is no period, as with us, of bare branches overhead and -decaying matter below. Decomposition is there, but for -every dead leaf a virent successor is ready to absorb the -gases engendered by decay. The soil may be water-logged, -but evaporation, combined with the constant rain, -the frequent inundations, and the endless operations of an -immeasurable insect world, militate against stagnation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> -Dank it may be, but there is no iridescent scum upon the -water, no fœtid smells to warn of lurking poisons. These -natural danger-signals are unneeded, for the poisons are -self-destructive. Processes of corruption are coexistent -with those of purification. So extraordinary is this that I -never hesitated to drink any water, nor is any evil resultant -from water-drinking within my knowledge.</p> - -<p>In this struggle it is the weak who go under, the feeble -who support the strong. This holds good for vegetable and -animal kingdom alike, and even with man there is no place -for the helpless. Those who fail by the way, who cannot -fulfil their functions in the toiling world, and have ceased to -be of practical utility, must make way for the more capable. -Altruism is not bred of the forest, it is a virtue born in cities. -Here it would be suicide. The growing leaf must push off -the fading leaf, or the latter will stunt and imperil its growth. -In fact it does so, and growth is thus continual. There are -no seasons to correspond with our spring nor with our fall -of the leaf. From the lower Amazon’s maze of water-ways -up to the foothills of the western mountains reigns perpetual -summer; the same leafy veil hides the mysteries of the great -expanse, eternally dying, eternally renewed.</p> - -<p>As one passes onwards, however, nearer where the great -cloud-banks gather over the mountain giants of the west, a -perceptible change is to be noted, the scenery of the upper -Amazon differs in certain essential particulars. It is not -only that the great river thoroughfare, first spread on either -side beyond the farthest horizon,<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> becomes a thin black line -that grows nearer and deeper. Other features besides the -river-surface contract. The majestic forest trees give way -to timber not so towering. Plant life is not less prolific, but -it is on a smaller scale. The bush has the air of being -younger. It suggests that it has been dwarfed by perpetual -inundations. Nor is the stunted growth limited to the -vegetable world; the animals themselves, as if Nature -insisted that all be in keeping, are on a lesser scale than their -congeners of the eastern plains. No alligators of immense -size lurk in the upper waters, even the fish and the turtles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> -are smaller, as though their inches were limited in proportion -to the streams.</p> - -<p>It is not easy to convey any true notion of the scenery -of the Montaña, the vast forest regions spreading eastwards, -down from the lower Andean slopes. Here and there the -dense forest gives place to an open savannah, an outcrop -of rock with but a shallow stratum of soil. These have none -of the deep vegetable mould of the lower-lying forests, and -the poorer and thinner soil harbours flora of many totally -distinct varieties. Often the great fan leaves of the Aeta are -matted into a dense roof over the black swamp of the valleys. -Sometimes these water-loving palms are seen by the river-side, -interlopers in the fringe of fern and thickets of feathery -bamboo; or, again, they will grow in a regular belt with -little or no other vegetation.</p> - -<p>Life is more evident on the rivers than in the forest. -Fish are there in plenty—eighteen hundred species are -known in the Amazonian waters. Birds, often conspicuous -by their apparent absence in the bush, flock on the sand-banks -and marshes of the bank. Herons and ducks abound. -Egrets haunt the sandy spits that rise from the water, and -in the marshy swamps numbers of these beautiful creatures -may commonly be seen hunting for the tiny fish, animals, -and insects on which they feed. Another enemy of the -small denizens of the stream and marsh is the kingfisher. -More than one variety abound on all the Amazon water-ways, -but none of them can compare with the English bird in -brilliancy of colour. Probably this is an instance of protective -colouring, one of Nature’s methods of defence, for -on these dark waters the gorgeous blue of our <i>Alcedo ispida</i> -would be even more conspicuous than it is on our clearer -streams.</p> - -<p>One pictures this tropical garden, this paradise of the -naturalist, as a blaze of gorgeous colour, a profusion of -exquisite forms. But, in proportion to one’s imaginative -anticipation, I have never seen such a monotonous, flowerless -wilderness as this bush appears. Still there are flowers, -and flowers of showy colouring, the pinks and yellows of the -bignonias, the white and crimson of the chocolate-tree, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> -crimson of the hibiscus, the scarlet blaze of the passion-flower, -the snowy beauty of the inga; all these and a thousand -more are there, with the rarest blue and all the myriad -shades of mauve and orange, yellow, pink, brown, violet -of uncounted orchids. But orchids, though common, grow -at the very top of the trees, and unless they are searched -for they are not seen, except such varieties as are found on -the savannahs.</p> - -<p>The whole is on a scale so gigantic, the immense forest, -the great rivers, that details are lost in the vast expanse, -and the total effect is one of absolute sameness. Yet the -individual variety is enormous. Though uniform in the -mass, twenty-two thousand species of plants have been -differentiated; thousands more remain undescribed. Only -a botanist could attempt to deal with these even superficially. -The uninitiated, like myself, can but look and -wonder.</p> - -<p>Many of the units of this mighty aggregate are of a surpassing -loveliness; flowers unequalled for beauty, birds and -insects that are living jewels, outrivalling inanimate gems. -Such palms and ferns as would be rare treasures in a Kew -Gardens hothouse riot unheeded in tangled profusion above -the dark marshy soil, over a screen of parasites and epiphytes. -Forest giants, those immense monarchs of the woods Californian -advertisements depict for the edification of the -populace, are not there; certainly they are never to be -found in the Montaña. Nor, perhaps, in consequence of -the lower growth, is there that intense gloom mentioned by -writers on more easterly districts. The idea that you look -up but can never see the sky is fiction to me. The foliage is -certainly too dense for the sunlight to penetrate down to -the damp soil and matted underbush, but patches of the sky -are always more or less visible through the interlocked -branches overhead. Light and air are to be had freely -only on the tree-tops, and it is there that birds, insects, and -flowers mass their glories out of human ken. Even the -animals are climbers, and most of them spend more than -half of their existence on the trees.</p> - -<p>There are no long dark avenues beneath this leafy canopy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span> -that hides all the life and colour of the forest world from -the traveller, painfully cutting his path through the intricate -confusion of roots and creepers below. These parasitic -creepers are of many kinds, rooting down to the dark soil, -intertwining with themselves, pushing boldly to the tree-tops, -strong as withes, in wild festoons, knotted, tangled, -of every thickness from a giant cable to a narrow thread. -I have seen parasite on parasite. They loop from tree to -tree, bind the underwood into impenetrable thickets, and -trail over the track-way, ready to strangle or trip the heedless -passer-by. But track-way is a misnomer. The only -thoroughfares, where water is as abundant as dry land, are -the water-ways. The bed of a stream is the only track. No -other line of communication is intelligible to the Indian. -Even in the vicinity of civilised centres, hundreds of miles -away from these wild fastnesses of Nature, the exuberant -vegetation rapidly encroaches upon a roadway. Paths in -the forest there are none. A forest track consists in following -the line of least resistance. If this should be stopped by any -obstacle, a fallen tree, a sudden inundation, it would never -be removed or surmounted. There is no choice but to -climb over or go round. The ordinary Indian wayfarer -would go round; and so the road deviates increasingly; -it becomes inconceivably twisted, until the actual ground -covered is enormous compared with the distance from -point to point.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate5" style="width: 525px;"> -<img src="images/plate5.jpg" width="525" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE V.</p> -<p class="caption">THE BULGE-STEMMED PALM, <i>IRIARTEA VENTICOSA</i>, -SHOWING PORTION OF LEAF AND FRUIT</p> -</div> - -<p>Where a stream has to be crossed there is rarely any -bridge more stable than a small tree cut down and thrown -across just when and where it may be wanted. Frequently -such impromptu bridges are under water. They are invariably -of the slightest; a branch no thicker than a man’s -hand suffices to span a deep chasm, and over this an Indian -will pass more unconcernedly than an Englishman over -London Bridge. The worst penance of all in forest journeyings -is to cross a river or a gully full of great fallen trees, -on such flimsy foothold. The drop at times may be 40 to -50 feet, and there will be but the one tree across without -any attempt at a hand-rail to steady the traveller. Nor -can you grasp an Indian’s shoulder for aid in the perilous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span> -transit, for to do so is to lose once for all every trace of -prestige and authority. The man who cannot get over a -river unaided, the man who is not man enough to walk and -must be carried in a hammock, is but a poor creature in the -eyes of the South American Indian. Still it is more than -a test of nerve. In the middle of such a bridge you feel -yourself swaying, and it is only with a fearful concentration -of will-power and a bitten lip that you arrive safely on the -other side, having leapt the last three feet. In the first -month of forest journeying I bit my lip through time and -again. It is not the torrent below that frightens, it is the -rotten trees in the gully. A fall may possibly be a broken -neck, more probably it would be a broken leg. Of the two -in country of this description a broken neck is preferable.</p> - -<p>Where a stream has to be crossed that is too deep to be -forded and cannot be bridged over in this elementary -fashion, there is little difficulty in the construction of a -raft or a temporary canoe. The bulging-stemmed palm -furnishes an almost ready-made one. This palm, <i>Iriartea -ventricosa</i>, is readily known by the peculiar swelling on -the upper part of the trunk. It will attain the height of -100 feet, and the swollen portion is big enough to form -the body of an improvised canoe.</p> - -<p>Forest bridges are not the only terrors to confront the -traveller; lurking dangers are many, and imagination is -but too quick to multiply the risks. Peril from wild beasts -does not loom largely in the picture, though the jaguar is a -savage brute, and the experienced traveller will never sleep -without a weapon at hand in case one of these daring creatures -should venture to attack. But of animals more anon. -There is one danger by no means imaginary, the danger of -falling trees. A sudden crack, startlingly noisy in the all-pervading -stillness, will give warning of a fall, but there is -nothing to guide to safety. It may be the nearest tree that -is coming down, or one at some distance; yet the deceptive -noise will not determine which may be the doomed one, -beyond the fact that a palm gives the sharpest crack. -Indians when they hear such a sound are invariably frightened, -and often will run backwards and forwards in terrified<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> -uncertainty, to try and discover whence came the danger -signal.</p> - -<p>Then there are plants that injure more directly. One -palm, an <i>Astrocaryum</i>, has spines six inches in length up its -stem. These spines, black in colour, hard, unbreakable, -fall in the bush and spike the foot of the unfortunate who -may tread on them. On the palm-stem itself they will -wound the unwary hand incautiously or involuntarily thrust -in the thicket. Many of the climbing plants have thorns or -hook-like prickles, and perhaps the worst are the many kinds -of twining river-side palms, whose barbed leaves will tear -both flesh and clothing.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> But trying as these vegetable -torments may be, they are outclassed in the eyes of the tyro -by the more active evil of perils from snakes and insects. -Creeping through dense bush is an agony at first. Poisonous -reptiles may lie concealed all about one, virulent insects -surround in their myriads. If imagination has painted a -floral paradise it has also run riot over a profusion of deadly -snakes, an uninterrupted purgatory from creeping things -innumerable, and winged pests before which the plague of -flies in ancient Egypt sinks to insignificance. And there -is some excuse for imagination if it be fed on travellers’ -tales. As a matter of fact, if these were true life would in -all verity be insupportable. But the fear of snakes passes -in two weeks, never to return, and mercifully the most -pestilent creatures exist only in limited spheres, and seldom -or never in the same. Places that are troubled with the -pium will be found free of mosquitoes at night; in a belt of -country where the mosquito abounds the pium will be -absent, and in any case the two are never active together. -The pium, a most vile little fly, comes out at sunrise. It is -an intolerable pest, will attack any exposed part of the -body, and draws blood every time. The traveller is forced, -when journeying through a pium-infested country, to don -guarded boots, gauntlets, and a veil. It is impossible to -eat, drink, or smoke, till sunset puts a period to the troubling. -Fortunately, piums are only found within a few hundred -yards of the rivers. This is also the case as a rule with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span> -mosquitoes. There is a bad belt of pium country on the -Issa, at the Brazilian frontier. It takes two days to get -through on a steamer, and during the forty-eight hours life -is a long-drawn torture. But once through you are rid of -them. Robuchon noted that the <i>Culex</i> mosquito disappears -on entering this river: but there are others; one, a kind of -<i>Tabano</i> in miniature, is called the <i>Maringunios</i>. I found -piums on the Kahuanari at low river, but a light breeze would -suffice to sweep them away, and both mosquitoes and piums -are practically non-existent in the middle Issa-Japura -valley, though mosquitoes are found in certain parts of -tracts of flatter country, but are not bad enough to make -a net a necessary adjunct for comfort. There is also a tiny -sand-fly that occasionally appears at sunset, when the river -is low, and though minute in size, causes a very painful -wound. It is known in Brazil as the <i>Maruim</i>.</p> - -<p>A most annoying little insect that is very common in -the bush is a kind of harvest bug. This almost invisible -“red tick” must not be confused with another parasite that -is only obtained from contact with Indians. The forest -tick lives on the leaves of plants and bushes, and when -shaken off creeps everywhere, and will burrow under the -skin, which gives rise to maddening irritation.</p> - -<p>Wasps and wild bees—the bee of these regions is a waspish -creature—are frequently a nuisance. Often in a forest path -I have come upon a huge black overhanging nest pendant -from a tree. It looks like a tarred lobster-pot full of black -pitch, and it is necessary to rush past to avoid the stings of -the easily-roused inhabitants. Some of the wasps are -exceedingly handsome fellows, noticeable even among -Amazonian winged beauties, unsurpassed in any other -land for gorgeous colouring. Among other fine insects -of the Montaña are the huge <i>Morphos</i>, a dazzling blue -butterfly many sizes bigger than a humming-bird; dragonflies -with iridescent wings and jewelled bodies, fireflies and -glow-worms with their living lights, so brilliant that I have -often in a moment of forgetfulness mistaken them for -distant lights from some human dwelling-place. But the -butterflies, the most resplendent of all, frequently illustrate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> -the proverb that beauty is but skin deep. Exquisitely -graceful in flight, marvellous in subtle colourings, I have -found them to be the dirtiest possible feeders. The sight -of one now fills me with repugnance, for it calls to mind -pictures of these so apparently dainty and aerial beings -fluttering about some mass of offal, actually eating manure.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> -They will congregate in thousands round a spot of blood, so -absolutely fearless that it is not possible to drive them -away. They will actually smother the kill during the -disembowelling process after hunting. The contrast of their -ethereal loveliness and their gross habits is revolting—Psyche -and putrid filth, an inconceivably horrible combination.</p> - -<p>Butterflies and moths exist in great numbers and varieties. -The most ordinary kind is a large bright sky-blue; other -common ones are tiger-marked and yellow, like our sulphur -butterfly but larger. Most of them are strong fliers. If -the perfect insects themselves inflict no injury, the same -cannot always be said of them in the caterpillar stage, for -very many have hair that stings quite painfully.</p> - -<p>Ants are the greatest curse. They are everywhere, of -all kinds, of varied colours, and almost invariable viciousness. -They drop from the overhanging foliage. They may come -singly or in battalions—army corps rather. The traveller -pushing through the thicket will knock them off the bushes, -and they will proceed to crawl down the neck or up the -sleeves. They swarm over the bare feet. And then they -sting. The worst kind is a small stinging ant not more than -the size of a pin’s head. In many places the earth is broken -up and transformed into irregular heaps, the late habitations -of some gregarious ant, such as the <i>Ecodema cophelotos</i>, -or it may be built into cones to the height of 4 or 5 feet -by the termites. It needs but short experience of the -bush to endorse very heartily Spruce’s comment that they -“deserve to be considered the actual owners of the Amazon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> -valley.”<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> On more than one occasion stinging ants drove -me from dry land to water. In inundated country these -insects forced me to take refuge off the higher points of land, -which, turned into temporary islands, form the natural -resting-place for the traveller exhausted by the wading, the -swimming, and the stumbling through the unseen undergrowth. -Unfortunately the ants, too, are driven to take -the same refuge. The traveller may find that choice lies -between torture on land or again seeking the comparative -peace of the water in perhaps an exhausted condition. -Happily ants, like the pium, keep in belts, and of these it can -only be said that discreet avoidance is better than valour.</p> - -<p>With regard to the reptiles, though these abound, they -seek rather to avoid than to court notice, and are by no -means the danger to life that the ignorant imagine. Naturally -the naked Indian is more exposed to any peril there -may be than the better protected white man, and if a snake -be trodden on it will promptly turn and bite the unshod -foot of the aggressor. But no snake, so far as I have observed, -will attack a human being unmolested, not even the boa -constrictor; nor would the anaconda, the great water snake, -though all Indians are very afraid of it. I do not think that -even the venomous labarria ever bites a man unless first -disturbed.</p> - -<p>Alligators in the Issa and the Japura are small, rarely -seen, and never formidable. The dangerous <i>jacare</i>, that -huge monster of the lower rivers, is unknown here. But -of fierce and poisonous fish I shall have somewhat to say -later. Curiously enough, despite the swampy nature of -the ground, I never met with any leeches, though Bates -mentions a red, four-angled species he found to be abundant -in the marshy pools at the juncture of the Japura and -the Amazon.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Frogs and toads are the most abundant -reptiles. They exist in thousands and are of all sizes, -though I have never seen any of dimensions that Spruce -speaks of—“as big as a man’s head.”<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> At night near -any stream huge frogs keep up a constant and fearful -noise, and even at midday, when a silence that may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -felt enfolds the tropical woodland, their chorus is only -subdued, not stayed.</p> - -<p>This silence of the forest is a very real thing, a quality -that does not lessen by acquaintance. On the contrary it -grows more real and more oppressive. A strange gloom -and a strange stillness hold the bush. They give the impression -that there is nothing animate in all the vastness, -no life other than that of the overwhelming, all-triumphant -vegetation. It is possible to journey for days and never -see a human being. A sound, be it but the cracking of a -twig, startles in the forest. Then, suddenly, the vibrant -quiet will be broken by a shrill scream. Some creature has -been done to death. The cry dies to a moan, and the low -murmur that is hardly sound, the drone of the unseen but -abundant life, once more makes up the silence that pulses -tormentingly on ear and brain, till night again wakens the -birds and the beasts of the wild, and the murmur grows -and deepens to the full volume of confused sound made by -the forest’s busy life.</p> - -<p>At the break of day, and again at the going down of the -sun, the howling monkeys, if they be in the neighbourhood, -startle the echoes with their raucous yelps. Sunrise is, -indeed, the signal for absolute pandemonium. Toucans -start an endless chattering that rises now and again to a -far-reaching scream. The trumpeter birds make extraordinary -noises. With them may be joined in a chorus -of discord the macaws and the parrots of the district, and -the chorus is punctuated at night by the mournful cry of a -large night-jar.</p> - -<p>But, for the most part, the birds and the beasts go about -their business silently. They seek neither to disturb their -victims nor to advertise their own doings and so attract -those with sinister designs against themselves. In the -bush silence is a better policy than honesty.</p> - -<p>Picture all this, and try to understand the bush life in -Amazonia. It will explain much of the unwritten and -unwritable story of the inhabitants of these wilds. For the -traveller the day is easily summarised: the awakening at -sunrise, followed by a bath in the nearest stream, and a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span> -meal of what was left over-night; the trail, the worst in the -world; the slow progress that jars on the nerves; the -never-ending, impenetrable forest; the narrow path that -has to be widened; the stumbles, the falls, the whipping of -the face and arms by innumerable twigs; the ever-ready -liana that catches the foot of the careless walker; the stinging -ants that shower down on face and neck when a tree is -accidentally shaken; the greenheart and other rods that -pierce the feet and legs; the thorns innumerable, and the -fine palm-spines on which a hand is transfixed when put -out to save a fall; the end of the trek, a bath to get rid -of the litter of mud and vegetable filth; dinner, of sorts; -and a hammock under a shelter so poor that it will not prevent -the driving and inevitable rain from chilling the sleeper -to the bone. Imagine the state of fatigue to mind and body -when one cries, “Thank God, I have got so far to-day. I -could not repeat to-day’s labours. I could not go back -on my own open trail, or go through the same to-morrow.” -And so crying one knows that to-morrow and the trail must -come. Even in fancy you will feel the pressure on your -chest, the pressure behind you. It demoralises utterly.</p> - -<p>There is a gruesome depression that is almost physical, -produced by solitude on a small island, when all other land -is out of sight. The bush to me is worse. The oppression -is as of some great weight. A light heart is impossible in -an atmosphere which the sunshine never enlivens, that is -beaten daily back to earth by rain, where the air is heavy -with the fumes of fallen vegetation slowly steaming to -decay. The effect of the impenetrable thickets around, the -stifling of the breath, is all mental, doubtless; but it must -react physically on the neurotic subject.</p> - -<p>This depression, this despondency, may seem incredible -to those who have never experienced anything similar, who -are ignorant of the innate malevolence of the High Woods. -But in truth there is nothing in Nature more cruel than the -unconquered vegetation of a tropical South American -forest. The Amazonian bush brings no consolation. It is -silent, inhospitable, cynical. It has overcome the mastodon -and the megatherium, the prehistoric camel and the rhinoceros.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> -It has reduced its rivals of the animal kingdom to -slimy alligators and unsightly armadilloes, to sloths and -ant-bears. The most powerful tenant of its shades is the -boa constrictor, the most majestic the jaguar. Man is a -very puny feature in the Amazonian cosmos.</p> - -<p>The sense of one’s insignificance is the first lesson of -travel in the bush. In the beginning the discovery amuses -the adventurer. Later, he resents the implied superiority -of the fixed and nerveless plants which barricade his progress. -In the end, he hates the bush as though it were a -sentient being. Yet the component parts of the bush are -familiar to all at home: we coddle them in our gardens, and -nurse them tenderly in our glass-houses. But in the -Amazons they unite to form a horrible, a most evil-disposed -enemy. They obscure the sun from the earth, condemn one -to existence in a gloomy, stifling half-light. They constrict -the world to a path laboriously hacked through jealous -undergrowth. They stab with hidden snags, and strangle -with deftly poised lianas. In their most hurtful mood they -poison with a touch.<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> - -<p>The Amazonian forest is no glorified botanic garden. -Its units are not intelligently isolated and labelled. There -is but a monotonous tangle of vegetation through which -the traveller cuts his way to daylight and perspective in a -river-channel. One rarely sees a blossom or a fruit. Within -that tangle, however, is the whole varied life of the tropical -jungle. It may be difficult to distinguish specimens through -the superimposed mass of extraneous vegetation; it may -be impossible to catch a glimpse of a living creature throughout -a day’s march; but the flowers are there in their -thousands, and a myriad of eyes have noted each blundering -movement of the wayfarer. It is no part of the philosophy -of the bush to force even the most reckless of animals into -needless publicity.</p> - -<p>It is simple for the traveller to pull the canoe to the -bank of one of the upper tributaries of the great river, to -land, to part the screen of bushes, and to pass beyond—into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> -the obscurity of barbarism. It is a simple feat, yet -eventful. A thousand yards away from the safe thoroughfare -of the main stream the explorer is lost, overwhelmed -in the extravagance of vegetation. Denied a pathway, -a landmark, a horizon, or a sky, he has less to guide him -than the castaway on the ocean or the wanderer in the -Sahara. His most definite course can only be from river-bed -to river-bed. To direct him on his way the trees offer -no aid to help him, the forest provides but little sustenance.</p> - -<p>Every traveller in the bush lives in the constant dread -of being lost. Desertion, unexpected, unforeseen, is common -with the Indians. They leave without ascertainable cause -at the cost of their pay, at the risk of their lives. In a -watch of the night they depart, and although the country -be swarming with their blood-enemies, they vanish into the -forest and are no more seen.</p> - -<p>In time the civilised man, with no other than such barbaric -companions, turns at the thought of them, is nauseated -by their bestiality, longs for relief from their presence. -Then he wanders away, ever so little a distance into the -bush, to be alone and to think. He happens upon a stream—that -is so simple a by-path, so obvious a guide. He wanders -light-footedly up its bed in search of that ego which had -begun to elude him. The surroundings interest him. The -water comforts his feet. The silence casts him back upon -himself. He thinks, computes, and the solitude assists his -introspection. He recovers his perspective, replaces the -comrades of his bush-life in their proper places—the glass-fronted -cupboards of an anthropological museum. His self-respect -regained, he pauses to admire his new-found horizon.</p> - -<p>Trees hem him in on every side. A little way up the -stream is a narrow slit of sunlight, a little way down a -narrow canopy of sky. All else is vegetation. The solitude -no longer tempts him, but mocks as he contemplates his -surroundings. Yet to doubt is to be ridiculous. It is all -so simple; it took so long to come here up the stream; -the same number of hours or minutes will take him back -again to the spot he marked, and so to the camp.</p> - -<p>The difficulties begin with the return journey. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> -questions the hour of leaving the bearers, the rate of march, -the time spent in lazy consideration. One tree is so like -another tree, one river vista but the duplicate of the last. -Reeds, weeds, and bush now offer nothing distinctive; -their former individuality appears to be lost. The trail -must have been passed. He shouts, diffidently at first, -eventually with hysteria. He fires a rifle, and the bush but -re-echoes the sound. The hundreds of miles of forest on -every side press together, and the signal is shuttlecocked -between. The very echoes seem to him muffled, like the -drums at a soldier’s funeral. The traveller is lost.</p> - -<p>The realisation is a strange psychological phenomenon. -It forces the self-reliant European on his knees to pray; -drags him to his feet to blaspheme; throws him on his face -to weep. This admission may come strangely to the well-housed -British ratepayer. It may sound like a confession -of unfathomable cowardice. It is far easier for the arm-chair -philosopher to imagine the stoicism of the Indians -than to reproduce the neuroticism of his European counterpart. -Things are so different when the conception of the -Amazonian bush is the memory of the tropical houses in -Kew Gardens.</p> - -<p>One day I was lost alone. When I realised it I shouted, -then fired half-a-dozen rounds from my rifle, and laughed. -It was the laugh that brought me to my senses—that way -lay madness. The reaction to calm was stupendous. Life -was dependent upon self-control and clarity of judgment. -I counted my rounds, remembered all I had eaten that day, -and settled myself to think. We had crossed a stream, and -my boys had been left quenching their thirst. I took the -lie of the land, and found a path leading downwards. It -must go to water. It did in fact take me to a stream, and -I trudged wearily in the bed of it; then, after two fruitless -hours of growing despondency, turned and went down, -to find, as darkness was closing in, Brown and his party. -That night I had fever, and talked in my sleep. And John -Brown was lost for five and a half months. Good God!</p> - -<p>There is one last experience of the bush—starvation. -The man who has not starved can never enter into the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span> -feelings of his brother who, with blood-shot eyes and shaking -fingers, has groped about the fallen leaves for a lizard or a -frog. I can answer for it that those who have starved -never again may express the sensation. It has become the -memory of a nightmare.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">The Indian homestead—Building—Site and plan of <i>maloka</i>—Furniture—Inhabitants -of the house—Fire—Daily life—Insect inhabitants—Pets.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Out of the silence and gloom of the forest the traveller will -emerge into the full light of a clearing. Though it is the -site of a tribal headquarters there is no village, no cluster -of huts, except among some of the tribes on the lower -Apaporis. There is but one great house, thatched and -ridge-roofed like a gigantic hay-rick, standing four-square in -the open. This is the home of some three score Indians.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> - -<p>The immediate signs of their occupancy are but few. -There is hardly any litter cumbering the homestead; whatever -of refuse there be is cleared more speedily by the ants -than it would be by the most up-to-date sanitary authority -of London. Back here in the untouched districts, away -from the Rubber Belt and the commerce-bearing rivers, -there are none of the leavings of civilisation: no broken -bottles, no battered tins, no torn and dirty scraps of paper—indeed -if bottle or tin ever found its way to these wilds it -would be esteemed a most rare and valuable treasure. -No village dogs bark their challenge at the stranger’s -approach, no domestic fowls clutter away to safety. A -naked child or a startled old woman may scurry into the -saving murk of the <i>maloka</i>,<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> otherwise the silence and -solitude appear little less profound than in the forest.</p> - -<p>That is the picture as the artist or camera would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> -reproduce it. The details, the essentials, must be sought -within.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="fig1"> -<img src="images/fig1.jpg" width="500" height="500" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 1.</span></p> -</div> - -<p>First of all characteristics is the fact that nothing makes -for permanence. The house and its contents at the best are -but for temporary use. The possession of a central tribal -house does not presuppose that these Indians remain for -any length of time in one locality. After about two or -three years the house falls into a state of disrepair, but the -tribesmen will not patch and mend it. They will simply -discard it like all useless things. The women will be loaded -up with the few tribal possessions—not forgetting the -inevitable burden of their infants—the house will be burnt,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span> -and the whole of this <i>grosse famille</i> departs to seek a new -site on which to build another habitation.</p> - -<p>Building material is easily come by, and though to -clear the land for agricultural purposes from the virgin -forest entails considerable hard work, it is periodically a -necessary task. However rich it may have been in the -first instance successive crops rob the soil of its fertility, as -the Indian is only too well aware, and fresh ground must -perforce be broken up every few years. Then again, paths -converging on the homestead in time are worn through -the forest undergrowth, dense though it may be, circuitous -though the trail of the Indian is invariably. Secrecy is -security. A track-way is as good as an invitation, a sign-post, -to the enemy. To move becomes a precautionary -measure, even if the food supply be not exhausted—another -reason that makes for unsettled conditions in forest life.</p> - -<p>The site chosen is never near a river, for these are the -highways for a possible enemy, and streams for ordinary -purposes abound. Also—but this is an insignificant reason -in comparison with the first—insect pests are not so abundant -at a distance from the river-bank. With an eye to defence -from hostile visitors, the Indian habitation is sedulously -hidden, and the paths that lead to it are concealed also in -every possible way. The track from the river especially -may run more or less directly for, say, a third of a mile; -then it is absolutely stopped by a fallen tree. No cleared -pathway apparently runs beyond this, but the Indian, -creeping through the thicket by devious ways, eventually -reaches another comparatively cleared track. This will -in turn be stopped in the same fashion, and thence -lead more directly housewards. The river-path may be -broken twice or even three times in little more than -a mile.</p> - -<p>At the same time that the ground is cleared on which -the house is to be built, a plot immediately in front is also -cleared for use as a dancing ground. This is customary, -but not invariable, for some tribes are content with the -dancing space inside the house. The outside dancing floor -once cleared is quickly trodden down, and though no special<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> -preparation is attempted will soon be baked comparatively -hard in the sun.</p> - -<p>The construction of the great house is not complicated, -but the workmanship is dexterous, and will bear the -closest inspection. Four great poles, 20 to 30 feet high, -form the main supports of the roof, which slopes down on -either side tentwise almost to the ground from the central -ridge-pole. More posts and cross-beams support it, and the -whole is most adroitly lashed together. The forest supplies -all the needed material. It is there ready to hand, growing -where the house is to be erected. The straightest tree-trunks -provide the posts and cross-beams; the creeping -lianas serve to splice and bind the framework together; -Bussu palm-leaves<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> make the thatch, which, as the actual -wall is but some three feet in height, is practically roof and -wall in one. The <i>bejucos</i>, or lianas, used to tie the beams -and poles are first soaked in water to render them supple -enough.<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;" id="fig2"> -<img src="images/fig2.jpg" width="700" height="350" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 2.</span></p> -</div> - -<p>To make the thatch the Indians slit bamboos and insert<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> -the palm-leaves doubled backwards.<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> The strips are then -laid on the framework of the house, one above another, so -that the uppermost strips shall hang half over those -below. They are piled on to a thickness of from a foot to -eighteen inches, and when completed this shingling is -absolutely waterproof. When it ceases to be so the house -will be abandoned. The leaves are not plaited, or intertwined -in any manner, so the roof consists only of loose -fronds, row upon row, and these have more the appearance -of tobacco plants hung in an open drying-barn than a reed -or straw thatch.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate6" style="width: 440px;"> -<img src="images/plate6.jpg" width="440" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE VI.</p> -<p class="caption">FLOWERS AND SECTION OF LEAF OF THE BUSSU PALM</p> -<p class="caption">THE LEAF IS USED FOR THATCHING</p> -</div> - -<p>All the native houses are made after much the same -manner. They vary only in unimportant details. The -shape, as a rule, is a rough parallelogram or square with -rounded angles, but on the lower Apaporis the houses are -circular. On the Napo River also they are hemispherical, -but the section of a Witoto or Boro house usually would be -a triangle some 30 feet high, with a 60-feet base. Witoto -houses sometimes are more circular as to ground-plan, -but always have the pointed roof, not a cone (<a href="#fig4">see Fig. 4</a>).</p> - -<p>The house is not always roofed and thatched to the -ground, the last two or three feet occasionally being made -of a closely set palisade, lined with matting or thatch. -This is even more noticeable in a Nonuya house, and a -Makuna house is invariably so fortified and is lighter than -a Boro dwelling. As a general rule it may be noted that -the Issa-Japura houses are not strengthened in this way. -Wallace gives the dimensions of a house at Jaurité as -115 feet long, by 75 broad, and 30 high.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> A Witoto or -a Boro house is usually about 60 to 70 feet in diameter. -In both cases the size depends on the numbers of the -tribe.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;" id="fig3"> -<img src="images/fig3.jpg" width="700" height="400" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 3.</span></p> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Elevation of small Boro House</span></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span></p> - -<p>These houses have no windows, and the entrance is -merely an opening in the palm-thatch eaves of some three -feet by two. This most frequently is closed with a removable -section of the thatch, which must be lifted out -when any one enters, and replaced behind them; or it may -be, as among the Orahone and Nonuya, covered by a -curtain of thatch, which is hung on a cross-piece of the eaves -by a strip of liana, and simply is pushed aside and swung -back into place. In a Nonuya house the door is marked -outside by bundles of rods neatly tied and set against the -side posts.<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> Whatever the “door” may be, the opening is -invariably kept closed, and it is the duty of any persons -coming in to fasten up the entrance as soon as they have -entered.<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> The consequence of this absence of any opening -is that the interiors of the <i>malokas</i> are nearly as dark by -day as by night. But this deep gloom keeps out insects—no -small consideration in a land so infested with them.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;" id="fig4"> -<img src="images/fig4.jpg" width="400" height="60" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 4.</span>—Section of houses.</p> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate7" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate7.jpg" width="650" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE VII.</p> -<p class="captionl">SELF, WITH NONUYA TRIBE (Note Doorway behind me)</p> -<p class="captionr">MUENANE TRIBE</p> -</div> - -<p>The interior with its pointed roof resembles, as Robuchon -remarked, a circus at a country fair. The central space is -usually kept clear, and is used by the children as a playing-ground -what time it is not required for more serious tribal -business, such as dancing or a tobacco palaver. The far end -of the house—where there is usually another small entrance—is -the portion reserved for the chief and his family. As a -rule it is open, but I have seen it matted off in some Witoto -houses. Neither the Boro nor the Witoto indulge in the -cubicles of palm-leaf thatch mentioned by Wallace in -Uaupes houses,<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> nor are their habitations divided into two, -with a small chamber at the end, as described by Koch-Grünberg<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> -in Tuyuka houses.<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Each family has its own -fire, but that is the only distinction, though on the lower -Apaporis mats of beaten palm-leaf are used to form a sort -of booth for each family. Such mats, <i>duriei</i> as the Witoto -call them, are also employed in some houses for the protective -purpose of securing the entrance.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;" id="fig5"> -<img src="images/fig5.jpg" width="200" height="250" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 5.</span></p> -<p class="caption">A A A, posts. B, fire. C C C, hammocks. D D, Wall.</p> -</div> - -<p>The Apaporis Indians also make shelves or platforms -on which they sleep, but all the other Issa-Japura tribes -use the hammock slung about 2½ feet from the ground. -One is hung for every man adjacent to his family fire—almost -over it in fact. A second, placed rather less -advantageously, in local opinion, belongs to his wife; while -a third may be set between -the two, close under the -sloping thatch, for the -children, when they are not -asleep on the rough floor of -uncovered earth. The -family possessions are stored -in places on the rafters overhead -along with the hammocks, -cooking-pots, and -baskets with dried fish or -smoked meat, the cassava-squeezer -and personal -treasures.</p> - -<p>The chief has no other -house, but any tribesman -with a wish for one can -build a small house for himself and his family in the bush, -though he still retains his right to a corner in the common -dwelling of the tribe. A temporary shelter is easily contrived -by lashing poles to four trees, some seven or eight feet -above the ground. On this frame-work branches for rafters -and palm-leaves for thatch are quickly adjustable. This is the -ordinary way of preparing a sleeping-place in the forest, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> -is known among the rubber-gatherers as a <i>rancho</i>, but the -Indians’ private houses are constructed more securely, and -more like miniature editions of the central tribal house, -although in this case no wall whatever supports the sloping -roof as a rule. These may be called their country homes, -and they may be perhaps as much as two days’ journey -from the great house of assembly.</p> - -<p>At ordinary times there will be possibly from fifty to -sixty people in the tribal house, but on the occasion of any -festivity as many as two hundred will crowd in, all as by -right entitled. What the atmosphere is like on those -occasions may better be imagined than described. I invariably -slept in native houses, and never found them other -than very dark, very hot at night, and full of smoke, for -which there is no outlet, chimneys being unknown luxuries -with most of the tribes. Some of the Indians on the Apaporis -contrive an arrangement that permits the smoke to disappear, -and the Kuretu make what is almost a chimney-cowl -by means of an overhanging portion of the topmost -thatch above a small opening;<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> but in the ordinary Boro -or Witoto house there is nothing to disperse the smoke from -the wood fires that, it must be remembered, are never -extinguished. These tribes have no means of making -fire. It is therefore a matter of vital importance that it -should never be permitted to die out. Did such an untoward -accident occur the household would be fireless till -live embers were obtained from some friendly neighbour.</p> - -<p>Fire-making is unknown to the tribes on the south of -the Japura, but on the north of that river fire is obtained -by friction in a groove.<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> I never saw it done, but was told -that ants’ nests were often used for tinder. On one occasion -I made a fire by firing cartridges into a mass of leaves and -wood chips, having first extracted the bullets and replaced -them with cotton wool. The leaves flamed up after fourteen -rounds. Matches are sheer magic in the Indian’s eyes, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span> -a box is a most valuable gift. He may blaze one, just to -be certain that the white man has passed on some of his -own magical powers along with the wonderful little box of -sticks, but never more than one is sacrificed at a time.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;" id="fig6"> -<img src="images/fig6.jpg" width="300" height="250" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 6.</span></p> -</div> - -<p>What with the heavy dews and the incessant rain the -bush is always in a condition of reeking damp, so bush -fires are impossible. Therefore, when they cannot make fire, -the Indians must keep the family fire burning night and -day, and its preservation is the very serious business of -every member of the tribe. Not only do they depend on -it for warmth and cooking, but the fitful glow of the -smouldering fires is on ordinary occasions the only light in -the Indian house. Torches of resinous wood are used at -dances and such-like festivals only. When the tribesmen -go into the bush they always carry fire over their shoulders. -This is done by means of a strip of some resinous bark, -about two feet long, which they hold in their hands. The -bark smoulders slowly, and can at any time be blown into -a flame.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span></p> - -<p>The fire is always arranged after a definite pattern. -Three young trees are placed together on the ground endways, -in the form of a triskeles. The fire is kindled in the -centre, and once alight it will last for as long as a week at a -time. All day when people pass, even the little children, -they will give a kick to a log to keep the fire together, and -during the night it is fed continually in the same fashion.</p> - -<p>The natives sleep with no more covering than they have -worn in the daytime. The hammocks of the father, the -mother, and the children are slung, as has been said, in a -triangle, with the fire between them. As the fire dies down -one or other will rise and push the wood more closely -together, blow a little at the hot embers, and then return -to rest, till about the hour before sunrise, when it is coldest. -Then every one gets up, and when the fire has been blown -into a blaze they wait for dawn.</p> - -<p>Dawn is the signal for all to repair to the river for the -first bath of the day. The girls come back with big jars -full of water on their heads, held in position by their uplifted -hands. The women go to work in the plantations, -the men may hunt and fish. As day advances into evening -the women return again from the plantation, the mothers, -naked and shining from the evening bath, with their children -seated astride their left hips; while those not encumbered -carry up the pine-apples, the plantains, and the manioc, -packed in baskets that are slung from their foreheads. -Those who have sought provision in the forest bring back -lizards and snakes—it may be a frog, for nothing seems -amiss for the hot-pot of the Indian. The hunters come in -from the bush with a capybara, a curassow, or a monkey; -the men who preferred the river bring fish. Soon there -is a savoury smell from the cooking of cassava cakes, the -boiling of meat, and the pungent odour of <i>yarakue</i>. There -is not much talk, and none of the homely clatter of dishes, -for leaves serve as plates and napkins, fingers for eating -utensils. The naked women crouch on their heels about -the fires; the men stretch languidly in their hammocks; -and so the Indian day passes by imperceptible degrees again -to night.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span></p> - -<p>So much for the human inhabitants of the tribal household. -There are others of less pleasing character. Spiders -are there, some of an extraordinary size, not forgetting the -deadly tarantula. One day I placed my hand carelessly -on one of the posts in an Indian house, and only just withdrew -it in time, for it had been within an inch or two of a -large <i>mygale</i>. Scorpions also lurk in crannies of the thatch, -but they never bothered me in the least, and although the -swelling was considerable in the one or two cases of bite -I noted, there were no after-consequences.</p> - -<p>The Menimehe, whose houses are more open, make hives -of hollow trees for bees to swarm in, and these are placed -in their <i>maloka</i>, so that a store of honey and wax is always -at hand.</p> - -<p>The smoke and darkness keep off the pium and mosquito, -but outside the dwelling ants abound, though their value as -scavengers does in a measure detract from their general -undesirability; for it is thanks mainly to them that there -are no bad smells in the vicinity of a Witoto home, as -cleanliness is not a virtue of the Witoto. The daily rain, -also, prevents any accumulation of filth, for everything of -that description is continually washed away.</p> - -<p>Jiggers are found in Indian houses, though never in the -bush. There need be no trouble with these tiresome -creatures if prompt attention be paid to the part affected. -It is a common practice among the Indians for the women -to examine the men’s feet directly they come in, to see that -they are all right, and if a jigger is detected to dig it out -with a palm-spine, care being taken that a non-poisonous -spine is selected.<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> A very much more serious injury -is inflicted by the blood-sucking bat. Not only the forest -but the dark and lofty roof of the native house will often -harbour bats of several kinds, and occasionally some of the -<i>Phyllostoma</i>. Vampires, however, are more frequently met -with on the main river than on the Issa or Japura.<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> -undoubtedly attack sleepers, and the subsequent loss of -blood may be serious, especially in the case of a child. -The point made for is always the big toe, and the wound is -so slight that the victim does not waken, or if awake is -hardly conscious of the hurt. It is possible that the loss -of blood induces a comatose state. I never actually saw -a case, though I have talked to persons who had been bitten. -But the vampire is rare in these districts, whereas other -bats are common enough in the forest.</p> - -<p>As a general rule the Indians have no pets; but on -one occasion, near a Boro settlement on the north of the -Japura, I saw some children of the Menimehe tribes with -tame monkeys. These were the only Indians I ever met -who kept any pet. Animal food is too scarce in the forest. -Bates asserts that “the Indians are very fond of them -[monkeys] as pets, and the women often suckle them when -young at their breasts.”<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> I never heard of such a case as -this, but certainly the monkey must be caught extremely -young to be tamable at all; and, I repeat, food is scarce.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Classification of Indian races—Difficulties of tabulating—Language-groups -and tribes—Names—Sources of confusion—Witoto and Boro—Localities -of language-groups—Population of districts—Intertribal -strife—Tribal enemies and friends—Reasons for endless warfare—Intertribal -trade and communications—Relationships—Tribal organisation—The -chief, his position and powers—Law—Tribal council—Tobacco-drinking—Marriage -system and regulations—Position of -women—Slaves.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Given equal conditions, similar environment, the human -race, wheresoever on this globe its lot be cast, shows a -marked sameness in its traits and habits. This need not, -in fact does not, argue a unity of origin. There is no reason -why a custom may not be indigenous in many parts of the -world, among peoples labouring under like conditions; -and if the same customs be evolved the same cultural types -will also be found to exist. Thus it is easy to find even -striking resemblances between these Indians of Amazonia -and such distant peoples as the Arunta of Central Australia, -the cannibal tribes of pagan Malay, or, to go even wider -afield, the Basque people of Southern Europe. This does -not for a moment suggest that such common beliefs, customs, -or cultures have been introduced from one to the other, -or even borrowed from a common stock. The human mind -seems to work broadly on certain definite planes of thought, -and there is less mental difference between the low-type -illiterate of a London slum and the denizens of a tropical -forest than there is between him and the learned occupant -of a University Chair, though both be nominally of the same -nation.</p> - -<p>Attempts are continually made to evolve some working -classification of the South American Indians. The main<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> -difficulty, the sparsity of common factors, despite general -similarity, is due in a measure at least to the absence of any -standard, any fixity of language, or any confederation -between the units of these races. The only rule is that there -is no rule. What was a common word yesterday is possibly -forgotten to-day; the custom shared a generation ago may -vary now past recognition, and to-morrow will see further -changes that increase the diversity. These people are in a -state of flux. Disintegration is the determinant influence; -nothing makes for amalgamation. A section of a tribe -isolated from the remainder, surrounded by neighbours -whose speech, whose physical features, are entirely different, -may develop into a distinct tribe with dialect and customs -as variant from the parent tribe as from those in its new -vicinage.<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> But extinction rather than such increase is the -more probable fate. These tribes are hardly embryos of -nations to be, nor can they be entirely classified as the -decadent remnants of perishing races. Rather did it seem -to me that, despite the awful handicap of their environment, -they were gradually evolving a higher culture. Their origin -is a problem of no small interest, but one on which recorded -history throws exceedingly little light. Whether they be -the autochthonous sons of American soil, or the stranded -vanguard of successive waves of Mongoloid immigrants -pushed southwards to be swallowed up in the Amazonian -forests,<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> or—which is most probable—a combination of both, -can only be in part determined by the study of their physical -traits, their habits, customs, speech, morals, and beliefs. -It is for the comparative anthropologist, the comparative -folklorist, to find an answer.</p> - -<p>As an instance of the difficulty of classification, and the -confusion that has resulted in much of the literature on this -subject, the statements given in the Contemporary Science -Series volume, <i>The Races of Man</i>, may be examined. Deniker -orders the Indians in four divisions—Carib, Arawak, -Miranha, and Pano; and classifies the Witoto in the first, -taking the determinative ethnic distinction to be “their -acquaintance with the hammock, a plaited (not woven)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> -texture, and a particular kind of cassava-squeezer.”<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> If -this is correct and sufficient, all the Indians of the middle -Issa-Japura regions are Caribs. But I do not think the -arguments are conclusive. For example, “the practice of -the ‘couvade’” is given as racially distinctive of the Carib.<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> -But couvade is by no means peculiar to the Carib. In this -region it is a common custom of the Witoto and the Boro, -who are linguistically and physically diverse.<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Then, as -regards the hammock, it has been pointed out by Sir Everard -im Thurn, who holds that the Carib did not migrate to British -Guiana from the interior but from the islands,<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> that the -Caribs of Guiana, the “stranger tribes,” as he calls them, -that is, tribes who have migrated thither, “make their -hammocks of cotton,” while the native tribes use palm-fibre.<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> -None of the Issa-Japura tribes make use of cotton yam for -their hammocks; it is, in fact, almost unknown to them, -and what little they may possess is presumably obtained by -barter, for to the best of my knowledge they do not prepare -it, or know how to prepare it; palm-fibre only is used by -them. The explanation probably is that Deniker apparently -confuses the Karahone and the Witoto, as he speaks of “the -<i>Uitotos</i> or <i>Carijonas</i>,” as though they were the same, instead -of a totally distinct group of tribes. He also gives Crevaux -as his authority, when he states that the Witoto—according -to him a Carib group—“live side by side with the Miranhas,” -Miranha being differentiated as a distinct branch. But Dr. -Crevaux speaks of “<i>Ouitotos</i> ou <i>Miranhas</i>,”<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> and remarks -that “Les Miranhas du Yapurá sont appelés par leurs -voisins ‘Ouitotos.’”<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> It would seem, then, that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span> -French traveller considered that the Witoto language-group -belongs to the same racial division as the Miranha language-group, -though, as Dr. Koch-Grünberg remarks, the languages -of these groups “ne présentent aucun signe de parenté entre -elles.”<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> In fact, he is of the opinion that “on serait sans -doubte plus près de la vérité si on rattachait les différents -dialectes parlés dans la région des Ouitotos à un groupe -linguistique nouveau.” This he designates the <i>groupe -Ouitoto</i>.<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> Miranha or Miranya is the name given to the -Boro by the tribes on the north, and is the lingoa-geral name -for the Boro and other groups. The word means a wanderer, -a gratuitous distinction where all tribes have nomadic tendencies, -and this may be the reason why it has apparently -been applied to several groups.</p> - -<p>It is not surprising that there should be confusion over -any attempted classification of these peoples, for not only -are there many language-groups, each with numerous tribes, -but in addition to this a group or a tribe will have not one -distinct name by which it may be known and classed, but a -number of names, so that inevitably the writer without -personal knowledge of a group will be easily misled in -dealing with it and its divisions.</p> - -<p>So far as the Indians are concerned no language-group -and no tribe use the esoteric name. They talk simply of -“our speech” or “our own people,” and they are named, -and frequently named differently, by the surrounding tribes. -The Boro, for example, are known as Boro to the tribes -from the west and south, as Miranya to some of those of the -east and the north; the same tribe would therefore be Boro -to the Witoto and Miranya to the Yuri or the Menimehe. -The Dukaiya are called Okaina—which means “capybara”—by -the Witoto, though they are also called Dukaiya, which -is the extra-tribal name of their most powerful tribe or -section. Muenane and Nonuya are also Witoto names.<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> -Witoto is the esoteric name for mosquito, but the Witoto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> -tribes were thus named by the tribes on the south either -because the name has the same meaning in their language -or because they had learned the Witoto word for this insect. -In this case the esoteric name is the same as the exoteric. -Crevaux gives <i>ouitoto</i> as the word for “enemy” among -the Karahone and the Roucouyennes,<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> and Martius has a -similar word for that meaning among other tribes.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> All -this adds to the difficulties of nomenclature. It must be -understood, also, that if you ask a Witoto, “<i>O Memeka bu?</i>” -(What tribe do you belong to?) he would not tell you, but -he would answer in the affirmative if the question be put as -to whether he belongs to a certain tribe or to a certain -group, though he will not himself use the tribal or group -name. This applies to all Indians. Moreover, there is the -very thorny question of spelling. I have throughout adopted -the rule laid down by the Royal Geographical Society, and -spelt words with English consonants—that is to say, with -their equivalent values—and Italian vowels. This is the -most generally accepted method, but even with this -peculiarities of ear must result in sundry variants.</p> - -<p>Another source of confusion in writing about these peoples -has been the indiscriminate use of the words <i>nation</i>, <i>tribe</i>, -<i>clan</i>, <i>family</i>. To avoid possibility of mistake it may be -explained at the outset that <i>tribe</i> is here used in the sense -ruled by the new editions of both the Anthropological and -the Folklore Handbooks, that is to say, “a group with a -common language, code of law, some rude form of government, -and capable of uniting for common action.” These -tribes I would further classify into language-groups, such as -the Witoto language-group, the Boro language-group, and -so forth. The group name—Witoto, Boro, Andoke, or -whatever the case may be—applies to all the tribes of these -groups, in addition to their individual names. The variations -between these tribes of a group are mainly dialectic -and local, but the variance between tribes of alien groups -is more than a difference of speech and custom. The Boro, -for instance, are distinctly Chinese in appearance; their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span> -neighbours the Witoto resemble rather the Dyaks of -Borneo.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="map3"> -<a href="images/map3.jpg"><img src="images/map3-thumbnail.jpg" width="300" height="190" alt="" /></a> -<p class="caption">DIAGRAMMATIC MAP OF THE ISSA-JAPURA CENTRAL WATERSHED SHOWING LANGUAGE GROUPS</p> -<p class="caption">BY CAPTAIN THOMAS W. WIFFEN</p> -<p class="transnote">Click map for larger version</p> -</div> - -<p>The two groups with which we are mainly concerned, -and the only two with which it is possible in this book to -deal seriously in detail, are the Witoto and the Boro. They -occupy roughly the lands between the Japura and the Igara -Parana, and the Igara Parana and the Issa, though there -are no actual boundaries. The Boro country lies north-west -of the Futahi Hills, in the watersheds of the Pupuna -and the Kahuanari rivers. The Boro also occupy a stretch -of country north of the Japura, where that river bends -south and east below its junction with the Wama, and -including part of the Ira watershed. On this, the north-east -border, they meet the country of the Menimehe, while -on the north they touch the Karahone country. The -Resigero and Nonuya districts lie between them and the -Muenane. The country by the Futahi Hills west of the -Igara Parana, that is to say, the basins of the Esperanza -and Sabalo Yacu rivers, is very sparsely populated, and the -Dukaiya country on the west of the Nonuya practically -separates the Witoto and the Boro on the north-west. -From the mouth of an unnamed tributary of the Japura—below -the Tauauru and on the opposite bank—the Andoke -country runs south of the Japura to the junction of the -Kuemani, where the Japura becomes the boundary between -the Andoke and the Witoto. On the west the Orahone -country lies on the farther side of the Issa from the Witoto, -the Issa being the dividing line from the west and south-west -of the Witoto group. The name Orahone is given to -all tribes indiscriminately if they elongate the lobes of their -ears,<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> so the Orahone, or Long-ears, may possibly be many -distinct tribes. Thus, one writer notes of the Napo tribes, the -“Cotos” and the “Tutapishcos,” that they “are sometimes -called ‘Orejones,’” but are not so known locally.<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> The -Orahone are of a low type. To the east of the Menimehe -and the Boro districts the Kuretu language-group of tribes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -occupy the country north and south of the Japura. To -the north the Opaina, Makuna, and Tukana groups interpose -between them and the Bara and Maku groups. The Maku -are found from the Rio Negro to the Apaporis, and again -above the Bara group north of the Arara Hills about the -Kaouri river, a tributary of the Uaupes. Though the Bara -group live to the north of the Apaporis they have nothing -in common with the Uaupes Indians. Both their language -and customs resemble more those of the Japura, and they -have no intercourse with the surrounding tribes. They are -a dark-skinned people, of a low type, and consequently -looked down on by their lighter-skinned neighbours. The -Maku, also of a low type and dark, are a very nomadic -group; in fact all these peoples are wanderers, and the -districts here given for their localities must be taken as -merely approximate. That they were there when I was in -the country is no guarantee that they will be found there -now, or a few years hence. The locality of a tribe, or a -language-group, is mainly dependent on the locality of its -neighbours, especially of any powerful or warlike body. -The tribes of the upper Issa districts are semi-civilised -Colombian, those of the lower waters semi-civilised Brazilian -Indians. Only in the middle district have the tribes been -free, until recently, from the influence of the white man.</p> - -<p>It is almost impossible to give the populations of these -districts even in round figures. My own estimate for the nine -language-groups of the Issa-Japura region, based roughly -on the number of houses and the extent of country, is as -follows: but, I repeat, these figures must be taken as very approximate, -and are probably overestimated in some cases:—</p> - -<table summary="Population estimates"> - <tr> - <td>Witoto group of tribes</td> - <td class="tdr">15,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Boro group</td> - <td class="tdr">15,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Dukaiya or Okaina group</td> - <td class="tdr">2,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Muenane group</td> - <td class="tdr">2,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nonuya group</td> - <td class="tdr">1,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Resigero group</td> - <td class="tdr">1,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Andoke group</td> - <td class="tdr">10,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Menimehe group</td> - <td class="tdr">15,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Karahone group</td> - <td class="tdr">25,000</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span></p> - -<p class="noindent">making a total of eighty-six thousand, or well under a -hundred thousand. Koch-Grünberg estimates the Witoto-language -group as comprising at least twenty thousand -souls,<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> and a Peruvian official estimate gives thirty thousand -as the supposed total, reduced within the last decade to some -ten thousand.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> It is practically impossible to obtain any -reliable figure. Koch-Grünberg gives six thousand as his -estimate of the number of the Miranha. I am inclined to -think in this case the number is insufficient, and should -place it at from fifteen to twenty thousand.</p> - -<p>All the tribes north of the Japura have a mortal antipathy -to all those south of that river, and think they are -savages. The light-coloured tribes, as I have mentioned, -invariably despise the darker races, and consider them of a -lower grade than themselves, as, it will be seen, is actually -the case. The Maku, a tribe of small dark people, are universally -regarded and treated as slaves; the Witoto, smaller -and darker than the adjacent Boro, are physically inferior, -and far less particular in their ways and in the observance -of tribal customs. The Andoke, sometimes called the -white Indians on account of their fairer skins,<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> are the -tyrants and bullies of all their neighbours; and it has been -suggested that the warlike Awashiri, who are the terror of -the Napo Piohe and Orahone tribes, are nomad Andoke or -Miranha. Certainly both these people wander far from -their usual districts. So feared are the Andoke that Boro -carriers will refuse to go into the bush in the Andoke country.</p> - -<p>Wallace credits the Kuretu with peaceable habits,<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> but -for the most part all these peoples live in a constant state -of internecine strife. Some friendship, or perhaps—as -tribes never make friendships outside their own language -area—it would be more correct to call it intertribal commerce, -takes place between certain of these groups; and a mutual -hatred of one group will occasionally form a vague tie -between others. For instance, the Boro, Resigero, and -Okaina may not love each other, but they agree in their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> -detestation of the Witoto. The Okaina and the Andoke -are practically at ceaseless war with all their neighbours, -but the Andoke have some traffic with the Muenane and -with the wandering Karahone, who serve to link up the -tribes of the north with those of the south of the Japura, -though they are separate from all other tribes. The Boro -on the left bank of the Japura, where they migrated into -territory trenching on that of the Menimehe, are on fairly -amicable terms with the latter, and I have even seen a Boro -man with the Menimehe tribal mark, though <i>menimehe</i> -means “pig” in Boro. Possibly he had married a Menimehe -woman. The Boro and Resigero also intermarry—at -least cases of such marriages are known. The Tukana -and Bara tribes on the Tikie will not marry into any -other tribe, except the Maku, who will intermarry with -any.</p> - -<p>This state of endless warfare is based not on avarice -but on fear. They fight because they are afraid of each -other, and see no protection but in the extermination of -their neighbours. Every ill that befalls a man they set -down to the evil intent of an enemy. Death, from whatsoever -cause, is invariably considered to be murder, and as -murder it has to be revenged on some suspected person or -persons. Hence it follows that blood-feuds innumerable -are carried on relentlessly. Any and every excuse serves -for a fight. If a thunderstorm should wreck a house it is -more than sufficient reason for that household to attack -another in reprisal of the damage done; for it is to them -quite evident that the catastrophe was caused by the magic -of some malicious dweller in the vicinity.</p> - -<p>This state of abject apprehension influences the tribesmen -in other ways. It will be found as root cause of many a -tribal custom, and must not be forgotten in judging of -native character and morals.</p> - -<p>One result is that there are no recognised native trade -routes or trade centres, to the best of my knowledge, nor -are there any markets where the tribes of any language-group -may meet and exchange their wares. Even local -markets are non-existent. Trade is individual. Articles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> -of commerce are handed from the maker to the purchaser, -from the owner to the buyer, from tribe to tribe. If a tribe -be renowned for pottery, as are the Menimehe, such pottery -could only be obtained from a Menimehe, or bought “second-hand” -from tribes living in the neighbourhood of the pottery -workers, and from them traded to others, third, fourth, and -even fifth hand. That articles are bought and passed on -indefinitely in this fashion is proved by the fact that I found -a Price’s candle-box among the Boro tribes on the Pama -river, who had had no relations with the white man before -my advent. After all, the wants of the Indian are few and -simple, and he can supply most of them for himself, or at -least a community can furnish its own; extra-tribal goods -are distinctly luxuries.</p> - -<p>It would be futile to attempt to give any localities for -the many tribes into which the language-groups are divided; -for if the group as a whole is to be regarded as a roving -quantity, the tribes and their component units are far more -uncertain, in view of their migratory habits. I have therefore -not done more than make lists of the tribes met with -in the middle Issa-Japura districts, without reference to -the exact spot they might have temporarily inhabited -when I met them.<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> These lists, which do not pretend to be -exhaustive, contain the names of 136 Witoto tribes, 41 -Boro, and 15 Okaina.</p> - -<p>The “Maynanes,” “Recegaros,” and “Yabuyanos” -mentioned by Hardenburg<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> as Witoto “sub-tribes, or -<i>naciones</i>,” are not Witoto at all, and <i>nacione</i> is not a recognised -name for these divisions, but merely adopted from the -loose jargon of the rubber-gatherer. Nor is the same -writer correct in considering the Witoto to be “the largest -and most important tribe,” as the Karahone outnumber -them considerably, and many other language-groups are -decidedly more important in both the social and the -scientific scale.</p> - -<p>There is nothing to show any affinity among the tribes, -and there is none of the intricate relationship of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> -Australian systems. The social unit of the tribes is the -undivided household community of some sixty to two -hundred individuals, with a common house, under the -rule of a chief. Some tribes have but one central tribal -house, others may have two or three; but each house -would have its absolutely independent chief and would be -exogamous. There is no head chief or central organisation -to bind these households in the tribe, any more than there -is to unite the tribes of any language-group. Intertribal -fighting is continual, and only some great common danger, -some threatened calamity of the gravest, might serve to -combine the tribes in a supreme effort for self-defence. A -man with an unusual magnetic influence might so dominate -his neighbours as to weld tribe and tribe for extra-tribal -struggle. At the most some half-dozen tribes under spur -of most hazardous peril, urged to superhuman effort by -imminent torture and death, ever unite even for war. On -the rare occasions when this may be done the exceptional -individual would be but the greatest among equals, not -a recognised commander-in-chief.<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> I only know of one -instance in point. Nonugamue, a Nonuya, was paramount -chief of the entire Nonuya-speaking area, a large tract of -country that lies between the Boro and the Okaina, and -south of the Muenane and Resigero tribes. It was quite a -recent usurpation on the part of this chief, and I never -discovered any other case of one man influencing so large -a district. It is true that a Boro chief named Katenere did -get together a band of men numbering from thirty to forty -to make war to the death against the white rubber-gatherers; -but in this instance, though he was of notable personality, -he could not combine the tribes. His band were all Boro, -simply men of his own type, the boldest spirits of various -tribes. A Resigero chief also made himself notorious by -collecting a body of warriors to make war not on the white<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span> -men but on those Indians who gave way to the pressure -put upon them by these whites and agreed to work rubber. -He warred, therefore, against his own tribe, against members -of his own language-group, and he did so lest worse should -befall his people. He knew of no other remedy than to -make the punishment for yielding equal to that for refusing -to yield. Nothing less in his opinion could save the tribes. -Once I came upon a habitation with the dead bodies of -thirty-eight men, women and children—for he spared none -who had any dealing with the whites. They had been slain, -and the house partly burnt, by this chief. In consequence -of these drastic measures he was feared by whites and -Indians alike, and both when walking through the bush -within possible distance of his district would start at a -sound every few minutes and imagine it was this redoubtable -warrior on the warpath again.</p> - -<p>But these cases were abnormal, due to the presence of -new and evil factors that threatened the tribes with a fate -to which death itself were preferable. It was the instance -of the approach of an unparalleled danger, the signal for -supreme exertion, and for unexampled negligence of customs -that are stronger than all law.</p> - -<p>In normal conditions the chief has no influence beyond -his own household, and the extent of that influence would -depend largely on the man’s personal character, and also -the character of the rival authority, the tribal medicine-man. -Whichever happens to possess the strongest personality -would be the dominant spirit of their little community. -Other things being equal, the odds are decidedly -in favour of the medicine-man—death comes speedily to -those who rebel against the magic-worker—and a weak -chief would be entirely subservient to him.</p> - -<p>The chief has a special portion of the house assigned to -him and his family, a larger share than would be allotted -to any other man; but this privilege is necessary, as all -prisoners belong to the chief, and he takes all the unattached -women. As he thus has more women to work for him the -big tribal plantations become his. He leads the tribe in -war, presides over the tobacco palaver, and has the last<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> -word in the tribal councils. The chief has no special name, -for there are no titles of courtesy, except among the Andoke, -who call a chief <i>Posoa</i>. The ordinary warrior will talk to -the chief with no outward sign of respect; still, the chief’s -word carries a great amount of weight.</p> - -<p>On the death of a chief his successor must be elected by -the tribe, and though the son as a rule is appointed, he does -not become chief as a matter of course, but only after tribal -selection. If due cause should be shown against him, and -the tribe be of accord on the point when the matter has -been discussed in tobacco palaver, another man would be -chosen, and the honour conferred on him in accordance with -tribal decision independent of relationship.</p> - -<p>There is but one law among the tribes, and that law is -paramount and infrangible—<i>Pia</i>, it is our custom. Custom, -more binding than any legal code, shepherds the Indian -from the cradle to the grave. And <i>Pia</i> is not only the law, -it is the reason for all things. So it has always been. -Neither the chief, the medicine-man, nor the tribal council -makes the law, though it is the business of all three to enforce -it, and it can only be set aside, on the rare instances -when such liberty would be tolerated, with the consent of -the tribesmen given in formal conclave.</p> - -<p>The tribal council consists of all the males of the household -who have attained to man’s estate, under the presidency -of the chief; and the Indian parliament, the Indian -court of law, is the tobacco palaver.</p> - -<p>This tobacco drinking—the <i>chupe del tabac</i>, as Robuchon -calls it—of which so much has been written, must not be -confounded with the <i>kawana</i> drinking at a dance. When -word has gone round that it is desired to hold a council -the warriors and elders of the tribe foregather, and squat -on their haunches round the tobacco-pot, which is placed -by one of the assembly on the ground in their midst. One -of the group will start the subject to be brought under -discussion, usually the Indian whose advice or suggestion -has influenced the chief to call the council, or the one who -has a cause to lay before the tribe. It may be a matter of -war, some question of hunting, or the wrong-doing of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> -fellow-tribesman that has to be discussed and judged. The -speaker is doubtless under the influence of coca, and will talk -on and on. He may take hours to deliver his oration, given -with endless repetitions, while those who agree with him -will grunt “Heu!” to show approval from time to time -throughout the performance. When his final word is -uttered the spokesman will reach forward and take the -pot, dip in a short stick, and wipe some of the black -liquid on his tongue. He will then pass the pot round to -his companions, and every man who has agreed with him -will take tobacco, whilst any one who passes the pot by—to -signify he disagrees—will be bound to give his reason -for being of an opposite opinion. This is continued until -all in disagreement with the original speaker have put -forth their views. The question at issue is then settled -by whichever side may have the majority, the chief having -the casting vote. There is no appeal against such settlement. -It is absolutely final.</p> - -<p>The passing of tobacco is also used as a binding promise -on every verbal agreement between individuals. In this -case they will dip a small stick like a match into the liquid -and pass it over the tongue, or put their forefingers into -each other’s tobacco pots, made from the hollowed husks -of nuts, and which are usually carried suspended round the -neck by a string. The tobacco pot comes into requisition -again at a friendly meeting, and serves to emphasise the -binding nature of the friendship.</p> - -<p>Though these Indians now all hold to patrilineal and -patrilocal law, there are traces that point to possibly original -matrilocal customs among them, such as still obtain among -some of the tribes of British Guiana.<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> We find survivals of -marriage by capture; but in no tribe are the girls sold, nor -have they any dowry. The husband, once he has obtained -his wife, is entirely responsible for her maintenance.</p> - -<p>Both endogamy and exogamy, with a preference for the -former, exist so far as the tribe is concerned; but with -regard to the social unit of the tribe, the community that -shares a common house of assembly, the rule of exogamy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> -is very strictly enforced. The reason for this is that all -within a household are held to be kin. The one exception -for this law among the tribes is also the one exception to -their patrilocal customs. In the possible instance of a -chief having a daughter but no sons to succeed him, the -daughter may marry a man of the same household, who -would probably be an adopted son. Any other exception -would be most unusual, and could only be attempted with -the permission of the tribe after thorough consideration of -the case in tribal council. Otherwise any son and any -daughter of a household, no matter though they be of -different parentage, are barred from marriage by the blood-tie; -yet what we should look upon as an equally close -relationship on the spindle side is regarded by the Indians -as no such thing, only the most intimate relations of the -mother ever being so much as counted kin.<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> A man may -marry into the household from which his mother came -without transgressing any recognised law, because the -mother, having left her original household to join that of -her husband, has become one of his household on marriage, -and has ceased to belong to her own. In all probability -she will have had little or no intercourse with it. Marriage -between two individuals does not establish any admitted -affinity between their respective households. It follows -that the children of two sisters might possibly intermarry, -but the children of two brothers never could.</p> - -<p>Woman’s lot among all the tribes of the Amazon is -commonly regarded as a hard one. It is true that the -steady grind of the day’s work falls to her share. Men -work intermittently, but the work that falls to the women -to do is incessant. In addition to the natural functions of -the mother and the housekeeper, the duties of an Indian -wife include the bulk of all agricultural labour. The -husband’s energies cease when he has cleared and broken -up a patch of land, reclaimed a field from the surrounding -forest, an arduous task that needs more physical strength -than women possess. The ground once freed of trees and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -undergrowth, and roughly dug, the husband considers that -his share in the toil is at an end, and he will lie in his -hammock, eat, and sleep, while his wife, the baby slung -behind her, tills the field and harvests the crops. It is for -her to plant the slips and in due season dig the manioc. -She must attend to the growing plant, and eventually -prepare the roots for use. But it would be wrong to infer -that the Indian husband is a lazy slave-driver. If his work -is occasional it must be confessed that he does undertake -all the heaviest labour. Each sex has its own pursuits. -The man is the hunter and the warrior, the woman is helpmate, -agriculturalist, and staple food-provider. The differentiation -of work is very clear, bounded by the law of <i>Pia</i>—it -is our custom, which is like unto that of the Medes and -Persians. A man will on no account plant manioc, but he -has a reason for this rule: he says that women, being able -to produce children, can produce manioc; production is her -province, not his.</p> - -<p>The subjection of wives, if subjection it can be called, -is due to economic conditions. The woman holds a recognised, -if subordinate, position. She rarely quarrels with her -husband, though she is certainly not afraid of contradicting -him when necessary; in fact I have met such anomalies as -hen-pecked husbands.</p> - -<p>There are, as will be seen in detail subsequently, certain -definite restrictions imposed upon the women of the tribes, -food they may not eat, ceremonials they may not share, -sacred objects they may not even see. Coca and tobacco -they may neither prepare not partake of, a law as rigid as -that which debars men from planting or preparing manioc. -In some tribes women are not permitted to see or be seen -by strangers, but, as a rule, the married women are remarkably -free in this matter, though young girls are more -restricted.</p> - -<p>Taken as a whole, women are well treated among all the -tribes. A woman is so far respected that her husband will -consult her, but there is nothing approaching to chivalry on -the part of the man. The Indian does not idealise. He -weaves no romantic dreams about the Sex, but looks upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span> -a woman from the most material standpoint, pays her no -small attentions, never thinks of saving her trouble or -any exertion, and in no way attempts to lighten her lot -in life. Yet everywhere, owing to conditions of existence, -women’s influence is very great. The tribal reputation of -a man rests largely in the hands of his wife; she can so -easily leave him if badly treated, and once the forest is -gained she is lost to him, and may without difficulty secure -the protection of another tribe, or, should public opinion be -strong enough to drive the guilty husband away, of another -man in his household. The onus of her disappearance will -lie heavy upon the husband who has forced her to such—in -Indian opinion—extraordinary action. But cruelty on -the part of a husband is rare, as rare as infidelity on the part -of a wife. A man who ventured to ill-treat his wife would -soon be the scorn of the tribe, for the other women would -promptly make a song about him, and the ridicule to which -he was exposed would be an effectual deterrent from -further ill-doing in a country where adverse public opinion -is more efficient than any police force in the prevention of -recognised wrong.</p> - -<p>The right of women to personal possession appears to -be allowed. At death her domestic implements are buried -with her, and I have often wanted to buy some article of -adornment from a woman, but when I asked the husband -what he would like in exchange, have invariably been -referred back again to his wife, and had to conduct the -barter with her. Also, though the children belong absolutely -to the father, it would be the mother and not the -father who would negotiate the exchange of any ornament -worn by a child.</p> - -<p>Finally we come to the last and lowest section of a tribe, -the slaves. Slavery among the Indians themselves is little -more than a name, for a slave belongs to the chief, and -soon becomes identified with his family. Though slaves -have frequently a chance to run away they seldom do so, -for they are usually treated with kindness, and probably are -nearly as well off in the house of their victors as in their -own. Captives of both sexes under the age of seven years,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span> -or thereabouts, are kept as slaves by the conquering -tribe; above that age they are destroyed, as they possess -intelligence enough presumably to betray their new tribe -to their old one. When a slave reaches man’s estate he is -permitted to identify himself with the warriors as any -other boy would be; and thereafter is looked upon as free; -but the chief would consider that he had a lien of sorts on -such a man, and this would be commuted by payment of -perhaps half his shooting bag, probably until the time -that he married. If the chief dies, the slaves become the -property of the new chief, but a man, if already a warrior, -would no longer feel himself bound to a new chief, except -in so far as tribal discipline might enforce on all the -warriors. A woman slave may be purchased from the -chief by the gift of some small present to his wife. After -this the girl is free.</p> - -<p>Maku slaves have little huts of their own in the forest, -where they live apart, and are never in any way familiar -with their masters. They are permitted to keep their own -women. These slaves are generally despised. They act -the part of the “proverbial cat,” and are held to blame -when anything goes wrong. A medicine-man may accuse a -Maku if a death takes place, or any crime is committed, and -the wretched slave is then destroyed unhesitatingly. There -are no Maku south of the Japura.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate8" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate8.jpg" width="650" height="590" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE VIII.</p> -<p class="caption">1. GROUP OF WITOTO</p> -<p class="caption">2. GROUP OF SOME OF MY CARRIERS</p> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Dress and ornament—Geographical and tribal differentiations—Festal -attire—Feather ornaments—Hair-dressing—Combs—Dance girdles—Beads—Necklaces—Bracelets—Leg -rattles—Ligatures—Ear-rings—Use -of labret—Nose pins—Scarification—Tattoo—Tribal marks—Painting.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Judged by some of the pictures in books purporting to give -accounts of the South American Indians, the photograph -adjoining (<a href="#plate8">Plate VIII.</a>) would represent an Indian chieftain -decked in his best to welcome the newly-arrived traveller, -instead of what it is—merely a group of my escort and -carriers tricked out in the rag, tag, and bobtail array they -deemed due to my dignity and their own. Far different is -the actual scene when the Indian homestead is approached -and one meets these sons of the forest—be they Boro, Witoto, -or others—in their native haunts and natural garb, unaffected -by “civilised” influences. From the shadow of the interior -will stalk the chief, accompanied by his escort of warriors, -all naked, but for a strip of bark-cloth about the loins. -Round the neck of the chief is a necklace of jaguar teeth, in -his hand a broadsword of iron-wood; the men with him are -destitute of feathers or ornaments, but each holds poised in -his left hand a bunch of throwing javelins.</p> - -<p>It is regrettable that returning explorers<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> have deemed it -a necessary concession to unscientific prejudice to illustrate -the natives of the Amazons in clothing or drapery that is -wholly foreign to their custom and to their thought. The -hypocrisy was more common before the uncompromising -days of photography, but the effect of the old woodcuts and -engravings is to give an entirely wrong impression of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> -appearance of the Indian in his own haunts. Even so -accurate an observer as Crevaux discounts much of the value -of his illustration by clothing his figures in a manner that -could only be possible within the Rubber Belt, or in the -case of his personal servants. Since the introduction of -photography, non-existent clothing has ceased to appear in -pictures of the Amazonian tribes, but still much misconstruction -has been occasioned by grouping sets of natives -in such a fashion as to make it appear that they are ashamed -of their nakedness. As a fact, they are totally unaware of -it. Therefore it cannot be too strongly emphasised that -the Indians of these tropical regions are no more alive to -any idea of indecency in their lack of apparel than are the -people of England conscious of immodesty in their conventional -attire at a Lord Mayor’s banquet or a function -of the Court. It is as impossible to comprehend the true -psychology of the Amazonian from the pedestal of the -prude as from the pulpit of the priest. Difficult as it may -be for either to understand, it is none the less true that to -some peoples dress appears to be more indelicate than nudity.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> -He who would see truly must divest the mind of inherited -and instilled prejudices in favour of much that to the -natives has no meaning or reason for existence. Moreover, -he might do well to remember that clothes are not always -worn from motives of decency. Then he will understand -that the naked Indian in his forest is no more unchaste than -is the statue of a Greek god in the galleries of the British -Museum.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate9" style="width: 460px;"> -<img src="images/plate9.jpg" width="460" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE IX.</p> -<p class="caption">MEDICINE MAN AND HIS WIFE (ANDOKE)</p> -</div> - -<p>It may be laid down as a generalisation for the regions -under investigation that the women are wholly destitute of -clothing, and the men wear little or nothing but what the -Witoto call a <i>moh-hen</i>, that is, a strip of beaten bark-cloth -carried from front to rear between the legs and tucked in at -either end over a string or strap of bark-cloth bound about -the waist. As the temperature varies hardly at all with -the season of the year, there is no periodical deviation from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span> -this rule. Farther south the tribes make blankets, but -here, though they were interested in mine, they have nothing -of that description, and the native sleeps at night without -covering, exactly as he, or she, walks abroad throughout -the day.</p> - -<p>There is practically no scope for originality, no choice of -costume. Even the chief is undistinguished from his tribesmen -by the character of his attire, although as a rule he -wears a necklace of tiger teeth, which is the outward evidence -of his rank. His wife does not wear any special ornaments, -but of necessity she possesses the greater number. The only -member of the tribe who varies from his fellows is the -medicine-man, and he will adopt any idea that appeals to -him as an addition to the eccentricity of his appearance. -One Andoke medicine-man, whom I photographed, was -wearing a turban of bark-cloth dyed a brilliant scarlet; but -his taste in this particular was purely individual, and denoted -neither professional nor tribal distinction. The large -bag shown in the adjoining illustration should be noted, for -it was greatly admired by the tribe. It appeared to be made -in the same way as the ligatures, with threads of red and -undyed palm-fibre. It was not manufactured by the -Andoke, but had been obtained by barter; however, it -was of indigenous make, and probably came from the north -of the Japura. Among the Orahone the medicine-men -fashion for themselves vestments of tapir hide, the only -instance in these parts of skins being utilised for clothing -that came to my knowledge.</p> - -<p>The Amazonian boy is first provided with a breech-cloth -when he is five years old. His earliest lesson is in its manufacture, -for every Indian fashions his own clothing, is his -own tailor and cloth manufacturer. He goes to the bush -and selects a tree,<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> on which he marks a space 6 feet long -by 9 inches in width, and strips from it both the outer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span> -and inner barks. He separates the two layers, cuts the -strip of inner bark in two, and carries the pieces to the river, -where the material is thoroughly soaked. Afterwards this -is beaten with a small wooden mallet until it forms a yard -length of bark-cloth 9 inches in width. Nothing further -is needed, for this makes the breech-cloth, and it is sufficient -to pass between the legs and tuck securely over the waist-band -in front and behind. There is no variation from the -type or method of manufacture,<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> and this simplest form of -clothing is common to all tribes inhabiting the wide stretch -of country between the rivers Issa and Japura.</p> - -<p>The breech-cloth is never discarded by the male Indian, -nor, in the sight of man or woman, would he ever remove it. -When bathing he wades into a sufficient depth before he -interferes with its adjustment. Even when a man dies his -breech-cloth is buried with him.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate10" style="width: 475px;"> -<img src="images/plate10.jpg" width="475" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE X.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO TRIBESMEN</p> -</div> - -<p>South and west of the Issa, in the country of the Orahone, -the men wear, like other Napo tribes, long shirts of bark-fibre, -on which are traced circular designs painted in red, -while north of the Japura the Karahone wear stiff stays -of bark, like strait-waistcoats, above their breech-cloths. -These garments are tightly plaited on to the body, and end -in a plaited fringe. They must be cut off to permit of -removal. The same uncomfortable costume extends northward -from the Karahone country into that of the Umaua -and the tribes of the Apaporis district.</p> - -<p>The Menimehe who, it will be remembered, occupy the -left bank of the Japura to the south and east of the Karahone, -wear a loin-cloth with an apron, which extends to the knees, -of loose palm-fibre suspended over it. This apron is 18 -inches long and 6 inches in width, and is taken off in the -house. It is worn ceremonially, and always donned for war -and for dances. The men of the Opaina, who succeed the -Menimehe on the east between the Miriti and Apaporis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> -Rivers, wear aprons after the same fashion as their neighbours. -The women wear nothing.</p> - -<p>The Makuna, who dwell to the north of the Kuretu on the -other side of the Apaporis, affect a small belt of beaten bark, -from which depends in front a long apron of bast. The -Kuretu group, who inhabit both sides of the Japura to the -east of the Menimehe, improve upon the habit of their -neighbours. Over the loin-cloth the men wear a bast kilt, -or petticoat, which dangles as low as the ankles. When -walking, this garment is tucked up between the legs, something -after the manner of a Malay sarang. The loin-cloth -is retained below.</p> - -<p>All the tribes on the right or south bank of the Japura -follow the fashion of the Boro; the men wear only breech-cloths, -the women go absolutely naked.</p> - -<p>Thus it will be observed that the fashion of dress falls -into a definite geographical progression,<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> and there is no -sudden change in passing from one neighbouring tribe to -another, although the tribal distinctions are very marked.</p> - -<p>The natives wear no head-covering as a protection. In -a heavy rain an Indian on the trail will tear down a palm-leaf -and carry it over his head as we should an umbrella, -and he will adopt the same rough-and-ready though effective -means to shield himself from the sun.</p> - -<p>No gloves are worn nor coverings for the feet. Boots of -any sort, in fact, would be impossible wear; even Europeans -dispense with them. Still, it is not possible for the white -man to go through the forest bare-footed. Personally, -I used carpet slippers, which were washed every evening -after the day’s trek, and dried during the night.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> - -<p>If for ordinary everyday life the attire of the Indian is -of the slightest, on the occasion of a festival or a dance the -most elaborate sartorial preparations have to be made. -Wallace has enumerated no less than “twenty distinct -articles forming the feather head-dress,” which is worn by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> -the Menimehe and the Nonuya, as well as by the Uaupes -Indians of whom he wrote.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Then there are the feather armlets—ruffles -of bright-tinted plumage worn on the arm,<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>—wooden -combs decorated with tufts of feathers, and curassow -down for the women, anklets and strings of rattles hung -round the legs, aprons of painted bark or belts of beads, -earrings, and necklaces, and, supreme vanity, there are the -elaborately-painted designs on the skin that are to the Indian -belle what the latest Paris “creation” is to her civilised -sister.</p> - -<p>According to Sir Everard im Thurn every tribe makes -its own feather head-dress after a special colour scheme.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> -I did not find this to be the case with the Issa-Japura tribes. -Instead of making them according to rule, rather do they -make them according to luck. Whatever they can get in -the way of gay plumage, feathers of the parrot, the macaw, -or the toucan, especially the macaw, because its feathers -are the longest, be the colour what it may, is employed -indiscriminately. The effects are very brilliant, but there -is nothing made in these districts of such elaborate description -as the gorgeous feather-cloaks manufactured by the -Napo Indians, which are veritable works of art. The Issa-Japura -tribes content themselves with a coronet of the -gayest breast-feathers, plumed with tufts of the long feathers -from the tail, all tied together with fibre thread.<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> The Boro -men on festive occasions also stick these long macaw feathers -into their arm-ligatures. The chief’s head-dress is more -lavish than those of his warriors. The only boy I ever saw -wearing one was the young son of a chief. Women do not -wear the feather head-dress, but they attach the white down -of the curassow duck by means of some resinous substance—such -as rubber latex, or the milky secretion of the cow-tree—for -decorative purposes round their legs, between the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span> -ligatures. The result of this is to make the calves look -enormous. The men do not decorate with down. The -Indians are invariably most careful of their feather ornaments. -At the end of a dance an old man, so Koch-Grünberg -noted, will come round and knock the dust off the feathers -with a long cane. I have myself observed Indians, when -overheated by their violent exertions at a dance, take off -their feather ornaments to preserve them from sweat. They -will never part with them, as they are communal, not personal, -possessions, and I found they objected extremely to -any attempt I made to photograph them when wearing their -dancing feathers.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate11" style="width: 390px;"> -<img src="images/plate11.jpg" width="390" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XI.</p> -<p class="caption">WITOTO FEATHER HEAD-DRESSES.</p> -<p class="caption">The outer one is made on dark fibre, the inner on cotton yarn, which would appear -to have been obtained extra-tribally.</p> -</div> - -<p>Combs for festive occasions are made of palm wood, -with spines of the Bacába palm<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> for teeth, fixed in with -pitch, and are ornamented with feathers. These tribes do -not bind up their hair with <i>coroá</i> string as do some of the -Uaupes Indians.<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> As may be judged from the illustrations, -hair-dressing fashions are not very varied. They range for -the men from quite short, as among the Muenane, to the long -hair fancied by some of the Boro. The majority wear their -hair slightly shorter than the women’s, as a rule divided -down the middle, but occasionally cut straight across the -forehead in a shock fringe, reminiscent of the coster’s. The -only variation among the women is a band, a strip of beaten -bark-cloth, occasionally seen among the Resigero (see -<a href="#plate12">Plate XII.</a>).<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> The Makuna wear their hair in pigtails. -The Karahone women keep their hair cropped short. In -the Boro comb of the illustration the black spines are set -between two pieces of cane, bound over with fibre, and -finished with basket-work of narrow cane strips, light and -dark, plaited into a regular pattern. The spines are 3¼ -inches long, and project to within a quarter of an inch of -the ends for about 1⅜ inch on either side of the basket-work -back. This is 3¾ inches long and about half an inch thick. -The spines are neatly pointed at either end, and the whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> -resembles very nearly—but for the uncommon effect of the -basket-work—a European comb of rather large and coarse -make.</p> - -<p>The Andoke comb is also made with two pieces of cane, -slightly decorated with chevron incisions. It is a quarter -of an inch shorter than the Boro comb, and has spines on -one side only. These are set in pitchy matter between the -cane, and project seven-eighths of an inch. From the -hardened centre at one end depends a short tuft of fibre -string, to which feathers may be attached, and a longer -string from the other end is fastened to half a nutshell cut -as a cup, very similar to the tobacco pot, and made from the -same kind of nut. This is 2⅛ inches long by 1⅛ deep in the -centre, and 1½ across. It is black and highly polished. -This small cup is used to hold the latex employed for -depilatory purposes.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;" id="fig7"> -<img src="images/fig7.jpg" width="400" height="225" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 7.</span></p> -</div> - -<p>The Witoto comb is of much rougher construction, with -a thicker back. As with the Boro, the spines are set right -through, but instead of a section of cane, two sticks, round -bits of bamboo or reed are employed, and the whole -coated with pitch and tied with fibre string. The length -of the spines is a quarter of an inch longer than in the Boro -comb, but owing to the more clumsy back they project a -quarter of an inch less.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate12" style="width: 430px;"> -<img src="images/plate12.jpg" width="430" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XII.</p> -<p class="caption">GROUPS OF RESIGERO WOMEN</p> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate13" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate13.jpg" width="650" height="460" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XIII.</p> -<p class="caption">CENTRE OF DANCING GROUP—MUENANE</p> -<p class="caption">Inset.—Chief’s son wearing feather head-dress</p> -</div> - -<p>Having laid down the rough generalisation that all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> -women of these tribes wear nothing, one has to begin the -list of various exceptions that go to prove this rule. It is -true that they are nude to the extent of wearing no garment -of any description, but though naked they do not appear to -be so; and it is a qualified nakedness after all, qualified with -a variety of ornament, and, above all, of paint.</p> - -<p>The Indian woman’s ideas on the subject of clothing -are well illustrated by the behaviour of those women who -were of my own party. I gave them djibbehs, but, unless -I happened to be present and they feared my anger, they -never would wear them. For this attitude they advanced -five excellent reasons. If the sun shone the bright light -would damage the garment by causing the colour to fade.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> -If it rained the djibbeh would get wet. If they were out in -the bush the thorns caught and tore the material. If they -were dancing the useless encumbrance of a dress would hide -all their carefully-executed adornments of paint. If they -were in the house a covering of any sort would be merely -ridiculous. There were obviously, then, few or no opportunities -left to wear their new, but cumbersome and useless, -finery. Not that the Indian man or woman has no desire -for finery, quite the contrary, their ornaments are more -important than their dress, in fact their ornaments are their -dress.</p> - -<p>The women of the Issa-Japura tribes wear a broad girdle -for a dance.<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> It is worn on no other occasions, and removed -immediately the dance is at an end. These dancing girdles -are made by the women of seeds or Brummagem beads if -such can be had. These are strung in about two-foot -lengths, and so arranged that when two or three dozen -strings are fastened into a broad flat band the varying -colours make a bold and definite design. Like all these -Indian ornaments, they evince a fine artistic sense of colouring -and pattern. Beads are passed inwards from the Rubber -Belt from tribe to tribe. On account of the isolation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span> -these peoples, they cannot aspire to have fashions direct -from Birmingham, and novel patterns hardly seem to occur -to them. Designs must be symmetrical, and they are quite -content to copy the old-established ones. The colours vary, -but dark beads are the most sought after, dark blue being -more favoured than red. Black and white ones are the -most prized, but red and white is the combination usually -seen. Any woman may possess a girdle, and it is an individual, -not a tribal, possession, the reverse of the custom -as regards the men’s feather head-dresses. These girdles -are exceedingly handsome and wonderfully well constructed.</p> - -<p>Beads are especially treasured by the Karahone women, -and they will wear chain upon chain, amounting in the aggregate -to a considerable weight. The number worn by a -Boro woman may be judged from the illustration (p. 154), -where the white appendage round the woman’s neck is -made simply by stringing a few pounds of white beads -together. Both men and women wear necklaces. Besides -those made only of beads, they are made of tiger—that is -to say jaguar—teeth, and pig, tapir, marmoset, and cat -provide ivories that may be strung on <i>curána</i> thread, besides -the necklace of accomplished vengeance, the string of human -teeth. With the exception of the latter, the teeth are bored -through the fang, and threaded at regular intervals, interspersed -with beads, bone, or Brummagem, tiny discs of bone -or shell, or brightly-coloured seeds. The pendants on the -necklaces seen in the illustrations are mostly coins, depreciated -Chilian dollars as a rule.<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> Those shown in the -various photographs were either given to the wearers by -me or had filtered through from the Rubber Belt; a few -may have reached these primitive folk through the medium -of intertribal barter. In any case, they are always most -rare and cherished possessions. The pendants generally -worn are thin, flat, triangular pieces of beaten metal, obtained -either from coins or old brass cartridge cases. The rarity of -metal in these parts is marked by the small quantity allowed -for any one ornament, which is invariably of extreme thinness, -and hardly more than a featherweight. They are not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> -grooved, incised, or beaten into any design, but have merely -a smoothed surface. The edge is rounded, not sharp. -They are hung by a small beaded fibre string to the necklet -or more generally to the ear-plug.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate14" style="width: 380px;"> -<img src="images/plate14.jpg" width="380" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XIV.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO COMB OF PALM SPINES SET IN PITCH AND FINISHED -WITH BASKETWORK OF SPLIT CANE, FIBRE STRINGS, AND TUFTS OF PARROTS’ -FEATHERS</p> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate15" style="width: 425px;"> -<img src="images/plate15.jpg" width="425" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XV.</p> -<p class="caption">DUKAIYA (OKAINA) BEAD DANCING-GIRDLE</p> -<p class="caption">CONDOR CLAWS, USED BY ANDOKE MEDICINE MAN OF THE UPPER JAPURA RIVER</p> -</div> - -<p>The necklaces are matters of importance, for they disclose -the status of the wearers. The skill of a warrior as -a hunter, his bravery in war, is proved by the character -of the teeth that circle his neck: the more successful the -hunter the finer the teeth he wears, the more numerous the -adornments of his family. Most to be envied in Indian -opinion is a string of human teeth, in that it is the witness -of revenge; the teeth are from the head of an enemy, for a -man wears only the teeth of foes or game that he himself -has killed, and at his death they will be buried with him, -unless he fall at the hands of a foe, and his string of teeth go -to swell the spoils of the victor. Human teeth are never -bored, they are carefully bound into the necklace with fine -fibre string. The very insignificance of the small, worn, -discoloured teeth is in itself a sinister characteristic, presupposes -an object other than ornamental, adds a horrible -touch to the bizarre effect of all this barbaric bravery.</p> - -<p>Necklaces of human teeth are frequently finished, if the -teeth are not sufficient in number for the required length, -with rounded bits of bone. Other teeth are spaced out -with discs, some made of bone, others of shell obtained from -river mussels, or even with knots in the fibre thread. The -Boro necklace of human teeth in the accompanying illustration -is made on cotton twist, an imported article very seldom -found among these tribes,<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> though one of the Okaina beaded -garlands figured on <a href="#plate14">Plate XIV.</a> is also made on cotton string, -not palm-fibre as is customary. The handsome jaguar -tooth necklace loses some of its artistic values in a black-and-white -reproduction, which inevitably cannot do justice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> -to the creamy ivory, shading to rich browns, of the teeth, -making effective show against the red and blue of the beads, -the dull colourlessness of the pieces of bone. Some of the -teeth have a very primitive criss-cross grooving scratched -on the fang end, others have a more elaborate attempt at -a carved design. Each design differs, but the same idea -of involuted curves is traceable in all.</p> - -<p>In cases where Indians are too poor or too isolated to -secure a sufficient supply of the Brummagem article, chains -are still made of the bright red and black seeds of a bush -plant, as they were before beads were obtainable; or bits -of bone are employed, short lengths of cane or reed, or even -red berries, gay enough when fresh, but dull and crinkled -when they wither and fade. Beetles also are utilised for -ornament, and the fondness of the Indian for black is shown -in his rejection of such beetles as the gaudy-coloured Longicornes -and his preference for the shiny breastplate of a fat -squat beetle in black armour.<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> These strung on fibre string -look like irregularly carved jet beads, but are far lighter, and -make a soft and hollow rattle when shaken.</p> - -<p>Besides these chains and necklaces the natives are very -partial to a tight-fitting necklet of white beads bordering -either side of a row of small, flat, diamond-shaped pieces of -black wood, or the black shell of a nut, or gourd. These -necklets vary a trifle in width: some have the diamond -almost squared, they may have one, two, or three white -beads between the black points, but there is no greater -divergence than this from the stereotyped pattern. The -polished bits of wood, like the beetle cases, resemble jet; -and the sharp distinction of black and white sets off the -native beauty, as a band of black velvet is supposed to put -the finishing touch to her fairer sisters.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate16" style="width: 475px;"> -<img src="images/plate16.jpg" width="475" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XVI.</p> -<p class="caption">NECKLACES OF HUMAN AND TIGER TEETH</p> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate17" style="width: 440px;"> -<img src="images/plate17.jpg" width="440" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XVII.</p> -<p class="caption">1. NECKLACE OF POLISHED NUTSHELLS. 2. LEG RATTLES OF BEADS AND -NUTSHELLS. 3, 4, 5, 6. BEAD NECKLACES. THE ‘BLACK BEADS’ ARE BITS OF -POLISHED NUTSHELL, THREADED BETWEEN WHITE BEADS.</p> -</div> - -<p>A favourite ornament among the Boro and Witoto, and -also with some of the Napo tribes, is a bracelet of iguana -skin. To make these, a circular piece is cut off the creature’s -tail, the ring of skin, varying in width from half to three -inches wide, is removed and drawn over the hand when -fresh and damp. This band dries tightly to the skin of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> -the arm, and will remain there in spite of frequent washings -for years. These lizard-skin bracelets can hardly be seen -in any of the photographs reproduced in these pages. -They are supposed to have certain magical properties, and -to endow the wearer with special strength and vigour. -For the same purpose children wear a black ring cut from -a nut. The diameter of the ring—1½ inch outside and quite -a quarter of an inch less within—does not permit it to be -worn when the child grows up; the arm always swells -round it, and obviously it must eventually be cut off, but -I cannot speak with any certainty as to how or when this -is done. The women’s bracelets are made of beads when -they can be obtained, or of gay-coloured seeds. Those worn -by the Resigero woman in the illustration by page 80 are -made of threaded seeds, or of beads, wound round and round -the forearm with a turn or two of white beads at either end. -The central beads are usually dark red.</p> - -<p>Rattles and feather ornaments are festooned on the legs -for a dance, but only the women wear the tight ligatures -that swell out the calf. Both men and women among all -these tribes wear ligatures, the men on the upper arm, just -below the shoulder, the women on the leg, below the knee -and again above the ankle. These ligatures are worn -extremely tight, and result not in atrophy of the limb, as -might be expected,<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> but in an enormous swelling of the -muscles above or below them. The ankle ligatures sometimes -reach half-way up the leg. They all vary greatly -in breadth, but this I consider to be a matter of personal -taste—or possibly personal skill—and not a tribal fashion -or distinction, except in so far as that the Witoto knee -ligatures are narrower than those of other tribes, and are -never so well made. But this confirms the idea of personal -skill deciding the pattern, for all Witoto work is cruder -than Boro or Okaina. Even the roughest of these ligatures, -however, is a marvellously neat piece of workmanship, the -more surprising when one discovers that only the fingers -are used in its manufacture. A ligature band is made of a -very fine fibre thread, and on the reverse side has the appearance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> -of a knitted or crochetted fabric; on the right side it -looks rather like a woven tapestry ribbon, with a slightly -raised pattern. But so far as I could ever see no implement -of any kind is employed in the making of these bands.<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> -The fibre string is interworked and knotted with extraordinarily -skilled finger-work only. Sometimes the band -is decorated by a pattern of coloured lines, diagonals, and -diamonds slightly raised. In nearly every one that I saw -closely enough to examine the edge was corded, and the -end finished with a kind of buttonhole looping. The -ligatures shown in the illustration are Witoto and Boro-made -ones.<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> The ends are finished with a line of open-work -stitches and a buttonholed or twisted edge. Through -the open spaces twisted fibre cords are run, and these pull -the band together exactly on the principle of a lady’s silk -purse. They are tied in two knots. A tuft of cords, or -occasionally a bone or wooden disc, finishes off the man’s -ligature, which is knotted in front. The women lace their -ligatures on, and fasten them very securely. I had to cut -those shown in <a href="#plate14">Plate XIV.</a> to get them off the wearer’s legs. -The Yahabana and other Kuretu-speaking tribes wear their -armlets very tight, and the skin underneath is lighter in -shade than it is on the exposed portion of the limb, according -to Koch-Grünberg. This lighter skin will blister in the sun -if unprotected.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate18" style="width: 600px;"> -<img src="images/plate18.jpg" width="600" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XVIII.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO LIGATURES</p> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate19" style="width: 460px;"> -<img src="images/plate19.jpg" width="460" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XIX.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO LEG AND ARM LIGATURES</p> -<p class="caption">WITOTO LEG LIGATURE</p> -</div> - -<p>The leg rattles are made of polished nutshells, and garters -with beaded tassels and nutshells are fastened below the -knee. The nutshells vary in size and shape, though all are -approximately bell-like when cut and strung, with or without -beads, on fibre thread. They give a tinkling sound if -shaken, and for this reason, as they play a distinct part in -the native dances, they are dealt with in a later chapter -among the musical instruments. In addition to these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span> -rattles strings of feather-tufted reeds or bits of bone are -also worn. The reeds, cane, or bones, are about three -inches long, with a small bunch of feathers secured to one -end by means of pitch. The other end is pierced, fibre -thread strung through, and the intervals between the reeds -are kept by means of knots.</p> - -<p>Similar little bits of cane are worn in the ears, which are -bored by all these tribes at the age of puberty. These ear -ornaments are frequently decorated at one end with a tuft -of gay feathers. These are very neatly arranged in some -cases; a ring of fine blue feathers may surround a red tip. -They are fixed to the cane with latex or pitch. Orahone, -which simply means Big Ears,<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> is a name given nowadays -to many distinctly different tribes who follow the fashion -of the Indians on the Uaupes and the Napo and insert -large wooden plugs into the lobes of their ears. The Orahone -and some Issa-Japura tribes—especially among the Boro-speaking -group—use a disc of cabbage wood. The Orahone -smear this with a red vegetable colouring matter, the Boro -fix an ornamented shell into the wood.</p> - -<p>These wooden plugs are extremely light, about two and -five-eighth inches long, and three inches across at the widest -point, that is the front rim. This end is hollowed like a -shallow egg-cup, and the shell set in it is decorated with a -fine pattern done in black-and-white. In one earring in my -possession the shell, so far as I can judge, is a portion of some -hard, dark nutshell. The pattern is grooved, or scratched -on the shell, and filled in with a fine white clay. This gives -the effect of an elaborate black-and-white inlay. The shell -is secured in the hollow with pitch. The back part of the -plug that fits behind the ear is not decorated in any manner.</p> - -<p>Very effective earrings are made with round discs of a -pearl-coated river-shell fastened to a short piece of bamboo -with pitch. The mother-of-pearl is of a deep blue colour, -and of a good quality. In shape these earrings are not -unlike certain kinds of toadstool with a thin stem and an -inverted cone head.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span></p> - -<p>With the Boro and other Indians near the Japura the -lip also is perforated for the insertion of an ornament, except -among the Witoto, who do not use the labret. This, as a -rule, is made of metal, if it is in any way possible to secure -some. Silver is occasionally seen, and brass is obtained -from old cartridge cases, that are beaten flat and rubbed -to shape.</p> - -<p>Nose-pins are another fashionable adornment of the -forest Indians. The Makuna wear a long black pin, a palm-spine, -through the cartilage of the nose. The Yakuna also -wear a long pin, and the Muenane and Witoto women wear -nasal ornaments. The nose-pins of the Kuretu-speaking -tribes, Yahabana and others, must be somewhat of an -obstruction to the wearer, owing to their exaggerated -length, 30 centimetres. In the central Igara Parana district -the Boro, especially the women, insert feathers into small -holes made in the wing of the nose. Boring the algæ is -peculiar to the Boro-speaking group of tribes, and to the -Resigero. The women bore holes in the top of the nostril, -into which they insert bits of quill to keep them open till such -times as a dance is held, when the quills are removed and -small ornaments with feathers are put in their place. No -other tribes have this fashion. The Saka, who are of the -same language-group as the Karahone, wear the bones of birds -instead of a palm nose-pin through the septum. Robuchon -confirms my observation that the septum of the nose only -is perforated by the Witoto in the upper Igara Parana -districts, and that a goose feather is then worn. He also -mentions the use of the labret, and the elongation of the -lobe of the ear. There are many varieties of ear ornaments, -but most of them are big and enlarge the lobes.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate20" style="width: 460px;"> -<img src="images/plate20.jpg" width="460" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XX.</p> -<p class="caption">1 & 3. BORO. 2. WITOTO’ LIGATURES.</p> -<p class="caption">Note contrast of texture</p> -</div> - -<p>Among the Tuyuka the boys at the age of puberty burn -scars on their arms, but I have never seen scarification -among the Issa-Japura tribes;<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> nor is there much tattooing. -The Menimehe, both men and women, tattoo the face and -breast. The designs show little artistic skill, and are all -done in straight lines. The patterns on the cheeks are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span> -simply tribal marks.<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> The breast patterns vary. On the -arms of these people I have seen rough representations of -a lizard tattooed as here illustrated. The incision is done -with the spine of a palm, and the black -residue from burnt rubber is rubbed into -the puncture. This results in a blue -mark. None of these tribes have such -a practice as that described by Crevaux -of making chevron marks on a woman’s -thighs to record the number of her male -children.<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> I know nothing of this or -any similar custom, but some of the -Boro living on the north of the Japura -have borrowed the idea of tattooing -from the Menimehe, and wear—both men and women—a -tribal mark below the cheek-bone, and sometimes a pattern -on the breast. These are the only two groups of tribes -among whom I ever saw any people tattooed.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;" id="fig8"> -<img src="images/fig8.jpg" width="150" height="180" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 8.</span></p> -</div> - -<p>But, if very few tattoo, all paint. The Karahone women -are as fond of paint as they are of beads, and use more -colours than other tribes. Their particular colour is purple. -As a rule the colours are red, yellow, black—a bluish black—and -white. The latter is secured from certain fruits. A -bright red, the commonest paint of all, is made from a -prickly burr, or nut, that is full of seeds and red matter.<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> -Black paint is obtained by using charcoal, or the juice of a -fruit,<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> and a species of <i>Cissus</i> has a fruit from which the -Indians get their blue paints. Ochre gives them yellow, -but the source of the purple paint I was unable to -discover.</p> - -<p>Red is a favourite colour with all the tribes, and many -women daub their whole faces over with scarlet. This will -quite content them, and no further attempt at a design will -be made. A blue-black is also very often seen smeared on -in the same fashion, the juicy stain apparently being merely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span> -squeezed over the skin. Robuchon mentions a custom -among some Witoto tribes of covering the body with latex -and then sprinkling it with black ashes. Hardenburg also -mentions the use of a resinous matter which is daubed on -by the Witoto.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> The reason for the former Robuchon -declared he could not divine. It was one of the secrets -of the dressing-table of the Kinene girls that he was not -prepared to fathom. Sometimes black ashes are so used, -and at other times yellow clay. The secret is not so profound -as the French traveller seems to have imagined. It -is evidently done for protective purposes, as babies in arms -are invariably treated in this fashion, women but seldom. -Occasionally a black juice is smeared over the face and neck, -under the jawbones. This I never thought was meant to be -decorative paint, but always concluded it was some manner -of skin tonic.</p> - -<p>Among the Orahone, and also some of the Issa and -Japura Indians, the women cover their teeth and their -finger-nails with a black pigment.</p> - -<p>The paint is never allowed to work off entirely; fresh -designs are superimposed before the original has quite disappeared. -The women always paint themselves for a -dance, and dances are so frequent that before the coat of -paint is worn away another festivity will be in prospect, -and fresh decorations have to be considered. They also -paint on other occasions than a dance.</p> - -<p>With regard to the designs the photographs give a truer -notion than any possible description of the variations and -tribal fashions. The independent Andoke have no fixed -pattern, but their lines appear to be more flowing. A -good example is the fourth figure in <a href="#plate21">Plate XXI.</a> The body -in this case was coated with a purple paint, leaving only -a broad seam down the middle unpainted. This design is -not seen elsewhere; it is peculiar to the Andoke. In one -dance I saw they painted themselves with what were intended -to be representations of their Witoto neighbours. -I saw also the Andoke got up for a dance covered with -weapons painted in my honour, boots, trousers, and dresses<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span> -all suggested. Purple paint predominated, and the effect -was a rough copy of my own apparel in paint.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate21" style="width: 475px;"> -<img src="images/plate21.jpg" width="475" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXI.</p> -<p class="caption">ANDOKE GIRLS</p> -</div> - -<p>The patterns are regular; the most highly finished ones -are executed with an eye to the lines of the figure, and some, -as for example those shown in the accompanying group of -Okaina women, are of complicated if crude design. The -Okaina designs are certainly the most elaborate that I met -with, but it is to be noted that in no case do the women -attempt to hide, disguise, or paint that portion of the body -which most peoples are the first to cover, and which even -among these tribes is never exposed by the males.<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> - -<p>The effect of paint on the legs of women wearing tight -ligatures is, as Robuchon very aptly remarked, to give -them the semblance of small balcony pillars. Among the -less particular—the Witoto especially being the more lax -in this as in all other matters—the regular designs are not -attempted, and paint is daubed crudely on the body in -smears and splotches, with a result that is bizarre in the -extreme.</p> - -<p>The men are painted by their women before a dance, but -never in the intricate patterns and variety of colour used -by the ladies of the community themselves.</p> - -<p>On one occasion among the Okaina three of the old -women of the tribe were sent to me with purple paint, to -paint me for the festivity. The Andoke men seem more -given to painting themselves than the men of other tribes, -and always use purple paint. A common device is a -lizard, some nine inches long, painted on the back and in -front on the middle of the chest. But painting is not a -universal custom among the men as with the women. I -do not remember, for instance, to have seen a Witoto man -painted.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Occupations—Sexual division and tabu—Tribal manufactures—Arts and -crafts—Drawing—Carving—Metals—Tools and implements—No textile -fabrics—Pottery—Basket making—Hammocks—Cassava-squeezer -and grater—Pestle and mortar—Wooden vessels—Stone axes—Methods -of felling trees—Canoes—Rafts—Paddles.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Life in Amazonia to the man is occasionally strenuous, -frequently a veritable <i>dolce far niente</i>; to the woman it -is a ceaseless round of toilsome duties, broken only by the -excitement of preparation for, and participation in, a tribal -dance. The division of occupations between the sexes is -possibly uneven, but very certainly strict. In many cases -it amounts to a tabu,<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> and as a rule the reason for this division -is either apparent or confessed. It is absolutely a question -of sex. To men appertain defensive measures, all that calls -for physical strength and skill, war, the chase, the manufacture -of weapons, the preparation of certain poisons and -drinks, especially those that are used ceremonially. Men -paddle the canoes, except in extreme cases, when a sufficiency -of men is not forthcoming, and women perforce must lend -their aid. They cut the wood and build the houses. They -climb the trees to gather fruit, clear the plantations, and -turn the soil. Woman is the housewife, the mother, and the -cook, but she is also the agriculturalist and the maker of all -purely domestic implements. She manufactures the hammocks, -the rough pottery, and most of the baskets, although<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> -it would not be considered derogatory on the part of the -man to lend a hand if necessary.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate22" style="width: 460px;"> -<img src="images/plate22.jpg" width="460" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXII.</p> -<p class="caption">WITOTO BASKETS OF SPLIT CANE AND FIBRE.</p> -</div> - -<p>Besides this sexual differentiation various tribes have -their special manufactures in which they excel their -neighbours. The Menimehe are known as great pottery -workers. The Karahone are renowned for their poisons. -The Boro specialise on mat-making, plaiting, the manufacture -of ligatures, and the preparation of blow-pipes. The -Witoto hammocks are better than those of other tribes. -Trade in any organised form is non-existent, it is true, but -articles pass, as I have already described, irregularly by -personal barter and exchange of gifts to other tribes; and -in this fashion the poison of the Karahone reaches tribes -unknown to the makers, and beads made in Birmingham -filter down by many and devious routes even to these -isolated wilds. Over fifty years ago Wallace estimated that -some thousands of pounds’ worth of trade goods passed up -the Uaupes yearly,<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> and this accounts for the fact that -tribes north of the Japura are better supplied than those of -the south. The best articles for barter I found were axes, -knives, combs—especially scurf-combs—and Brummagem -beads. Cloth and fowling-pieces are not valued except -in the Rubber Belt; the less sophisticated Indian of the -backwoods has no manner of use for them: cloth is less -ornamental than paint, and the scatter-gun only frightens -the game and lessens the kill.</p> - -<p>Indian arts and crafts are neither numerous nor particularly -complex; indeed arts—with the exception of music -and dancing—are almost unknown. There are no rock -pictures in the Issa-Japura valleys, such as those executed -by the Indians in so many other parts of the Americas, but -then there are no rocks. I have occasionally among the -Andoke and the Boro seen pictures of a rude type on the -supports of the houses, and on the four large central posts -of the big <i>maloka</i>; or these may be roughly carved. There -is carving also on some of the dancing staves. But these -people have no great use for colour and line beyond the -ornamentation of their bodies, and in a lesser degree of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> -pottery. They make no attempt to use drawing for informative -purposes. Elsewhere Indians have shown themselves -skilful map-makers,<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> but none of these tribes could so -much as draw a rough chart of their own district. Yet this -district to them represents the whole world. They do not -realise that there can be any other people but themselves -and the half-dozen tribes or so who happen to be in their -immediate vicinity, and always regarded it as a huge joke -on my part when I talked of the sea and the vast countries -beyond.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate23" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate23.jpg" width="650" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXIII.</p> -<p class="captionl">BORO NECKLACE OF JAGUARS TEETH WITH INCISED PATTERNS</p> -<p class="captionr">NECKLACE OF JAGUAR-TEETH, INCISED, AND FLUTE MADE OF HUMAN BONE</p> -</div> - -<p>One tribe of Witoto do possess a drawing on bark-cloth -that is their equivalent of a map of the world. This tribe -when I visited them were located near the source of the -Karaparana, and the “map” was so very exceptional an -acquisition that it was known and talked about by far distant -tribes who had never seen either it or its possessors. -In fact, it was one of the wonders of the universe, to be -bragged about to any stranger who was ignorantly unaware -of its existence. Nothing I could offer would persuade these -Witoto to part with their treasure, and unfortunately I -was unable to obtain a photograph of it. My too evident -interest aroused suspicion, and on this account I was unable -to study it clearly, as I saw it but for a moment, and that in -a dark house before my eyes were accustomed to the gloom. -It was almost immediately hidden for fear I should seize it. -This map was made on beaten bark about two feet square. -The centre was divided into about a dozen squares. In each -square very crude human figures were represented fighting, -planting, or hunting in their own tribal territory. These -were the “nations” of the world. The dividing lines were -of red vegetable pigment. The “nations,” so far as I could -see, were fighting amongst themselves. In the margin were -the sun, a moon, and many stars. I saw nothing to designate -spirits or <i>Taife</i>. So ancient was this map, handed down -from generation to generation, that divine origin or use was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> -assumed. It was said to be the world in the days when the -Good Spirit appeared to man.<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> - -<p>Slight carvings, such as can be seen in the accompanying -illustration, are done at times on the teeth that they string -for a necklace; and among the Witoto I twice met with -examples of figures carved in wood. The two figures in the -first instance, a nude man and woman, were life-size. They -were painted white with designs in black and red to represent -the paintings done for a dance. These figures were placed -on either side of the door jambs outside, and were the only -two of the kind I ever saw or heard of in the country. They -were greatly prized by their owners, and spoken of by neighbours -as notable achievements. No one had any idea who -made them, or when they were made, and if questioned -simply said they always had been.</p> - -<p>In the second instance the figure was a small female doll. -It was in the possession of the daughter of a chief of the -Itoma Gurra tribe of Witoto, a young girl, but who had -arrived at maturity. The Indians said the doll was for the -children to play with, but such toys are extremely scarce. -This one was about eight inches high, and was made of some -very light wood, painted white, with the organs that denoted -the sex marked in red.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> The toy was not regarded in any -way as an idol, nor was there any suggestion of magical -powers attaching to it. To secure such a toy is almost -impossible, but this doll I did obtain. Unfortunately I -showed it to an Indian afterwards, who told me that his -tribe made such things, and that he could get me a pair to -it. I gave him the toy, but never saw him or the doll again. -This was unusual. As a rule when an Indian says he will -do anything he keeps his word.</p> - -<p>Smelting, or any description of metallurgy, cannot be -looked for among the inhabitants of a country so singularly -devoid of all metalliferous deposit or formation. Metal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> -there is practically none in the aboriginal homes of the -natives, and whatever of it is received, be it but a trousers-button, -becomes at once an heirloom and a treasure. Their -only method of working metal when obtained is to heat and -hammer it into various forms and shapes for ornaments. -Weapons and implements alike must be contrived of other -materials. In normal conditions man, without the knowledge -to work ore, turns to stone for substitute, but conditions -in Amazonia are, as has already been shown, abnormal. -If there is no metal neither is there any stone. It is so rare -that it is looked upon as almost sacred,<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> and implements -fashioned of it are not made nowadays by the tribes, but those -in use are handed down from one generation to another. -North of the Japura, where quartz can be obtained, at least -by barter, it is used for knives, arrow-heads, spear-points, -and cassava-graters; but these Issa-Japura Indians have to -content themselves with wood and palm-spines, and have -only their ancestral stone axes.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> These are constructed -in true “prehistoric” manner; the stones have been -and are fastened to their wooden hafts with fibre lashings -fixed by vegetable pitch.<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> The Indian cannot say from -whence they came, there is no memory of their makers; -they are, in fact, looked upon as veritable gifts from the -gods.</p> - -<p>Wooden knives are constructed from such hardwood -trees as the black ironwood. These knives and stone axes -will be used by Indians even more in touch with civilisation -than these tribes, possibly because the Brummagem trade-goods -knife and hatchet has been proved useless for practical -wear.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span></p> - -<p>For boring purposes the Indians make an instrument -like a bradawl T with a capybara’s tooth, and a paca tooth -is used for scraping. With these simple implements the -labour involved in producing such a weapon as the blow-pipe -is enormous. But these are all the tools the Indian -craftsmen possess.</p> - -<p>Manufactures among the Issa-Japura tribes are not -numerous. These Indians have no textile fabrics; they -neither spin nor weave; everything is done by finger-work, -and the local substitutes for woven goods are beaten bark-cloth -and netted or plaited palm-fibre. This, as a rule, is -in its natural colour, as very little dye is ever employed. -There is no leather working. The only use made of the skins -of animals, I ever discovered, was that some Menimehe tribes -had large round shields of tapir hides, two to five hides -superimposed one on another;<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> the medicine-men make -garments of the same leather; while the medicine-pouch is -often made of the unshorn skin of the jaguar. Leather -thongs are sometimes employed for tying purposes, such as -securing an axe-haft, and on the north of the Japura to -string a bow, but the ubiquitous fibre and liana are in more -general use.</p> - -<p>Glass is unknown to the Indian, but every tribe makes -its own pottery. Earthenware pots are used by all Indians -for cooking. The best are manufactured by the Menimehe -women, and are distinguished by the red and black colouring. -This is obtained by the use of certain juices extracted from -the bark of a tree. These handsome, well-finished pots -are a great article of barter, and are exchanged for other -products of friendly tribes. Thus they are to be found at -far distances from where they are made on the northern -bank of the Japura. It amounts to a trade, distinct if -unorganised.</p> - -<p>Pottery-making is the sole province of the women in any -tribe, earthenware appertaining to the culinary department -which is their special sphere. The pots, entirely made and -shaped by hand, when finished are beautifully symmetrical, -though the Indian potters possess nothing approximating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span> -to a wheel.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Squatting on the ground the women work -and mould the clay, and rub it between their hands into -long cylinders very much like plug tobacco. These are -coiled round and round and kneaded into a previously constructed -shape; or the women will prepare a circular hole in -the ground and mould the clay into that. The plastic coils -are then worked round with any hard thing that is handy—a -bone or a piece of wood. When the vessel is built up to -the size intended it is carefully rubbed before it is set out -to dry in the sun. Finally, hot ashes are heaped over the -pots, which are baked slowly and polished afterwards.</p> - -<p>The clay used is commonly to be found on the river-banks, -and with it the Indians mix wood ashes, either to -stiffen it or, as Crevaux suggests,<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> to render the finished -article more porous, so that its contents are kept cool by -evaporation. This pottery is known as caraipé ware, from -the fact that the ashes of the caraipé bark are preferred for -its manufacture.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> In some districts vessels of even a very -large size are made of it,<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> but I never saw any big pots -either imported or made locally in the Issa-Japura valleys. -The large vessels used for making kawana by these tribes -consist merely of huge strips of the inner bark of the tree, -riveted together with thorns or spines, and set upright -on a hard earthen surface; or else a section of a great -tree trunk is hollowed out to make a trough. Large flat -plates to bake the cassava cakes on are made of earthenware, -but very often only wooden platters are used.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate24" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate24.jpg" width="650" height="560" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXIV.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO CASSAVA-SQUEEZER.</p> -<p class="caption">(<i>a</i>) LOOP AT END</p> -</div> - -<p>Women are not the tribal potters alone; they are also -the chief basket-makers, though on occasions the men will -make baskets. Both Karahone and Boro Indians excel in -basket-making, though all tribes are skilful enough at it. -If you give an Indian anything to carry he never dreams -of holding it in his hands if it will allow of other carriage. -He either winds a strip of bark-fibre round his head to -make a sling in which to place it, or, if it were anything<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span> -that did not admit of easy adjustment—as, for instance, -fruit—he gathers some green palm leaves, and in about five -minutes has plaited them, on a foundation of two rods, into -a long and deep square basket, which is thrown away at the -end of the march. Such quickly made baskets are continually -in use, but the tribes also construct more elaborate -ones that can be utilised for more than immediate purposes. -In every <i>maloka</i> may be seen baskets of plaited bark-fibre -and of plaited cane,<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> usually white, but sometimes with an -interwoven and regular pattern in black cane. The Resigero -make bottle-shaped baskets as receptacles for edible ants. -A large basket is carried on the back, slung from the -forehead with the customary band of bark-fibre.</p> - -<p>Quite as important as the pottery is the manufacture of -hammocks.<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> This again is done by the women of the -tribes. It is woman’s, that is to say light, work. All these -tribes make them on the same principle and in the same way, -the only difference in the hammocks of different tribes is -the spacing of the cross-threads. This, according to Hamilton -Rice, is a tribal distinction, each group of tribes having -an individual spacing.<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> The material used is curana string -or palm-fibre. To prepare this the women take the pinnate -leaflets of the Chambiri palm<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> and fold over each strip at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span> -its broadest part. They grip it tightly and shred it down -with the thumb and forefinger. The fibre thus procured is -then twisted into a cord by rolling it tightly and hard against -the naked thigh.</p> - -<p>To make a hammock a woman takes a length of this -fibre string and turns it round, backwards and forwards -between two posts set in the earthen floor of the <i>maloka</i>. -Cross strings of the same material are then tied at the regulation -intervals and knotted across, from string to string, to -the opposite side. No implement of any kind is used; the -two posts are the only framework, and the whole construction -is carried out entirely by the women’s fingers without -any artificial aid.</p> - -<p>The cassava-squeezer, that essential complement to an -Indian household, is another plaited or basket-work article. -The squeezer, which is common to the Boro and all the -tribes north or south, except the Witoto, the Muenane, and -the Nonuya, consists of a long cylinder with a loop at both -ends. One is attached to a rafter, and the other to a stout -stick, on which a woman sits, and thereby pulls upon the -cylinder. The manioc is inserted through the open end -before the weight is applied, and the elastic structure widens -out to permit the soaked and grated roots to be packed in, -till it resembles nothing so much as a well-filled Christmas -stocking; but when pressure is brought to bear on the lower -end the cylinder gradually elongates, and thereby contracts, -crushing the roots to a pulp, from which the poisonous juice -drains away.</p> - -<p>The material used to make these squeezers appears to be -a species of cane, but is said to be the bark of a palm tree.<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> -It is cut into narrow strips and closely plaited into an elastic -bottle some seven to ten feet long, and not more than about -six inches wide when open. Instead of this cylinder the -Witoto use a long web, a rectangular strip about ten inches -wide of plaited bark-fibre, about an inch wide. This they -wind round the grated manioc after the manner that putties<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> -are adjusted on the leg. The tighter they twist the pliable -web the greater the pressure upon the crushed roots, and the -juice is thus wrung out of them.</p> - -<p>The grater that is used to scrape the manioc roots, before -they are placed in the squeezer, is a wooden implement -made by the Indian women themselves.<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> It is a flat oval. -The one in the illustration measures 16½ inches by 5¾ inches. -The wood is of a bamboo type set with short black palm-spines -about an eighth of an inch apart, thicker at one end -than the other, but arranged in no regular pattern. These -spines are fixed into the wood and project about an eighth -of an inch above it. Those in which quartz stones are inserted -instead of spines are a valuable commercial commodity -north of the Japura.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate25" style="width: 400px;"> -<img src="images/plate25.jpg" width="400" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXV.</p> -<p class="caption">OKAINA GROUP</p> -<p class="caption">Note Coca pestle and mortar.</p> -<p class="caption">GROUP OF OKAINA WOMEN</p> -</div> - -<p>I never saw manioc crushed, as Robuchon described, -with a pestle and mortar; but these articles are in frequent -use, especially for the preparation of coca and tobacco, -so they are items of importance in an Indian inventory. A -mortar is easily improvised from the hollowed trunk of a -tree, and such a small mortar, with a long heavy pounder, -is shown on the right of the photograph of a group of -Okaina Indians. It is being used to pound coca (<a href="#plate25">Plate -XXV.</a>). The pestles are made of some heavy wood, such as -red wood or mahogany, and the lower trunk of the peach -palm,<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> or a block of ironwood makes a very solid mortar. -The peach-palm trunk is hollow, that is to say, it has a very -hard shell filled with soft pith that can be scraped out with -little difficulty.<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Some of these mortars are of great size. -Spruce gives the measurements as five to six feet high, but -none I saw were more than four feet.</p> - -<p>Not only are mortars and troughs made from the tree -trunks, but bark is cut into long strips to make smaller -vessels, shallow concave trays not unlike the Arunta hardwood -<i>pitchi</i>.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> The method is ingenious by which the bark<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> -is stripped from the trunk, or the tree is felled, for the principle -in each case is the same. Round the trunk of the -selected tree a number of small holes are made, or, if only a -portion is to be removed, the trunk is notched at the -required distances. The edge of the stone axe is inserted in -the notch, and the slip of wood is levered up with it until it -splits away at the lower notch; or, if the tree is to be -felled, the holes are widened into grooves that are deepened -round the trunk till it gives way—a somewhat slow process, -but a sure one.</p> - -<p>In this fashion the Indians cut down the trees from which -their boats are to be made. A tree is felled, preferably a -cedar,<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> and the trunk is hollowed out for the length required, -which varies, but may be as much as 20 feet, though -the breadth will not exceed 18 inches. To hollow the -trunk the Indians bore holes in the wood in order to secure -the proper thickness, and then slit off pieces with their -stone axes. These are kindled into a fire to which logs -of wood are added. This burns out the required cavity, -and when the trunk is very hot the burning embers are -scraped away and the burnt trunk is forced apart, which is -done by gradually inserting longer logs that are hammered -into place. This is a job that needs to be done deftly and -quickly, or the cooling wood will soon either contract too -much or break at the strain. The heat also causes the ends -to curve upwards, so that the bow and the stern of the boat -will rise higher than the centre. Such a “dug-out” is a -heavy concern, often with a specific gravity greater than -that of water.</p> - -<p>These boats belong to the community, and are not many -in number. They are never left on the bank, nor are they -kept in the <i>maloka</i>, but are hidden in the bush near the river-banks. -The paddles, however, are kept in the house, stored -overhead on the rafters.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span></p> - -<p>All the tribes of the Issa and Japura valleys make these -rather clumsy craft, but it is possible that the original idea -is not indigenous, and that the autochthonic boat is the -temporary canoe made from the hollowed trunk of the bulge-stemmed -palm.<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> These canoes can be fashioned in an hour -or two. The soft pulp is removed easily with a knife, or -even may be crushed up with the fingers, but the bark is -very hard, and the bulging portion of the trunk is shaped -already for the craft. The ends are stiffened with clay, -and the improvised canoe is ready for use, and is quite -sufficient for casual purposes—to cross a river when too deep -to ford or too wide to bridge,—and being of no permanent -value it may be left to drift away down-stream when used.<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> - -<p>Spruce mentions tribes who cannot make canoes, and have -to construct rafts to cross any main river;<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> but rafts are -not used on the Issa or Japura streams except by the rubber-workers. -They make them of trunks of light wood lashed -with liana or withes, with a rail at the side, but such a -construction is unknown to those Indians who have not met -with the “civilized” invaders from the Rubber Belts. The -Catanixi, so Wallace states, make canoes of the bark of trees -stripped off in one sheet,<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> but I never saw anything approaching -the “birch-bark” canoe, though some of the “civilized” -Indians use a <i>montaria</i>, a built boat that is certainly not -indigenous.</p> - -<p>The canoes are propelled with paddles from four to five -feet long, cut from the solid block of wood, elongated in the -blade, not rounded, as is universal on the main Amazon -river. They may be decorated with roughly painted designs. -Indians always paddle in unison, sometimes on -alternate sides, sometimes three together on one side and -three on the other. They face the way they are going, -as one would in a “Canadian” or “Rob Roy,” and the -man in the bow steers. When two men paddle a large canoe -both will sit forward and paddle from the bow.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Agriculture—Plantations—Preparation of ground in the forest—Paucity -of agricultural instruments—Need for diligence—Women’s incessant -toil—No special harvest-time—Maize the only grain grown—No use -for sugar—Manioc cultivation—Peppers—Tobacco—Coca cultivation—Tree-climbing -methods—Indian wood-craft—Indian tracking—Exaggerated -sporting yarns—Indian sense of locality and accuracy of -observation—Blow-pipes—Method of making blow-pipes—Darts—Indian -improvidence—Migration of game—Traps and snares—Javelins—Hunting -and fishing rights—Fishing—Fish traps—Spearing -and poisoning fish.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Apart from the industries already dealt with, the occupations -of the South American Indians of these parts consist -in agricultural pursuits, hunting, fishing, making war, and -holding festival. They are not a pastoral people and -have no cattle; even the domestic pig is unknown, fowls -are never seen, and dogs only exist in their wild state in -the forest. There they are numerous enough, dun in -colour, with ears erect. These Indians do not keep or -train them, though some of the tribes away from this -district have hunting dogs.<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate26" style="width: 460px;"> -<img src="images/plate26.jpg" width="460" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXVI.</p> -<p class="caption">1. INDIAN PLANTATION CLEARED BY FIRE PREPARATORY TO CULTIVATION</p> -<p class="caption">2. VIEW ON AFFLUENT OF THE KAHUINARI RIVER</p> -</div> - -<p>The greater part of the agricultural work falls, as has -been seen, to the lot of the women, though the preliminaries—the -heavier work of clearing, cutting, and breaking up the -untouched soil—are undertaken by the men. Each tribal -house stands in the midst of a small clearing. In front is -the big dancing ground, for though the dancing proper takes -place inside the <i>maloka</i>, this outer dance clearing is used -for the purpose of assembly, and for effective entries. -Near by are the cultivated plots that belong to the chief. -The Indian with his own private lodging in the bush, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> -any married Indian,—and all marry when they come to -man’s estate—has his special plantation patch by his -country-house, if he has one, somewhere in the neighbourhood -of the tribal house if he is content with only his quarters -therein. But no plantations are made actually surrounding -the <i>maloka</i>; they are perhaps half a mile away, for, as a -rule, the house stands alone. Sometimes a man’s plantation -will be two days’ journey from the house of assembly, -in which case a “country-house” is a necessity. The tribal -plantations belong to the chief, as he, having all the unattached -women, is better able to cultivate them.</p> - -<p>To prepare the plots of ground the smaller trees are -felled, the larger ones are burnt. The stumps of trees, cut -about four feet above the ground, decay with some rapidity, -and, directly the branches are dry enough to burn, fire is -brought out and the clearing made into a gigantic bonfire, -or rather series of bonfires, for the always damp wood will -never do more than smoulder, but it is sufficient to destroy -the brushwood and the tangle of creeping plants. There is -then a savannah, a clearing such as is shown in the illustration -(<a href="#plate26">Plate XXVI.</a>), a wilderness of charred posts and vegetable -ashes which make most excellent manure. The ground is -then broken up with wooden clubs, and therewith the men’s -labour is at an end.<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> Henceforward their women take -charge of the plantation—<i>ike</i> the Witoto call it before it is -planted; it is <i>akpho</i> after planting.</p> - -<p>The Indian plantation is no orderly market-garden. To -begin with, the women have nothing but the roughest wooden -implement, a wedge-shaped stake, with which to dig, and -rake, and hoe. The ground is always uneven and broken; -the charred remnants of the original vegetation are left to -crumble beside the young growth, and the cultivated seedlings -have to struggle for space and air with quick-growing -wild things, forest growths and creepers that encroach on -every side, and would speedily reclaim any cleared portions -of the unconquerable bush were it not for the incessant -diligence of the women. They go there daily straight from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span> -the morning bath, and keep up a constant chattering as -they plant the cuttings of manioc, or tend to the pine-apples -and the sugar-cane, while the men take to their canoes, -or go a-hunting in the bush in company. I have never -seen single Indians hunting or walking in the forest. For -obvious reasons they never venture far afield by themselves, -or even in very small parties.</p> - -<p>Sowing is done during the rainy season, but beyond the -fact that things then grow faster than when it is comparatively -drier, there is no especial harvest time. Crops grow -and ripen all the year round. The Indians are not grain-growing -people. Rice is unknown,<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> and the only grain -that is sown at all is maize. This, though much cultivated -by the Kuretu, and by tribes on the Tikie, is not grown -in any quantity by Indians south of the Japura. What -there may be is very small. Coca, manioc, and tobacco -are the most universally cultivated. The Witoto grow -a little sugar-cane and it is occasionally found growing -wild, but in very few places. Originally, I imagine, it -was imported. The Indians do not use it for sugar, as -sweet things do not seem to appeal to their palates, and -“beer” is unknown. Half-wild pumpkins and plantains -are to be found in most plantations; pines,<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> bananas, -yams, papaws, sweet potatoes, and mangoes are found -cultivated more or less. The yellow fruit of the guaraná -is prized by these Indians, especially the Boro, and is used -here by them in the preparation of a stimulating drink<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> -similar to that in use on the Rio Negro.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> The wild cacao,<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> -though not common, is seen about here, but the tribes do -not cultivate it. Manioc, which is also known as cassava,<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> -is a plant that grows throughout the tropical regions of -America, and in the West Indies. It is known also in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> -Africa, and has been introduced by the white man into -some of the Pacific Islands.</p> - -<p>The manioc is planted by the women about July or -August, and according to Indian belief manioc can only be -propagated by replanting slips of the old growth after it -has been lifted up and the tuberous root removed. As it -cannot reproduce itself in this fashion in its wild state, -presumably it will grow from young tubers, or seed, but, -according to Bates, it is not found wild in the Amazon basin.<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> -The ground is hoed by the women, and scraped into rough -furrows. Cuttings of the manioc plant are set in these in -little holes. Eight months after planting the root is ready -for use. It is large, fleshy, and very heavy for its bulk, -each tuber weighing from half a pound to two or three -pounds, and even more. It has been said of the variety -known as the great manioc that a root will weigh as much -as forty-eight pounds.<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> The ground will only carry two -crops, so a fresh patch must be broken up after the second -harvest. Indians will, however, always return to plantations -no longer in use, on account of the different palm -fruits which continue to grow wild there after they have -once been cultivated; but the disused plots will never -be tilled again for plantation, they are only visited for this -purpose of securing the fruit.</p> - -<p>Throughout the forest peppers are very common and -plentiful. Some of the bushes grow to a height of ten -feet. There are many varieties,<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> and peppers are grown, -or allowed to grow, in patches on all the plantations.</p> - -<p>I have said that the women are the agriculturalists and -the cooks; nor do I know of any exception to this rule, -for though coca and tobacco are tabu to all women, and -their preparation is forbidden to the sex, yet the women -grow the tobacco in the plantations, gather the leaf, -and dry it in the sun. But the actual making of the black -liquid is done by the men alone, and only men prepare the -coca for use. Tobacco is not an article of barter among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span> -these tribes, as all grow it, and its preparation is no secret -to any of the tribesmen. Cultivated coca is sown when -the rains begin. The young seedlings need both care and -attention.<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> It is eighteen months before the slender shrub -will yield any harvest, though once grown the supply will -continue for three or four decades. The shrub grows to -some five or six feet high, into small trees in fact, with -lichen-encrusted trunks. Both the common kind and a -smaller-leaved variety<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> grow wild in these regions.</p> - -<p>Men also must climb the trees to gather such fruits as -the papaw and the seeds of the cokerite or the peach palms. -Indians climb in what is practically a universal method, -with a circling rope and a ring.<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Their usual way is to -secure the legs together about the ankles with a strip of -the inner bark of a tree, and then, with arms and feet free, -to use a bigger loop adjusted round the tree and hips of -the climber for purchase power. For short climbs they will -dispense with the bigger loop. Sometimes palm-frond is -made into a ring for the toes, but with the forest Indians -these are oftener left free to allow of prehensile action. -With this simple attachment, made perhaps only of twisted -liana, the native will work his way to a perilous height up -the barest of tree trunks.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate27" style="width: 400px;"> -<img src="images/plate27.jpg" width="400" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXVII.</p> -<p class="caption">ERYTHROXYLON-COCA</p> -</div> - -<p>As a woodsman the Indian is so far in advance of the -European traveller as to make all comparison futile.<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> An -Indian in the bush is wonderful. From his earliest days -he has been taught to watch and note. I have known an -Indian stop and tell me that when the sun was in a certain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span> -position, that is to say half an hour previously, seven -Indians passed that way carrying a tapir, which had been -killed when the sun was there—indicating another position. -It was killed a long distance away, and the bag must have -been a tapir on account of the evident weight. He took -up a leaf on which was a spot of blood, coagulated. He -pointed to tracks on the ground, to prove the question of -numbers and distance. The men who passed were weary, -he knew it by the way their toes had dropped on the ground. -The breaking of a twig, the exudation of sap, is enough of -a guide for the Indian to judge when the last passer-by came -that way. I have been told it was within ten minutes, and -shown a leaf. It had begun to rain ten minutes before, -and the leaf, overturned by a passing foot, was wet upon -both sides. A glance will suffice for an estimate of what -animals passed, and when. By some intuitive perception, -moreover, he will deduce in a moment whither the game -has gone, and will make, not along its trail, but more directly -for it. Yet close and accurate as his observation invariably -is, when the Indian sportsman begins a tale of the chase -it is exaggerated beyond the wildest dreams and liveliest -imaginings of the most gifted sporting Munchausen among -ourselves.</p> - -<p>When an Indian is path-finding he judges both time and -distance by the sun. If not attacked by an enemy, he will -win his way home from anywhere, always at a jog-trot, and -will probably do his fifty miles on nothing more sustaining -than coca. A sense of locality is born in him, and from -childhood upwards this is trained and developed by continued -and varied experiences. To be able to judge by the -sky, by the weathered side of trees, by the flight of birds, -or the run of animals—above all to have a sense that is -greater than all judgment—is a matter of life or death -not once but continually. The inept are the unfit, and -the forest will show them no mercy.</p> - -<p>This minuteness and accuracy of observation comes into -play again when the Indian is hunting. Death to his -quarry from the tiny poisoned dart of the blow-pipe is -certain, but not absolutely instantaneous. He also will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> -shoot birds with a blunt-headed arrow that stuns but does -no damage to the plumage. The shock appears to kill the -bird. Hit with dart or arrow they may flutter a little -distance before they fall. I have watched an Indian scores -of times when hunting game shoot bird after bird in a tree, -mark down where each fell, and eventually never fail to -account for every one despite the density of the surrounding -bush. Hardly a traveller but has noted and wondered at -the same thing.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate28" style="width: 380px;"> -<img src="images/plate28.jpg" width="380" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXVIII.</p> -<ul class="listcaption"> -<li>1 & 2.—Andoke bamboo cases with darts and cotton</li> -<li>3. Dart with cotton attached</li> -<li>4. Blowpipe with dart</li> -<li>5. Javelins</li> -<li>6. Fishing trident</li> -<li>7. Spears in bamboo case</li> -<li>8. Dance Staff</li> -</ul> -</div> - -<p>Blow-pipes are only carried by the Indians when hunting. -They are weapons of the chase, not of war. Most of -the tribes manufacture their own, but the Bara, who neither -hunt nor fish, get theirs solely by barter from other tribes. -The blow-pipe—<i>obidiake</i> of the Witoto, <i>dodike</i> of the Boro—made -by these tribes is a heavier weapon than those made -by tribes farther north.<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> It is constructed, like those of all -tribes south of the Japura, in two sections, bound together -with great nicety, and has invariably a mouthpiece made of -vegetable ivory or a similar wood that fits round inside the -mouth. These blow-pipes are from eight to fourteen feet -long, with a quarter-inch tube, the outer mouthpiece being an -inch and a half. They are sometimes made from reeds<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> by -the Boro and Andoke, and I have seen small Boro boys with -a hollow reed pipe, about half the ordinary length. This was -merely a plaything. These are the simplest form of blow-pipe, -and would appear to be the original type. Though I -imagine reeds are always obtainable, for the flora did not -seem to vary, as a rule the wood of the chonta palm is -employed.<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> On the north of the Japura, the tribes, I -believe, mostly make their blow-pipes of palm stems.<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> Two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span> -long strips of this wood are slit off by notching and levering -with a stone axe, as already described. The chonta poles -are trimmed, rubbed, and grooved with sand and a paca-tooth -tool till they form the corresponding halves of a tube, -which must fit most exactly. All this entails very careful -and tedious work, so it is fortunate that time to an Indian -is of no account. These half tubes are then fastened -together and the bore polished with what is practically -sand-paper. A string is dipped in some gummy substance, -and then covered with sand. When dry, a fine polish is -secured with this by friction. The blow-pipe is next bound -from end to end with fibre-string, or narrow strips of pliant -bark.<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> The whole pipe is then coated with some resinous -gum, or wax.<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> A small bone is fixed about twelve inches -from the mouthpiece, and this acts as a sight. Such a tube -will send an arrow a distance of from forty to one hundred -and fifty feet, and an expert hunter shoots the smallest -birds at twenty yards. The chonta-wood pipe is the -heaviest and most lasting, but I do not know if it carries -farthest. The Indians’ accuracy of aim is extraordinary. -The arrows, or darts, are about nine inches long, no thicker -than a small match, and are tufted with fluffy down from -the seed vessels of the silk-cotton tree,<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> the tuft being of a -size to fit exactly into the bore of the pipe. The arrows are -made of the leaf-stem spines of the Patawa palm.<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> They are -carried in a quiver of bamboo lined with dried grass or fine -rushes that protect the delicate darts. The poisoned points -are partly cut through so that they break off in the wound. -Once a bird or animal is hit the poison kills them very -speedily. The silk-cotton for tipping the arrow is carried -in a gourd that is attached to the arrow quiver with strips -of cane, and to it is also tied the jawbone of the pirai fish, -which is used as a file for the points of the darts. When -the arrow is ejected from the blow-pipe there is a slight noise,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span> -like a child’s pop-gun, but it is not enough to scare the -game.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p> - -<p>Indians are no more provident as hunters than as housekeepers. -When game is plentiful they will kill and eat, kill -recklessly, and eat to repletion. But game is not always -plentiful. It may abound to-day and all be gone to-morrow. -Even parrots and peccary will fail at times. Birds and -beasts wander, and though the hunter can often judge of -direction through knowledge of their habits, and—what in -this instance probably governs them—which fruits are -ripest and where most abundantly to be found, this will -not altogether account for the fluctuations in the supply of -game. It must also be remembered that in this respect -the bush varies greatly, and even where animal life is not -scarce it is apt to become so on the advent of man. Even -apart from the disturbance caused by the hunter, game in -the vicinity of any human settlement tends to disappear. -The hunter must go farther and farther afield.</p> - -<p>The Indian is an expert trapper. His traps though -simple are ingeniously contrived, and seldom fail to act. -An empty bag is due more frequently to absence of game -than to the inadequate plan of the trap. Monkeys are -caught with a running-noose loop snare made of liana, -which is adjusted carefully along a fruit-bearing branch of -a tree. Any monkey attempting to reach the fruit strangles -itself in the noose, exactly as a rabbit does in the wire of -an English poacher.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate29" style="width: 325px;"> -<img src="images/plate29.jpg" width="325" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXIX.</p> -<p class="caption">ANDOKE BAMBOO CASE WITH DARTS FOR BLOWPIPE AND GOURD FULL OF COTTON</p> -</div> - -<p>A shallow pan of water is the Indian bait for ground -vermin. Round it they dig a ring of holes, about a foot -across, on which are lightly spread grass and leaves. Rats, -mice, frogs, and small snakes venturing to drink fall through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> -into the holes that are deep enough to hold them captive -till the trapper comes round and secures his catch. For -larger animals the hunters dig a line of pits, with a sharpened -stake fixed upright at the bottom of each. The game, -corralled and driven over these, falls in through the sticks -and leaves that hide the opening, and is impaled on the -stake. The Karahone arm their pits with poisoned arrows, -and dig a succession of these death-traps down a forest -avenue.<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> A more complex contrivance is made with carefully -poised logs. This description of trap is set in a forest -run, the brushwood on either side is twisted and plaited into -a rough fence, and the trap erected in the opening. The -slightest pressure on the footboard releases the weight, and -brings the heavy trunk down with a crash on the intruder. -A trap of this kind will catch anything from a squirrel to -a jaguar.</p> - -<p>A tapir is sometimes killed with a throwing javelin, -which the Indians use with much dexterity, though when -they throw anything they do it with an over-arm action, -with a jerk as a girl would. Their skill with these javelins -is not surprising when one remembers that they hunt two -or three days a week from boyhood, and so are continually -throwing them at animals. The javelin is a light spear -with a poisoned palm spine at the point. A man carries -seven of these in his hand, and seven more in reserve in a -bamboo case—fourteen in all. These javelins are about -six feet long, and an Indian can throw one a distance of -thirty yards. Sometimes only five are carried in the hand, -but seven is the more usual number. Though long they -are very thin and light. The haft is usually made of chonta, -or similar hard straight-grained woods. A spine is always -fixed in the point, which is filed almost through so that it -will break off in the body of the wounded animal. These -spines are poisoned with animal putrefying poison. Of -the heavier spears more anon.</p> - -<p>Koch-Grünberg noted that tribes on the Tikie have well-defined<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> -and recognised hunting and fishing rights, but that -when travelling any such rights are avoided. This is common -to all Indians. They will even erect barriers in the bush -and on the rivers, and they keep strictly to their own -localities, otherwise quarrels would arise and war be the -upshot.</p> - -<p>The sporting proclivities of the tribes vary considerably. -The Tukana are fishers, but not hunters. The Boro, on the -other hand, though great hunters do not fish, at least I do -not remember ever having been given fish in a Boro -house. Certainly they are not such fishermen as the -Witoto or the Okaina, who are the most skilful of all the -fishing tribes.</p> - -<p>Fish are taken with hook and line, in nets and traps, -by poisoning the water, by spearing, and by shooting with -bows and arrows. For fish-hooks these tribes have hardly -anything but those that they contrive for themselves from -wood, bone, or spines, and civilised metal hooks are greatly -sought after by all of them. Napo Indians make hooks of -bone.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> The Witoto <i>fakwasi</i> is a fish-hook made of wood or -palm spine. A spine is fastened to a fine stick, and this is -baited with grubs, and used with a fibre line, or with a -<i>pihekoa</i>, a rod and a line. Fish are caught to some extent -with bait and laid lines.</p> - -<p>Hand nets are made of <i>chambiri</i> palm-fibre in the same -way that hammocks are made, but with a finer mesh; -larger ones are constructed by fixing fences of wattle across -the stream before the rivers rise. In the dry season the -Witoto use nets to drag the pools in the river-bed. They -also catch fish with baited nets, the bait being larvæ, or -some fruit attractive to fish, such as that of the <i>setico</i>, or -the drupes of certain laurels. In the dry season they bale -out the water from the shallower pools with gourds till -the fish can be captured by hand.</p> - -<p>Some of the fish traps are most cleverly designed. There -is one known on the Uaupes as the <i>matapi</i>, which is simply -a basket open at one end, but without sufficient space for -fish of any size to turn round in. As fish are not able to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> -swim backwards without the room to turn they cannot -escape once in the trap. On the Napo the Indians spear -fish most expertly, but other Indians depend largely on -these and similar traps for their supply.</p> - -<p>Fish are speared with a wooden trident or, rather, caught -between its prongs, or stabbed with a bamboo spear that -has a double-edged blade. Some of the civilised Indians -of the lower Amazons have harpoons with detachable heads -that they use for hunting the manatee, or river dolphin, -but, in these upper waters, dolphins, if seen,—and that is -rarely—are speared with tridents; the Indians have no -harpoons, and the only thing that resembles a detachable -head is the partly filed-through javelin. The Menimehe -shoot fish with the bow and arrow.</p> - -<p>By far the most wholesale and general way in which fish -are obtained is through the use of poison.<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> The Indians -procure this from the root of an evergreen bush, the <i>babasco</i>,<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> -which they pound very fine. They dam the stream with a -wattle fencing and then throw the mashed <i>babasco</i> in above -this fish weir. The fish frequently jump out of the water, -gasping as though they were being strangled, and the -Indians secure those distressed fish in outspread palm leaves. -Sometimes the dead fish drop down into a net, spread beside -the dam to catch them; or the Indian fisherman will -simply spear them when they are sufficiently narcotised. -Dead fish will be found floating in the vicinity many hours -afterwards. The Napo Indians put the crushed <i>babasco</i> in -a basket and stir the water with this below the dam—so -that the fish cannot escape upstream.<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Witoto and other -Issa-Japura tribes merely throw the roots into the stream, -and the dam is made more to prevent the dead fish being -washed away than to stop the live ones escaping. The -poison works almost instantaneously on the smaller fish. -The Indians on the Tapajos make use of a poisonous liana<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span> -called <i>timbo</i>.<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> Its action is similar though not so immediate -as that of the <i>babasco</i> root, and consequently it is of little -use in quick-flowing waters. Neither <i>babasco</i> nor <i>timbo</i> -affect the fish injuriously for human food.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">The Indian armoury—Spears—Bows and arrows—Indian strategy—Forest -tactics and warfare—Defensive measures—Secrecy and safety—The -Indian’s science of war—Prisoners—War and anthropophagy—Cannibal -tribes—Reasons for cannibal practices—Ritual of vengeance—Other -causes—No intra-tribal cannibalism—The anthropophagous -feast—Human relics—Necklaces of teeth—Absence of salt—Geophagy.</p> - -</div> - -<p>The armoury of the Indian contains, for the most part, -weapons designed for primitive hand-to-hand encounter -with either man or beast. The sixty or more feet a blow-pipe -dart will carry; the two hundred feet, which is the -outside range of an arrow from the most powerful of his -bows, would be futile in any country less enclosed than -these dense woodlands. Even here success in intertribal -conflict is a matter of personal dexterity rather than -mechanical accomplishment. It is true that the Witoto -near the rubber districts have ordinary muzzle-loading -scatter-guns. Other tribes have a few, a very few rifles, -and some Brummagem fowling-pieces, usually with single -barrels. But the rifle cannot be said to have won its way -into unchallenged favour. When an Indian does possess a -gun he is exceedingly chary of using it; his chief idea is to -save his powder and shot. The Menimehe have neither -rifles nor scatter-guns; they consider that firearms frighten -the game, and prefer their own throwing-javelins, their -bows, and their arrows.</p> - -<p>The Indian weapons of offence may be said then to -consist of the sword, the bow, and the spear. There is no -difference between war spears and arrows and those used -against the larger wild animals. For defence the Menimehe -carry a small club, or life-preserver, and the Jivaro and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span> -some of the tribes near the Napo river, use a circular shield -covered with tapir hide like the Uaupes river Indians.<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> -The Menimehe also have large round shields made with -tapir skins. From two to five hides are superimposed one -on the other to make a shield, and when finished these will -turn any arrow or spear, and are impenetrable to other than -a nickel-cased bullet of high velocity. The Yahuna on the -other side of the Apaporis do not use a shield, nor do any of -the tribes south of the Japura.</p> - -<p>The Indian’s club is like a quarter-staff made of hard -red-wood—which is the heaviest kind known to them—and -is used simply as a personal weapon of offence or -defence. It is not a war weapon. The Indian sword is -made of red-wood or black iron-wood, and is from thirty to -thirty-six inches long, polished quite plainly. It is used by -the attacker to aim blows at the thighs of his antagonist, -the object being so to hit him as to bring him to the ground. -Once this is done his head can be easily smashed. As a -weapon of defence the Indian uses it to protect himself -from the throwing of javelins. Holding the handle in one -hand and the point in the other, he can ward off such missiles -with the greatest dexterity, thus in a way obviating the -necessity of carrying a shield.</p> - -<p>A diversity of spears, or javelins, is constructed by all -these tribes. <i>Chonta</i> wood is universally employed for -spears and arrow-heads, the weapon differing in accordance -with its purport, the <i>chonta</i> spear for tapir, the blunt -arrow for birds, and so forth. These wooden weapons are -scraped smooth with the file-like jaw of the <i>pirai</i> fish, and -a final polish is put on with the leaves of the <i>Cecropia -peltata</i>, which are rough enough to be effective substitutes -for sand-paper. The spears are thickest at the head, and -taper nearly to a point at the butt. The head is made of a -separate piece of <i>chonta</i> some three inches long, bound into -the grooved end. A poisoned palm spine is always fixed -in the point of a spear, as in the lighter throwing-javelin. -About two or three inches down, the head is filed nearly -through, in order that it shall break off in the wound, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> -so be the more difficult to extract. The poisoned point is -protected with a reed sheath.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate30" style="width: 460px;"> -<img src="images/plate30.jpg" width="460" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXX.</p> -<ul class="listcaption"> -<li>1. Water Jar, Menimehe (a) Witoto</li> -<li>2. Drums (Witoto)</li> -<li>3. Pan pipes (Witoto) (a) Boro</li> -<li>4. Stone Axe (Andoke)</li> -<li>5. Paddle used on main Amazon Stream</li> -<li>6. Paddle used on Issa and Japura rivers</li> -<li>7. Menimehe Hand Club</li> -<li>8. Wooden Sword (Boro)</li> -<li>9. Pestle—Coca, etc. (Boro)</li> -</ul> -</div> - -<p>Arrow-heads also are half filed through. This is done -with the fish-jaw attached to the quiver immediately before -use. The tips are made of <i>chonta</i> and are poisoned.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> The -bows are of various kinds of wood, and of many sizes, strung -with fibre made thicker and stronger as desired. The arrow -shaft is without feathers, and has no nock for the bowstring. -The arrows are carried in quivers of wicker or of wood. -The Menimehe, the most skilful bowmen of these regions, -are famous for their quivers as well as for their pottery. -They make the quivers out of bamboo, the elementary ones -being merely scraped-out sections cut so that there shall be -a joint or a knot for the end; the more elaborate specimens -are made of strips of bamboo bound together. The arrow -poison is carried in a small pot or calabash. The vegetable -poisons that are used for birds and small game give place to a -mixture of strychnos and poison obtained from decomposed -animal or human matter when the weapon is employed -against men or the bigger beasts. Its effect on a human -being is said to be almost instantaneous.</p> - -<p>Indian strategy makes for concealment both in attack -and defence. A tribe will never rush precipitately into -open and aggressive war with a neighbour. Plans for the -campaign are no affairs of a hurried minute; no impulse -of uncontrolled anger. They are, on the contrary, well -matured and much deliberated. After many a tobacco -palaver, when war is determined on for any good and -sufficient reason—usually revenge for some real or fancied -wrong—the tribal warriors muster, and it may be that a -friendly tribe will assemble with them. Attack will be -stealthy, silent, and never by any chance frontal. These -are the true tactics of the forest denizen. A noiseless flank -approach, a sudden rush, and then, if the foe be taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span> -unawares, a furious onslaught. But surprise is essential -to success. With the utmost caution they approach the -enemy’s head-quarters, the big tribal house, probably when -a dance is taking place and the hostile warriors are occupied -with matters other than possible war. The invaders wait -for night; creep in under cover of darkness; and if possible -cut up the unprepared revellers when asleep after the feast. -Should the victorious attackers be in a blood-thirsty mood, -every soul will be killed and the house burnt. But the -Indian is no Berserker when fighting. He is as careful of -his own skin as he is anxious to destroy his foe—possibly -even more so; a living enemy may be slain in the future, -but if he be killed himself ultimate vengeance is no longer -for him.</p> - -<p>As regards defence, the Indian never attempts any -effective fortification of his home. The only defensive -action taken by the tribes is to prepare a series of pitfalls -in the forest avenues, after the fashion described for game, -with poisoned stakes to impale any foe who may unwittingly -stray into them. Death in such a trap comes very -speedily. These pits, as I have already noted, are always -dug by the Karahone.</p> - -<p>It appeared to me that the Indians depended mainly on -the secrecy of the tribal dwelling, ensured by the absence of -direct footways; for though their houses are not built on -defensive—or even defendable—lines, the hostility between -various language-groups is rampant, as has been already -shown, and internecine strife is unending. The Indian has -been called docile and gentle. He may be, if to fear an -enemy as much as he is hated be docility. “Do not wait for -the first blow but deal it: if you cannot deal it with impunity -now wait till you can—but wait securely hidden”: -there is the whole text-book of the Indian’s science of war.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate31" style="width: 630px;"> -<img src="images/plate31.jpg" width="630" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXI.</p> -<p class="caption">BAMBOO CASES, FILLED WITH DARTS FOR BLOWPIPE—SHOWING -FISH-JAW SCRAPER, AND GOURD FILLED WITH RAW COTTON. ONE -DART HAS TUFT OF COTTON PLACED READY FOR USE. -THESE ARE ANDOKE WORK</p> -</div> - -<p>If it can be done with due regard to personal safety the -Indian warriors like to take prisoners. A prisoner is tangible -evidence of successful achievement and personal valour. -There is, as a rule, no mutilation of the dead, or of a -prisoner; whatever does occur is due to personal brutality -on the part of some individual. Prisoners are bound with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span> -palm-fibre, and so long as they walk quickly enough, -when the victorious band returns from the fray, they are -not ill-treated. But there must be no delay. Every -moment adds to the dangers that threaten the marauders. -Vengeance accomplished, they must hurry back to the -comparative safety of their own locality. If a prisoner lag -he endangers his captors, and in self-defence they would slay -him. Prisoners are sometimes sold, but as a rule they are -killed and eaten at the big feast arranged to commemorate -the event, unless they are young enough to be kept as slaves -without risk of their running away to tell tribal enemies of -the secret roads through the bush. The consumption of a -dead foe at least guarantees his harmlessness—as a warrior, -if not as a comestible.</p> - -<p>Prisoners are never kept for any length of time, on -account of the danger that would follow should they manage -to escape. They get no food nor drink, and if never actually -tortured, are treated very casually until killed with a heavy -wooden sword, not with poisoned javelins, as Robuchon -imagined was the ceremonial method of killing for culinary -purposes. The captor knocks his prisoner down with -blows on the shins and the thigh, and then hacks off the -head with his broadsword. Robuchon is also responsible -for the statement that the prisoners consider that to be -thus killed and eaten is a great distinction and honour. It -is true that they make no complaints, but that is simply -on account of the fatalistic nature of the Indian.</p> - -<p>If killed in war a chief’s body is carried off by his -tribe if possible, though the ordinary warriors, dead or -wounded, of the beaten faction are left to their fate, for -fear of delay and possible surprise during retreat; although -that fate be known to be consumption by the enemy.</p> - -<p>Among the Boro and other cannibal tribes anthropophagous -orgies follow hard on the heels of tribal strife. If -it happens to be possible, that is to say if the fight has -taken place as an attack on their own house, the corpses -of the enemy are eaten; but no Indian ever risks the -chance of reprisals being taken by remaining in the vicinity -of a hostile house to eat the dead, nor will he ever burden<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span> -himself with food when returning to his own habitation. -The cannibal feast thus becomes the prerogative of the -conqueror.</p> - -<p>Unlike the better-known tribes of Guiana, most, if not -all, of the Indians of the upper rivers are indisputably -cannibals, especially the Boro, Andoke, and Resigero groups. -It has even been asserted by some writers that sundry -tribes belong to the lowest grade of cannibals in that they -will “eat their own dead children, friends and relatives.”<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> -This, however, is incorrect, and why it must be so is very -obvious when the main causation of extra-tribal cannibalism -is understood.</p> - -<p>There are three reasons why these Indians are anthropophagous.</p> - -<p>In the first place, and it is not only the first but the most -general and important, anthropophagy is looked upon as a -system of vengeance, a method of inflicting the supreme -insult upon an enemy.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> It will be seen that the Indian has -very definite opinions as to the inferiority of the brute -creation. To resemble animals in any way is a matter to -be avoided at all costs. Body hair is an animal characteristic, -so man must depilate. The birth of twins is a disgrace -because it is a descent to bestial levels. What a crowning -disgrace then must it be for the dead to share no better fate -than that of slaughtered animals. No more absolute vengeance -on the dead could be devised. The primary cause -therefore is insult.</p> - -<p>Secondly, there is a desire to make use of what would -otherwise be waste material. Animal food is scarce in the -forest. But these tribes do not, as has been asserted of the -Cobeu and Arekaine,<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> make war simply with a view to -obtaining provision of human flesh. Anthropophagy is the -effect, not the cause, of war. But then there remains the -fact that meat is hard to come by, and is continually required. -The slain and the prisoners provide meat, and at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span> -the same time the degradation, the ignominy of supplying -the place of beasts makes vengeance most definite.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate32" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate32.jpg" width="650" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXII.</p> -<p class="caption">WITOTO WAR GATHERING (Some Brummagen Goods)</p> -</div> - -<p>Finally, and in a still more subsidiary degree, there is -the reason most commonly advanced, the supposition that -there exists a measure of belief in the assumption of the -characteristics of the eaten by the eater; a belief that must -give sardonic impulse to the primary reason of all, the desire -to degrade the dead. Though this third reason has least -weight of any with the Indian, it cannot be entirely absent -when the food tabu connected with childbirth is remembered. -But I know of no such actually admitted reasons -as give rise to anthropophagous feasts elsewhere, as among -the Aro, who are said to eat human sacrifices because “those -who ate their flesh ate gods, and thus assimilated something -of the divine attributes and power.”<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p> - -<p>The subsidiary reason, that of necessary anthropophagy, -has been advanced by some apologists,<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> and with a certain -amount of truth. But this reason may be looked upon as -very secondary, in my opinion, though, were the food-quest -of little importance, there might be less cannibalism. The -Indian would, in fact, only eat human flesh ceremonially, -as a ritual insult.</p> - -<p>From all this it follows that intra-tribal cannibalism -would be a criminal outrage by the tribe <i>on itself</i>, and therefore -it could never occur that a member of the tribe was -eaten, nor would his teeth be extracted even to show an -accomplished revenge. This disposes of any such thing as -the eating of dead relatives as a sign of respect. These and -similar statements are due to misapprehension of facts by -the writer, or a too hasty judgment on the part of the -explorer.</p> - -<p>One other cannibal custom noted by Wallace and recently -confirmed by Koch-Grünberg, is unknown to me, that of -exhuming the bones of the dead, which are then burnt and -the calcined remains made into broth.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> No such custom -ever came under my notice, nor did any of the tribes refer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span> -to such practices in any way in my hearing. The dried -human heads prepared by the Jivaro<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> are also unknown in -the regions here dealt with. No heads are mummified in -this district. But among some of the tribes south of the -main Amazon river this repulsive art is carried on, and -specimens of these heads, not more than one-fifth their -natural size, have been obtained and brought to Europe.<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> -Their exportation is now forbidden by the South American -governments, as the supply not unnaturally was apt to -coincide with the demand.</p> - -<p>Though these reduced heads are unknown to the Issa-Japura -tribes, the head is not ignored as a trophy. The -fleshy parts, the hair and the teeth are removed, and the -skull is hung in the plantation patch to be cleaned by -ants and other insect scavengers. These will pick one bare -in half an hour. Cleaned, and dried in the sun, this memorial -of victory is eventually suspended outside, or on the rafters -in the house, over the string that carries the top part of the -drums. Bates records how the Mandurucu soaked the -heads “in bitter vegetable oil,” and then smoked or sun-dried -them,<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> but the Issa-Japura tribes subject their dreadful -trophies to no other process than the action of the insects, -air, and sun in the plantations. These ghastly evidences of -Indian vengeance I have often seen in the houses, and in the -plantations, the bare skulls gleaming white like so many -gourds on a string. Robuchon also mentions that he -found skulls hanging from the ceiling of <i>malokas</i>, which the -natives were quite ready to barter for a large handful of -beads, but this does not tally with my experience.</p> - -<p>When a feast is to take place the prisoners are knocked -down and despatched, their heads removed to be danced -with and eventually dried as trophies. The body is then -divided and shared among the feasters. Only the legs and -arms, and the fleshy parts of the head, are eaten ceremonially, -anything like the intestines, brains, and so forth, is -regarded as filthy and never touched, nor is the trunk eaten.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> -The male genital organs, however, are given to the wife of -the chief, the only woman who has any share in the feast. -The hands and feet are regarded as delicacies, for the same -reason that civilised man has a preference for calves’ feet, -on account of their gelatinous character.</p> - -<p>Each portion of flesh is tied to a stick, and every man, -according to Robuchon’s account, drops his share in the -pot, and places the stick to which it is tied on the ground -beside it whilst he watches till the meat is cooked. I was -told that the culinary processes were attended to by the -old women of the tribe. The flesh, with the required -seasoning of peppers, is boiled over a slow fire, while drums -are beaten, and the assembled tribe—adorned with full -panoply of paint, necklaces, and feathers, and with the -gory heads fixed upon their dancing staves—dance round -singing a wild song of victory.</p> - -<p>The savage orgy will continue for hours, with outbursts -of drum-beating, gratulatory orations, and much drinking. -I was told that the festival of drink and dance will go on -without intermission for eight days.<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></p> - -<p>Only men eat ceremonially, the women, with the exception -of the chief’s wife, having no share in the revolting -feast, except on occasions, when perhaps the necessity -for animal food—the secondary reason—is the cause of -the indulgence. What portions of the bodies are not -eaten are thrown into the river. I do not know if this -is ceremonial, but it is curious to note that the Indian -paradise is up river, not down, where, of course, the refuse -is carried by the stream. With some tribes the trunk is -buried, or it may be merely thrown into the bush to be -devoured by the wild dogs. This latter is not infrequent. -These methods of disposal are ceremonial in so much as -that they are carried out amid organised tribal jeers and -insults.</p> - -<p>Flutes are made out of the arm-bones of eaten prisoners, -the humerus. The radius and the ulna, fleshless and dry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span> -with the fingers of the hand contracted, are fastened to -wooden handles and used to stir the <i>kawana</i>. I have seen -these, but they are jealously guarded by their owners, and -probably no white man has succeeded in obtaining a -specimen.</p> - -<p>Among the tribes of the Japura and the Issa the teeth -are always carefully retained by the slayer, to be made into -a necklace, a visible and abiding token of his completed -revenge. This removal of the teeth may be held synonymous -with the curse of many savage tribes in reference to -their enemies—“Let their teeth be broken.” David himself -called upon God to “break the teeth” of his foes. Possibly -the reason is a reversion in thought to the time when the -teeth were man’s only weapon.</p> - -<p>It is certainly worth noting in connection with the -anthropophagous practices of these tribes that they have -almost no salt. In its natural state it is non-existent -throughout the Issa-Japura regions, and can only be obtained -with difficulty. It is possible that the salt in human blood -may be one of the unrealised attractions that lead these -peoples to anthropophagous practices. A craving that can -be so dominant as to influence race migration, as the salt-craving -may do,<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> can hardly be ignored when dealing with -the inhabitants of a country where local conditions offer -little or nothing to satisfy it.</p> - -<p>Another vice which may very possibly have origin in the -same lack of a necessary condiment, and to which these -Indians are very prone, is the eating of clay.<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> It is -not impossible that the clay may have saline properties; -in any case among all these tribes geophagy is very -common, especially with the non-cocainists, the women -and children. As a rule it occurs among the very poorest—the -slave clan,—those who are least able to obtain -such a luxury as salt, and it is found among the female -children most of all. The latter fact is perhaps because -the male child, the potential warrior, is the more carefully<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span> -guarded, and would be the more severely beaten if discovered -eating dirt. I never came across any man who -eat clay, though I know of a boy who suffered from this -neurotic appetite. The clay, if it cannot be otherwise -obtained, will be scraped from under the fireplace, and it -is always eaten secretly.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate33" style="width: 360px;"> -<img src="images/plate33.jpg" width="360" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXIII.</p> -<p class="caption">1. BORO NECKLACE MADE OF MARMOSET TEETH</p> -<p class="caption">2. ANDOKE NECKLACE OF HUMAN TEETH</p> -</div> - -<p>The Indians look upon geophagy as injurious, but it -appears to be ineradicable. I cannot help thinking it must -be due to some great “want” in Indian diet, a physical -craving that the ordinary food of the tribes does not satisfy. -It is instinctive. In the manufacture of coca they add -clay. This suggests that if taken in small quantities it -may have a neutralising and therefore a beneficial effect on -some more or less injurious article of daily food. But it -rapidly, and invariably, degenerates into a vice; and the -habit appears to have a weakening and wasting effect on -the whole body.</p> - -<p>In some parts of the Amazons, though not with these -tribes, the clay is regularly prepared for use,<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> and the vice -is shared by other races than the Indian.<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Children who -suffer from this extraordinary craving will swallow anything -of a similar character, earth, wax, and Bates even mentions -pitch,<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> but they prefer the clay that is scraped from under -the spot where the fire has been burning, probably because -the chemical processes induced by the heat render it more -soluble, easily pulverised, and hence more actually digestive -in its action.</p> - -<p>It has been suggested that this disease was introduced -into America by negro slaves, and is not indigenous. This -is a question for the bacteriological expert rather than the -traveller to decide, but as it indubitably exists among tribes -that have not come in any contact with negroes or negro-influenced -natives it would seem to argue on the face of -things that the similarity of vicious tastes was due to -similarity of causation, rather than to contamination by -evil example, unless the ubiquitous microbe is to be held -responsible for this ill also.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">The food quest—Indians omnivorous eaters—Tapir and other animals -used for food—Monkeys—The peccary—Feathered game—Vermin—Eggs, -carrion, and intestines not eaten—Honey—Fish—Manioc—Preparation -of cassava—Peppers—The Indian hot-pot—Lack of salt—Indian -meals—Cooking—Fruits—Cow-tree milk.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Food is the dominant problem of an Indian’s existence. -The food quest is to him no indefinite sociological issue of -future “food control,” but an affair of every day. Living, -it would seem, in the midst of plenty, starvation is a -frequent visitant in an Amazonian household. They are an -improvident folk, as I have already stated, and if food -be plentiful give no thought to make provision for the -morrow, when there may be none to be had.<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> “None” to -the man of the forest has a different significance, a more -inclusive meaning, than it has to the white man, for it -comprehends everything that by the widest stretch of the -imagination can be considered possible for human consumption. -And it is well for the Indians that they are -omnivorous, for the uncertainty of food supply is the most -certain factor of life in the Amazonian bush.<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p> - -<p>To run through the details of the possible provision of -meat: there is, to start with, the tapir,<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> though the Witoto -consider much tapir is bad, especially for women. The -print of its three toes, with a fourth on the forefeet, is very -seldom not to be found in the damp soil by stream and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span> -river. The tapir is in fact plentiful throughout these -regions, though, thanks to its protective colouring, it -may often not be obtrusively present. The young tapir -is flecked and dotted with pale yellow spots on its brown -coat, an exact imitation of sunlight on the earth through -foliage. Gradually these stripes and spots fade to dull -greys, only the fully grown animal is entirely without -them, and of a uniform dead slaty colour. Young tapir -flesh makes an excellent dish, and is like pork in taste, but -it must be eaten very fresh, for the meat will not keep -sweet many hours on account of its richness. Therefore if -a tapir is killed in the water and sinks,<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> it must be eaten -immediately it comes to the surface, that is after some hours, -during which the gases have generated in the animal’s -stomach, and so caused it to rise. But tapir is always considered -unhealthy if eaten too frequently, and at certain -seasons of the year is said to be quite uneatable, and if taken -gives rise to sickness. An old tapir is tough and heavy -eating at the best of times. Tapir flesh dried over a smoky -fire is excellent eating, though I have never seen the Indians -smoke meat for keeping, even when they found I did so -myself. Another meat that has been compared with pork is -that of the paca.<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> It is rich and fat, but it is eatable, and -not so strong in flavour as the flesh of the capybara,<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> a -larger animal, found usually in the vicinity of water. In -appearance the capybara is not unlike a long-nosed, crop-eared -rabbit, while its cousin the agouti,<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> chestnut-coloured -and rough-haired, has a rat-like face on a rabbit’s body, -though the flesh has nothing in common with the rabbit’s. -Both the paca and the agouti are plentiful in the forest. -Of the two the latter is more of a forest-dweller, and seeks -the streams only to drink.</p> - -<p>A small species of ant-bear is fairly common, but the -large ant-eater is not often found. The latter does exist in -the Issa-Japura watersheds, according to Indian accounts; -and ant-bear is eaten by the Boro, but has too strong and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span> -pungent a taste for the white palate. Armadilloes, when -obtainable, are baked in the ashes of the fire, as hedgehogs -are roasted in England.</p> - -<p>Monkey flesh, though usually tough and invariably -insipid, is by no means despised, nor must a traveller in -these regions be squeamish over it, horribly suggestive as -the body of a cooked monkey very certainly is in appearance, -for monkey meat most frequently will be the only <i>plat</i> on -the dinner menu. It is the most ordinary food of the -Indian, though monkey is not the easiest game to collect. -The wounded or dying animal is very apt to clutch at the -boughs in its agony, and the hand will contract in death -and the body remain pendant. Even if it drop it will -frequently stick in a forked branch out of reach; so that -for one monkey eaten probably several are slain. Monkeys -of all sorts, however, abound throughout the forest, and -also marmosets, pretty little creatures with something of -the squirrel about them.<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> Though I never saw the big-bellied -monkey mentioned by Spruce,<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> I noticed a large -number of spider-monkeys, with tails so prehensile that -they serve as additional hands to convey fruit to their -mouths. The supply of monkey flesh depends in the first -instance on what provender there may be in the neighbourhood -for those animals. Monkeys are wanderers, and when -they have cleared one part of the forest of fruit and nuts, -they migrate to another. The migration of game is a -serious matter for the Indian, for all animals here are subject -to periodical movements as noted in the previous -chapter. It may result in the abandonment of a homestead -when scarcity of animal life in a district drives the human -inhabitants away.</p> - -<p>When it can be obtained a deer, or a sloth, furnishes a -variety for the cooking-pot; and then there is the peccary, -so dreaded by the Indian. The peccary,<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> the wild pig of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span> -the forest, lives in small herds, and the reason proffered by -the Indians for their fear of the animal is that when one is -wounded it sets up a loud cry, and the rest of the herd -promptly come to its aid and join in attacking the aggressor. -This story is universal among the tribes. The peccary has -a deceptively harmless appearance. They have not all -tusks, and in no case are the tusks very prominent; -yet, so sharp are they, that the fearless and pugnacious -creature can inflict a severe wound. The shoulder and leg -are the parts prized for eating. I know of no temporary -tabu connected with this animal, though it has been said -that at times the flesh is unfit for food on account of a gland -in the back.<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> This may, however, be the reason why the -body is rarely eaten.</p> - -<p>Of birds, parrots are the most plentiful, and the toughest. -For a hard, tasteless, and unappetising meal commend me -to the carcase of that noisy bird. They require to be stewed -for quite twenty-four hours, and that over a slow fire, or -else the flesh is impossible to eat. Their chief use is in -soup. Macaw, curassow, <i>piuri</i> and <i>panje</i>, mocking-bird, -toucan, and egrets all go to the family pepper-pot of the -successful hunter, with the turkey of these parts, pigeons, -partridges, herons, ducks, and geese; in fact quite a good -assortment of feathered fowl.</p> - -<p>The frogs that make night hideous with their croaking -provide the Indian epicure with one of his most esteemed -dishes, for both frogs and snakes are considered delicacies, -so that the traveller who pitied tribes like the Botocudo, -because insects and reptiles formed a large part of their -diet,<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> would simply be wasting his sympathy. Even the -white man does not disdain the delicate flesh of the iguana, -ugly though that green-bellied, black-ridge-backed reptile -is. Turtles are caught and eaten during the dry season -when the rivers are low. The native method of capturing -them is to turn the unwieldly creature over on its back -when asleep on the sand-banks. This renders the turtles -perfectly helpless, though a snap from their powerful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span> -jaws will do serious damage.<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> The eggs also are eaten by -these tribes, although none of the Issa-Japura tribes will -touch birds’ eggs, for they look upon them as fœtal, and -therefore unclean.<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> Further it is beast-like, in their opinion, -to eat the liver, kidneys, and other intestines of animals, -though these may be made into soup or hot-pot. For -the same reason the Indian does not touch carrion.<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> But -such niceness is outbalanced by tastes that in our eyes -would be equally or even more filthy, for the Indian will -eat vermin, and head lice are looked upon as quite a <i>bon -bouche</i>. Hence a scurf-comb is a most important present, -and to comb your neighbour’s hair and eat the “bag” -an honour and a luxury.<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> They will also eat the grubs -of wasps and bees, in fact any larvæ—nothing comes amiss -to them.</p> - -<p>All the Indians—except the Menimehe, who, as mentioned, -keep hives in their houses,—collect wild honey -from the hollow trees and other places where the bees nest -in the bush. Sometimes these insects make nests of a considerable -size, that look like lobster pots full of black pitch -hanging on the tree-trunks. The large cells are full of a -thin honey that is used by the natives to mix with various -drinks. The Indians are very fond of honey, and smoke -the bees out to secure it. Bees are more common than -wasps in these parts, and fortunately are less dangerous.</p> - -<p>Fish abound in all the rivers, though like the plants and -animals they are smaller in the upper reaches than in the -lower Amazon valleys. Robuchon gave the following as -found in the Issa: Silurios of all kinds, that is to say <i>platysomas</i>, -<i>planiceps</i>, <i>platyrhynchos</i>, <i>leopardus</i>, and the little -<i>caudirus</i> (<i>Serasalmys</i>), <i>Pygo</i>, <i>Cebras</i>, <i>Piraga</i> (<i>D. costatus -et carinatus</i>); also many kinds of needle fish and shark-toothed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span> -fish. There is any quantity of skate in the Issa, -though its power to inflict a nasty wound does not recommend -it to the naked Indian fisherman. Some of the fish -are very good eating; none better than the <i>uaracu</i>, which -is said to feed on laurel berries.<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a></p> - -<p>It is when one turns to the vegetable world that one -finds the staple food of the Amazonian native. The manioc -is to the Indian the chief necessary of life. The sweet -manioc,<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> although known to these Issa-Japura tribes, is -never planted, because it is not appreciated by them. -They prefer the poisonous species which, as its botanical -name <i>Manihot utilissima</i> implies, can be put to a multiplicity -of uses. To eliminate the poison and render it fit -for food, the manioc is subjected to several processes. So -far as I could observe, or learn by leading questions, these -are roughly as follows:</p> - -<p>The women bring the brown tubers of the manioc in -baskets from the plantation. On their way up they stop -by the river and cleanse the soil from the roots, which are -like a small beet in appearance, but white when peeled. -The manioc after it has been washed and soaked for a short -time is next scraped by means of a sharp wooden knife -in order to peel off the thin adhesive skin, similar in substance -to that of a potato, but if anything thinner. Sometimes the -women instead of using a wooden knife simply scrape the -skin off with their teeth. The peeled roots are washed in the -river again, and taken up to the house. Each root is then -cut longitudinally into three or four sections, which are -put in a bowl near the fire and left to soak for twenty-four -hours. When, at the end of this time, the manioc is sufficiently -softened, they place a piece or two of rotten manioc -in the bowl with the fresh stuff. The object of this is to -promote fermentation and thus to extract the poison from -the fresh root.</p> - -<p>The next process is to mash the manioc, and for this -purpose it is all—both fresh and rotten—removed from the -pan and grated into a large wooden trough, with the special -implement that has black palm-spines inserted in the soft<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span> -wood for teeth. The grated pulp is removed from the -trough and put into a cylindrical palm-cane wringer, the -cassava-squeezer which is used by the Boro, the Andoke, -the Resigero, the Okaina, and all tribes to the north. The -Witoto and other tribes on the south use a long rectangular -palm-fibre wringer, which is twisted to form a cylinder in -the same way as a puttee is wound round the leg. In this -elastic cylinder it is compressed till all the poisonous juice -has been drained away, when the remainder, a coarse kind of -flour, is placed in an open pan and left to get thoroughly dry. -Afterwards it is rubbed between the hands to make it -finer.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p> - -<p>The next operation is to sift this flour through a basket -sieve. Any coarse stuff that does not rub through the -sieve is thrown away. The fine residue is baked in a clay -platter, and should be turned over with the hands once -during the process. No water is added to the flour before -it is baked.</p> - -<p>This flour is kneaded with water, put in a pan and cooked -over the fire. The result, the cassava bread, is leathery and -tough, and when one speaks of “bread” unleavened bread -must be understood. It is never allowed to brown, the outer -crust is merely hardened, and as a result the cassava cake -has always a raw uncooked taste. But I found that if one -of these native cakes were cut in small pieces and fried in -animal fat till crisply toasted, it was quite good eating, -better if anything than ordinary bread.</p> - -<p>The Boro leave the starch in the cassava flour, so their -bread is more sustaining than Witoto bread, as Witoto -women remove the starch and use it for other purposes.<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> -Boro bread is also thicker, and when pulled apart is of a -stringy consistency.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate34" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate34.jpg" width="650" height="460" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXIV.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO WOMEN MAKING CASSAVA</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span></p> - -<p>Spruce mentions a manioc oven,<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> but this is quite unknown -to me. All the tribes I visited cooked their cassava -on large earthenware plates on an open fire. Nor could -they prop their cooking utensils on stones, for—as has been -noted—stones there are none in these districts. The pot is -put simply on the three logs that compose the fire where -their ends meet. The hot embers in the centre give plenty -of steady heat, and if more be required the pot must be -placed on a tripod of branches and the embers fanned with -a palm-leaf to a flame.</p> - -<p>Among the Andoke manioc is peeled by the women with -their teeth, and then washed. The roots are pulped with -a grater, and the starch is washed out by adding water to -them in a basket suspended on a tripod over a calabash. -The partially prepared manioc is left till required for use -and will keep in this state for a week at a time. When they -wish to use it the grated pulp is strained in a cassava-squeezer, -then mixed with starch and sifted through a -sieve. The fine stuff is baked immediately, and the water -that was drained off in the wringer is boiled up at once -to make a sweet-tasting drink. The starch will keep for a -month.</p> - -<p>Among the Boro and Witoto the manioc water is boiled -till it thickens, and is then used as a sauce into which the -cassava is dipped before it is eaten. Another way of -eating cassava is to dip it in soup. The Boro on the Japura -concoct a sauce of the consistency of paste by seasoning the -manioc water with peppers and fish.<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p> - -<p>Though the tuber is the most valuable portion of the plant -it is not the only part used for food. The leaves may be -eaten as a vegetable. They are boiled till quite soft; -pounded very fine with a pestle; fish, worms, frogs, ants -and peppers are added as seasoning, and this brew is -eaten with cassava bread and with meat. Another method -of preparation is to take the leaves and cook them in the -water squeezed out of the roots in the wringer. This sauce<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span> -is boiled in an earthenware pot suspended from a cross-beam, -or placed like the earthenware pan on a triangle of -sticks, over a slow fire, until the leaves become a paste. -This is carried in a palm-leaf as an emergency ration by an -Indian when going into the bush.</p> - -<p>Cassava, then, is the Indian’s “staff of life.” Its complement -is the hot-pot, or pepper-pot, which is a “generous” -soup supercharged with meat that forms the staple, while -the liver and so forth are added to enrich the brew. It -is a standing dish with the aborigines. Each family has -a big pot that simmers constantly over the special -fires. Into this go all things, and it is replenished daily -from the proceeds of the kill. Portions of animals that may -not be eaten—blood, brains, intestines—can be utilised in -the stew; and everything is very highly qualified with -peppers, the chief stimulant in native diet.</p> - -<p>Wallace has suggested that the excessive use of peppers -is due to the lack of salt.<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> This very serious need is not -without considerable influence on the Indian, and it is -possible—as has been suggested—that it is at the root of -more than over-indulgence in pepper. Mineral salt is not -to be had,<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> except by barter, throughout the middle Issa-Japura -regions; and what little the tribes can obtain is chiefly -secured by burning certain plants with saline qualities.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p> - -<p>On account of its rarity salt is much sought after, and a -present of salt is always highly appreciated.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate35" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate35.jpg" width="650" height="575" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXV.</p> -<p class="caption">WITOTO CASSAVA-SQUEEZER</p> -<p class="caption">BORO MANIOC-GRATER WITH PALM-SPINE POINTS</p> -</div> - -<p>The Indian feeds at sunrise after he has had his drink of -“tea” and his first bath. This morning meal is an informal -one of cold cassava cake, and any meat that may have been -left uneaten overnight, or a dip in the hot-pot. He eats -sparingly, and never takes much of a meal if a day’s -march or a hunt is in prospect. Nor does he carry food<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span> -with him, unless he be going on a journey. Coca, -which of course is but a stimulant, is sufficient sustenance -in his opinion. Still, he will eat a little at any time it may -be possible, and there is usually no lack of fruit for the -taking in the bush.</p> - -<p>The great meal of the day is towards sundown when -the hunt is over, the quarry killed and cooked.<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> Then -all the men, squatting round their private family fires -in the big house, help themselves from their hot-pot -and eat to the limit of its contents. An Indian will not -take a bite at his food; he tears whatever he is eating into -small pieces with his fingers. Among the Issa-Japura tribes, -as with the Tukana, men and women do not eat together, -and the children feed with the women. None of the tribes -have any special observances or purifications before or after -eating, so far as I am aware, nor are there any general restrictions, -except so far as carrion and the intestines are -concerned. But even these may at a pinch be made use of -without prejudice, by resorting to the simple expedient of -blowing, or rubbing with a magic stone, the two antidotes -for all evils with the Indian. There are temporary food -tabu for women, and certain prohibitions for children. -These will be dealt with later.</p> - -<p>The usual method of cooking is to rest the pot as described -on the fire-logs themselves. Sometimes the pot is placed, -like the pan for baking cassava, on lumps of clay, or on a -triangle of sticks roughly made for the occasion. The sticks -must be long in comparison to the height from the ground -that is required, and are not tied, but merely so adjusted -that each supports and locks the others. Such a tripod -makes a firm seat, though never employed by the Indians -for that purpose. I have never seen pots hung. The pot -is covered with a single leaf, and the soup is stirred -with any stick that comes to hand at the moment; there -are no special ones, nor are any fashioned for use as ladles. -Meat is almost invariably put in the hot-pot, but occasionally -it is toasted over the fire.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span></p> - -<p>When the women have cooked the food the men help -themselves from the pot; they are not waited upon by their -women. An Indian will help himself from the hot-pot at -any time the fancy may seize him, or, for that matter, from -any hot-pot, so long as the owner thereof is present. The -tribal or chief’s fire carries the tribal hot-pot, which is open -to all, as all contribute to it, at least all the unmarried -warriors must do so. This is the hot-pot which always -remains, and the fire that never dies out. The family hot-pot -and fire is the concern of each individual family only.</p> - -<p>Fruit is to be had in plenty, and throughout the year -in this country of endless summer. Not being a botanist, -and aware that some of the most tempting fruits held -latent poison under an alluring exterior, I was most chary -of eating fruit unknown to me, and never touched any until -quite satisfied of its wholesomeness from its effects on the -Indians; nor, mindful of the fact that the Indian will, -and apparently can, eat anything, would I venture to eat -many fruits the Indians partook of as a matter of course. -Sweet and ripened fruit is rarely eaten by them; they prefer -a bitter taste, and, as mentioned in connection with sugar-cane, -have no particular use for anything sweet. The -Indian will gather fruit and bring it to the house, though -the usual custom is to pluck and eat it in the bush. So -far as I was concerned especially, it was brought in as a -present to denote good-will.</p> - -<p>One fruit the Indians grow in the plantations resembles -and tastes like grapes.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> It is very plentiful, particularly in -the old plantations, and the Indian will often return to one -of these in order to obtain this fruit. Another fruit, also -found growing in old plantations, is the colour of a lemon, -and the size and shape of an orange. It is very good eating, -extremely sweet when ripe, with huge black pips, and the part -immediately under the skin is gummy, like rubber latex, -and sticks to the mouth.</p> - -<p>A fruit we knew as the mauve berry is found at the top -of trees. In size it approximates to a red currant, and it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span> -grows in large bunches. The colour is a light pinky mauve. -It is intensely sweet, and according to popular report has -an intoxicating effect upon the eater. It certainly appears -to have very heady properties.</p> - -<p>Various palms furnish palatable fruits. There is a small -edible palm from which the Indians strip the bark after they -have cut it down, and remove the cylinder of hardened sap -which is of the same consistency as a hard woody apple. -It is heavy but rich-flavoured and good eating. Then -there is the cabbage palm, not to mention the pupunha.</p> - -<p>Nuts and seeds abound. There is a large oval seed in a -fleshy envelope that birds feed on freely, and another fruit -with a large stone is the wild alligator pear. The stone of -this is more than one-half the size of the whole fruit. It is -delicious in taste, and is looked upon by both whites and -natives as a great delicacy. In shape it resembles a pear, -and in colour it varies from green to yellow or russet.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Drinks, drugs, and poisons: their use and preparation—Unfermented -drinks—<i>Caapi</i>—Fermented drinks—<i>Cahuana</i>—Coca: its preparation, -use, and abuse—<i>Parica</i>—Tobacco—Poison and poison-makers.</p> - -</div> - -<p>If the Indian eats but little during the day, he drinks to -excess whenever opportunity offers. In the early morning -a beverage somewhat akin to tea, but colourless, made from -an infusion of bitter herbs, is taken. It has some tonic -properties, and when I drank it seemed always to have a -slight taste of peppermint. This herb infusion is the first -meal of the day. It is drunk out of half-gourds, after the -morning bath, before the members of the household disperse -to their varied avocations. I am under the impression that -this decoction is made from a species of grass, and not the -<i>Ilex paraguayensis</i> from which <i>mate</i>, or Paraguay tea, is -made. It is probably the lemon grass mentioned by Simson.<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> -The Indians also scrape the seeds of the <i>capana</i>, mix -in some cassava flour, and wrap up the mass in plantain -leaves. This is left to ferment in water, till it is the colour -of saffron; then it is dried in the sun. This is drunk as a -bitter tea in the morning when diluted in water.</p> - -<p>The Indian drinks enormous quantities of water, or unfermented -liquor, at times, and afterwards can abstain like -a camel for a considerable period. He never drinks when -eating, but afterwards. At a feast or a dance when he is -unable to drink more he simply pokes his fingers down his -throat, with the result that room is made for renewed doses -of his non-alcoholic beverage.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate36" style="width: 400px;"> -<img src="images/plate36.jpg" width="400" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXVI.</p> -<p class="caption">ONE OF THE INGREDIENTS OF THE FAMOUS CURARE POISON</p> -</div> - -<p>The principal unfermented drinks made by these tribes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span> -are prepared from manioc, and from various fruits. The -first is made from the grated manioc by merely squeezing -out and boiling the water, and is thus a by-product of cassava -in the making. This leaves a sweet drink, which is certainly -insipid and is not considered to be healthy. The moisture -squeezed out of the “squeezer” is boiled and boiled again -into a rather thick drink. This is used more as a sauce into -which cassava is dipped than as a “clean” drink. It still -contains, I believe, a minute percentage of hydrocyanic acid.</p> - -<p>Another beverage is prepared from roasted pines. The -juice is squeezed out, and this liquid extract is ready to -drink without further process. Plantains, bananas, and -other fruits, grated and mixed with starch obtained from -the manioc tubers, are boiled and flavoured with local -spices to make another concoction. A thick yellow liquid -prepared from the <i>Patana</i> palm is the national drink -of all these Indians, except the Menimehe and Kuretu, -who make fermented drinks from pine fruit. The <i>Patana</i> -fruit is boiled and broken with the hand in water, so as to -mix up the pulp and allow the heavy skins to fall to the -bottom of the pot. These and any fleshy remainder are -strained away in a sieve, and cassava flour is added to the -liquid, which is drunk while warm. This drink is known as -<i>patana-yukise</i> in lingoa-geral. There is a vegetable milk -that is consumed by the Indians, which I take to be the cow-tree -milk mentioned by other travellers.<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> I do not think it -is very plentiful in these regions, and for my own part never -saw nor tasted it. It is a creamy, sticky fluid, obtained -by lacerating the bark, that can be drunk when fresh. I am -certain these tribes do not use it for any cooking purposes, -and do not think it is ever stored in their houses, but is -only drunk in the forest from the tree.</p> - -<p>There are intoxicating drinks among the Menimehe and -the tribes north of the Japura, but among some of these -northern tribes the men drink <i>caapi</i>,<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> which is strongly erotic.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span> -I would suggest that <i>caapi</i> is unknown to the tribes south of -the Japura, except probably to their medicine-men. It -would account for the frenzy of the latter when diagnosing -disease, and so forth, which quite corresponds with the -descriptions given by Spruce of the effect of <i>caapi</i>.<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> - -<p>The plant from which <i>caapi</i> is prepared is grown in plantations -by Indians on the Uaupes and Issanna rivers,<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> and by -other Rio Negro tribes. The drink is made from the stem, -mixed in a mortar by the Uaupes Indians with the roots of -the painted caapi.<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> The pounded mass is rubbed through -a sieve, and water is then added. Women are not even -allowed to touch the vessel that contains the <i>caapi</i>. This -intoxicating liquor is unknown to me, but I heard that the -Karahone and other tribes had this strong drink. Though -known on the Uaupes to all the tribes it is said to have -only a confined use on the Rio Negro.</p> - -<p>Other drinks that are to be found north of the Japura -are prepared from fermented maize, and manioc.<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> <i>Caxiri</i>, -or manioc beer, is used by the Menimehe, the Ticano and -Kuretu. Tribes on the Napo drink <i>masato</i>, which is also -made from manioc that has been partly masticated by the -women and then left to ferment.<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> They make another -fermented drink from bananas, but pines are principally -employed as they contain more sugar for fermenting purposes.</p> - -<p>Before a dance the women of the Issa-Japura region prepare -great store of <i>kawana</i>, a drink made from the yellow pulp -of a pear-shaped fruit,<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> not unlike a mango, with a large black -seed in the centre.<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> The liquid is stored in the large vessels -made by the primitive process of stripping off a sheet of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span> -bark and setting it end up on the hard ground. These are -usually to be found at the chief’s end of the tribal house. -One of these impromptu vats will hold as much as thirty -gallons.</p> - -<p>By far the most important of the stimulants taken by -these peoples are the preparations made from the leaves -of the common coca shrub.<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> Coca is the mescal of the -Indian,<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> and possibly a heritance from the Inca invaders of -bygone centuries.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> The use of coca is habitual, not intermittent. -An Indian will take as much as two ounces a -day.<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> All Indians use it, the Bara in especial being heroic -coca-takers.</p> - -<p>To prepare coca for use the sage-green leaves are carefully -picked and fire-dried. They are then pounded with -other ingredients in mortars made from small tree-trunks. -The pestle shown in the illustration is made of mahogany. -Beside the coca leaf the Indian pounds up lime that is procured -by reducing to ashes certain palm leaves,<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> baked clay -that is scraped from underneath the fire, and some powdered -cassava flour. Whether these leaf-ashes are a form of -calcium I do not know. In the Sierra powdered coca is -mixed with pulverised unslaked lime, or with the ashes of -the <i>Chenopodium Quinoa</i>. As this latter is one of the -distinctive Sierra flora, I presume the Indians of the forest -have found some substitute in the bush. The drug -is carried in a bag, or beaten-bark pouch, that is worn -suspended round the neck. The clay and palm-leaf ashes -certainly neutralise the bitterness of the pure leaf, and it is -possible that in these foreign ingredients the Indians have -discovered an antidote, if such there be, to the worst effects -of the drug.</p> - -<p>The Indian by means of a folded leaf shoots the powder -into the cheeks on one or both sides. This when moistened -forms a hard ball, and with such a wad stuffed between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span> -the cheek and the teeth he can go without sleep, food, -or drink, for several days. Coca is not swallowed, but -gradually absorbed and passed down with the saliva.<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p> - -<p>As to cocainism, we know that the Indians are veritable -cocaino-maniacs, or rather coca-maniacs. It is a matter of -great regret to me that I was unable to make observations—may -I say psycho-medical observations—on Indians under -the influence of this drug. Perhaps it would be more -correct to say that it was not possible to observe one not to -some extent under its influence, for it must be remembered -that the use of the drug is so continuous that it is difficult—one -has hardly the opportunity—to differentiate. Whether -coca permanently injures the higher brain centres, as has -been suggested,<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> is unknown to me, as unknown as the -Indians themselves before they developed the heroic use of -the drug. The evidences of its effect are contradictory in -the extreme, and vary in individual cases. In my own case -hunger and thirst were eliminated, but I was unable to -establish a tolerance for the drug, and after many vain -attempts gave it up, except when food was scarce and anything -was preferable to the pangs of hunger. I was certainly -able to make greater efforts without food, but its effects -were evanescent in the extreme, and were soon followed by -acute vomiting and cramp in the stomach. The nausea may -have been due to the foreign substances with which the -powdered leaves are mixed and not to the coca, but on that -point only a trained opinion could be of value.</p> - -<p>Even on the question of its influence on the appetite it -is difficult to give any clear ruling. My own experience was -that it utterly destroyed the appetite. Possibly the Indians’<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span> -“tolerance” accounted for the fact that despite the use of -the drug they invariably eat heartily when opportunity -permits.</p> - -<p>The dilation of the pupil caused by the use of the drug is -marked in the Indian, and gives a curious expression to the -eye. On account of the darkness of the iris this is not so -markedly noticeable as would be the case with grey-eyed -peoples.</p> - -<p>The Tuyuka and other tribes north of the Japura use as -a stimulant <i>parica</i> or <i>niopo</i>, a wonderful snuff which is a -strong narcotic, and very similar in its effects to coca.<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> It is -made from the dried seeds of a mimosa,<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> and, like coca, is -mixed with quicklime,<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> and baked clay.<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> The seeds are -roasted, and then pounded in a shallow wooden mortar, and -the snuff when made is packed in snail-shells<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> and is inhaled -through hollow bird-bones inserted in both nostrils. It is -used for curative purposes by the Uaupes Indians.<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p> - -<p>The Menimehe and Yahuna tribes take snuff, but they -neither smoke nor lick tobacco. The Uaupes Indians -smoke enormous cigars,<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> but none of the tribes south of the -Japura smoke their tobacco; it is only licked. After the -tobacco leaves are gathered they are soaked, and then -pounded in a mortar by the men. Tobacco, it must not be -forgotten, is tabu to the women in any form, and it may be -noted here that tabu on drink and drugs is far stricter than -any tabu on food. The latter are intermittent, enforced only -in special cases, or at certain times or ages; but the tabu -on coca, aya-huasca, caapi and tobacco is always binding -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>on all women. A little thickened cassava starch is added, -which makes the mixture into a stiff dark liquid, to be used -either privately or ceremonially, as already described. The -tobacco-pot shown in the accompanying illustration is made -of a thick and hard nut-shell, with apparently natural holes -that are stopped with pitch.<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> Two artificial holes have been -bored through for the string. It is about two and a half -inches long, by one and five-eighths wide. The oval hole at -the top is five-eighths of an inch across, and through it the -point of a stick is inserted when the tobacco is to be taken.</p> - -<p>The ingenuity with which the Indians prepare cassava -flour, their staple provender, from a poisonous root, though -notable, is ordinary in comparison with the intricate processes -which the poor Indian’s “untutored mind”<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> has -elaborated for the preparation of various poisons. Natural -poisons abound in the forest. There is one tree known as -the poison-tree and credited with most deadly properties.<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> -On the Issa and Japura an arrow-poison is made from putrefying -animal matter mixed with strychnos. Good poison -is very rare, and very much in demand. The most potent -preparation is made by the Karahone, who have great -knowledge of poisons and are by far the cleverest toxicologists. -The Menimehe understand poisons to some extent, -but are not the equals of the Karahone, from whom -most of the tribes obtain their poisons by barter. But -poison of some sort is always manufactured by every -medicine-man.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate37" style="width: 600px;"> -<img src="images/plate37.jpg" width="600" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXVII.</p> -<p class="caption">INCISED GOURDS</p> -<ul class="listcaption"> -<li>1. TOBACCO POT (WITOTO)</li> -<li>2. <span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> (BORO)</li> -<li>3. RATTLE (OKAINA)</li> -<li>4. <span class="ditto">”</span> (BORO)</li> -<li>5. <span class="ditto">”</span> (WITOTO)</li> -</ul> -</div> - -<p>The most important poison is the <i>curare</i>.<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> It is made -from two plants, called by the Witoto <i>ramu</i> and <i>pani</i> respectively.<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> -The complicated recipe is a treasured hereditary -possession.<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> The wood of the <i>Strychnos toxifera</i> is the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span> -most necessary ingredient in the manufacture of <i>curare</i>. It -is pounded in a mortar, and the sap, mixed with water, is -strained and boiled with peppers, ants, and a variety of -more or less noxious material.<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> When it is sufficiently -inspissated it is put into the small pots, about an inch -and a half in diameter, in which these Indians carry it -round their necks, in readiness to smear on the palm-spine -points of their darts, arrows, and javelins.<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Small families—Birth tabu—Birth customs—-Infant mortality—Infanticide—Couvade—Name-giving—Names—Tabu -on names—Childhood—Lactation—Food -restrictions—Child-life and training—Initiation.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Though so recognised an authority as Bates is responsible -for the statement that the fecundity of the Amazonian -Indians is of a low degree,<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> because as many as four children -in one family are rarely found, it is open to doubt whether -he and his successors have not in this instance confounded -effect and cause. It is certainly true that the normal number -for a family is but two or three, yet that this is not a question -of fertility the high percentage of pregnant women would -seem to disprove.<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> The numbers are remarkable in view -of the fact that husbands abstain from any intercourse with -their wives, not only during pregnancy but also throughout -the period of lactation—far more prolonged with them than -with Europeans. The result is that two and a half years -between each child is the minimum difference of age, and in -the majority of cases it is even greater.</p> - -<p>The main reason why there are these limited families, is, in -my opinion, not a diminishing birth-rate, but an enormously -high percentage of infant mortality. The test of the survival -of the fittest is applied to the young Indian at the -very moment of his birth, for the infant is immediately -submerged in the nearest stream, a custom that easily leads -to infanticide in the case of an unwanted child, or one with -any apparent deformity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span></p> - -<p>Another accepted opinion with which I am not in agreement -is that these girls become mothers at a very early age, -and that when only fourteen years old themselves may have -already had two children, as is said of tribes on the Tikie. -My experience has been that these peoples do not arrive at -the age of physical maturity even so early as white races, -probably owing to lack of nourishing food and perhaps in -some degree to the retarding and depressing effect of the -forest environment.<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></p> - -<p>These Indians share the belief of many peoples of the -lower cultures that the food eaten by the parents—to some -degree of both parents—will have a definite influence upon -the birth, appearance, or character of the child.<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> Before -the birth of an infant the mother has to submit to certain -definite food restrictions, which vary with different tribes -in some slight degree, but are all rooted in the same idea. -Among some tribes all animal food is forbidden to any -woman throughout the entire period of pregnancy, and this -precludes her from share in the tribal or family hot-pot. -Among the tribes of the Tikie and elsewhere tapir flesh is -prohibited, not so much because it is considered unhealthy, -which on account of its richness it certainly would be,<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> -but because if a mother partook of any it would be looked -upon as tantamount to allotting the visible characteristics -of the animal to the unborn child. From a like cause these -Indians imagine that the child would have the teeth of a -rodent did the mother eat capybara during the months of -her pregnancy; it would be spotted like a paca if she ate -that beast; or, if she ate bush-deer flesh, which is tabu to all -women after marriage among the Kuretu-language group,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span> -the venison would make the infant deformed. Peccary is -tabu among many tribes, and with the Witoto during the -last month of pregnancy the mother’s food is limited to one -kind of small fish, with cassava and fruits.</p> - -<p>The belief that ill will befall the unborn infant if the -mother do not regularly adhere to dietary laws is strictly -held by both men and women. To give birth to a deformed -or disfigured child is the most disgraceful calamity that -can happen to any woman, and therefore all possible -precautions must be taken, and any animals reputed to -possess undesirable characteristics are naturally forbidden, -lest the unborn child should in any way resemble -the appearance or take the characteristics of the animal -concerned. The prohibitions are, therefore, definitely tabus, -inasmuch as they are believed to entail the penalty of deformed -or malignant progeny upon the transgressor, a belief -very binding on people who hold that to some extent the -consumer absorbs the characteristics of aught that is eaten.</p> - -<p>Nor do all these tabus concern the mother only, for the -father also among some of the tribes must abstain from -meat a short time before, as well as after, the child’s birth.<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> -This recognition of a definite connection between the father -and the child, a more intimate connection than civilised -peoples recognise, is to be noted, and should be borne in mind -when considering the curious custom of the couvade, which -must be recorded anon.</p> - -<p>Whatever the weather may be no accouchement ever -takes place within the house.<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> When birth is imminent -the expectant mother will go out into the forest with some -trusted older woman, or alone, for the Indian wife is quite -willing to take full responsibility without any further aid. -Among some of the tribes north of the Japura the mother -is accompanied to the forest, and assisted while there by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span> -other matrons, who have their faces painted red. But the -Boro and the Witoto women go unattended or with but one -female attendant. Neither the husband nor any other -man is permitted to be present whatever the circumstances.</p> - -<p>The shelter of the forest gained, the woman makes a -small clearing, and spreads a bed of leaves on which she sits -down.<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> Her trouble is not of long duration. When the -child is born she ties the umbilical cord with fibre-string, -and then bites it through,<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> or cuts it with a wooden knife. -This done she at once proceeds to the nearest water and -bathes, after which she returns to the house. She wears -no covering or bandage.</p> - -<p>The infant is taken with her to the river and is washed -and ducked. If it survive this drastic treatment its body is -covered with what the Witoto call <i>hittagei</i>, that is, rubber -latex, over which a brown or red clay is smeared. Hardenburg -relates that he was told this was done by the Witoto -“in order to keep it warm.”<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> I have often seen the process -carried out, but the warmth theory never occurred to me, -and none of the Indians suggested it as a possible reason or -gave any explanation of the custom.</p> - -<p>As I have said, with all these tribes infant mortality is -very great. The custom of submerging the new-born child -undoubtedly causes an immense increase in the number of -deaths. This led me to inquire why they persisted in such -a fatal course, but one and all said that if the child was not -strong enough to survive it had better die. This is the -Indian attitude, and explains much of the seemingly ignorant -or harsh treatment to which young children are subjected.</p> - -<p>Indians do not care to have large families. To support -a number of children would often be a matter of grave -difficulty.<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> But fœticide is not practised, and abortion is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span> -probably unknown except to the medicine-men, who would -only procure it for their own purposes or protection. Should -destruction for any reason be desired, the birth would be -allowed to take place, and the child afterwards killed -“accidentally” during the subsequent lustration. Bastard -children are undoubtedly destroyed, and the second of twins -is left in the bush by the mother before immersion; or, -among some of the tribes of the Kuretu, if the babies are -of both sexes it is the girl that is killed, whichever may -have been born first. Otherwise they kill the second, -because it is obvious that the second is the transgressor, -it had no right to come, and it is a disgrace to bear twins, -as these people hold the opinion that to be delivered of more -than one child at a birth is to lower themselves to the level -of the beasts. The act of killing is performed by the mother -secretly, at the parturition if possible, and the body would -be concealed by her in the bush.<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate38" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate38.jpg" width="650" height="490" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXVIII.</p> -<p class="captionl">KARAHONE CHILD</p> -<p class="captionr">BORO WOMEN CARRYING CHILDREN</p> -</div> - -<p>The act is not due merely to cruel or callous disregard of -infant life. If to be sickly and deformed is an undesirable -state, the Indian sees no reason why any unfortunate being -should be condemned to live in such a condition; and, moreover, -the sufferer must handicap others as well as itself in the -strenuous race of life. Therefore deformed children are -never seen. A child that is discovered to be in any -degree abnormal or sickly at birth is allowed to die on -immersion, by the very simple method of holding it under -water till life is extinct. If, however, the deformity is -not discovered till after the child has been brought -to the tribal house, the medicine-man is called in to deal -with the case. If the mischief be beyond his power to -remedy, he declares that it was caused by some evil spirit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span> -and may work ill to the tribe,<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> so as a precautionary -measure the wretched little creature is taken out and -left exposed in the forest, or some tribes go as far as -to bury it alive.<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> This is done with no intention to -cause unnecessary suffering, but simply that as it had -to die it might as well die by suffocation as by any other -means.</p> - -<p>If there were an epidemic of deformed or sickly cases -among the newly born it would most probably lead to a -tribal blood-feud, as it would be most assuredly put down -to the evil intention and craft of some enemy. Who the -latter might be it is the province of the medicine-man to -determine.</p> - -<p>Except in the above instances intentional infanticide is -not common. Unintentionally it would seem to be very -frequent. It might further be resorted to in time of famine, -if lactation should be difficult or if the mother were to die.<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> -I know of one case where a child on the death of the mother -was thrown to the dogs—wild dogs are the voracious beasts -of the forest. On another occasion the infant was buried -with its dead mother, though this would not have been done -had any one been willing to adopt it. Both these cases -occurred among the Witoto.</p> - -<p>Koch-Grünberg found that among the Tuyuka the houses -have a small chamber at the end where a man and his wife -stay after the birth of a child. There is no such thing among -these tribes.</p> - -<p>The day after her delivery the mother presents the infant -to its father, and then, as though nothing had happened, -goes back to her work in the plantation, and spends the -day toiling in the fields as usual. She will only return to -feed the child at night. But the father remains in the house -with the baby, for he in his turn must submit to definite -tabus, the restrictions and prohibitions of that curious -custom known as the couvade, “a live growth of savage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span> -psychology,” as E. B. Tylor calls it.<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> The baby lies in a -hammock and the father lounges in his, and there, with some -tribes, he will remain for from three to six weeks.<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> The -Witoto are more casual in this observance than the Boro. -Colour seems to be given to the theory that couvade marks -a stage of emergence from matrilineal to patrilineal organisation, -by the fact that among those tribes where relationship -is counted on the father’s side couvade is apparently -practised far less strictly, and only in a limited form, as -compared with the descriptions of couvade given by other -writers among tribes such as those Sir Everard im Thurn -studied in British Guiana, where definitely matrilocal -customs are still extant.<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> But, however limited the restrictions, -in all cases the father abstains from hunting until -the child’s navel is healed. He must not touch his hunting -weapons even,<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> nor may he eat the flesh of any animal that -has been hunted, which, as regards animal food, is practically -the same tabu as exists for the mother before the child’s -birth. Fish and cassava form his diet, but coca is not tabu.</p> - -<p>Yet, despite his enforced deprivations, the Indian father -enjoys himself. He has, in fact, a very easy time of it, -which may go to confirm him in his quite genuine belief -that his actions are of substantial benefit to the child.<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> -Friends will assemble in numbers to express their joy at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span> -happy event; they will even come from great distances for -this purpose. There is much talk, and all exchange coca -and lick tobacco. In the midst of the congratulations the -medicine-man will arrive to deliver his opinion, given after -due consideration, of the points of the new-born. Congratulations -will be interspersed with numerous ventral -grunts, as signs of assent and approval, with the decisions -enunciated, on the part of the proud parent or his visitors. -The orations will be interrupted by the ceremonial licking -of tobacco between the medicine-man, the father, and his -visitors.</p> - -<p>After eight days the child will be named by the medicine-man -and the assembled family. The name given among all -these tribes is generally that of the father’s father, if the -child be a boy. With the exception of further ceremonial -tobacco-taking there is no ritual.</p> - -<p>Boys are called as a rule by the names of animals or birds;<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> -girls are given the names of plants and flowers. For instance, -among the Boro a common masculine name is <i>Pimwe</i>, -which is the name of a white water-bird; or <i>Eifoike</i> among -the Witoto, <i>eifoike</i> being their name for the turkey-buzzard. -My own name among the Witoto was <i>Itoma</i>, which means -the sun, that sound being the nearest to Thomas that they -knew. The Boro called me <i>Pimwe</i>, the white ibis, on account -of my white bath-gown.</p> - -<p>No Indian ever uses his name, nor is he called by it when -spoken to by his companions.<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> One will speak to another -as <i>tanyabe</i>,<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> that is to say, “brother,” or <i>Iero</i>,<a name="FNanchor_246a" id="FNanchor_246a"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> <i>Moma</i>,<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> that is, -“father”; in the case of a woman it would be <i>Gwaro</i>,<a name="FNanchor_246b" id="FNanchor_246b"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> -<i>Rinyo</i>,<a name="FNanchor_247a" id="FNanchor_247a"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> which is “mother,” or <i>Tanyali</i>,<a name="FNanchor_246c" id="FNanchor_246c"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> “sister.” They will -never address each other in more direct fashion, and if one -of the speakers is not a member of the household, and therefore -no relationship exists between them, they will make -use of some expression equivalent to our “comrade,”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span> -“man,” “girl,” or other generality. The Boro, when they -wish to call the attention of a man, cry <i>Mupe!</i> of a woman, -<i>Muije!</i> As I obviously stood in no relationship to any of -my companions, the usual congenital term of address could -not be used in my case, and if I chose to run the risk of -giving my enemies power over me through knowledge of -my name that was my own affair.</p> - -<p>This objection to divulging the name is too widespread -to need comment.<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> The Indian of the Upper Amazons is -on this point not so far removed from our own old-fashioned -country-folk.<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> But at the same time, though they would -not divulge their own names they were invariably most -curious to get hold of mine, and made great efforts to pronounce -it. <i>Whiffena</i> was the usual outcome of such attempts. -I also found that the Indians had no objection to making -use of any name I might give to them, presumably because, -not being their true name, no magical dangers were possibly -incurred through its use, such as would be probable did I -call one of them by his or her own proper name.<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a></p> - -<p>Among some tribes the name of a deceased person will -be given to some surviving relative.<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> This is looked upon -as an honour to be bestowed on the greatest friend of the -deceased,<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> and thereafter this new name is considered his -private name, and the one originally his thenceforth ceases -to concern him in any way.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate39" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate39.jpg" width="650" height="400" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XXXIX.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO WOMEN CARRYING CHILDREN</p> -</div> - -<p>With the naming of a child the formalities connected with -its birth are at an end, and once the navel is healed the -father’s share in the ceremonials is completed. With his -return to ordinary life the infant reverts to the charge of -the mother. Day and night the child remains with her. It -is carried out into the fields when she sets forth on her day’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span> -toil among the manioc and pines, and is brought back to -the fireside at night when she returns to cook the evening -meal. The Witoto women, in common with other tribes -in the vicinity, carry their infants in a sling of beaten bark-cloth -that is passed round the forehead and hung as a bag -behind. At a less tender age they will seat them on the -hip, and small girls may often be seen with a smaller brother -or sister astraddle round their waists.</p> - -<p>The Indian mother will suckle her young for three years, -or even longer, and at least during the earlier nursing will -have no connection with her husband. This long period of -lactation is certainly due in a measure to the scarcity of -food. There is no artificial supply or substitute obtainable -in place of the natural provision. If the mother cannot feed -it the child must starve. The child is fed wherever the -mother’s duties may take her. On many occasions I have -seen a child that is running about and playing, suddenly -toddle up to the squatting mother intent on her cassava -making, and still standing suck for a few moments and then -toddle away. Not less remarkable is it to see the women -milk themselves into a palm-leaf, a very usual custom after -the children’s teeth develop. The leaf is rested on the palm -of the hand, which gives it the necessary cuplike form, and -from this the child is fed.</p> - -<p>The prohibitions with regard to certain foods that affected -the parents before and immediately subsequent to childbirth, -continue in force afterwards so far as the children are -concerned. Such tabus are more strictly enforced on the -girls than on the boys; and their diet is neither plentiful -nor seemingly of the most nourishing description. Cassava -cakes and fruits are permitted them, and some of the smaller -bony kinds of fish among fish-eating tribes, but none of the -better kinds of fish, and no game, until they attain maturity.</p> - -<p>There is no childhood as others know it for the little -Indian. By this I mean no innocent childhood. These -forest children from birth see all the life of their elders, hear -all things openly discussed, and the very games and jests -of the babies are tainted with what we should consider -obscenity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span></p> - -<p>Children are primarily under the authority and protection -of the father, but any authority on the parent’s part -is very slight, and ceases to exist altogether where the -boys are concerned once the age of puberty is reached. Of -course even a married son shows respect to a father if they -are living in the same house. Girls, as they are in the -care of their mothers or some responsible elderly matron of -the tribe until their marriage, must be more under authority; -and virginity, as with us, is strictly protected so far as is -possible.<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> But in the main it may be said that parental control -is only a semblance, and filial piety, so characteristic of -the Inca and the Chinese, is practically unknown: indeed, -though the smaller children seem very fond of their parents, -after a few years it appears to be almost fashionable to disregard -parental authority entirely.</p> - -<p>A child is not considered responsible for any damage -it may contrive to do. If it commit any mischief that -entails loss to others compensation is claimed from the -parents, but no chastisement would in consequence be -meted out to the little offender. Children are never beaten, -whatever their offences, and rarely punished. They are -looked upon as the potential warriors and mothers of -warriors, and treated very differently to the old and worn, -who may be left to forage for themselves. The parents, in -fact, show great affection for their children, despite the -stoical way in which infant lives are sacrificed. Often have -I seen the father, who would on no account carry food or -any part of his woman’s burden, however heavy, give his -small son a lift over the bad ground. Although he will -never play games with his children as western folk do, -the Indian father will do his best to please the youngsters -and make them happy. He will make little javelins, a -small blow-pipe, a toy sword for the boys. They have their -miniature weapons from the tenderest years, and imitate -their fathers in all that they do, just like the girls, who go -with their mothers to the plantations, and take a share in -women’s work as their form of play, and shoulder a share of -women’s burdens when hardly more than babies themselves.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span> -Their games, in short, are all mimetic. They have no games -with string or balls.</p> - -<p>It follows naturally enough that there is little or no -elaborate ritual of initiation among most of these tribes, -so far as I was able to ascertain, for no part of a man’s life -is kept secret from a child. The elders simply take the -young of each sex apart and teach them. Nor is there -much ceremony on the attainment of the young warrior to -tribal rank. He has been instructed by the elder men -as to the ways of hunting; he is allowed to join a tobacco -palaver; he is presented by the chief with a pouch of coca; -he is permitted to lick tobacco, and he affirms as he does so -that he will bear himself bravely on all occasions. There -is no further formality, and thus he enters the ranks of the -fighting men. Among the Bara after a Jurupari dance all -the youths of pubertal age are whipped, which is considered -to be initiation. The whipping instrument, made from the -hide of the tapir, is sacred. Women are excluded from this -ceremony, and they believe when the boys shout that it is -the expulsion of demons. The performance is regarded -as strictly private, and if a man or boy tells of his experience -he is outcast.</p> - -<p>For the girls there are some secret lodges in the bush. -But how far this is an Indian custom, how far a recent -development for purposes of defence, I was not able to -ascertain. The matter is not one on which the Indian is -ever communicative. Certainly among all the tribes in the -vicinity of the much-feared and ever-raiding Andoke, the -girls who are bordering on puberty are segregated in the -depths of the forest under the protection of old and -wise women of the tribe. This may not be general, and I -do not think it is a universal custom. It is done by these -tribes principally, I take it, for the protection of the flower -of their womanhood, to prevent the mothers of warriors-to-be -from falling into the hands of the restless thieving Andoke. -At the same time the girls are under instruction of their -keepers, they are taught in these lodges presumably the -duties that will shortly fall to their lot. They learn to -dance, to sing, and to paint themselves for festivals. It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span> -no unusual sight to see a party of small girls painting each -other, if by chance one haps across a secret lodge. This is, -I take it, in the way of practice, the Indian girl’s version -of her civilised sisters’ “dressing-up” games.</p> - -<p>The girls’ isolation is not absolute. There is always -communication between the hidden lodge and the tribal -house, but such communication is made with due care, -no path is ever cut or worn to the hiding-place, and if -one develops by usage it is speedily blocked the moment -it is noticeable. When no inimical raiders are about, and -all is considered safe, the girls repair to the tribal house, -but no girl is allowed to return to the tribe for good until -such time as a marriage has been arranged for her.</p> - -<p>One writer on the Jivaro tribes mentions festivities held -when a four-year old child is first initiated into the art of -smoking.<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> This could never occur among any of the tribes -on the Japura or the Issa, where it has been seen tobacco is -only licked. Boring the ears, nose, and lips of the adolescent -is done when they go to the lodges at the age of -puberty. It is very carefully carried out, and is probably -done with their ordinary boring instrument, the tooth of a -capybara. Among the Menimehe the tribal marks are -tattooed on face and breast at this time.</p> - -<p>I have not met with the custom mentioned by Sir Clement -Markham as existing among the Mariama, of a man cutting -lines near the mouth of his twelve-year-old son, nor has the -scourging of the Omagua, and their trial of the girls by -hanging them in a net to smoke them, come under my -observation, any more than the cruel scourging of girl -children mentioned by Clough,<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> though boys on the Apaporis -are thrashed, and I have heard of the custom north -of the Japura. The Jurupari dance as described by so many -authorities, and the girls’ whippings, as noted by Wallace,<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> -have been told me second-hand by these tribes. I have -never seen either, and south of the Japura I believe such -customs to be unknown.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate40" style="width: 350px;"> -<img src="images/plate40.jpg" width="350" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XL.</p> -<p class="caption">OKAINA GIRLS</p> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Marriage regulations—Monogamy—Wards and wives—Courtship—Qualifications -for matrimony—Preparations for marriage—Child -marriages—Exception to patrilocal custom—Marriage ceremonies—Choice -of a mate—Divorce—Domestic quarrels—Widowhood.</p> - -</div> - -<p>At the beginning of my stay among the tribes, I thought, as -many have asserted, that polygamy was common among the -Indians. The reason for this belief is simply the fact that -it is extremely hard to distinguish at first between wives, -concubines, and attached women—women under the protection -of a man, but not necessarily in intimate relation. -Inquiries do not immediately assist any conclusion. If, for -example, you question one of the attached women she would -merely reply, “I am the chief’s woman,” which answer -would have been equally correct in either case. But on better -knowledge of their languages and customs the conviction was -forced on me that monogamy and not polygamy is the rule, -with the exception of the chiefs north of the Japura, who -have, so far as I could make out, more than one wife. Koch-Grünberg -affirms, and other tribes told me, that among the -tribes on the Tikie a chief may have four wives. This is not -the case south of that river, where chiefs, like ordinary -members of the tribe, have only one.</p> - -<p>But in addition to his wife or wives, all female prisoners -and any unattached women belong by right to the chief. -He is their father, mother, and husband, in so far that they -receive his protection, though the wife would not permit -any intimacy, unless it were when she was bearing or nursing -a child. These women are not to be regarded, however, as -what the Witoto call <i>rinyo kachirete</i>, that is tribal prostitutes, -although other members of the tribe beside the chief are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span> -allowed to have access to them when his consent has been -gained. The prisoners certainly would be used with his -permission as women of convenience. So far as I could -gather the chief respects the chastity of his wards, and it is -therefore unlikely that he would claim any <i>droit de seigneur</i> -where the other women of the tribe are concerned.<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> Letourneau -is responsible for the statement that “in America -from the land of the Esquimaux to Patagonia, the loan of -a wife is not only lawful but praiseworthy.”<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> I have never -heard any suggestion of <i>jus utendi et abutendi</i>, and consider -it unlikely in view of the Indian’s character. He is not only -a jealous husband but the rights of the wife are tacitly -recognised, and I should conclude that such a custom would -be entirely alien to Indian nature. The same argument -holds good in the case of a daughter.</p> - -<p>To distinguish between wards and wives is so great a -difficulty that I even hesitated to accept without further -confirmation the account given by Wallace of polygamous -practices among the Isanna and Uaenambeu tribes,<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> careful -as he was over all details of things about which he had -personal knowledge. But I also was told by all tribes -north of the Japura that it is permissible to have more -than one wife, though the first must retain the position of -“mistress of the house.”<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> It possibly resolves itself into -the question of whether the women greatly out-number -the men at a particular period or not.</p> - -<p>Marriage with these Indians is not a matter of any great -or prolonged ceremony or even of festival. A youth marries -as a matter of course when he reaches man’s estate. Till -he has taken to himself a wife he must remain in some -degree dependent either on his parents or the chief; for -he cannot plant his own manioc or tobacco, nor can he cook -his own food. He has no one whose duty it is to see that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span> -there are no thorns or jiggers in his feet, to paint him for -a dance, to prepare him store of drinks. Complete independence -comes only when with his own woman he can, if -he so pleases, go his own way, and live in solitude out in the -forest or have his own fire in the shelter of the big <i>maloka</i>, -just as it suits his whim. To secure this independence, to -get his woman, he is required in the first place to show that -he is a capable hunter and warrior, that is to say he must -demonstrate the fact that he can feed and protect a wife -and children.<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> But there is no scheme in any way approximating -to the customs of those African peoples who rule -that a man must have killed his man before he can be considered -a proved warrior, and qualified for matrimony. -It is sufficient if he be a hunter by repute in the generality -of cases, though among the Uacarra and some other tribes, -as noted by Wallace, an exhibition of skill is demanded.<a name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> -A girl of these tribes will not marry a man who did not -prove a good shot in an archery trial held for the purpose -of testing his prowess, the reason alleged being that he -cannot be sufficiently adept to maintain a family. This -is the underlying idea in all the ceremony attached to the -transaction of marriage among these Indians, of a piece -with all their doings and sentiments. There is no use for -the unfit. It is the philosophy of the forest in practical -form.</p> - -<p>Further, in view of his prospective position as husband -and father, there are certain preparations, elementary -enough, to be made by the bridegroom. From the surrounding -forest a plot of land must be reclaimed, the trees felled -and uprooted, the soil broken and roughly tilled, for the -plantation. This is an absolute necessity, the agricultural -is far more vital than any housing problem, for that is a -point easy enough to settle, as the intending bridegroom -need not build himself a house at all, if he can obtain a -corner in the great house of assembly. There is nothing -to prevent him from building one on his own account if he -is not content with the quarters there allotted to him, though<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span> -the usual arrangement is for a man to bring his wife to live -with his family rather than to start a separate establishment.</p> - -<p>Betrothals are often made in childhood by arrangement -between the parents, and occasionally a small boy is married -to a small girl. This is not common, but I have seen it done -in the case of a chief more than once. On one occasion that -I remember it was among the Andoke, another time it was -in a Boro house. The ceremony is the same as for adults, -but naturally only in form. Among some tribes of the -Andoke such child marriage is allowed if the boy has made -a plantation and successfully hunted an animal, and either -his or, more rarely, the girl’s family will admit them to -joint life, and one Witoto man told me that he had been -married as quite a youngster. But the general disparity of -age is from five to fifteen years, for a man will choose an -undeveloped girl, perhaps only nine or ten years old, and -hand her over to the women of his own family.<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> The -Andoke usually marry girls much younger than themselves, -and I have seen a man of twenty with a tiny girl-wife hurrying -after him. Undoubtedly the idea is the same as that -underlying infant marriage in India, the man seeks to gain -affection by association. The girl lives with him and his -people, they become to all intents and purposes her people; -she is trained by custom to their habits of life, must naturally -imbibe their ideas, and will bring no foreign notions of -manners or morals to disturb the equanimity of the common -household when, in due time, she attains pubescence, and -is made a wife <i>de facto</i> as well as <i>de jure</i>.<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a></p> - -<p>In the ordinary run of events the woman invariably -comes to live with the man’s family, he never goes to hers. -Only in rare cases have I heard anything approaching the -matrilocal customs noted among the Indians of British -Guiana.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> These cases would be exclusively when a chief,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span> -who has no son, marries his daughter to some man with a -view to obtaining an heir through her. The man might be -selected from friendly neighbours, or, with the approval of -the tribe, an adopted son of the chief might be chosen. If -the former, the bridegroom would have to leave his own -people and live with his father-in-law. How exceptional -this is may be judged from the fact that it is the sole circumstance -of which I am aware where disregard is permitted -to the prevailing rules of patrilocal and exogamous customs. -This is, however, hearsay only. I never met with a case in -point, though the Indians told me of it.</p> - -<p>Individual preliminaries settled, it remains for sanction -to be obtained from the chief of the girl’s household—to -whom, it must be remembered, all unattached women -belong—with which end in view the would-be bridegroom -presents him with a pot of tobacco and one of coca.<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> He -need ask no one’s consent of his own account, as in marriage -the man has an absolutely free hand, unless he goes against -tribal law by marrying a girl of any hostile tribe who -might prove to be a danger to the community. As proof -that he is a man of substance and owns a house, or has a -recognised right to quarters in one, he will bring a piece of -palm shingle that has been left over after the thatching, to -the father of the selected damsel. He also brings a small -tree cut through, to show that he has cleared and made a -plantation. In both cases the form would appear to be -accepted without the actuality. The father then produces -some coca and tobacco. North of the Japura they will -chew <i>pataca</i>,<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> and they will lick tobacco ceremonially together. -There is no further ceremony, and a fortnight -later the marriage is consummated, the girl remaining with -her own people during the interval.<a name="FNanchor_268" id="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p> - -<p>Robuchon and Hardenburg, in dealing with this formality -of presenting wood, have taken the action to be that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span> -suitor wishes to provide his future parents-in-law with a -supply of firewood. Though in other details of marriage -ceremonial they are exactly correct, both these authorities -seem to have mixed the idea of firewood—a matter it is -never the son-in-law’s business to prepare—with this -symbolic offering, which is intended to signify that his -patch of ground for cultivation is prepared and only waiting -for the woman to plant and cultivate it.</p> - -<p>If the information given me about tribes north of the -Japura is correct, a more primitive marriage custom -still maintains among their neighbours. The suitor, -accompanied by his father and other relatives, visits the -father of the chosen lady. Notice of the arrival having -duly been sent, the object of such a formal visit is understood, -though not definitely stated beforehand. If the -suggestion meets with favour the visitors are welcomed -with a feast. Two or three days later, in the middle of the -festivities, the bridegroom’s party suddenly kidnap the -bride, without any show of opposition on the part of her -friends and family. She is carried off to the visitors’ -canoes, and the pair thenceforward may consider themselves -to be man and wife without further ceremony.<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> Though I -never met with this custom in the districts near the middle -Issa and Japura rivers, all the tribes told me of it, and -among the Kuretu, so I was informed, the ceremony is -even more suggestive of marriage by capture, as it is a point -of honour for the bride to scream and protest while the -groom carries her off with mock assistance from his friends.<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p> - -<p>In every marriage the contracting parties are allowed -complete freedom of choice. This is absolute on the part of -the man, and, with the rare exception of young girls adopted -into a family with a view to marriage, equally so on the -part of the woman. The unmarried women are never -objects of barter. The man neither pays for his wife, nor -does he receive dowry with her. With marriage he assumes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span> -entire responsibility for wife and family. Girls rarely refuse -an offer made to them. They occupy an inferior position -in the family compared with that of the sons. By education -and custom they are subservient to the wishes of the elders. -As they grow older and have to take their share of the -communal work they lose what independence they had as -irresponsible children. By marriage alone can the native -girl obtain a corner of her own in the <i>maloka</i>, a desirable -sleeping-place beside the fire. A man is not forced upon her -against her will. One bachelor is to all intents and purposes -as eligible as any other. Personal appearance, where all -who attain puberty are of necessity healthy and well formed, -counts for little. The battle of Eugenics is fought at birth -not at marriage. Whereas a boy becomes independent -almost from the date of his first breech clout, the girl has her -freedom curtailed with each succeeding year. Food tabus -have schooled her appetite. She has suffered the restraints of -the secret lodge. Marriage is her destiny, she neither knows -nor desires an alternative. Such an upbringing does not make -for capriciousness where choice of a husband is concerned. -She can always run away if her husband prove displeasing, -but in the majority of cases, unless subjected to very decided -ill-usage, it never enters into the head of any wife so to -behave. Peoples who will submit to the tyranny of a few -blackguardly oppressors, and make hardly an effort in self-defence, -do not rebel against the obvious in everyday life. -<i>Pia</i>, “it is so,” makes as much for demoralising inertia -as <i>Kismet</i>. In short, there is no coercion in an Indian girl’s -wedding, and equally no opportunity for original selection.</p> - -<p>This question of personal acquiescence rules throughout -their matrimonial relations, for with these Indians the -marriage contract is only binding so long as husband and -wife desire to be bound. Divorce is simple. For good -cause shown the husband can rid himself of his wife, and -be free to try for better fortune with another. He has only -to bring the matter up in tobacco palaver, and if he can -make good his cause he need not trouble further: he is free.<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span> -Infidelity, bad temper, disease, laziness, disobedience, or -childlessness, is deemed a sufficiently weighty objection in -a wife to warrant such action. Tribal opinion is in every -case the chief criterion in the business.</p> - -<p>On the part of the wife the matter is simpler yet. She -will run away. A woman is never blamed for deserting her -husband, on the presumption that such unnatural procedure -could alone be due to the fact that she had been not only -ill-treated but grossly ill-treated by him. For an independent -woman is unknown among the Indians: if she is not -under the protection of some man she is left in the lurch, -and if she does not speedily find a protector must very -surely die. Moreover it is obvious that when a woman -runs away she must leave her children, and only gross -cruelty will drive her to that.</p> - -<p>If, on the other hand, a man divorce his wife, that is to -say if he drives her away from him and so forces her out of -the household, he lays himself open to severe tribal censure -should the consensus of opinion be that no good cause has -been shown. If upon inquiry he fails to establish a satisfactory -excuse, he promptly is held up to ridicule by his -fellows; he is the butt of all the women; and he will -certainly find it a most difficult thing to remarry, for no -woman will ever consent to be his wife. In fact, tribal -censure results in the practical banishment of the offender, -for his life in the tribal family will be made unendurable -till such time as his offence be forgotten. The end of -this persecution, and his return to tribal rights and privileges, -depends entirely on his ability to prove and persuade -his fellows that after all he was not the one to be blamed.</p> - -<p>When a woman quarrels with her man, or wishes to -revenge any wrong she may have suffered at his hands, -real or imaginary, she will dart at the loin-cloth of the -offender in the presence of the tribe and attempt to tear it -away so as to expose him to his fellows. No insult could -be greater, for this is the worst disgrace that can happen to -a man. Should this occur, the victim must run into the -forest and hide himself; nor can he return until he has -beaten out a new bark loin-cloth to replace the one that was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span> -torn, and so, once more decently attired, he may come back -and apologise to the tribe. The pair will then go off together -into the bush, and, according to circumstances, the wrong-doer -undergoes, or perhaps they mutually undergo, a very -painful penance. The wronged one takes one or more of -the big black stinging ants, and places them on the most -sensitive and private parts of the other’s body. The sting -of the virulent insects not only gives intense pain, but -results in fever within twenty-four hours, and there is -much swelling of the parts affected.<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> This is the recognised -mode of punishment after any conjugal infidelity, or any -ordinary separation; and, repentance thus very practically -expressed by submission to torture, forgiveness follows and -good relations are again restored.</p> - -<p>When a man dies the top ligatures of his widow are -cut as a sign of mourning, and are only replaced if she -marries again. There is no prohibition against remarriage, -though this is not permitted till some months after the -husband’s death. As a rule, on a man’s death his widow -continues to live with his people, either under the protection -of the chief, or under that of her dead husband’s -brother. If her own people are not hostile to the tribe into -which she married she may return to them, but the probability -is that the tribes will have drifted apart, even if -they have not become enemies. Very frequently widows -become the tribal prostitutes, a custom that is not recognised, -but is tolerated, and is never practised openly or -immodestly.<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Sickness—Death by poison—Infectious diseases—Cruel treatment of sick -and aged—Homicide—Retaliation for murder—Tribal and personal -quarrels—Diseases—Remedies—Death—Mourning—Burial.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Indians, like most coloured races, are abject cowards in -pain or disease. They will bear torture stoically enough -when deliberately inflicted, but should they suffer from any, -to them, mysterious reason, in their ignorance of natural -causes they at once ascribe their affliction to witchcraft. -To this possibly may be due the hapless manner in which -they will lay them down to die, and actually succeed in doing -so by auto-suggestion.</p> - -<p>To the Indian in common with other peoples of the lower -cultures, moreover, there is no such thing as death from -natural causes. It is the result either of poison administered -in secret by an enemy, or magical evil wrought by him or at -his instigation, and the crashing of the thunder is the magic -noise that accompanies the fatal result. If a possible enemy -is known or suspected, or if, after divination, the medicine-man -can identify the culprit, it becomes the duty of the -relatives to avenge the deceased, who has, according to Indian -logic, been murdered.<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></p> - -<p>Without doubt a very large number of deaths are due to -poison. Removal by poison is practised to a great extent -by the Karahone, who have, as has been said, much scientific -knowledge of poisons and their effects. Further, it is -the custom of the tribal medicine-man when his patients are -in what he considers to be a hopeless condition, to administer -a dose of poison quietly to the moribund sufferers after he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span> -has declared that all his skill is in vain, and announced -that recovery is impossible. For the medicine-man it then -becomes more important to secure the fulfilment of his -verdict than to risk the chance of recovery falsifying his -prognostications. The probability is that the patient -would die, if for no other reason than that the medicine-man -foretold his death, but that gentleman will take no risks.<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></p> - -<p>There are other and more recognised cases in which it -is the medicine-man’s province to administer a fatal draught. -A mad person, for example, is first exorcised by the medicine-man -to expel his madness. If this fails to secure -the eviction of the evil spirits that cause the madness, -the man is put to death to ensure the destruction of the -bad influence which, since it passes the doctor’s power -to remedy, has presumably been sent by some hostile colleague -with greater magical gifts. Occasionally also, when -any serious accident has befallen an Indian, a medicine-man -goes through the ceremony of placing him in a secluded -part of the bush, and administering the usual narcotic. -The patient is then left for the night. The next day his -relatives return, and if he is not dead he recounts to them -his dreams, and from these they deduct who is the enemy -that has caused his sickness. Reprisals naturally follow.</p> - -<p>Should any known infectious disease break out in a tribe, -those attacked by it are immediately left, even by their -closest relatives, the house is abandoned, and possibly even -burnt. Such derelict houses are no uncommon sight in the -forest, grimly desolate mementos of possible tragedies.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the cruel treatment of the sick arises from the -fact that all disease is regarded as due to an enemy who -essays by such means to procure the destruction of the -tribe. Fear is undoubtedly the root-cause. But it must -also be remembered that where life is not easy for the hale -and hearty, for the helpless it is impossible except in so far -as they can prey upon their active neighbours. The question<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span> -of self-preservation comes in to complicate the problem -of the unfit. At every point it is clearly to be seen that the -survival of the most fit is the very real and the very stern -rule of life in the Amazonian forests. From birth to death -it rules the Indians’ life and philosophy. To help to preserve -the unfit would often be to prejudice the chances of -the fit.<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> There are no arm-chair sentimentalists to oppose -this very practical consideration. The Indian judges it by -his standard of common sense: why live a life that has -ceased to be worth living when there is no bugbear of a hell -to make one cling to the most miserable of existences rather -than risk greater misery? Moreover, in Indian opinion, -such clinging to life is a very arrant selfishness.</p> - -<p>Certainly cases of chronic illness meet with no sympathy -from the Indians. A man who cannot hunt or fight is regarded -as useless, he is merely a burden on the community. -Should he show no signs of eventual recovery, his friends -unhesitatingly leave him to die, or, if a medicine-man has -not been commissioned to put him out of the way, he is -driven into the bush, where the same end is speedily -attained. This is done not only to the invalids, but also -to the aged members of a tribe, unless they possess great -wisdom and experience, and so are of great tribal worth. -Otherwise they, too, have ceased to be units of any practical -value in tribal life, and merely hamper the more active. -Actual parricide there is none; old people are not killed, but -they are left to die. There is no sentimental desire for their -company, no affection to lighten the unhappiness of their -lot. If they are unable to tend themselves, not an Indian -will go out of his way to render any help or service. Cassava -may be thrown to them occasionally, or it may be -forgotten, and without doubt in times of scarcity no provision -whatever is made for the feeble and the failing -who can make none for themselves. Slaves, of course, -are looked upon as of no account, and if sick or crippled -they are abandoned without a thought. If a woman -with a young child should die, and no one be found willing -to adopt the infant, the father argues that it must die<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span> -anyhow, and it is either quietly killed and buried with the -dead mother, or exposed in the bush.<a name="FNanchor_277" id="FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p> - -<p>The reason that underlies such neglect of the sick and -infirm has, on the other hand, resulted in the prevention of -intra-tribal homicide. If the survival of the unfit is not to -be desired, the existence of the fit is to be encouraged by -all possible means. On the whole, although sick people are -neglected, I do not think that they are often destroyed. -Frequently a sick Indian has appealed to me, “Oh! let me -die,” but none has ever said, “Kill me!” Intra-tribal -homicide is certainly prohibited by custom, otherwise homicide -is only limited by fear of reprisal, a more effective -combination than any police force or criminal code. Even -as punishment for an admitted offence, homicide within -the tribe is not tolerated, for if a man die it means the -loss of a warrior, an injury to tribal strength, a matter not -to be lightly risked where the battle is only to the strong. -There is, however, one exception to this, and that is in the -case of theft. Living as these peoples do an absolutely -public life, theft becomes of necessity a capital crime. The -loser, if he can catch the thief, will kill him by knocking him -down by a blow on the legs with the iron-wood sword, and -then hacking off his head. This retribution is considered -perfectly justifiable by the tribe, and is indeed sanctioned -by custom.</p> - -<p>After a murder has been committed it is the sacred duty -of some brother or near relative of the dead to kill the -murderer, or, if not, at least a relative of his, in accordance -with the world-old idea of an eye for an eye. A man who -refused to revenge a murdered relative would be taunted by -all the women, and this would soon render his own life in -the tribe an intolerable one. But I have never come across -the custom which is prevalent in Africa among some primitive -peoples, that is, to search for the same relative to the -murdered as the murdered man was to the avenger: for -example, “You have killed my nephew, I will kill your -nephew.”</p> - -<p>When an intentional murder has been committed the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span> -murderer flies to the bush, where he is promptly followed, -and the pursuit is not foregone until the criminal is secured -or the pursuers find themselves in imminent danger from -a hostile tribe. In the latter case the blood-feud remains -open for an early settlement, and the friends of the murderer -are dealt with first.</p> - -<p>Homicide is, in fact, always looked upon as a wrong done -to a man’s tribe or family, rather than to the individual -himself. In the case of accidental homicide it may still -lead to a blood-feud. The deed is done, that is sufficient for -these simple-minded folk. It may possibly be put down to -the witchcraft of some neighbouring medicine-man who -has bewitched the unintentional slayer with hostile motives; -but that will not save the unfortunate offender, rather is it -an additional argument that he should be destroyed lest -worse trouble follow. There is also to be reckoned with -the idea that the dead man’s spirit will haunt the tribe, -and especially his nearest relative, until his blood has been -avenged.<a name="FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> Besides, it is undoubtedly difficult to draw the -line between accident and design, and, for the matter of that, -the meaning of the word “accident” is unknown to the -Indian.</p> - -<p>The chief and the tribe will sometimes take up the -quarrel as their own, but, on the other hand, a man considers -it a disgraceful thing not to be able to avenge his -own wrongs, and, therefore, never applies to the chief -for tribal help. This is true of all small communities, an -affront of any one of the community being a personal attack -upon every other member, but it is not necessary that it -should be avenged by all, unless the affronted one be unable -for any cause to complete his revenge by himself.</p> - -<p>No tribal notice is taken of a murder committed intra-family, -such as the murder of a son or a wife, as no -revenge is necessary; the loss only affects the murderers, -and it is simply arranged by the family itself. The loss of -one member does not suggest itself as a reasonable cause<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span> -for compelling the loss of another. The one exception to -this would be if the murdered man were a noted warrior -whose death would constitute a serious tribal loss. Action -might then be taken by the whole tribe after the usual -tobacco palaver.</p> - -<p>So much for death by violence; there remains something -to be said of death by disease, and of sickness not necessarily -ending in death.</p> - -<p>All travellers and writers have noticed how prone the -Indian is to sun-sickness. Living as he does in the perpetual -gloom of his tribal house, or the restricted light of the forest -depths, he appears to be exceptionally susceptible to the -effects of strong sunshine. His sensitiveness is tried further -by any sort of change, even a transference from the upper -reaches to the main rivers completely upsets him. Indians -appear to go sick especially on moving only a short way -from their own locality. They are also bad subjects -for malarial fevers, and the Issa River is notoriously unhealthy -in this respect. By this I mean the river itself, -and in its immediate vicinage. Even a few hundred yards -away from its banks the country is comparatively healthy -and free from pestilent fly-belts, which, it will be remembered, -are at their worst some three days steam up that river.<a name="FNanchor_279" id="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> -On the Brazilian frontier especially the <i>pium</i> from sunrise -to sunset is unbearable. The beginning of the rains invariably -brings fever.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, chest complaints are rare, respiratory -disease is unknown, and throat diseases uncommon, though -you meet victims to rheumatism and cramp. There is no -venereal disease among these tribes, and no umbilical hernia. -Phimosis is common, and so are gastric complaints. Diseases -of the eye are rare, though squinting is extremely -prevalent.</p> - -<p>There are many parasitic diseases. Ringworm and -intestinal worm are very general troubles, and lice in the -head universal. Jiggers in the Indian houses are a pest to -all, and one of the daily duties of the Indian wife consists -in the examination of her man’s feet to remove any thorns<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span> -or jiggers that may have effected a lodgment. This jigger -is similar to the African species; it burrows into the foot, -and lays its eggs beneath the skin. I have had as many as -thirty-seven picked out of my foot at one time. The nuisance -can be largely diminished if the traveller take the precaution -always to wear boots in or about an Indian house, for jiggers -are not found in the bush itself, though a somewhat similar -pest abounds on the leaves and grasses,<a name="FNanchor_280" id="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> and causes abominable -irritation. In the Rubber Belt the usual remedy for -this is a bath of white rum.</p> - -<p>Near the Rubber Belt smallpox has found its devastating -way among the Indians. I have said that they fear any -contagious disease, and will often leave a sick person to die, -so it may well be understood that a case of smallpox causes -the utmost panic and consternation.<a name="FNanchor_281" id="FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> Tribes further removed -from contact with “civilisation” are spared this -scourge, but I noticed a form of measles among the children. -Yellow fever is not known in the upper reaches, but I can -answer for it that beriberi is, as I fell a victim to it myself. -It is very prevalent in all this country, but it does not attack -the Indians.<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p> - -<p>The Napo Indians suffer from skin diseases that are not -known to the tribes in the Issa and Japura valleys. There -is a bluish discoloration and white blotch that is said to -come from eating tapir.<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> Among the Karahone one meets<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span> -with cases afflicted in the same manner as natives on the -Apaporis. They are spotted with a leprosy which is said -to be due to the amount of fish that is eaten by these tribes. -This disease is otherwise unknown.</p> - -<p>All strangers suffer from ulcers on the legs.<a name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Among the -Indians themselves sores are common,<a name="FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> but I think are due -entirely to neglected wounds caused by palm-spines and so -forth, not to climate and feeding as would be the case with -ourselves. Stings also have to be reckoned with.</p> - -<p>Indian remedies are rather symptomatic than specific;<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> -the methods of cure will be more fully dealt with in connection -with the medicine-men. The remedies are rather of -the order of kill than cure. For instance, fever is treated -by the drastic method of bathing in the cold water of the -river to lower the temperature.<a name="FNanchor_287" id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> On the Napo the natives -take a concoction of tobacco-water and quinine. They -make a remedy for wounds from the bark of a tree, which -they boil, and use the liquid to wash the wound. A root -found in the forest yields a narcotic much employed by the -medicine-man when it is scraped, crushed, and boiled in -water. Another remedy, acting as a counter-irritant, is a -sage-green feathery moss, some species of lichen, very dry, -that grows round the roots of trees.</p> - -<p>During my stay with the tribes I never met with any such -frantic sorrow at a death as is described by Koch-Grünberg,<a name="FNanchor_288" id="FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> -though a mother will cry over the body of a dead child,<a name="FNanchor_289" id="FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> and -sobbing, wailing, and a certain amount of excited grief is -shown at a funeral, especially if it be that of an important -person.</p> - -<p>Burial takes place without delay on the day of death. -The dead man, unwashed, is wrapped in his hammock in a -sitting position, and a grave is dug immediately below the -place where the hammock was slung in his lifetime. Though<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span> -they only dig deep enough to hide the body, this custom of -intramural interment does not appear to have unhealthy -effects upon the other inhabitants of the house, and no -epidemic ever seems to arise in consequence. The dead man’s -ornaments, his arms, and other personal possessions, such as -his tobacco-bag, his coca-pot, are placed in the leaf-lined -grave beside him. The whole interment is carried out with -all speed, to get the body out of the way as quickly as they -possibly can. South of the Issa a canoe or earthen jar takes -the place of the hammock for shroud, but I never met with -any urn burial, primary or secondary, among the tribes of -the north.<a name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a></p> - -<p>When the deceased is a woman the same procedure is -followed, only pots are buried with her in place of weapons. -Among the Kuretu-language group, when a woman dies, her -pots are broken before they are placed in the grave,<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> and her -baskets are also buried with her in addition to her ornaments. -This is done to prevent the return of the soul to ask for its -properties should they be needed in the spirit world.</p> - -<p>When a chief has died the ceremonies are more elaborate. -His body, like any other man’s, is wrapped in his palm-fibre -hammock, and he is buried with his weapons, ornaments, -and private treasures. But after the grave is filled in, the -assembled tribe partake of a funeral feast. In the intervals -of drinking and dancing the mourners sing of the great -achievements, the worthiness and virtues of the dead man. -The new chief comes forward, attired in the prescribed -fashion, wearing a weird and wonderful head-dress to attract -attention. He does not face the assembled people, but turns -to the wall of the house, and speaks with his back to the -tribe.</p> - -<p>After a burial a fire is made over the new grave by the -relatives, and is always kept burning for some days, except<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span> -in the case of a chief, when the whole house is burnt. This -may possibly counteract the obvious dangers of these intramural -burials, and account for the absence of evil results.</p> - -<p>Whatever mourning may be indulged in before the body -is buried, no grief is ever shown after the interment, for the -spirit has then departed. This belief explains why a man’s -grave is not marked in any way by these tribes, and has, as -a matter of course, no claim to respect from his survivors.</p> - -<p>It is possible that the question of cannibal customs as -insults to the dead also influence the Indians in the matter -of burial, and the absence of sign upon a grave. It would -in some measure account for the burial in the house—as a -protective measure—in spite of the fact that they recognise -the danger of the spirit’s return, a belief which would more -naturally incline them to extramural burials.</p> - -<p>Ceremonial bathing always takes place after a funeral, -in which every one takes part for the purpose of purification.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">The medicine-man, a shaman—Remedies and cures—Powers and duties -of the medicine-man—Virtue of breath—Ceremonial healing—Hereditary -office—Training—Medicine-man and tigers—Magic working—Properties—Evil -always due to bad magic—Influence of medicine-man—Method -of magic-working—Magical cures.</p> - -</div> - -<p>The medicine-man of the South American Indian tribes has -been described as “the counterpart of the shaman type.”<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> -There would seem to be hardly need for any qualification—he -<i>is</i> a shaman. The word has attained a certain vogue, -with too frequent lax usage, so that merely finding the -name “<i>shimano</i>” in connection with any of these Indians—especially -when it is found in the pages of an American -writer—does not warrant this assertion.<a name="FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> But a short -study of the exhaustive paper on Shamanism and the -Shaman in the <i>Royal Anthropological Institute Journal</i><a name="FNanchor_294" id="FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> will -show that point for point the methods and procedure of the -Witoto, the Boro, and kindred tribes tally with that of the -shamans of Siberian peoples. That is to say he is a doctor -and a wizard, not a priest. He claims to deal with spirits -by magical processes, to exorcise, outwit, and circumvent, -not to officiate in any sacred office as the minister, the vicar, -of a deity. He is a hypnotist and a conjuror. But he is -more than a mere charlatan. He is the poison-maker for -the tribe, and possesses, as a rule, especially among the -Andoke and Karahone, a considerable knowledge of drugs,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span> -both curative and lethal. The curare poison is a treasured -secret of the medicine-men. Its recipe is religiously guarded -by them, and the deadly preparation is made with both -ceremony and privacy. The Andoke medicine-men have -an ointment concocted from a plant—the identity of which -they would not divulge—that is used for massaging purposes. -They all use tobacco juice, coca, and a white snuff that I -thought must be the famous <i>niopo</i>, but could not find out -anything about it.<a name="FNanchor_295" id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> One cure for a headache is worked with -a special kind of dried bark. The medicine-man carries a -piece of this in his magic-bag, and with it he rubs over the -head of the sufferer; or, if he is dealing with a wound, he -will pass the bark over the skin to make it heal. There is -also a species of lichen or moss used by them to rub lightly -over the affected part, which acts as a very mild blistering -agent. It stings and, acting as a counter irritant, draws the -inflammation away from the seat of the injury to the surface, -and thus to some extent neutralises the pain. It is a sage -green in colour, dry and feathery in appearance, and is -found growing round the roots of trees.</p> - -<p>Pain, sickness, death, each and all are caused in Indian -opinion by some evil spirit, sent of course by an enemy. -It is to combat this magic-worked mischief that the medicine-man’s -services are required in the first place. Magic must -be countered by magic.<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> Incidentally the medicine-man -relies also to some extent on his own medicine, his purges, -and narcotics. However potent these may, or may not be, -the fact that the patient has implicit faith in their efficacy -goes far to assist their intrinsic merits and further the cure, -the expulsion of the evil spirit that has wrought the trouble. -A medicine-man probably has a number of these more -or less genuine remedies, infusions of herbs that possess -curative properties, such as those already dealt with in the -previous chapter.</p> - -<p>But drugs and ointments alone do not, to the Indian -mind, go far to bring about recovery. Much more effective,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span> -as a spirit-evicting agent, is the medicine-man’s virtue, -represented by his breath. It is sufficient for him to breathe -over food or drink to render it healthy, to breathe on a sore -place to secure removal of pain, to breathe on the sick to -promote recovery.<a name="FNanchor_297" id="FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> Nor is this power vested only in the -medicine-man. Other people’s breath may have similar -value, if of less degree.<a name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> Should an Indian wish to eat of -forbidden food, he may get an old woman to breathe over -it. Is a child sickly, a like procedure may restore it to -health. In all the medicine-man’s performances breathing -and blowing over the patient is a prominent part of the -processes. The medicine-man will breathe on his own hand -and then massage the part of the patient that is affected; -and if stronger measures are required he will suck the place, -or as near the place as his mouth can be put, suck vigorously -and possibly spit out a black liquid—the tobacco juice -freely taken by him during the performance explains the -colour. The avowed object of the suction is that it draws -out the poison—the evil spirit.<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> It is here that some degree -of charlatanism comes into play, for the operating medicine-man -will presently produce a tangible object from his mouth, -a bit of stick, a thorn, a fishbone, or anything of a similar -description, and inform the patient and his friends that this -is the material form which had been assumed by the evil -spirit which he has drawn bodily from the flesh of the sick -person.<a name="FNanchor_300" id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> This is the usual accompaniment of the shaman’s -rites, and too universally indulged in by the wizard fraternity -to need any particular comment.</p> - -<p>The Indian medicine-man receives presents for the cures -he effects. Should he fail he must make the best case he can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span> -for himself, and depart to the bush to work magic against -the rival who has successfully—according to his account—outmanœuvred -him. The blame for failure is not to be his -but another’s. This, it is hardly necessary to note, is an -alluring chance for the repayment of any personal injury or -slight, not often missed by so entirely human a person as the -Indian medicine-man.</p> - -<p>To a certain extent the office of tribal medicine-man -is hereditary, that is to say the eldest son, if efficient, -succeeds the father. It would be more correct to say the -most hairy of his sons, as hirsute qualifications are far more -weighty and essential determinatives than questions of primogeniture. -The hairier the wiser it would seem. But of this -anon. Often the medicine-man will have a small boy with -him, who may be his son, actual or adopted, and who is -also credited with magic gifts.<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> Thus the secrets of the -profession are preserved from generation to generation, the -chosen youths being the recipients of the secrets and trained -to develop and carry on the magic of their predecessors. -Part of the ritual of initiation, as of the ceremonial healing, -consists of what to the unbelieving white man is not too well -done conjuring. The medicine-man is a clumsy conjuror, -and only the implicit trust of his patients and audience saves -him from frequent detection. But the belief that they must -see what he declares they see goes far to make them in very -truth behold it. The “conjuring” in the initiation of a -novice consists of simple “passes” of sticks up through the -nostril and out of the back of the head. According to -Waterton the probationers have to endure exhausting -ordeals and torture.<a name="FNanchor_302" id="FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> This is very probable, but on this -point I received no information.</p> - -<p>So far as I am aware not one of these tribes attaches any -importance to the hair that is clipped or depilated, nor to -nail parings; if they do the point escaped me. But though -they depilate because they dislike resembling monkeys with a -hairy pelt, at the same time it is noticeable that not only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span> -does the medicine-man ignore this general custom, especially -among the Andoke where it is strictly tabu to him—yet -hairiness is, as I have stated above, a necessary qualification -for any man or youth who is desirous of attaining the position -of medicine-man. He is certainly the only man in the -tribe with any face hair. When the medicine-man has a -hairy son the boy is trained to inherit the “practice,” -but should he have no offspring with this distinctive requirement, -a hairy child will be chosen and educated for the post.</p> - -<p>There may possibly be some connection between this tabu -and the belief that when a medicine-man dies he returns as -a tiger, and even during his lifetime he can make excursions -in tiger-form, and be so absolutely tiger that he can slay -and eat the beasts of the wild. Every medicine-man -possesses a jaguar skin that he is said to use when he turns -tiger. By possession of a skin he has the power of resuscitating -the tiger, he himself being the spirit of the tiger. -He can thus work his will, afterwards returning to human -form. An ordinary tiger might be killed, but a medicine-man -in tiger form could not be.<a name="FNanchor_303" id="FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> On one occasion a medicine-man -I met had a bag made of tiger-skin hung round his neck, -in which he carried all his paraphernalia. But the medicine-men -never wear these skins as wraps or coverings. Each -hides his tiger skin away, when not in actual use for magic -purposes.</p> - -<p>The power to return after death in the shape of the -dreaded jaguar is a further defensive measure, a precaution -against hostile peoples, as in this shape both before and after -death the medicine-man can attack the tribal enemies, and -carry obnoxious individuals away into the bush whenever -opportunity offers.</p> - -<p>The medicine-man lives with, and yet aloof from his -fellow-tribesmen. He has to observe many tabu, certain -kinds of food are prohibited, and he must have no connection -with women when making his medicines,<a name="FNanchor_304" id="FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> for should -the woman bear a child it will be a tiger cub. To make -his drugs and unguents a medicine-man goes alone into the -forest, and this in itself marks him as different from other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span> -men, who will never of their own free will go far without a -companion. Spruce mentions an armed guard attendant on -medicine-men, “their lives being in continual jeopardy,” -but no such thing is known south of the Japura.<a name="FNanchor_305" id="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> The -medicine-men certainly wander in the bush alone, for they -will disappear at times, and on their return inform the -tribesfolk that they have been about some magical journeyings; -they may have worked in the guise of tigers against -tribal enemies; or paid visits in the spirit to other lands. -No armed escort could protect a medicine-man better than -his own reputation suffices to do, for all medicine-men are -feared—certes one that was not feared would not be worth -the killing—and no Indian would be likely to risk the danger -resultant on doing one an injury. I doubt if even a hostile -tribe would wittingly put a medicine-man to death, for -they fear retaliation on the part of the spirit, which would -certainly haunt them, even if it worked no graver ill.</p> - -<p>The medicine-man’s dress, as already mentioned, is -largely a matter of personal taste; something original and -striking is usually attempted. The Orahone medicine-man -clothes himself in tapir-skin, and the Andoke medicine-man -in the illustration opposite p. 73 was wearing a dyed -turban when I took his portrait. Any fancy article that -comes to hand is utilised to make him different from -his fellows. His “properties,” which are carried in an -ornamented bag of tiger skin, or of beaten bark sewn with -fibre string, consist of a rattle—of rather more elaborate -design than the ordinary dance rattle—some small magic -stones, and a cup made from the shell of a river fish.<a name="FNanchor_306" id="FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> The -latter resembles a large oyster, and the mother-of-pearl -inner coating is much used for earrings and ornaments. -The medicine-man takes this cup, speaks into it, and rubs -the sick person all over with it. Then, if this does not bring -about a cure, the patient must suck it till he vomits, and -continue to vomit till the evil spirit be expelled.</p> - -<p>Condor claws play a great part in magic-working among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span> -the northern tribes. These gigantic birds are rare in the -bush, and I never saw one, though I heard of them from -all the medicine-men, and obtained some specimens of the -dried feet from them. These are ugly objects, the leg -stump stopped with pitch and bound roughly round with -bands of beaten bark, about half or a quarter of an inch -wide, and not twisted. But though I got the claws I could -not get any details as to what they were supposed to do.<a name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a></p> - -<p>I once saw a medicine-man with the skin of an anaconda, -and was told that by using the skin he could control the -spirit of the anaconda.<a name="FNanchor_308" id="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> For this purpose the medicine-men -are habitually provided with the dried skins of lizards -and snakes.<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a></p> - -<p>The Andoke place great faith in strings of magical stones, -five or seven in number. These are taken off the string -and laid by the medicine-man in certain patterns on the -sufferer. The medicine-man gazes at them abstractedly -till a degree of self-induced trance is established. He will -then break out into a frenzy, stamp, shout, and brandish -his rattle. The stones are also used for magical rubbing, -and are most assiduously guarded by their possessors, who -will not part with them for any consideration. The only -string of such stones I managed even to see are shown in -the illustration. They are of quartz, somewhat roughly -made flat discs, worn smooth by continual use, about three-quarters -of an inch in diameter and a quarter of an inch -thick, bored in the centre, the hole being half the size in the -middle to what it is at its external radius. These stones -are always carried on a string.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate41" style="width: 390px;"> -<img src="images/plate41.jpg" width="390" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLI.</p> -<p class="caption">STONE AXE HEAD (BORO)</p> -<p class="caption">STRING OF MAGIC STONES (ANDOKE)</p> -</div> - -<p>Whatever goes wrong in tribal life, from a pain in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span> -finger to a hurricane, the malice of an enemy working -through the evil spirits is held to be responsible, as will -be shown more fully hereafter. It is the medicine-man’s -business not only to frustrate their malicious purposes, but -also to discover who is the foe inciting their wickedness by -magical influences. Mischief can be wrought without any -bodily presence.<a name="FNanchor_310" id="FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> Revenge is also possible by the exercise -of similar extra-natural powers. For instance, if a child -is lost, or killed by a tiger, the bereaved parents call -the tribal medicine-man to their assistance. If the hunters -sent out to retaliate upon the tiger-foe fail to capture or -overcome it, the medicine-man proceeds to work magic. -This may be quite simple, for it is possible that in his solitary -wanderings in the bush he may have the luck to come across -the lost youngster. In this case he “re-creates” the -child by the potency of his magic-working, and secures an -unshakable reputation by producing it alive in due course. -Should such luck not befall him he can but return with a -tale of vengeance wreaked on the tiger, and a tiger-tooth—not -necessarily of fresh extraction—in proof of that same. -Then it is his duty to discover which might be the wicked -tribe that sent the tiger, or had it sent at their instigation, -as he would have to ascertain who had sent sickness were -it the death of an adult that was under investigation. -The procedure is the same whether the trouble be a -house blown down by the wind or any other catastrophe. -The tribe assembles for a solemn palaver, and the medicine-man, -frenzied with drugs, eventually “divines” who is the -enemy. The final decision usually is that the tribe had -better go to war at once lest worse befall them.</p> - -<p>The medicine-man invariably has a considerable say -in intertribal policy. War is never made without his -advice, and in addition to his duties as tribal avenger and -healer, he must warn the tribe of impending hostilities.<a name="FNanchor_311" id="FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> -Should hostilities break out, or a death occur, during a -white man’s visit to a tribe, he would possibly find himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span> -in considerable personal danger. Success to the tribe might -in part be attributed to his virtue, but disaster would -certainly be considered due to his malign presence, a point -the medicine-man would not be slow in urging against -the visitor.</p> - -<p>The white stranger, with his foreign magic—for magic -every other thing he possesses must seem to the unsophisticated -child of the bush—in any circumstances is -regarded with some jealousy by the professional magic-workers -of the tribes. Naturally, therefore, it is with -extreme difficulty that any details of their methods and -doings can be learnt. It goes without saying that the -medicine-man regards any inquisitive stranger as a -potential rival, is on his guard against bluff or bribery, -and never willingly gives so much as an opening for -exchange of professional confidences. It is the hardest -thing in the world to obtain information from the Indian, -for every Indian will say “I don’t know,” or “Pia”—because -it is so—in order to avoid having to explain his -beliefs to the white man. I tried to bluff, and by feigning to -possess magical gifts hoped to draw the local exponent into -a rival display, but with no encouraging results. What I -could gather had to be done with circumspection, a bit -here, a trifle there, a note from a chance remark, a comment -from another.</p> - -<p>The expulsion of the evil spirit causing sickness is a -matter requiring invariably much noise and fury. The -<i>maloka</i> is always dark, be it day or night, and the gloom -is not broken by torches for the medicine-man’s visit, -nor are the smouldering fires kicked into a blaze. The -doctor, well under the influence of drugs, works himself -to a state of wild exaltation. He beats the floor with a -palm branch, shakes his rattle vigorously, and makes the -most appalling noises. He will imitate the beasts and birds -of the forest, and—as he must be a skilled ventriloquist if -he has any claims whatsoever to magic gifts—the sounds -apparently come from every side. This is to demonstrate -the embodying of the spirits of the nether world, the active -causation of all ill. Also it is to summon to his assistance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span> -all friendly spirits, or all over whom he has attained magical -influence. He carries on conversations with the assumed -speakers, and intermittently howls, and shrieks, and beats -the air with his palm branches. The greater the noise, the -wilder the excitement, the more potent is the magic of the -medicine-man. South of the Japura he does not blow -smoke over the patient, but he makes use of both tobacco -juice and coca. He further drugs himself most probably -with some such powerful agent as aya-huasca, though that -is not supposed to be known to these tribes. The medicine-man -also doses himself with a drink made from a certain -liana. When thoroughly intoxicated with it he will run -away, and shortly go into profound slumber. In this -comatose state he is supposed to hold intercourse with the -unseen world, to wander in spirit to other places, and, as a -result of what he has hereby learnt, to be able to foretell -the future when he awakes.</p> - -<p>Magic-making in cases of sickness includes the blowing, -sucking, and so forth, already described. The relatives of -the patient will discourse at length on the story of the -sickness, and the medicine-man will either announce who -sent it himself or expound the sick person’s dreams and -therefrom deduct the source of evil. The official explanation -and verdict is always given in the most ambiguous -phraseology, so that whatever happens the medicine-man -may be able to twist his dictum to the desired equivalent -of “I told you so.”</p> - -<p>As already described the invalid may be given a strong -narcotic drink, the decoction of a root, and carried out -to a small clearing made in the bush. There he is left -under a rough shelter. No one may speak to him, or pass -him while he lies there, otherwise he will die. The relations -go out of sight, and guard the bush tracks, to prevent -any such passage. If the patient die the medicine-man -asserts very positively that some one has transgressed, -knowingly or unknowingly, and so caused the fatal ending. -I saw such a case on one occasion and was prayed by the -Indians not to go anywhere in the direction of the sick man.</p> - -<p>Should a man’s wife fall ill her relatives may, if they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span> -are within reasonable distance, come and take her away. -Koch-Grünberg mentions a case among the Bara Indians -where two men came from another tribe and removed their -sick sister. They were treated with a show of hostility and -followed—as the ailing woman took her healthy children -away—for some distance into the bush. But no tribal -quarrel ensued, the hostility appears to have been merely -ceremonial. This is typical of what might occur among -any friendly tribes.</p> - -<p>Spruce, after seven months among the Uaupes Indians, -“failed to catch a payé”<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> or see one at work. I attempted -to get on terms with sundry of these gentlemen by an -exhibition of my own “magic” powers, in the hope that I -might elicit some comments, or hints of their own secrets. -I made play with my eyeglass, and informed them that it -was great medicine, and enabled me to see through a man. -But though the tribesmen had on their own account -attributed this faculty to my camera, the medicine-men -were very sceptical of the eyeglass. Still I had better -fortune than Spruce, for one day when I was with an -Okaina tribe, a woman of my party went down with -fever. She had a temperature of 103° to 104°, and -the quinine with which I dosed her had no effect. -There happened to be a great and noted medicine-man -in the district, so they sent for him. The <i>maloka</i>, some -fifty yards from wall to wall each way, was dark as -pitch. Into the gloom rushed a frenzied figure. It was -the medicine-man in a state of tremendous excitement. -He passed his hands frantically all over the woman’s body. -She lay rigid, and he was shaking with the intensity of his -emotion. Never in my life have I seen a man so excited. -If he were play-acting he believed most emphatically in his -own play-acting. Then he filled his mouth with coca, and -stooping over the moribund woman put his lips upon hers. -Eager and trembling, he sucked up the contents of the -woman’s mouth, then rushed out of the house and expectorated, -emptying his mouth with his fingers. After this -he announced that he had sucked away the evil spirit.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span></p> - -<p>Next morning the woman was perfectly well.</p> - -<p>I considered it the most extraordinary faith cure: but -there was no burking the fact that a dying woman had been -restored most miraculously to health. Certainly imagination -goes very far in the curative process with a patient in -Amazonia—as elsewhere,—but even allowing for this it was -extraordinary.</p> - -<p>Faith in the healing powers of the medicine-men is not -confined to the tribesmen, for I knew one case of an Indian -woman who had been married for years to a white man -and lived in the rubber district. She fell ill, and her husband, -instead of trusting to the white man’s remedies, insisted on -sending for a medicine-man.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Indian dances—Songs without meaning—Elaborate preparations—The -Chief’s invitation—Numbers assembled—Dance step—Reasons for -dances—Special dances—Dance staves—Arrangement of dancers—Method -of airing a grievance—Plaintiff’s song of complaint—The -tribal “black list”—Manioc-gathering dance and song—Muenane -Riddle Dance—A discomfited dancer—Indian riddles and mimicry—Dance -intoxication—An unusual incident—A favourite dance—The -cannibal dance—A mad festival of savagery—The strange fascination -of the Amazon.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Whatever of art there may be in the soul of the tribesman -finds expression in the dance. It is the concert and the -play, the opera, the ball, the carnival, and the feast of the -Amazons, in that it gives opportunity for the æsthetic, -artistic, dramatic, musical, and spectacular aspirations of -the Indian’s nature. It is his one social entertainment, and -he invites to it every one living in amity with him. Any -excuse is enough for a dance, but nevertheless the affair is a -serious business. The dance, like the tobacco palaver, is -a dominant factor in tribal life. For it the Amazonian -treasures the songs of his fathers, and will master strange -rhymes and words that for him no longer have meaning; -he only knows they are the correct lines, the phrases he -ought to sing at such functions, because they always have -been sung, they are the words of the time-honoured tribal -melodies.<a name="FNanchor_313" id="FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> It is for these occasions that he fashions quaint<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span> -dancing-staves and wonderful musical instruments, and dons -all his treasured ornaments, while his wife paints her most -dazzling skin costumes. He practises steps and capers, -tutors his voice to the songs; meantime his children rehearse -assiduously in the privacy of their forest playground, -against the time when they too may take part in the tribal -festivities.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate42" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/plate42.jpg" width="500" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLII.</p> -<p class="caption">ANATTO, <i>BIXA ORELLANA</i>, A RED DYE, OR PAINT, -IS MADE FROM THE SEED</p> -</div> - -<p>The entertainment demands elaborate preliminaries. -When any such carnival is on hand the old women of the -tribe for days previously are busied making cassava, and -with the preparation of <i>kawana</i> or other appropriate drinks. -The amount of liquid refreshment necessary for a large dance -is enormous, in view of the custom by which the liquor-logged -native simply steps aside, and by the insertion of a -finger down the throat is speedily ready for a further supply. -During the four or five days that a dance continues only the -old men among the Turuka will eat anything, and that -nothing more substantial than manioc starch; the dancers -merely drink <i>hashiri</i>.</p> - -<p>Nor is the inner man only to be considered. All sartorial -treasures, the feathers and necklaces of the men, the beaded -girdles of the women, are taken from their receptacles, the -wardrobes in the rafters of the <i>maloka</i>. The men—for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span> -Amazonian male reserves to himself the greatest brilliance -of attire on occasions of ceremony—array themselves in their -feather tiaras, with necklaces, armlets, and sounding garters -of polished nuts. The maidens and matrons also apply -themselves to the elaboration of their toilets. No court -dressmaker ever gave more anxious thought to the fashioning -of <i>chef-d’œuvre</i> in silk and brocade than do these dusky -daughters of Eve to the tracing of circles, angles, bands, and -frets upon their naked skins. Coquetry is as essential an -accompaniment of the savage dance, in the unmapped bush -of the Amazons, as in a garlanded ballroom of Mayfair. The -most vain of English beauties probably spends less time -over her adornment for any function than do these young -women as they squat in chattering crowds over the calabashes -of vegetable dye, white, scarlet, black, or purple, with -which they trace upon each other the cunning patterns that -make their only dresses.</p> - -<p>When these preparations are satisfactorily advanced the -chief, or some one in authority, despatches his invitations, -no formal cards entrusted to a postman, but a summons -mysterious as a Marconigram, and imperious as a writ of -the High Court. The chief takes his stand between the -<i>manguare</i>, the signal drums slung from the rafters of the -great house, and with the rubber-headed drumstick he beats -out as message sonorous notes that travel to every Indian -within eight or nine miles. This summons is no mere -manipulation of the four notes which constitute the range -of the instrument, but an articulate message to convey the -time, the place, and the purpose of the meeting to the -initiated.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate43" style="width: 525px;"> -<img src="images/plate43.jpg" width="525" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLIII.</p> -<p class="caption">HALF GOURDS DECORATED WITH INCISED PATTERNS, MADE BY WITOTO -NEAR THE MOUTH OF THE KARA PARANA RIVER</p> -<p class="caption">DUKAIYA (OKAINA) RATTLE MADE BY NUTSHELLS</p> -</div> - -<p>The numbers who congregate for a dance were a constant -source of astonishment to me. Out of the silent and trackless -bush scores of expectant guests, all painted and feathered, -will pour into the clearing about the <i>maloka</i>, at the time -appointed by the signal drum, and by nightfall some -hundreds are gathered. Great bonfires are set ablaze, and -the interior of the tribal lodge, where the chief has a place -in the centre, flares ruddy with the light of torches. The -men make loud clangour with their instruments, flutes, pan-pipes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span> -or drums, and out in the clearing they form into line, -clutching their jingling dance-poles, while the women form -up facing them. Led by a strenuous tribesman clattering -with nuts and dried seeds, the line begins its perambulation -of the <i>maloka</i>. Forward two steps—<i>thud!</i> Backward two -steps—<i>thud!</i> Clattering and pattering, with the fifes shrieking -high above all other sounds, as the drums growl deep -below, the procession slowly encircles the <i>maloka</i>, and then -enters. In a frenzied flutter of feathers and leaves the -performers move round the chief, to a jangle of seed-pods -and rattles, till the company is completed, and the tribal -lodge is packed with the dancers, when he signals for silence. -The dance stops. The instruments cease their outcry, and -in the sudden contrast of silence the chief sings a line which -is the keynote of the occasion, the explanation, the reason -for the assembly. Then dance and song begin, while those -who are not taking active part squat round upon their -haunches and ejaculate hoarse cries of approval and encouragement -at intervals.</p> - -<p>As aforesaid, any excuse is good enough reason for such -festival. Dances take place continuously: at the harvest -of the pine-apple and the manioc; at the conclusion of a -successful hunt or war-expedition; and at such other times -in the Amazonian season as the chief feels moved to give -entertainment. As the weather does not vary sufficiently -to influence the harvesting of the crops at any particular -date, there is no equivalent to our harvest; and, though -manioc is planted as a rule just before the heaviest annual -rainfall becomes due, there is no part of the year when some -of the roots are not ready to gather. Pines are most plentiful -in October, and it is then that the special pine-apple dances -take place.<a name="FNanchor_314" id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a></p> - -<p>The dance takes its character from the occasion. The -dancing staff, unless the dance is in honour of some specific -thing, is undecorated, merely furnished with a calabash -that contains nuts, or with a carved head hollowed for the -same purpose, and is sometimes hung with bunches of dried<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span> -seeds that rattle when shaken or when knocked on the -ground. These form important additions to the orchestra, -and to the garters and anklets strapped to the legs. Very -often the Indian decorates his staff with palm leaves merely -for ornament, but in the harvest dances the staves are -adorned with bunches of whatever crop is to be honoured—a -tuft of pine-apple leaves or a bundle of manioc shoots. -The Yakuna carve patterns on their dance staves.<a name="FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> Among -the Tureka, north of the Japura, dance staves are a most -important possession, and are looked on with great affection -by their owners. The Tureka men wear aprons when dancing, -and use clappers in one hand, instead of the horns and -rattle used alternately by the Tukana.<a name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> The Menimehe -carries a club in his right hand. On the Tikie, dancers are -said to hold a flute in the left hand, and always to have -a green twig under their girdle. Koch-Grünberg further -states that they have clay whistles with which they blow -at dances as well as for signals. These are not customs of -the Issa-Japura tribes.</p> - -<p>The soloist who leads the dancers from the start outside -the <i>maloka</i> very probably commences by executing some -fancy high stepping. He may, for instance, prance like a -stallion, and this is calculated to amuse the company immensely. -When the performers get too heated by their -exertions in the house they will file outside, still dancing, -and after a few turns on the open space in front of the -<i>maloka</i>, will return within.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate44" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate44.jpg" width="650" height="475" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLIV.</p> -<p class="caption">OKAINA GIRLS PAINTED FOR DANCE</p> -</div> - -<p>Among the Okaina and the Boro the hand is often -placed on the far shoulder of the next in line. I -especially remember one endless dance in an Okaina house -in which all free performers were double locked, while those -in possession of staves or rattles were content with a single -lock to allow freedom for one hand. The dancers invariably -stand in single file, usually with one hand resting on the -shoulder of the next in line. The Menimehe and most other -tribes place the left hand on their neighbour’s right shoulder, -but, according to Koch-Grünberg, tribes on the Tikie place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span> -the right hand, though the Tukana rest the left. The figure -is composed of a broken circle of men thus linked together, -whilst in their free hands they hold the dancing staves, -rattles, or flutes. Within, and concentric, is the ring of -women dancers, who face the men and maintain a time -which is complementary and not identical with theirs.<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> -North of the Japura in some cases the women dance between -the men in the same circle,<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> or the men and the younger -girls dance round the elder women. When dancing, personal -touch is not tabu or disliked, possibly because it is -ceremonial or conventional. In most of these dances the -woman who is not engaged in the inner circle of the select—the -complementary figure of the dance—places herself -outside the outer circle with her left hand on the left shoulder -of the man of her choice. Her frontal portion is thus at -right angles, and away from that of her man.</p> - -<p>The rhythm of the dance is always very marked. The -figures and steps are simple, neither suggestive nor lascivious, -and wholly destitute of the lustful invitation of the dances -of the East. The step is almost invariably a high, prancing -flexion of the thigh upon the body, followed by a deliberate -extension to the ground, repeated two or three times, the -advance being completed with a resounding stamp of the -right foot upon the earth, according to the accentuation -of the measure. The same steps are repeated backwards -in retiring, although less ground is covered, so that -the dancers sway rhythmically forward and backward; -but the end of each movement finds the whole line advanced -some little distance from where it was at the conclusion of -the previous one. The forward movement may be described -simply as, right foot forward, left foot forward, -stamp with right, right foot backward, left foot backward, -right foot back in position, toe on ground, to start<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span> -<i>da capo</i> right foot forward, in uninterrupted repetition. -Spruce has described this movement as “a succession of -dactyls.”<a name="FNanchor_319" id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> In stamping, which is done by all the dancers -in unison, the knee is brought up to a right angle with the -trunk, and the foot then thrust down with the whole weight -of the body. Toe with right is the same motion as stamp -right, but with only a slight flexion of the knee, and comparatively -noiseless. The circles move to the right, continuing, -but almost imperceptibly on account of slight -change of ground. The Tureka make a jump before the -stamp, shout at the end of the figure, and whistle through -their teeth.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate45" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate45.jpg" width="650" height="560" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLV.</p> -<p class="caption">BORO DANCING</p> -<p class="caption">GROUP OF NONUYA, MEN AND WOMEN</p> -</div> - -<p>While the principal dance is in progress a frequent form -of side-show to the main entertainment is the entrance of -a tribesman with a grievance. He will have made for -himself the most remarkable costume he can devise, and to -ensure that he shall gain attention, wears upon his head a -veritable “<i>matinée</i> hat” of absurd proportions.<a name="FNanchor_320" id="FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> He pays -no heed to the dance when he comes into the <i>maloka</i>, but -stalks solemnly to a position in the sight of all, though he -will keep out of the actual track of the dancers. Then, -standing stock-still with upraised hand, facing neither the -performers nor the “sitters out,” but in any chance position, -he raises his staff and begins to recite his complaint to a -monotonous refrain. The following is a typical instance of -what may be chanted:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">There came a man this morning to our lodge—</div> -<div class="verse">A man who took cassava from my woman.</div> -<div class="verse">Cassava she gave him in exchange for two pines,</div> -<div class="verse">For two pines she gave him much cassava.</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span> -<div class="verse">But where are the pines?</div> -<div class="verse">Where are the pines he promised?</div> -<div class="verse">Was this man a thief?—</div> -<div class="verse">This man who took cassava from my woman.<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Or the complaint might run:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">I came in with meat;</div> -<div class="verse">The hungry man took my meat,</div> -<div class="verse">But promised me bread.</div> -<div class="verse">He gave me no bread,</div> -<div class="verse">And my belly is empty.</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The following is a complaint made by a Boro chief’s -daughter of her treatment by her own tribe:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">The chief’s daughter was lost in the bush,</div> -<div class="verse indent1">And no one came to find the spoor;</div> -<div class="verse">The branches were broken and the leaves were turned,</div> -<div class="verse indent1">And no one came to find the spoor.</div> -<div class="verse">And where were my brothers and the sons of the chief’s brothers,</div> -<div class="verse indent1">That no one came to find the spoor? etc.</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The petitioner will repeat his or her song for hours without -ceasing. To all appearance no one takes the slightest notice -of his presence, unless the dance should come to an end -during the recitation, when the performers jeer and laugh -at his tale of woe. This has no effect upon the plaintiff, -who continues gravely to voice his grievance. The chief -must, however, take note of the matter, and if it be thought -of sufficient importance it is brought up for discussion and -judgment at the next tribal conference in tobacco palaver. -At any rate, this method of airing a grievance has the -effect of placing the culprit on the black-list, in view of -the resultant publicity; and the natural wariness that is -shown by others of the tribe in all dealings with such -suspect for the future, is in itself a punishment for the -crime.</p> - -<p>It is difficult in the extreme to obtain any reliable evidence -of the existence of initiation dances. Sixty years ago Dr. -Russell Wallace described as the initiation dance of the girls<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span> -of the Uaupes a dance which, six years ago, Dr. Koch-Grünberg, -the latest and most painstaking of Amazonian -investigators, found as a Jurupari ceremony confined to -men on the river Aiary. The dance is the same in each -case, and depends for its distinction upon the infliction of -serious bodily injury. The mysteries of initiation, as has -been said, have not yet been fathomed in the Amazons, -nor have those of Jurupari. There is undoubtedly a dance -in which the performers beat their fellows with lianas until -the blood is drawn and the victims faint with pain, but no -white man has yet spoken with certainty upon its origin.<a name="FNanchor_322" id="FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> -The dance is not known in the district between the Issa and -the Japura, nor do the mysteries of initiation fall to be -discussed in this chapter. Those are not matters which are -readily laid bare to even the most enterprising investigator -in the haunts of the aborigines.</p> - -<p>According to Koch-Grünberg’s account, all the women, -accompanied by the smaller boys, leave the <i>maloka</i> directly -the notes of the flutes are heard, and either hide in the woods -or in another house with closed exits. The performers -circle round in quick marching time, blowing their flutes, -which each holds in his right hand, his left resting on the -right shoulder of the next man. At the completion of the -circle they stand in line. One dancer then draws the long -whip they all carry under their right arms, and while his -companion holds his flute high up, blowing lustily, he gives -him three blows on the side and stomach heavy enough to -draw blood freely. This continues till all have taken part. -There is no singing, but the gaping wounds and much drinking -of <i>kashiri</i> rouse the performers to a state of wild excitement. -This dance is followed by an ordinary one, in which -the women take part.<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> Obviously none of the Issa-Japura<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span> -tribes practise this dance, for I never saw any signs of the -scars that must inevitably remain on the bodies of dancers -cut in this wholesale fashion.</p> - -<p>The account given by Bates of a dance at the Feast of -Fruits among the Juri and the Passé Indians is an equally -good description of some of the Issa-Japura harvest dances. -The men carry long reeds instead of javelins, and with their -left hands on their neighbours’ right shoulders move slowly -to right and to left. The accompaniment is a song as -drawling and monotonous as the movement, which will be -continued for upwards of an hour at a time.<a name="FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p> - -<p>In the pine-apple dance the Indians tie pine leaves to -boughs and wave them as they move. The women of the -chief, and possibly all the women of the tribe, form a semicircle -with the chief in the centre, sometimes alone, sometimes -with others. They carry the mid-rib of the Trooly -palm or some similar wand, with a small pine, or often the -pine-top, tied to the end.</p> - -<p>The proceedings at all harvest dances are very similar. -I give as example a Boro dance at the gathering of the -manioc, which is but an excuse for this dance, as manioc is -pulled up at all times and seasons. As is almost universal -in Indian dancing, the outer circle, or rather semicircle, is -composed of men. The women, fewer in number, stand -together in the centre, or each behind the man of her choice. -Their dancing staves are all decorated with bunches of -manioc shoots. The woman, with the nearer hand resting -on the man’s shoulder, keeps step with him, moving to her -own front and not sideways like the man, though in the -same direction. The inner group face the circle of men, -and their steps are complementary to those of the men, and -not identical with them. The chief starts the dance with -the first line of the song, his wife replies, and her answer is -echoed by the chorus of the chief’s women.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chief.</i></div> -<div class="verse">I am old and weak and my belly craves food.</div> -<div class="verse">Who has sown the <i>pika</i><a name="FNanchor_325" id="FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> in the <i>emie</i>?<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a></div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Wife.</i></div> -<div class="verse">I have sown the <i>pika</i> long, long ago.</div> -<div class="verse">The <i>maica</i><a name="FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> is sown with young shoots.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chorus.</i></div> -<div class="verse">We have sown the <i>pika</i> long, long ago.</div> -<div class="verse">The <i>maica</i> is sown with young shoots.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chief.</i></div> -<div class="verse">I am old and weak and my belly craves food.</div> -<div class="verse">Who has cut the <i>pika</i> in the <i>emie</i>?</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Wife.</i></div> -<div class="verse">I, even I myself, have cut the <i>maica</i>.</div> -<div class="verse">The <i>maica</i> is cut in the <i>emie</i>.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chorus.</i></div> -<div class="verse">We, even we ourselves, have cut the <i>maica</i>.</div> -<div class="verse">The <i>maica</i> is cut in the <i>emie</i>.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chief.</i></div> -<div class="verse">I am old and weak and my belly craves food.</div> -<div class="verse">Who has soaked the <i>maica</i> for the <i>mao</i>?<a name="FNanchor_328" id="FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Wife.</i></div> -<div class="verse">I, even I myself, have soaked the <i>maica</i>.</div> -<div class="verse">I have soaked the <i>maica</i> for the <i>mao</i>.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chorus.</i></div> -<div class="verse">We, even we ourselves, have soaked the <i>maica</i>.</div> -<div class="verse">We have soaked the <i>maica</i> for the <i>mao</i>.</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The whole process of growing, harvesting, and preparing -the manioc for cassava is thus related, then the chief will -ask:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">Who has made the <i>mao</i> that I may eat?</div> -<div class="verse">That my belly may swell with <i>mao</i>?</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Wife.</i></div> -<div class="verse">I, even I, have made the <i>mao</i>,</div> -<div class="verse">And my belly will swell with <i>mao</i>.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chorus.</i></div> -<div class="verse">We, even we ourselves, have made the <i>mao</i>.</div> -<div class="verse">We will all eat that our bellies may swell,</div> -<div class="verse">That our bellies may swell with <i>mao</i>.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse center"><i>Chief.</i></div> -<div class="verse center"><i>Ina? ina?</i><a name="FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> that your bellies are swollen?</div> -<div class="verse">Who has eaten the <i>mao</i> from the <i>pika</i>—</div> -<div class="verse">The <i>pika</i> in the <i>emie</i>?</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span></p> - -<p>The suggestion is obviously that the women have stolen -and eaten the cassava of the chief, but it is made solely -to bring in the sexual suggestion. The women deny the -imputation, and declare that their bellies are empty, or that -they are great with child, not swollen with <i>mao</i>. The chief -will then ask why, or when, the belly fills with child, and so -the song continues on the lines of the sexual ideas introduced -until the finale is reached, when the chief would sing:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse"><i>Imine, imine</i>,</div> -<div class="verse">The women are good women,</div> -<div class="verse"><i>Imine</i>.<a name="FNanchor_330" id="FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a></div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate46" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate46.jpg" width="650" height="475" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLVI.</p> -<p class="caption">MUENANE DANCE</p> -</div> - -<p>The Muenane, who occupy a part of the central Issa-Japura -watershed, between the Andoke and the Resigero, -possess a dance of their own, which has travelled into many -of the other tribes south of the Japura, and has become very -popular.<a name="FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> This is a combination of a riddle and an animal -dance. The figure is formed as in the pine-apple dance, -but the centre is taken by a warrior who has gained a reputation -as a wit. His business is to ask a riddle, which -will in all probability be an original one, and he asks -it after the manner of a chant. Naturally a man with at -least the indigenous sense of wit is loudly applauded and -received with shrieks of laughter from the outset. The -dancers take up the chanted question as they rotate round -the questioner. At the end of the measure the dance stops, -and the riddler rushes frantically round the circle with a -lighted torch, looking, like Alcibiades, for a man—to answer -his riddle. He stops suddenly, thrusts his torch into the -face of a performer, and, peering into his eyes to seek for -some sign of answering intelligence, repeats his question. -The answer, if in the negative, is given—whatever the tribe -dancing may be—in the tongue of the originators of the -dance, Muenane—“Jana” (I do not know). The dancer -thereupon, having failed to reply correctly, is then impressed -to be a follower of the questioner, and must rush after him<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span> -and imitate all his antics, which are apparently to give the clue -to the riddle. In a short time a long single file of these -failures is engaged in presenting a burlesque of the habits -of the animal whose name is the answer required. The first -performer who guesses correctly becomes the questioner in -turn, and the dance starts afresh.</p> - -<p>It may be pertinent here to relate an incident which tends -to convey at least an insight into the Indian character, -the lack of altruism, the love of discomfiture of others. -On one occasion the questioner—evidently to take a rise -out of a stranger, and being intoxicated, if not with coca at -least with the dancing mania—thrust his torch into my face, -nearer than would be tolerated in the usual way. I quickly -placed my foot on his chest, with the resultant back-somersault -of torch and man. The shrieks of laughter lasted a -considerable time. I was the hero of the hour, and custom -decreed that the victim should laugh at his own discomfiture.</p> - -<p>All Indians are clever mimics, and the fidelity with which -they reproduce the actions of jaguars, tapirs, monkeys, -parrots, and other familiar animals of the bush is remarkable. -The riddles are nearly always concerned with animals, and -the test of wit is the amount of sexual suggestion contained -in the reply.<a name="FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> A typical query is, “When is a howler-monkey -not a howler?” The answer would be, “When he is covering -his mate.” The dumb show of the actors delights the -audience, and leaves no small characteristic to the imagination. -The riddles may defy translation, but the actions are -certainly not beyond interpretation.</p> - -<p>In this connection it is well to refer again to the subject -of dance intoxication. The excitement due to rhythmic -motion struck me very forcibly. It should be remembered -too that the men are heroic cocainists, and this stimulant, -in forcing the imagination, undoubtedly for the moment—<i>qua</i> -alcohol—has an aphrodisiacal tendency. The sexual -innuendoes of the songs, though not of the dance, increase -the effect. It must also be borne in mind that five days -and nights is not an uncommon limit to one dance. It -may cease at sunrise for a short space, and individuals,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span> -of course, rest and sleep as nature may dictate, but never, -to my knowledge, for any length of time.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate47" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate47.jpg" width="650" height="475" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLVII.</p> -<p class="caption">OKAINA DANCE</p> -</div> - -<p>On one occasion I was witness to the most remarkable -salacity on the part of an individual. In my innocence I -considered it part of the dance, and was satisfied with the -idea that I had at last happed upon the indigenous counterpart -of the coition and parturition dances of the East. It -was not until the man was restrained by order of the chief -that the true facts were realised.<a name="FNanchor_333" id="FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> But this was exceptional. -The dance is carried on with frenzy and excitement, but -with nothing beyond that. It never touches eroticism.<a name="FNanchor_334" id="FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> -The dance never ends, as we know ending. It dwindles to -cessation.</p> - -<p>Another dance, much appreciated by the tribes between -the Issa and the Japura, is not very dissimilar in essentials -from the musical chairs of our childhood. The dancers form -into a line, or two parallel lines, and, headed by the song-leader, -carry out the customary step in single file. At the -leader’s mention of a certain word, or perhaps a certain -subject, previously agreed upon, the whole line must right-about -turn, and pick up the step again without losing a beat. -Those who fail are withdrawn from the line. The dance -continues until the fittest alone remain, and is productive -of general amusement.</p> - -<p>But there are more tragic inspirations for a dance than -the guessing of riddles or the garnering of the crops. I refer -to the triumphant home-coming of tribal warriors, laden with -booty from the war-path, with a band of doomed prisoners. -The treatment of the latter and their disposal at the feast<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span> -have been already dealt with. But the cannibal ritual of -insult is not the end. When the orgy of blood and gluttony -is over, the warriors must dance. Only the men may take -part in the feast, so only the men may participate in this -dance. The music is chiefly that of the drums, and to their -gloomy rolling—according to Robuchon’s account—the -warriors lurch portentously, drunk already with victory, -and excited by dancing. They break apart frequently to -stir the great troughs of liquor with the forearms of their dead -enemies, and to quaff deep calabashes full of drink. Then -they stagger back to the wild intoxication of the dance. -Their songs become shrieks, demoniacal, hellish. For eight -days this horrible dance of triumph continues, while the -captive boys and girls, young enough to be saved from the -fate of the earthen pot, cower in the darkness of the <i>maloka</i> -and suffer, perforce in silence, the gibes of the women. But -this scene defies description.</p> - -<p>Set against the darkly impressive background of the -forest any tribal dance gives an amazing effect of kaleidoscopic -light and colour when, with nightfall, by the flare of -great fires and the glow of torches, the performance begins. -The chosen soloist of the tribe jangling his circlets of nuts, -sounding his gourd rattle, in a falsetto voice sings the ancient -air of the dance. The warriors follow the melody in canon. -Then slowly the great line of naked men, arms interlocked -about each other’s necks, surges forward two steps in perfect -time, pauses a moment, then recedes two steps. In a little -while the whole earth shakes with the swing of the movement. -It is like the flowing and ebbing of mighty waves upon a -shore. It intoxicates with the recurrence of the accentuation. -Slowly round the big <i>maloka</i> the procession passes, -swaying in unison. The streaked and banded women dance -uniformly in an opposite direction. The fires splutter and -blaze. The torches cast strange shadows. The flutes, the -pan-pipes, and the drums blare, bleat, and boom their -barbaric accompaniment.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate48" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate48.jpg" width="650" height="500" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLVIII.</p> -<p class="caption">OKAINA DANCE</p> -</div> - -<p>It is a mad festival of savagery. The naked men are -wildly excited; their eyes glare, their nostrils quiver, but -they are not drunk. The naked women abandon themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span> -to the movement of the dance; they scream their chorus to -the tribal dance-song; but they are not lewd. There is about -it an all-pervading, illimitable delirium. The wild outburst -affects even the stranger in their midst. Forgotten cells -in his brain react to the stimulus of the scene. He is no -longer apart, alien in speech and feeling. He locks arms -in the line of cannibals, sways in rhythm with them, stamps -as solemnly, and sings the meaningless words as fervently -as the best of them. He has bridged an age of civilisation, -and returned to barbarism in the debased jetsam of the river -banks. It is the strange fascination of the Amazons.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Songs the essential element of native dances—Indian imagination and -poetry—Music entirely ceremonial—Indian singing—Simple melodies—Words -without meaning—Sense of time—Limitations of songs—Instrumental -music—Pan-pipes—Flutes and fifes—Trumpets—Jurupari -music and ceremonial—Castanets—Rattles—Drums—The <i>manguare</i>—Method -of fashioning drums—Drum language—Signal and -conversation—Small hand-drums.</p> - -</div> - -<p>In considering the native dances it must be remembered -that the accompanying songs are essential elements of the -entertainment: they mark the character of the dance; -and equally, in considering the songs, it must be remembered -that the imagination of the native never goes beyond -the relation of the sexes. The Indian’s poetry is an inverted -form of romanticism. Instead of seeking to give rhythmical -expression to an idealisation, to find in the beauties of -Nature an analogy to the realities of Life, he reverses the -process. For instance, he views a ripe fruit, and it only -suggests to him a pregnant woman. In all such natural -phenomena as he recognises he notes but the crude, if -possibly the scientific, origin. In the most ordinary conversation -he refers to conditions that appear indecent in -common print; they are, however, undetachable from him.</p> - -<p>So it is that in his songs he debases idealism, does not -elevate realism. His poetry is on a par with that of the -music-hall comedian who conceals a mass of filth under -avowedly innocent words—but the intention is very different. -The Indian possesses no other verbal vehicle, knows no other -source of inspiration. His imagination is bound by his -vocabulary, as his vocabulary is limited by his imagination. -Curiously enough the effect upon his audience is gained by -the same means as those employed by the red-nosed singer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span> -in the places of entertainment south of the Bridges, and is -almost identical in degree. Some of the Londoners of the -County Council schools have advanced ethically but little -beyond their naked brothers of the Amazonian bush.</p> - -<p>These Indians cannot be said to love music for its own -sake. The use of music in any form is almost entirely -ceremonial. They neither sing nor play instruments as a -rule merely for pleasure. On the occasions of their festivals -and dances, though, they give evidence of the possession of -voices of considerable flexibility. They also display much -ingenuity in the manufacture of their instruments, and, -next to their weapons, the pan-pipes, flutes, and drums are -most carefully fashioned and preserved. In fact, these -take precedence over all domestic implements, and even -most ornaments.</p> - -<p>The native singing voice is loud, high, and shrill. The -male leader—as a rule it is a man who is appointed, and -he may be any one who knows the old songs—sings the -solo, to give the chorus their cue, in a high falsetto which -is very penetrating, and marks both time and tune for the -others to follow in canon. The song is started softly, -and gradually increases both in volume and speed. According -to the circumstances, the subject, and the occasion, the -men sing alone, the women sing alone, or the men and -women combine as in the tribal dances. Most of the singing -is done in unison, with a regular drone accompaniment from -those not actually articulating the words. The songs are -sung in regular time, to the accompaniment of stamping, -but not with hand-clapping. The melodies are simple, and -in the definite tribal songs consist of little more than a -single phrase that seems to admit of no variation, and is -repeated <i>ad libitum</i>, as, for example, <i>Mariana Keibeio</i>, a -Boro tribal song. The tune of this, notated from memory, -and in part from a phonograph record, runs approximately, -so far as it can be rendered in our notation:</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;"> -<img src="images/music.jpg" width="700" height="90" alt="Musical score" /> -</div> - -<p>What this implies no Indian now knows, for with all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span> -tribal songs the natives offer no explanation of their meaning -or their origin. They are the songs that their fathers -sang, and one can find no evidence of the amendation or -emendation of the score on the part of their descendants. -These tribal lays are so old that the words are obsolete and -no longer understood by the singers; what is of importance -is the rhythm, and to that, as is common with uncivilised -peoples, the music is largely subordinated. It is but an -accompaniment to the dancing. “The sense of time” in -the Indian, as Stevenson noted among the South Sea -Islanders, “is extremely perfect,” and one might complete -the quotation and add, “I conceive in such a festival that -almost every sound and movement fell in one.”<a name="FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> It is not -an easy matter to discuss, because the English and the -Indian standpoint are so diametrically opposite. So far as -I could judge the tunes are usually in a minor key, both -melody and harmony being of the simplest.</p> - -<p>There are no love-songs among the Indians, for the poetic -conception of love does not exist. Sacred songs and nursery -songs are equally lacking. A mother never croons to her -baby; she does not understand a lullaby. War-songs are -merely the expression of the war-dance; they depend for -their significance upon the words and for their ferocity upon -the grim accentuation of the chorus.</p> - -<p>At the time of the harvest of pine-apples, when the great -dance is held, the men sing the challenge, and the women -reply in their own defence. The songs are similar to that -sung at the manioc-gathering dance, and I have previously -tried to give some idea of such a song.</p> - -<p>Apart from the traditional songs of the tribes, which are -sacred and unchangeable, the Indians are very fond of a -form of song which is really a game rather than a musical -effusion. More correctly, perhaps, it should be called a -ballad.<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> A leader of acknowledged fertility of imagination -and fluency of expression is appointed, as for the Muenane<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span> -riddle dance, and will collect the members of the tribe for -what is actually an impromptu dance. He, or she, will -chant to an improvised air with a simple rhythm, while the -chorus repeat each line or its burden as a refrain. Such songs -give opportunity for all the wit of the tribe. They are -designed either to honour or to ridicule the subject of the -ballad. In reality a composition of this description takes -hours to sing. The first wit propounds the question, the -chorus repeat it, and the second wit then suggests the -answer, which is again repeated by all amid much laughter, -and the repetition is continued not once but twenty times, -until the first wit breaks in with a new query. This is a -very favourite game among the women.</p> - -<p>The following is an attempt to suggest the song-words of -a dance performed by some Witoto for my benefit, though -I do the Indians too much justice, give too great an idea of -continuity, in this version. There is no cohesion in their -productions, and reiteration is the salient feature of all. -The sound and the rhythm suggested to me at the time the -metre of <i>Hiawatha</i>, so I give this song in an attempt at -Hiawathian measure. But the adaptation is really too -varied for the Indian original. I was outside the <i>maloka</i> -when the women started—no men took part—and they -danced in front of me. After a time I went inside, and the -performers promptly followed me, and continued to dance -in the central space of the house. Naturally not one word -would have been sung if these dancers had known it would -be interpreted to me.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">To our tribe there comes a stranger,</div> -<div class="verse">Comes a welcomed, honoured stranger.</div> -<div class="verse">And whence comes to us this stranger?</div> -<div class="verse">From what far and foreign country?</div> -<div class="verse">Wherefore comes this friend among us?</div> -<div class="verse">What the quest that brings him hither?</div> -<div class="verse">Are there in his native country</div> -<div class="verse">Empty fields and unkind women,</div> -<div class="verse">That he comes to seek among us.</div> -<div class="verse">So to satisfy his wishes?</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">By what name is called the stranger?</div> -<div class="verse">Tell us what his people call him.</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span> -<div class="verse">Call him Whiffena Ri-e-i;</div> -<div class="verse">Call him Whiffena, the White Man.</div> -<div class="verse">Partly, too, his name’s Itoma.</div> -<div class="verse">But—his friends and bosom cronies—</div> -<div class="verse">Tell us, how do they address him?</div> -<div class="verse">He is nicknamed by his cronies</div> -<div class="verse">Ei-fo-ke, the Turkey Buzzard.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">Ei-fo-ke, the Turkey Buzzard,</div> -<div class="verse">Is this, then, the name endearing</div> -<div class="verse">That his lovers whisper to him</div> -<div class="verse">When of him they grow enamoured?</div> -<div class="verse">No, not good! The Turkey Buzzard</div> -<div class="verse">Is a bird with beak of scarlet,</div> -<div class="verse">Yes, a long sharp beak of scarlet.</div> -<div class="verse">And a loose and hanging wattle.</div> -<div class="verse">No, his name is not Ei-fo-ke.</div> -<div class="verse">Let his love-name be Okaina!</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>This went on <i>ad nauseam</i>. The true object in all such -songs is to bring in and discuss sexual matters, and no -song has advanced far before it has become essentially -carnal in idea and thoroughly licentious in expression.</p> - -<p>Although instruments are always employed at the dances -they do not seem to be introduced with any idea of organised -accompaniment, but only to help swell the body of sound. -The natives, being ignorant of the use of metal, have been -forced to make their instruments entirely of vegetable -substances; the only other material used is bone, human -bone, <i>bien entendu</i>, and judging from a specimen presented -by Robuchon to the British Museum, the shell of a small -land tortoise. Their instruments of percussion are drums, -castanets, and rattles: their wind-instruments are flutes -and pan-pipes. Very rarely a solitary Indian may be found -playing the flute, apparently for his personal amusement -and solace. As a rule, it is merely used in combination with -its fellows to increase the volume of sound without heed to -its proper place in harmony.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate49" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/plate49.jpg" width="500" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE XLIX.</p> -<p class="caption">PANPIPES</p> -</div> - -<p>The pan-pipes are the simplest of all instruments of -Amazonian music to make, and are the most universally -popular. They consist of a bundle of reeds—three, five, six, -seven, ten, or even seventeen in number—bound together<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span> -with palm-fibre, or, on the Napo, with finely split cane. -Although the pipes are cut to lengths yielding the necessary -musical intervals, the number seems to be purely arbitrary. -They are used in concert with all other instruments, and -mark so much of tune as the Indian orchestra strives to -attain. The pan-pipes shown in the accompanying illustration -are Witoto instruments contrasted with the neater -finish of one made on the Napo. The latter has the greater -number of pipes, and all relatively smaller. There is -nothing complicated about the make of either set. The -cane pipes are cut immediately below the natural joint, -and the node is thus made to serve as a stop.<a name="FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a></p> - -<p>The ubiquitous bamboo also furnishes the material for -a larger flute, and flutes or fifes are made out of the arm-bones -of prisoners taken in battle. After the victim is killed and -eaten the humerus is cleaned, its extremities opened, and -the soft matrix scooped out. Finger-holes are bored in the -shaft of the bone, usually three in number, but occasionally -five. When human bones are not forthcoming the tribesman -uses the leg-bone of a jaguar. This is opened at the end -and furnished with a wax stop that leaves a small canal -open to a three-cornered air-hole. Occasionally one of -these flutes is made with both ends open, in which case a -square or semicircular hole is cut out from the upper rim. -The flute is held against the lower lip, and commonly has -three, or more rarely four, sound-holes. Flutes are also -made of heron-bones, open at the lower end, with a square -air-hole, and generally four sound-holes. These have -mouthpieces made of leaves, and their tones are exceedingly -shrill. But the most curious instruments of which I have -note are flutes made from skulls of animals, by covering -them with pitch, and only leaving open the holes of the nose -and the occipital bone. One hole is blown through, the -other is the sounding-hole. Many of the Indian instruments, -especially the bone flutes, are gaily ornamented with elaborate -incised patterns that are dyed black and red with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span> -vegetable extracts. The flutes are also adorned with -tassels of cotton or palm-fibre.</p> - -<p>The flute or fife is played from the extremity that is -rudely fashioned into a mouthpiece. No native trumpets -are provided with sliding tubes like the familiar trombone, -and there is no plug in the mouth-hole. Nor are any of -the Amazonian wind-instruments fitted with a vibrating -reed. There are no bagpipes, and, in the regions I traversed, -no stringed instruments. Certain tribes north of the Japura, -notably the Desana, use whistles made of clay, which they -employ both as alarm signals and as adjuncts to the dance.</p> - -<p>Trumpets of bark and bamboo have an irregular distribution. -Many tribes dispense with them on all ordinary -occasions, and confine their use to Jurupari music. These -sacred instruments constitute one of the most profound -mysteries of the Amazon. They are lengthy affairs, made -from the hollow stem of a palm, and fitted with a trumpet -mouthpiece. The note is akin to that of the bassoon. -These trumpets are tribal possessions, and are kept concealed -at a distance from the <i>maloka</i>, in a hut which the -women are never permitted to enter, and where the various -secret paraphernalia connected with boy initiation—such -as the whips of tapir hide—are stored. It is a capital -crime for any woman even to set eyes upon them. The -Jurupari trumpet is as tabu to Indian women as the bull-roarer -of the Australian native is to his women-folk.<a name="FNanchor_338" id="FNanchor_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> The -Indian girls are brought up in the belief that the music of -the trumpets is an essential element in the exorcism of the -evil spirit from the body of the youthful initiate, and that -any interference on their part must lead to the eternal -residence of such spirit in the novice, to the consequent -disaster of the tribe, and this belief holds good all their lives.<a name="FNanchor_339" id="FNanchor_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> -No sooner is Jurupari music heard approaching the <i>maloka</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span> -than all the women and uninitiated hurry to the bush, and -remain in hiding until the ceremony is concluded and the -trumpets have been returned to their tabernacle. What -the ceremony may be is held a profound secret, and the -punishment for infringement is death.<a name="FNanchor_340" id="FNanchor_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> As a rule two of -these sacred trumpets are used, and they are tuned to the -same pitch, though differing in their tone according to their -length. They are only used north of the Japura; south of -that river the tribes have no Jurupari music and only know -them as employed ceremonially by their neighbours in connection -with initiation secrets to frighten their women.</p> - -<p>The Tukana when dancing use a trumpet alternately -with their rattles; and the Indians north of the Japura -have regular castanets, made of blocks of hard wood, which -are manipulated with one hand, much in the manner that -the nigger-minstrel plays the “bones.” All the tribes -make rattles of small gourds by the simple method of partly -filling the calabash with dried seeds, or fruit stones, and -inserting a wooden handle so that they can be shaken in -time to the dance. Some of these are of the roughest, the -stick of the handle quite untrimmed; others are more -finely finished, and the polished black surface of the gourd -may be ornamented with designs in colour, or incised -patterns. But these are by no means the only rattles used -at a dance. The Indians have them of many kinds and -descriptions. The smaller are worn as armlets, wristlets, -leglets, and anklets. These are made of nuts, strung with -coloured beads on palm fibre, and very carefully fashioned. -The leg rattles are frequently handsome ornaments, the -rich brown of the glossy nutshell making a splendid contrast -with the blue or red of the Brummagem beads. The finest -are made from a nut not unlike the Brazil nut of commerce -in shape, but less angular. That shown in <a href="#plate43">Plate XLIII.</a> has -natural groovings and marks which give the polished sections -the appearance of being engraved. A section of the shell -is cut off, thoroughly cleaned and polished, then attached -by a short string of beads to the main leg- or arm-band<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span> -from which these nut sections hang bell-like. The arm -rattles are made of smaller nuts, some are not unlike an -oval hazelnut, flat on one side, cut in half and highly polished. -The nut is, roughly speaking, some three-quarters of an inch -across and long. These also are hung on threads of beads -pendant a quarter of an inch apart from the connecting -beaded string. Leg rattles are made of larger nuts, and one -variety is made in the form of a bunch, not a band or chain. -The beads used for these are blue and red in colour, and -the bunch of nuts on their beaded strings is fastened with -plaited palm-fibre beneath the knee. The whole effect is -most distinctly ornamental. The jangle of two or three of -these nutshell bells is not unpleasant: there is almost a -tinkle in their clatter, but the volume of sound obtainable -from a number of them is remarkable, and so is the -precision with which they accentuate the rhythm of -movement.</p> - -<p>The Indians have no cymbals, gongs, or bells; but the -drum is an important factor not only in native music, but -in native life. The drum is the telegraph of the Amazons. -In fact, the most remarkable of all the native instruments -is the <i>manguare</i> or signal drum. Although the primary -use of this drum is to signal, it is utilised on great occasions -as an addition to the aboriginal orchestra. To make this -important adjunct of the <i>maloka</i> two blocks of hard wood -are chosen, some six feet in length, and about twenty-four -inches in diameter. These blocks are very carefully -hollowed out by means of heated stones that are introduced -through a narrow longitudinal slit, and char the interior. -Instead of endeavouring, however, as would be the case -with an ordinary drum, to contrive as nearly perfect a -cylinder as possible, the object of the signal-drum maker -is to obtain a husk of varying thicknesses, so as to secure -differences in note. Accordingly, with his rude implements, -hot stones, capybara-tooth borer, and stone axe, he fashions -the interior of the drum in such a manner that the outer -shell, the sounding-board, varies in thickness from half an -inch to four inches. Two blocks are used; the smaller is -called the male, and the larger the female. The ends are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span> -simply the wood of the tree which is not removed, all the -hollowing being accomplished by means of the grooved slit. -When finished these are suspended by withes at an oblique -angle, one end much higher than the other—say six feet -and three feet respectively from the ground. They hang -from the rafters of the <i>maloka</i>, or from an upright frame, -and present the appearance of two barrels surmounted by -a narrow slit.<a name="FNanchor_341" id="FNanchor_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;" id="fig9"> -<img src="images/fig9.jpg" width="400" height="300" alt="" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Fig. 9.</span></p> -</div> - -<p>The musician takes his stand between these drums and, -with a wooden mallet headed with a knob of rubber, beats out -his message or his tune. Altogether he has a range of four -notes—two low ones on the female <i>manguare</i>, and two high -ones on the male. On these he rings the changes with great -rapidity, and produces a sound which, though not startlingly -loud, has such penetrating qualities that it can be heard -twenty miles away. He beats very quickly in short and -long strokes, not unlike the Morse Code. By means of the -<i>manguare</i> a skilled signaller can carry on a conversation as -accurately as a telegraph operator at St. Martin’s-le-Grand, -or a soldier with a heliograph—but how he does it is another -secret of the Amazonian bush. When used for its proper<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span> -purpose as signal drum, the Boro and the Okaina can carry -on conversations upon almost any subject within their ken. -Other tribes are only able to distinguish between a warning -of danger and an invitation to a dance. Brown could use -the drum for small matters—he could hurry the bearers -out of the bush for example. He said there was no code, -but that the signaller tried to represent the sound of words -with the drum, and Indians invariably told me that they -made the words with the drum. However, with a language -dependent on inflection, as theirs unquestionably is, there -must be a code of some description.</p> - -<p>India-rubber, which has added a new and awful terror -to the life of the forest Indian, is only employed by these -tribes to make the drum mallet, used with the <i>manguare</i>, -and the latex for depilatory purposes. The Witoto call the -mallet <i>ouaki</i>, the drum is <i>hugwe</i>.</p> - -<p>These great signal drums have designs worked upon -them in which the organs associated with the presumed sex -of the instrument are prominent; and, after the manner of -the natives, both instruments are invariably distinguished -internally with the proper sexual characters, the female -drum having two breasts pendant inside.</p> - -<p>Even in the construction of a small playing drum much -time and ingenuity are expended. First an aeta palm<a name="FNanchor_342" id="FNanchor_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> -is selected, cut down, and a section of the trunk laboriously -hacked off. This section in turn is carefully hollowed, -until only a thin shell remains. Some tribes use a section -of bamboo in place of the hollowed palm, but these never -secure so fine an instrument or so fine a note as the palm -trunk makes. Over the two ends of the cylinder dried -monkey skin is tightly stretched—preferably that of the -howler monkey, as it is popularly supposed to produce a -louder and more rolling sound. Some tribes then fasten -across one end of this drum a very tight cord, into the -centre of which has been tied a fine sliver of wood. By -this means two notes are obtained—the open note where -nothing interferes with the vibrations of the drumhead, -and the closed note where the vibrations of the splinter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span> -intersect those of the skin. A very inferior instrument is -made with agouti skin over a bamboo cylinder. The drums -made on the Napo River look very much like an English -child’s toy drum, rather high and narrow, and, of course, -made entirely without metal. The sides bulge slightly, -and have crossed threads of fibre string. The vellum of the -drumhead is kept in its place tautly by a close-fitting ring. -These drums are usually decorated, and are objects of barter -among many of the tribes. They are played with the -fingers only, not with drumsticks or mallet.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">The Indians’ magico-religious system—The Good Spirit and the Bad -Spirit—Names of deities—Character of Good Spirit—His visit to -earth—Question of missionary influence—Lesser subordinate spirits—Child-lifting—No -prayer or supplication—Classification of spirits—Immortality -of the soul—Land of the After-Life—Ghosts and name -tabu—Temporary disembodied spirits—Extra-mundane spirits—Spirits -of particularised evils—Spirits of inanimate objects—The jaguar and -anaconda magic beasts—Tiger folk—Fear of unknown—Suspicions -about camera—Venerated objects—Charms—Magic against magic—Omens.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Some travellers and writers have asserted that the Indian -has no religion. In the vulgarly-accepted meaning of the -word he may have none. There is great variation among -the groups, the tribes even—I venture to say—among the -individuals. So far as they believe in anything they believe -in the existence of supreme good and bad spirits; but their -beliefs are always indefinite, only half understood even by -themselves. To a certain extent it is open to the medicine-man, -the chief priest of their magico-religious system, to -vary, or even to disregard any current belief. Among -individuals are to be found sceptics of every grade. On -the whole their religion is a theism, inasmuch as their -God has a vague, personal, anthropomorphic existence. -His habitat is above the skies, the blue dome of heaven, -which they look upon as the roof of the world that -descends on all sides in contact with the earth. Yet again -it is a pantheism, this God being represented in all beneficent -nature; for every good thing is imbued with his spirit, or -with individual spirits subject to him.</p> - -<p>In essence the idea of God is not that of a Supreme -Being, and not entirely that of a Creator, but rather that of -a Superior Being, possessed by an indulgent tolerance for -all mankind. But he suggests only the negative idea. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span> -is a spirit of benevolent passivity. He is good for no other -reason than that he is not evil. There is no particularised -sanctity in his name, no adoration of his nebulous personality, -only an unquestioning acquiescence in his benignity. -True, he is held in high esteem, but that is because he permeates -all in nature that is not inimical, and thus demonstrates -his kindly disposition. If the harvest fails it is due -to the malevolence of their <i>Diabolus</i>, or some of his agents, -yet if it be a good one the credit is due not to the Good -Spirit, but rather to the medicine-man for having with his -magic frustrated the machinations of the Bad Spirit.</p> - -<p>This Devil, or Bad Spirit, is affirmative in character, and -is always active. He must not be invoked, but he is to be -prevented by charms and magic from wreaking his vengeance -on mankind, and must be placated at all costs as the supreme -author of sickness and misfortunes, and the controlling -power of malevolent nature.</p> - -<p>Both the Good and the Bad Spirit are attended by lesser -spirits with similar characteristics. So far as I could -ascertain, there is no suggestion that any of these supernatural -beings ever lived in this world, though they influence -it so entirely, and can visit it at will.</p> - -<p>The Good Spirit may be more potent, but he is certainly -more remote than the Bad Spirit—too remote for ordinary -people to be brought into any degree of contact with him -whatsoever. His influence, his benefits, are, as he is, passive. -The Bad Spirit, on the contrary, is of a ceaseless energy. -His active influence is invariably present. He is always -exerting his power in some definite, some concrete form. -Poison, for example, is an active agent. The devil in it -works vigorously to the undoing of his victim, definitely -exercises a deleterious effect upon his enemy, man. So, too, -the rocks that bar the way upstream are more active than -passive. They repel, they may defeat the traveller, and, -therefore, are to be regarded also as the active agents of a -hostile power.</p> - -<p>It is noteworthy in this connection that the Bad Spirit -may be materialised sufficiently to be able to carry a child -bodily away, or to steal a woman, should she stray out into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span> -the forest by herself.<a name="FNanchor_343" id="FNanchor_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> For this reason usually no woman will -go alone into the bush, she will take a companion with her, -especially at night, for the demon is popularly supposed to be -unable to tackle more than one at a time, even if the second -be only a young child.<a name="FNanchor_344" id="FNanchor_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> Women who run away from their -husbands are consequently said by them to have been taken -by the devil. This is a favourite theory, as the man may -thereby avoid the censure or hostility of the tribe. The -men also do not care to be far in the bush alone, and after -dark nothing will induce an Indian voluntarily to embark -on the risk of adventuring into the forest by himself.</p> - -<p>One of the first difficulties met with when dealing in -detail with the religion of these peoples is their refusal to -use the true name of any spirit or deity. This has root in -the same reason that ordains they shall never disclose their -own names, nor voluntarily except on rare occasions, that -is without questioning, the name of their tribe.</p> - -<p>In the Boro language we have the word <i>Neva</i> as an -equivalent for God, the good or sympathetic deity, and the -word <i>Navena</i> for the Devil, the great evil or antipathetic -spirit, in fact the negative of all represented by <i>Neva</i>. But -inasmuch as <i>neva</i> stands also for the sun, the dawn, and the -morning, while <i>navena</i> is used for any spirit however humble—whether -the soul-part of a thing, animate or inanimate, -or the ghost or disembodied soul of the dead—we have a -right to postulate that such are not the true, or supposed -self-appellated names of these deities, but those that may be -used without offence, and therefore free of the consequent -evils that the mention of the true name would entail on -the users.</p> - -<p>To give another example: In Witoto <i>Usiyamoi</i> has the -same meaning as God in ordinary parlance; <i>Taife</i> is the -Devil, whereas <i>Taifeno</i> is any bad spirit whatever. But, -again, the <i>Taife</i>, the dread of these people, the all-pervading -evil genius, is named <i>Apuehana</i>, a word never pronounced -above a whisper. Here then we may have reached a true -secret name.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Boro <i>Neva</i> and the Witoto <i>Usiyamoi</i> are the <i>Tupano</i> -of the Tupi-Guarani tribes of the east and the Negro River. -This we find is the <i>Apunchi-Yaya</i> of the Guichua of the -west, the Cachimana of the Orinoco. <i>Navena</i> and <i>Taife</i> or -<i>Apuehana</i> are the same as the <i>Jurupari</i> of the north, the -<i>Iolokiamo</i> of the Orinoco, and the <i>Locazy</i> of the Ticuna.<a name="FNanchor_345" id="FNanchor_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a></p> - -<p>To return to the personal characteristics of the two regnant -powers, the Good and the Bad Spirit, the former, -though vague, is yet an omnipotent tempestipresent deity, -and, although passive, something more than sympathetic -and benevolent. He made the world, or it might be more -correct to put it that he permitted it to be created, for his -amusement and pleasure. When not otherwise engaged in -his mysterious happy hunting-grounds he keeps a watch -over earth and over mankind. But so great is he that no -prayer or invocation is offered to him, nor, were it offered, -could he be thereby influenced.<a name="FNanchor_346" id="FNanchor_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> It is because he is so big -a Chief that his attitude is entirely passive. Once Neva had -forgotten the puny human factor, so he took the guise of a -man and came to earth. The open spaces—the natural -savannahs or geological outcrops—are where he spoke to -the Indians, and it is a sign of his speaking and of his erstwhile -presence that these are now open to the sun and the -sky. But one Indian vexed Neva, the Good Spirit, and -he was wrath with all men, so he went again to sit on the -roof of the world. But before he departed he whispered -into the ears of all the tigers that they were to kill the -Indians and their children, and that is why the tigers to-day -are wicked and sometimes are the habitations of the most -evil spirits. Before this time the tigers were good to men, -and they hunted together like brothers; they lived together -in the houses; they ate and drank and licked tobacco in -amity round the fire.<a name="FNanchor_347" id="FNanchor_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such, so far as I could gather, is the Indian’s belief. -The tale was told me by a Boro, but the belief is approximately -the same with all these tribes. On the occasion of -hearing this story of the visit of the Good Spirit to earth I -related, to the best of my ability, the Christian story. -The result may be of value in determining the possession of -logic by the Indian. After they had listened to my story -the tribesmen held a tobacco palavar, which lasted some six -hours. Then the chief—the medicine-man was surly and -remote—appeared, and this was the burden of his wisdom. -His own people were greater than the people from the clouds—the -white people—for the Good Spirit, Neva himself, -came to the Indians, whereas only the Young Chief visited -the clouds. And the Indians were better than the white -people, for the white people killed the Young Chief, but the -Indians listened to Neva, and only one among them vexed -him.</p> - -<p>I had heard the story of the Good Spirit’s manifestation -before, but doubted its genuineness, until one day -when I inquired of a Boro what a savannah was he -answered me that it was where Neva spoke to the -Indians. When I questioned him further he told me the -above. It is impossible to say how far this story may be -a genuine folk-tale, how far it is a perverted version of -the Biblical account. Tales travel far. They are adopted -from one people to another, with resultant variations. We -know that the Jesuits penetrated to the Rio Negro as early -as 1668-69. There have been missionaries of that Society -on the Napo. But I met with no traces of them on the -upper waters, nor have any of these peoples anything in the -least resembling the Christian symbol in their designs. One -might expect to find so simple a figure as a cross reproduced -in native art if once known, but it certainly is not. On the -face of it we may here be dealing with a variant that has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span> -passed from tribe to tribe, that has trickled through centuries, -to reappear now as a tribal tradition among peoples who -have never been in any direct contact with Christian influences.<a name="FNanchor_348" id="FNanchor_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a></p> - -<p>As regards the rule of these supreme spirits over the -lesser spirits of good and evil they stand in the relation of -great chief. The good spirits are the spirits of trees that -bear edible fruits, of the trees from which arrows are made, -of the <i>Coca erythroxylon</i>, of the astringent properties of -various herbs, of the medicine-man’s magic stones that may -be used as a prophylactic. These are not only the subjects -of the Good Spirit, they were made by him. He made all -the good things of the forest; and he also made the rivers -and the skies. The Bad Spirit placed the rocks in the rivers, -the poison in the mandiocca and in all noxious growths of -the bush. He made the liana to trip the unwary walker, -in short all things hurtful. These malevolent elements are -the bad spirits which, as the name in Witoto appears to -imply—the <i>Taifeno</i>,—are all subject to the <i>Taife</i>. As the -Good Spirit lives above the world so the Bad Spirit inhabits -the nether regions. The lesser spirits of evil go to him by -way of the earth holes,<a name="FNanchor_349" id="FNanchor_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> for these are the passages to his -kingdom. The visit of the Good Spirit to earth as a corporate -being was a unique event never repeated, but the Bad Spirit -wanders with his myrmidons in the forest every night. -Sometimes he takes the form of a tiger, or other fierce -animal; sometimes, as alternative to the tiger-lifting -theory, he resembles a man who can disappear at will. He -imitates the call of the hunter who has found game, or the -call of an animal to be hunted. He entices his victim by these -and similar contrivances to venture deeper and deeper into -the bush, until the wretched wanderer is utterly lost. According<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span> -to tribal belief he is then destroyed, or spirited bodily -away. As has been said, the Bad Spirit never appears to -more than one at a time, and that one is usually spirited away, -so can give no account of the appearance, but as confirmation -of his real presence an Indian will sometimes whisper -the evil name as he points out the track of an abnormal-sized -tapir, which is curiously reminiscent to the European -of the cloven hoof of his own Devil.</p> - -<p>The child-lifting story is a favourite one, and some -amount of corroborative evidence is forthcoming, for in the -awful loneliness of the bush a child naturally would become -half demented with fear and apprehension, and if ever -found again would be only too honestly willing to believe -he had been in the very real clutches of a very real devil. -The juvenile adventurer, answering in this way to leading -questions, gives to these simple people all the proof they -look for, and adds an immediate and local authenticity to -the accepted myth.</p> - -<p>As there is no prayer to the Good Spirit, so there is no -supplication to the Bad. The medicine-man, as I have said, -invokes neither; he appeals to neither; but he attempts by -magic to force the Bad Spirit into quiescence, to discover -some more potent influence that shall make him powerless -to hurt, for unless coerced he is all-powerful.</p> - -<p>Indefinite as these beliefs in a deity, good or evil, may be, -faith as to the after-life of the soul is possibly still vaguer. -Yet faith there certainly is, for the existence of the spirits of -the dead is an accepted fact, acknowledged in the Indian -ritual of burial.</p> - -<p>Of spirits there are four kinds:</p> - -<p>Permanent disembodied spirits, or the souls of the dead, -their ghosts.</p> - -<p>Temporarily disembodied spirits, that is to say the souls -of living men, with power to send them forth out of their -material bodies.</p> - -<p>Extra-mundane spirits, or those from other worlds.</p> - -<p>Spirits of, or in, all natural objects, animate and inanimate.</p> - -<p>Any of these four classes of spirits are good or bad,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span> -according as they are benevolently or malevolently inclined.</p> - -<p>These Indians all believe in the temporary transmission -of the disembodied soul into the form of an animal, bird, -or reptile, not a regular and enforced series of such transmissions. -This temporary transmission is for the pursuance -of a certain aim, perhaps for some indefinite length of -time. It appears that the spirit has the power of transmigration -into other animal bodies, or back again to its -extra-mundane form at will. Whether the animal is human, -whether, when so invaded, it incorporates two spirits and -becomes dual-souled, the Indian does not relate.</p> - -<p>Man’s soul in Indian belief is immortal, that is to say it -exists as long as it is felt to exist, whilst it continues to -appear in the dreams, in the thoughts of the survivors—for -so long, in fact, as it is remembered. Surely this is -immortality. A thing forgotten has never existed; and, -per contra, the soul of a remembered being lives for ever. -The disembodied spirit or ghost lingers near the body after -death, in the woods near the house, or may even lodge in -the house itself. And then indefinitely, indeterminately, -after the body is buried the soul wanders farther afield, and -goes at length to the happy grounds of the Good Spirit. -Among some tribes this paradise is located above the skies, -among others it is away up some river, in the far and mythical -distance. The latter heaven is situated, as has already -been mentioned, upstream, and that, in this country where -the trend of the land is north-west and south-east, is also -approximately towards the setting sun.<a name="FNanchor_350" id="FNanchor_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a></p> - -<p>This land of the After-Life is a diminutive replica of the -ordinary world, but with evil things eliminated and joyful -things emphasised. All is on a lower scale, stunted forests -and pigmy game. This idea of a world in miniature approximates -to the Malay conception of a spirit, the “diminutive -but exact counterpart of its own embodiment,” appertaining -to all animal, vegetable, and mineral bodies.<a name="FNanchor_351" id="FNanchor_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> The Indian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span> -miniature world would thus be, it seems, constructed of the -spirits of the material world. Colour is given to this theory -by the fact that individual possessions are buried with the -dead, and the Kuretu confess that this is done to prevent the -return of the soul in search of them. Were such properties -to pass into the possession of survivors the soul part of -each object, needed to represent it in the spiritual world, -would be detained in the material world. Burial sets it at -liberty, presumably, to accompany the soul part of its -owner, to take in the miniature world of the After-Life a -position corresponding in every detail to that which has -been held here on earth. The soul is pictured as the body, -in miniature also, visible or invisible at will, for these -people, like the majority of many of a higher culture, are -unable to imagine the soul except in some material guise.<a name="FNanchor_352" id="FNanchor_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> -Life in this enigmatic sphere has everything most prized in -this world. Hunting is fruitful always; women are beautiful -and amenable, and the men are all the old familiar -friends of earth. The means of attainment to this desirable -state are so vague as to be unassignable. Good and evil -have no part in this scheme of heavenly philosophy. Broken -tabus, crimes against tribal jurisprudence, apparently bring -only temporary evil influences into play. Their punishment -is immediate and material. The happy land is open -to all the tribe with whom the Good Spirit is not vexed. -It is closed to all their enemies.</p> - -<p>These lost souls, the spirits of those divinely damned, -must still frequent the earthly forests, or perhaps ally themselves -with the spirits of evil and wander down the holes -in the earth to join the legions of the nether world.</p> - -<p>I have heard, but not very definitely, of the Zaparo -belief that the good and brave souls will pass into birds of -beautiful plumage and feed on the most delicate fruits, -while the bad and cowardly are condemned to a future -existence in the guise of objectionable reptiles.<a name="FNanchor_353" id="FNanchor_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a></p> - -<p>This belief in, at least, a partial presence of the spirits of -the dead has possibly a bearing on the Indian dislike, to use<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span> -no stronger term, of mentioning his proper name. In the -case of some tribes, as has been noted, the name of a dead -man is given as a special honour to his greatest friend among -the survivors. With other tribes names of the living may, -and probably have once been those of persons now dead. -To mention such a name aloud might conceivably be to -attract the attention of the defunct erstwhile owner.<a name="FNanchor_354" id="FNanchor_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> -Therefore the name is only whispered, lest the spirit hearing -it might come and bother the speaker or the individual -named.<a name="FNanchor_355" id="FNanchor_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> There is, of course, the further reason that the -knowledge of a man’s name gives an enemy power to -work him magical evil. But that is a point already dealt -with, except in so far as it argues some identity of the name -with the essential <i>ego</i>.</p> - -<p>Not only do the Indians hold that a man’s soul leaves -his body at death, but, further, they believe that it may do -so during life for a limited period. We have examples in -sleep, they argue, when the spirit is out of the body and -wanders about; for in dreams, they say, the soul passes -through the mouth and has adventures in the outer world.<a name="FNanchor_356" id="FNanchor_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> -Dreams are, in fact, a portion of the man’s real life. His -spirit has ventured forth and actually gone through the -experience his fancy paints. They realise, therefore, that -individuality is not in the body itself, but in the spirit that -inhabits the body. So if a man dreams he will not hesitate -to declare that he has done what he dreamed he was doing.</p> - -<p>This is an example of involuntary disembodiment, -differing only from actual death in that it is of temporary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span> -duration. The soul has gone quietly, and will return. But -if the soul make a violent effort to escape that apparently -entails fatal consequences, for the Indians declare when -anybody sneezes it is the soul attempting to leave the -body and so cause death.</p> - -<p>Voluntary disembodiment is believed to be possible in -certain favoured cases.<a name="FNanchor_357" id="FNanchor_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> This power is said to be possessed -by the medicine-man. He may free his spirit for magical -purposes, to fight unseen enemies on better terms, or for -the pursuit of some nefarious end. He may either remain -disembodied and invisible, or lurk for a time in the form of -some animal or object, a tree, a stone—where stones exist—or -even in the wind, the rain, or the river. The layman -Indian, though perfectly aware that he cannot of his own -accord and free-will loose his own soul from its fleshy trappings -to adventure in some foreign sort, is quite willing to -believe that other more fortunate mortals can accomplish -a feat to him so impossible.<a name="FNanchor_358" id="FNanchor_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> No alternative explanation -offers to his mind to elucidate sundry mysterious happenings.</p> - -<p>Quite distinct from these disembodied spirits are the -extra-mundane spirits, good and bad, that visit this -world and benefit or plague its inhabitants. These may -invade all natural objects, and, especially those evilly disposed, -will work unceasingly as agents for the supreme -powers to whom they owe allegiance. The bad spirits -haunt the darkness, they lurk in the recesses of the woods, -find a habitation in deep waters, and ride to destruction on -the floods. Danger from them threatens the Indian at -every turn. He can only be protected by the counter-magic -of his medicine-man. For fear of possible mischief -at their malicious hands no Indian will bathe at night -unless supported by the presence of companions. If he -lose his way in the forest it is due to their machinations;<a name="FNanchor_359" id="FNanchor_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span> -and all that goes amiss in this by no means best-of-all-possible -worlds is at least in part engineered by them, -either at the suggestion of an enemy, or from their own -innate badness of heart.</p> - -<p>Sickness again is a concrete entity. The Indian knows -not the microbe of science, but he recognises the existence -of a definitely hostile and active enemy in the presence of -disease. It is a spirit that wanders about, and at the -instigation of an enemy attacks individuals or tribes. The -attack is an actual invasion. Illness is due to the presence -in the flesh of the sick person of a foreign and inimical body.<a name="FNanchor_360" id="FNanchor_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p> - -<p>Before a thunderstorm the Indian believes that the air -is full of spirits, and the medicine-man is requisitioned -literally “to clear the atmosphere.” Thunder is the noise -of evil spirits making a turmoil and fuss; whilst, according -to Bates, any inexplicable noises are made by another of -this destructive band, Curupira, the wild spirit of the woods.<a name="FNanchor_361" id="FNanchor_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> -Thunder probably means that an enemy is sending sickness -to destroy the tribe. Therefore if a man is ill a flash of -lightning is quite sufficient to kill him through sheer fright -and shock.</p> - -<p>These extra-mundane spirits may be said to be the -spirits of particularised evils, just as the <i>Taife</i>, the <i>Navena</i>, -the <i>Jurupari</i>, is the supreme spirit of all evil.<a name="FNanchor_362" id="FNanchor_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a></p> - -<p>With the final division of the spirit world is enwrapped -the total philosophy, the innermost meanings, in fact both -the whole and the origin of the Indian magico-religious -system. As men have souls—so truly felt in all—what is -more natural than that animals who move and breathe, -who live and die, who in many respects are more powerful,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span> -more clever than men, should be assigned souls also by the -Indian’s primitive reasoning. I say soul deliberately, for -Indian metaphysicians do not differentiate between soul -and spirit—they are one and indivisible, the miniature self -that may be seen in the pupil of a living eye but has vanished -from the eye of the dead. The question of souls other than -human is to the Indian too obvious to need elucidation; -it admits, indeed, of no argument. There is a degree of -belief in a spirit, “a transcendental <i>x</i>,”<a name="FNanchor_363" id="FNanchor_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> in all objects, even -those that are inanimate. What lives and grows must have -a spirit. What can interfere with, or affect man in any way -must possess some occult influence, some mysterious personality, -that works for or against him, especially if that -object be in any degree unfamiliar or abnormal in appearance. -All these things, vegetable growths, rocks, are to the -Indian as we have repeatedly seen, active agents in the scheme -of things, and as such must also possess the intangible -<i>ego</i>, the spiritual essence, that is the soul of all earthly -forms. Evidence as to animistic beliefs among the Indians -is universal and overwhelming. A point of interest to the -psychologist comes in with the problem whether the belief -that undoubtedly exists is a belief in a duality of spirits in -one envelop, or whether, when the supernatural spirit, or -the disembodied spirit of a man, is transmitted into extra-human -forms, it being the stronger can oust the natural -spirit of the animal or object which is entered, and if so -what becomes of the finally evicted spirit. On this point I -have unfortunately no information to adduce.</p> - -<p>While these beliefs are in the main general among all the -language-groups of the Issa-Japura regions, those of the -Boro-speaking tribes are the most intricate. They have -more definite notions of the spirit-world, a greater range of -theories as to the powers and extent of supernatural phenomena. -They fear the local devils more, take greater care -to appease them and to avoid rousing their hostility. This -is the natural result of the increased isolation secured by -the Boro tribes. They have been influenced less by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span> -outer world than the Witoto, for example. Both Boro and -Andoke tribes invariably keep aloof so far as may be from -any stranger.</p> - -<p>Two of the forest denizens, the jaguar and the anaconda, -occupy outstanding positions in this connection with spirits -and magic to all the other beasts of the wild. Any animal -may be utilised by a spirit as a temporary abiding-place, -but the “tiger” and the great water-snake independently -of such spiritual possession are magical beasts. Tales gather -round them; differential treatment is their portion. As -regards the jaguar this may be due to the fact that it is -seldom seen, and therefore the more mysterious in its evil -doings. It is also a dangerous beast, bold and fearless, and -to be dreaded for this if for no other reason. But the -anaconda is no such aggressive enemy of man. Yet, though -the Indian is an omnivorous eater, he will never kill either -the tiger or the anaconda for food.<a name="FNanchor_364" id="FNanchor_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a></p> - -<p>The anaconda is looked upon as an evil spirit. It is the -embodiment of the water spirit, the <i>Yacu-mama</i>,<a name="FNanchor_365" id="FNanchor_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> whose coils -may bar the passage of the streams, and the Indian goes in -terror of it, nor would he bathe in its vicinity, though, so far -as my experience went, the gigantic reptile will not attack -human beings unprovoked.<a name="FNanchor_366" id="FNanchor_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> The <i>Yacu-mama</i>, as the name -signifies, is the mother, the spirit of the streams. Among -some tribes, though not in my field of exploration, a relationship -is held to exist between this water-spirit and <i>Jurupari</i>, -so it is said.<a name="FNanchor_367" id="FNanchor_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> It occupies the place in Amazonian folk-tales -filled by the sea-serpent of Europe; while the manatee and -the dolphin are the Amazonian mermaids. The cow-fish, -or manatee,<a name="FNanchor_368" id="FNanchor_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> is an object of wonder on the main stream, but -is unknown on the upper rivers. I have never seen one -nearer than the mouth of the Issa river. The dolphin also -is not found in the higher waters. On the lower rivers it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span> -abounds, but, according to Bates, no Indian willingly kills -one; and though dolphin fat makes good oil the belief is -current that when burnt in lamps it causes blindness.<a name="FNanchor_369" id="FNanchor_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a></p> - -<p>Tigers are not killed unless they be the aggressors, that -is to say they are never killed wantonly. The reason for -this is not cowardice, but fear of further aggression on the -part of the tiger family, or from the family of the medicine-man -who has assumed tiger form. Indians look upon -animals as having the same instincts as themselves, and -therefore capable of a prolonged blood-feud with humans -who may have wronged them. The tribesman is accordingly -anxious not to provoke war with the tiger tribe, but if -Indians are challenged by the death of one of their number -the case is altered, and they will immediately accept combat. -To hunt a jaguar without provocation merely for food or -for sport would be foolishly to kindle the animosity of the -whole tiger family, to rouse the violent enmity of the wandering -spirit domiciled for a time in the body of the hunted -beast. But when an Indian is killed, or a child lost—and -tigers are usually credited with the destruction of any child -missing from its home—the medicine-man is called upon, -and he proceeds to discover that it was a tribal enemy -working in disguise, probably the spirit of a hostile medicine-man, -intent to destroy the tribe by thus slaying potential -warriors or mothers of warriors. The tiger is in these -circumstances to be treated as a human enemy. A big -tribal hunt is organised, and if the quarry be secured a -feast of tiger-flesh follows, a feast of revenge, very similar -in detail to the anthropophagous orgies already described.<a name="FNanchor_370" id="FNanchor_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> -At no other time does the Indian eat jaguar meat. The -tiger-skin becomes the property of the medicine-man, whose -magic has thus triumphed over the magic of a rival.</p> - -<p>I have already noted that anything abnormal or unknown -is regarded with suspicious dread. My camera was -naturally endowed by Indian imagination with magical -properties, the most general idea among the Boro being that -it was an infernal machine, designed to steal the souls of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span> -those who were exposed to its baleful eye. In like manner -my eyeglass was supposed to give me power to see what -was in their hearts. When I first attempted to take photographs -the natives were considerably agitated by my use of -a black cloth to envelop the evil thing; and when my own -head went under it they had but one opinion, it also was -some strange magic-working that would enable me to read -their minds, their unprofessed intentions, and steal their souls -away; or rather become master of their souls, and thus -make them amenable to my will at any time or in any place. -This was undoubtedly due in part to the fact that I was able -to reproduce the photograph. The Indian was brought face -to face with his naked soul, represented by the miniature -of himself in the photographic plate. One glance, and one -only, could he be induced to give. Never again would he -be privy to such magic. The Witoto women believed that -I was working more material magic, and feared should they -suffer exposure to the camera that they would bear resultant -offspring to whom the camera—or the photographer—would -stand in paternal relation.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate50" style="width: 440px;"> -<img src="images/plate50.jpg" width="440" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE L.</p> -<p class="caption">GROUP OF WITOTO WOMEN BY DOUBLE-STEMMED PALM TREE</p> -<p class="caption">GROUP OF WITOTO MEN BY DOUBLE-STEMMED PALM TREE</p> -</div> - -<p>To cite another instance of the attitude of the Indian -towards the abnormal. A certain Witoto tribe have a tree -that they regard as an object almost of veneration. This -palm, as may be seen in the photographs, has a forked -stem, the trunk dividing into two some few feet above the -ground. I met with no more formulated sign of tree-worship -than this. Unquestionably, though they did not -worship—for as I have said, these Indians worship nothing—the -Witoto looked upon this tree as a thing to be respected, -prized, and if it were not meted proper treatment perchance -to be definitely feared.<a name="FNanchor_371" id="FNanchor_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> - -<p>Finally, in addition to all these spirits good or evil, the -tribes south of the Japura are concerned with the sun and -the moon. These are venerated, the sun as a great and -sympathetic spirit, but not an incarnation of the great -Good Spirit, the moon as his wife, who is sent betimes by -the sun into the heavens at night to prevent the evil spirits -from depopulating the world. Of the stars these people<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span> -seem to have the vaguest ideas, and only one Boro explained -to me that they were the souls of the chiefs and of the great -men of his tribe.<a name="FNanchor_372" id="FNanchor_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a></p> - -<p>The Indian lives in a world of imagined dangers, over and -above the real ones that confront him at every turn. There -is possible menace in any place, dormant hostility in all -surrounding nature, active menace in the unfamiliar and -unknown. One might expect to find that he decked his -person and his belongings with an unlimited number of -charms, to protect against these battalions of evil. But -it is not so. The Tukano do, it is said, place certain green, -sweet-smelling herbs under the girdle as a love charm, to -attract the opposite sex, but nothing of this sort is known -south of the Japura, and charms, as the western world knows -them, hardly exist. I know of none beyond the medicine-man’s -magical stones, the iguana-skin wristlets of the men -and the wooden ring placed on a child’s arm, which appear -to partake of the nature of charms. Magic is to be met by -magic, not by material properties. The hostile evils that -threaten a man are only to be turned aside by the exercise -of more powerful anti-hostility on the part of his medicine-man. -But the Indian must go warily, observe signs and -portents, pay due heed to good and evil omens. He must, -for example, never shoot a poisonous snake with a blow-pipe. -Should he do so one poison will neutralise the other, -and destroy not only the poison on the arrow that wounded -the snake, but also all poison whatever that was in his -possession at the time. It is magic against magic.</p> - -<p>As an instance of the Indian belief in omens, I remember -that once a small species of wild turkey alighted in a clearing, -and kept running round and round in circles. This was -taken by the Indians to mean that people were coming to -the <i>maloka</i> who might be either friends or enemies. This -gave rise to an excited discussion as to which would be the -more likely event of the two. It so happened that a party -of friendly Indians did arrive that same evening. Casement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span> -relates how a large wood ibis descended among a crowd of -Witoto and Muenane in the compound at Occidente.<a name="FNanchor_373" id="FNanchor_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> A -Muenane wished to shoot the bird, and when persuaded to -leave it unmolested, expostulated that the ibis must have -been sent by their enemy the Karahone to bring disaster -upon them. As a rule, it strikes me, an enemy would -appear in a less kindly guise than that of an ibis. In my -case no attempt was made by the Okaina to interfere with -the bird in any way, in fact it was looked upon as a friend -who came to give due notice of approaching visitors, and -therefore was to be regarded with gratitude.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Darkness feared by Indians—Story-telling—Interminable length of tales—Variants—Myths—Sun -and moon—Deluge traditions—Tribal stories—Amazons—White -Indians tradition—Boro tribal tale—Amazonian -equivalents of many world tales—Beast stories—Animal characteristics—Difference -of animal characteristics in tale and tabu—No -totems—Indian hatred of animal world.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Darkness is full of mysterious horrors to the Indian, nor -can one wonder that he fills with imaginary demons the -weird and terrifying solitudes of the bush by night. The -children are openly afraid of the dark, because of the tigers -that may then be prowling about, let alone less substantial -perils. Adults are not so frank with regard to their fears, -but as a matter of course all occupations cease at sun-down, -and every one makes for the sheltered warmth of the <i>maloka</i>. -There, by the flickering firelight, after the contents of the -family hot-pot have been discussed, long tales are told. -First one and then another takes up the burden of recital. -The chatter dies slowly, maybe it will linger on by the fire -of some verbose story-teller, till the chill of coming dawn -brings the sleepers from their hammocks to stir the smouldering -embers into a blaze, and to gather round them waiting -for daybreak to dispel the evil agents of the night.</p> - -<p>The tales are endlessly long, and so involved that they -are utterly unintelligible to the stranger until they have -been repeated many times. Then the drift of myth and -tradition, the meaning of fable and story, may be broadly -grasped. To win it comprehensively in detail is a matter -of time, patience, and intimate knowledge of the speaker’s -tongue. Moreover, the tales have such numerous variations, -and are so grafted the one on to the other, according to the -momentary fancy of the narrators, that it is exceedingly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span> -difficult to differentiate between a variant of a known story -and one that may in its essentials have been hitherto unheard.</p> - -<p>“It is,” postulates Dr. Rivers, “not the especially -familiar and uniform which becomes the object of myth.”<a name="FNanchor_374" id="FNanchor_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> -The mythopœic influence of that which is seldom seen would -lead us to expect that among these Indians, sunk in “the -gloom of an eternal under-world of trees,”<a name="FNanchor_375" id="FNanchor_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> the heavenly -bodies would play a prominent part in tribal folk-tale and -myth. But so far as the stars are concerned this is not the -case at all;<a name="FNanchor_376" id="FNanchor_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> they seem to be ignored; and, as regards -the sun and moon, it is the sun—contrary to usual tropical -custom—that is the most important, the moon—as with -more northern peoples—occupies the subordinate position -of wife. Her inconstant appearances are accounted for by -the suggestion mentioned in the previous chapter that she -is sent periodically by the sun her husband to drive away -the evil spirits of the night that await the stray or heedless -loiterers in the forest thickets. But this protective character -is denied to the moon by other tribes, and some South -American Indians will hide young infants lest the moon -should injure them.<a name="FNanchor_377" id="FNanchor_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a></p> - -<p>What I cannot but consider the most important of their -stories are the many myths that deal with the essential and -now familiar details of everyday life in connection with the -<i>manihot utilissima</i> and other fruits. The tale that follows -does not purport to be a literal translation of the myth as -related to me, or in my hearing. I have merely attempted -to put together, infinitely more concisely than any Indian -raconteur would ever dream of doing, the various details -of the local story and belief:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>The Good Spirit when he came to earth showed the Indians a -manioc plant, and taught them how to extract the evil spirit’s -influence.<a name="FNanchor_378" id="FNanchor_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span></p> - -<p>But he did not seem to have explained how the plant might -be reproduced.</p> - -<p>The Indians searched for seeds, but found none.</p> - -<p>They buried the young tuberous roots, but to no effect.</p> - -<p>The Good Spirit was vexed with them; that is why he did -not divulge the secret.</p> - -<p>But long, long after, a virgin of the tribe, a daughter of the -chief, was found to be with child.</p> - -<p>When questioned she replied that long, long ago, when sick -to death, and under the medicine-man’s magic,<a name="FNanchor_379" id="FNanchor_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> she wandered -far, far into the bush.</p> - -<p>In the bush she found a beautiful manioc plant.</p> - -<p>She was seduced by the tuberous root—some Indians say the -plant was metamorphosed into a beautiful young hunter—and -in due course she gave birth to a girl-child, who could both talk -and walk at birth.</p> - -<p>This child took the women of the tribe to a beautiful plantation -of manioc, far, far up a certain river, and there the precocious -infant explained how to reproduce the plant with bits of the -stalks.</p> - -<p>So to this day the chief food of all the peoples is cassava.</p> - -</div> - -<p>This story is utterly different from one Spruce heard -from more northern tribes at Saō Gabriel. The Barré story -has it that a bird discovered to the Indians the use of the -mandiocca, then a great and solitary tree. All the tribes -came to procure the roots, and when none were left carried -off branches; hence the varieties of mandiocca now grown.<a name="FNanchor_380" id="FNanchor_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a></p> - -<p>Deluge traditions are to be found among practically all -the tribes. I repeatedly asked questions on this point, and -invariably found, as other travellers had discovered previously -elsewhere,<a name="FNanchor_381" id="FNanchor_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> that the Indians would tell of a flood that drove -their fathers in the long, long ago to seek refuge in canoes, -for all the earth was under water. But though Mr. Joyce -considers it “strange how this deluge myth not only pervades -practically the whole of the Andean region of South America, -but extends also to many regions in the northern portion of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span> -the Continent,” it must be remembered that inundations -are frequent in these regions, and a great one probably -occurs every few decades. It would only be strange were -there no deluge myths. As Sir Everard im Thurn has so aptly -put it, when “the Indian tells in his simple language the -tradition of the highest flood which covered all the small -world known to him, and tells how the Indians escaped it, -it is not difficult to realise that the European hearer, theologically -prejudiced in favour of Noah, … is apt to identify -the two stories.”<a name="FNanchor_382" id="FNanchor_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a></p> - -<p>With the possible exception of the Eldorado fable, there -is no South American legend that has excited so much -interest and speculation as the story of the warrior women -who in some mysterious forest fastness dwelt apart from men, -cultivated masculine attributes, and destroying the male -brought up the female progeny resultant from the yearly -exception to their celibate rule,<a name="FNanchor_383" id="FNanchor_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> to be women of the same -stern pattern as their extraordinary selves. Some writers -would make them a seventeenth century edition of the -modern suffragette, rebel against the “tyranny” of man—and -with certainly better reason for rebellion.<a name="FNanchor_384" id="FNanchor_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> The story -has been treated as mere Spanish romance,<a name="FNanchor_385" id="FNanchor_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> or a mistake -on the part of the invaders due to the custom of wearing -the hair long among many of the tribes.<a name="FNanchor_386" id="FNanchor_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> It has been taken -to be a deliberate fabrication on the part of Pizarro to -explain his failure, a temptation to which Sir Walter Raleigh -himself also fell victim.<a name="FNanchor_387" id="FNanchor_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> Be it what it may, the tale was -told, the land known as the land of these women warriors, -and their name of Amazons bestowed upon the great river. -The tale of warrior women is, however, not confined to -the forests of the Amazon. One comes therewith to the -question of nomenclatory origin. The Baron de Santa-Anna -Nery devotes the first ten pages of his <i>Land of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span> -Amazons</i> to this discussion. It seems to be a case of where -doctors disagree.<a name="FNanchor_388" id="FNanchor_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> But at least the tale, Asiatic, African, -or autochthonic, was localised here, and stories of feminine -prowess in the field continued to be quoted even in the -nineteenth century. Wallace himself mentions “traditions” -said to be extant among the Indians themselves, of -“women without husbands.”<a name="FNanchor_389" id="FNanchor_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> This is no proof of the -local existence at any time of celibate women warriors. -The tradition may well exist, the only curiosity again would -be if it did not. For three centuries at least the invading -white man has talked of, and inquired for, a tribe of such -warrior women. It takes less than this to start the most -robust of folk-tales. A world agape like the Athenians of -old for some new thing, some tale to vary the oft-told stories, -does not require three centuries to adopt a novel romance. -The question “do such things exist?” is not asked long -before it ceases to be a question and becomes an assertion. -The more positive the assertion the greater will be the -wonder of the tale. When the wonder is sufficient it will -be established as a current myth. I do not therefore deny -that such a tale is told, or at least may be told, but for my -own part I never heard mention of it. Spruce speaks of -women assisting their men to repulse an attack on tribal -head-quarters,<a name="FNanchor_390" id="FNanchor_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> but no story of any woman fighting, or having -done so at any time, was ever told me. Moreover it should -not be forgotten in this connection that all weapons are -strictly tabu to women.</p> - -<p>A story that is prevalent throughout South America tells -of a race of white Indians who sleep in the daytime, and only -go abroad at night. This tale was laughed at when repeated -at a recent meeting of the Royal Geographical Society, but -it is certainly in existence among the tribes,<a name="FNanchor_391" id="FNanchor_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> and Crevaux<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span> -states that the Ouayana will not go near one river, “<i>à cause -des singuliers habitants qui habiteraient près des sources … -des Indiens aux chevaux blonds qui dorment le jour et marchent -toute la nuit</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_392" id="FNanchor_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a></p> - -<p>Of tales as to the reputed origin of any tribe I have no -note, though when I cross-questioned a Boro tribe as to why -a certain district was almost uninhabited, they told me that -the reason was as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>Once a large tribe lived there, one of the most powerful of -all the tribes, and also one of the most numerous.</p> - -<p>But long, long ago a chief, an <i>Abihibya</i>, of this tribe of the -Utiguene had a daughter, who was not only ugly but bird -rumped. The <i>Chekobe</i>, the medicine-man, gave her the name -of Komuine.<a name="FNanchor_393" id="FNanchor_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a></p> - -<p>When she grew older and was about five feet high,<a name="FNanchor_394" id="FNanchor_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> Komuine -went into the <i>Bahe</i>, the bush, to pick <i>dio</i>, peppers, and berries, -but did not return.</p> - -<p>The tribe then said that a <i>wipa</i>, a tiger, must have carried her -off. So a tribal hunt was instituted, and the bush searched for -the tiger; but with no success, for when they were in the bush -they were attacked by a wicked tribe, which fell upon them and -killed them in great numbers.</p> - -<p>So they returned with great sadness to the <i>maloka</i>.</p> - -<p>Long, long after this Komuine reappeared in the <i>Ha-a</i>, the -great house of the tribe, and sang a solo, as is the custom among -the people when making a complaint. And this is the complaint -Komuine sang:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse">The Chief’s daughter was lost in the forest,</div> -<div class="verse">And no one came to find the spoor;</div> -<div class="verse">The branches were broken, the <i>gwahake-ane</i>, the leaves, were turned,</div> -<div class="verse">And no one came to find the spoor.</div> -<div class="verse">And where were my brothers, and the sons of the chief’s brothers,<a name="FNanchor_395" id="FNanchor_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a></div> -<div class="verse">That no one came to find the spoor?</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>And while Komuine was dancing, it was noticed, to the disgust -of the tribe, that her bird rump was covered with <i>nikwako</i>, hair, -so the old women came and rubbed milk<a name="FNanchor_396" id="FNanchor_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> upon her to remove -the unsightliness. But as they pulled and the unsightliness was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span> -removed, more unsightliness came, and the hairier she grew. -When she was covered with leaves,<a name="FNanchor_397" id="FNanchor_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> she told her story:</p> - -<p>“O my brothers! When I was in the forest picking peppers a -<i>komuine</i> came to me, and taking me by force he deflowered me. -He took me with him into the bush to become his <i>gwame</i>, his -woman, and I gave birth to twins, and the second one was -buried, for even <i>komuine</i> have but one <i>ehemene</i>, one child. And -the child was hairy like a <i>komuine</i>, but had the face of a man. -And when I gave him milk the unsightliness came, and I ran -from the beasts and came to my own people.”</p> - -<p>The tribe then had a tobacco palaver, and because of the unsightliness, -and the pollution,<a name="FNanchor_398" id="FNanchor_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> and the blood-feud with their -enemies which had cost the tribe so many warriors, it was decided -to destroy her.</p> - -<p>And when she heard this she fled into the forest, and all the -<i>komuine</i> came and robbed the <i>emiye</i>, the plantation, and there -was no <i>pika</i>, manioc, and no <i>kome</i>, fruit.</p> - -<p>And when the men of the Utiguene went out to hunt, the lianas -were like a net in the path, and so thick no one could pass. And -the tribe got thinner and thinner, and now to-day there is no -tribe of the Utiguene.<a name="FNanchor_399" id="FNanchor_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>The Amazonians have stories equivalent to many worldwide -tales, such as that of the lion and the mouse, only in -the forest version it is the jaguar who enacts the lion’s part, -while the mouse is replaced by the ant, a liana serves instead -of a net to keep the great beast captive, and there are other -correspondingly local and numerous variations. The hare -and the tortoise fable has its counterpart in the story -of a race between the deer and the tortoise. The ramifications -of this tale are most intricate. These stories are very -dissimilar in detail, so far as I could gather, from their -equivalents in the Old World, but in each case the same -principle is evolved: by a widely different route Old and -New reach eventually an identical goal.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span></p> - -<p>There is a marked prevalence of animal stories, tales—and -this is a point not to be overlooked—of the familiar -forest beasts, the birds and the reptiles of everyday life. -In these the birds and beasts have certain accepted characteristics, -they stand in the Indian folk-tales as representing -definite abstract ideas. Thus, as with us, the tortoise is -crafty and slow; the ant and the bee are typical of industry. -The snake, that is to say the poisonous snake, in Amazonian -myth, as in Biblical story, represents evil, the evil eye. -The tapir stands for blindness and stupidity, while cunning -and deceit are represented by the dog. These bush dogs -approximate to our fox, and like Reynard have sharp up-standing -ears. They prowl round the <i>maloka</i>, and will -clear off anything they can find, even in close vicinity to -the house. The agouti, or capybara, takes with the Indian -the place held in African folk-tales by the hare. He is the -wittiest of beasts, can outmanœuvre all the others, and is -the practical joker of the forest. The boa-constrictor, unlike -the poisonous snake, is not evil; it exemplifies the -silent and the strong. The chattering parrot represents -irresponsibility; it is a woman in disguise, and is certain -in Indian animal tales to be noisy and unreliable, and -probably will betray some secret. The peccary is for -constancy, the hawk for cunning, the sloth for laziness, and -the tiger for bravery. The monkey stands for tenacity of -life, which is probably due to the fact that owing to constriction -of the muscles its hold on a branch does not relax -for some time after death.</p> - -<p>These characteristics, however, do not appear to govern -in any way the question of food tabu concerning the respective -animals. On the contrary, the reasons alleged for -such tabu often appear to be, if anything, opposed to what -one would expect to find from the foregoing classification. -It is the material, not the abstract characteristic with which -the tabu deals. Moreover the tabu varies. Irrespective of -those connected with birth, at certain times of the year -there is a restriction, if it does not amount to an actual -prohibition or a tabu, with regard to eating heavy meats. -Simson assigns such avoidance to a belief current among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span> -Indians “that they partake of the nature of the animal they -devour.” This is the case professedly for any tabu on foods -for women with child, but the reason given to me for general -restriction as regards, say, tapir flesh, was not that the eater -would be affected by any characteristic of the animal, -material or spiritual, but that the tapir meat if eaten at -forbidden seasons was very bad, that is to say unhealthy, -and would be the cause of certain skin diseases. It probably -would be. Tiger meat, as already explained, is treated -much as human flesh is treated. Apart from the tiger, the -meat of larger game will, it is sometimes averred by other -tribes, make the eater gross and unwieldy.<a name="FNanchor_400" id="FNanchor_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> In connection -with this question of big game and food, Spruce refers to a -“superstition” among the Uaupes Indians that may be a -possible survival of a totemic system, though he does not -advance the theory. “How should we kill the stag?” -they say, “he is our grandfather.”<a name="FNanchor_401" id="FNanchor_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> However this may -be with other language-groups, among those of the Issa-Japura -regions there is no trace of any totemic system, -except in so far as that boys and girls are named, as already -stated, after birds and flowers respectively. Animal names -are made use of occasionally, but only as names of contempt -and ridicule. These Indians look upon all animals as -enemies. To suggest that any animal is an ancestor -would be the direst of insults to people who so strenuously -try to avoid all likeness to the brute creation. One need -only refer to such customs as the killing of one of twins, or -depilation, to give the lie to any theory that would seek to -trace in Boro story—for example—for sign of suggested -descent from any eponymous animal. Relationship is -traced indeed only so far as memory serves; that is to say -the oldest man may relate how he remembers his grandfather -telling who <i>his</i> grandfather’s father was. Also there are -invariably tales of bygone chiefs, great warriors whose deeds -and characters are outstanding enough to be remembered.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span></p> - -<p>A story is told of a small fish that is to be found in these -rivers which may be fact or may be fable. All Indians say -that this fish is a parasite that will find its way into the -intestines of human beings when they are bathing. This -belief is noted elsewhere, and I merely refer to it here -because it is so universally credited without—so far as I -could ascertain—an atom of corroborative evidence.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">Limitations of speech—Differences of dialect—Language-groups—Tribal -names—Difficulties of languages—Method of transliteration—Need -of a common medium—Ventral ejaculations—Construction—Pronouns -as suffix or prefix—Negatives—Gesture language—Numbers -and reckoning—Indefinite measure—Time—No writing, signs, nor -personal marks—Tribal calls—Drum-language code—Conversational -repetitions—Noisy talkers—Ventriloquists—Falsetto voice—Conversational -etiquette.</p> - -</div> - -<p>In speech, as in everything else, the forest Indian is confined -within the narrow limits of his immediate surroundings. -Unlike the nomadic Indian of the plains, he passes his entire -existence in an area little larger than an English parish. -He has almost no commercial dealings with his neighbours. -The only fresh blood that penetrates his tribe is brought in -by the immature children taken prisoners in war. Like the -landscape his imagination owns no perspective, no horizon. -In the Amazonian bush an Indian may live and die without -ever having gazed upon a terrestrial object at the distance -of a mile. His mode of life, a community within a single -house, under a single roof, makes of household words a -dialect, and with the passing of a generation makes that -dialect a language.</p> - -<p>In a society where each tribe is complete in itself and at -deadly enmity with all its neighbours, and where writing -is unknown, language must naturally undergo very rapid, -very definite change. Moreover Indians will not voluntarily -speak the language of other Indians. Thus the Amazonian -natives use no common tongue, and there is little in the -vocabularies so far collected to explain either the origin or -the relationship of the existing dialects. Tribes divided by -the breadth of a narrow river speak languages that are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span> -mutually unintelligible. On the other hand, tribes distant -some hundreds of miles from each other possess a language -with a common root, which is fundamentally different from -those in use among all the intervening peoples.</p> - -<p>So far as I could classify them, the language-groups of -this district fall under thirteen headings. By group I -comprehend all tribes speaking a language with common -roots, though the dialects may vary considerably. These -groups, and the approximate number of Indians in each, -are as follows:</p> - -<table summary="Language groups and population numbers"> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Witoto</td> - <td class="tdr">15,000</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Yuri</td> - <td class="tdr">unknown</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Yahua</td> - <td>Yahua</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">unknown</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pegua</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Andoke</td> - <td class="tdr">10,000</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Boro or Miranha</td> - <td class="tdr">15,000</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Muenane</td> - <td class="tdr">2,000</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Nonuya</td> - <td class="tdr">1,000</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Resigero</td> - <td class="tdr">1,000</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td colspan="2">Okaina or Dukaiya</td> - <td class="tdr">2,000</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td rowspan="3" class="valign">Karahone</td> - <td>Karahone</td> - <td rowspan="3" class="tdr valign">25,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Umaua</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Saha</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="valign">Tukana</td> - <td rowspan="6"></td> - <td rowspan="6" class="tdr valign">unknown</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Yahuna</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Makuna</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Opaina</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bara</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Kuretu</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="valign">Menimehe</td> - <td rowspan="2"></td> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">15,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Akaroa</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>According to Koch-Grünberg all the tribes on the Tikie -speak the Tukano language, and as a result of segmentation -the Airi and Tihio speak the Dessana language.</p> - -<p>Occasionally tribes, though speaking an entirely diverse -tongue, and members of a distinctly different language-group, -have some comprehension of the tongue spoken by a -neighbouring language-group. For instance, the Muenane -can understand Witoto, but they have no knowledge of -Boro, probably because they come more in contact with the -former people. The Menimehe know some words of Tupi,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span> -or lingoa-geral, which is extraordinary, even though their -acquaintance with it is very slight.</p> - -<p>The tribal names in ordinary use are, as has been said, -bestowed by neighbouring tribes, and are merely nicknames. -It follows that the name by which a tribe becomes known -to a traveller is the name in use among the tribes in the -districts through which he passes, so that a visitor from -the north probably knows of a tribe by a different extra-tribal -name from that known to a new-comer from the south. -The difficulties of identification caused by this have already -been commented on in an earlier chapter, it is only necessary -to refer to them here in so far as the same difficulties beset -any attempt to learn the local dialects.</p> - -<p>Of the thirteen languages tabulated above, one of the -most difficult, and the most guttural, is the tongue spoken -by the Resigero group of tribes. Nonuya, also guttural, is -perhaps equally difficult, whilst Andoke is possibly the -worst, as it is almost ventral. Okaina, though presenting -many difficulties, is easier to acquire than the first-named -three, and may be characterised as nasal, while Boro and -Witoto are neither nasal nor ventral nor impossibly guttural. -Muenane is somewhat akin to Boro, but is richer in words. -Menimehe approximates more to the speech of the Uaupes -River Indians, and it again is nasal.</p> - -<p>The endeavour to reproduce the guttural expressions of -the Indian in Roman letters is rendered the more complex -by the uncertainty of his utterance and the aural variations -of his European interpreters. The same word phonetically -transcribed by an Englishman, a German, a Frenchman, and -a Spaniard bears little or no resemblance to a common -inspiration. Each European observer conveys to his -written word the error of his national idiosyncrasy of impression -and pronunciation.</p> - -<p>The difficulty of a phonetic rendition of a foreign language -into English has long been apparent, and is one shared—though -in a lesser degree—by all Continental linguists. To -meet this difficulty the Germans have devised a system -almost Chinese in its intricacy, while the French seek to -reproduce such simple sounds as that of our English “W”<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span> -by combinations of diphthongs. Many of these elaborate -phoneticisms have been adopted by English writers without -consideration of the lingual limitations of their inventors, -or of the confusion induced in the mind of the student.</p> - -<p>To simplify transliteration, though at the sacrifice of the -finer distinctions of the language, the orthographic system -of the Royal Geographical Society has been used in this -work,<a name="FNanchor_402" id="FNanchor_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> and the explanation of the system given in the -appendix with the Witoto and Boro vocabularies is taken -from the rules laid down by that Society and adopted by the -Royal Anthropological Institute.<a name="FNanchor_403" id="FNanchor_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> This system ordains that -an approximation to the sound should be aimed at only, as -any system which attempted to represent the more delicate -inflexions of sound and of accent would be so complicated -that it would merely defeat itself.</p> - -<p>I attempted to make a vocabulary of Andoke words, but -the language is, as I have noted, so guttural, not to say -ventral, that it renders all attempts impossible without -some medium to work upon at the start, such as I had with -Boro and Witoto. In these two cases Brown’s knowledge -of the latter, and even his very slight acquaintance with the -first, were of great use to me as a basis upon which to work.</p> - -<p>As an example of the difficulty to be faced without some -common medium, I have asked a native, “What is this?” -and touched my head or a stick, but could find no clue to -whether his answer referred to the thing touched or my -action in touching it. Only a long and tedious study can -overcome conundrums of this description, and when to -these is added the impossibility of conveying accurately by -written signs the sound as uttered, the attempt proved -beyond my powers and resources.</p> - -<p>Mention has been made by one writer of the “‘cluck’ of -satisfaction—common to all the tribes of the Provincia -Oriental.”<a name="FNanchor_404" id="FNanchor_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> I consider the sound emitted by the Issa-Japura<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span> -peoples as a sign of assent or pleasure is more -ventral than that described by Simson. It is approximately -<i>Hurrr!</i> like a grunted sigh of satisfaction. The exclamation -of surprise amongst all these peoples is very similar and may -be written <i>Huh!</i> This sound, lengthened considerably, is the -Witoto affirmative <i>Huhhh</i>. <i>Huh!</i> <i>huh!</i> <i>huhh!</i> as affirmatives -are very freely used in conversation. The more an -Indian agrees with the speaker the more ventral do his -ejaculations become. The negative will not be used except -in direct answer to a question, for it is contrary to Indian -custom and etiquette to interrupt or contradict. The -absence of the affirmative <i>Huh!</i> is practically a contradiction, -on the ground of doing nothing being itself negative. -A similar idea is seen in the tobacco palaver, where the -dissentient signifies his disapproval by abstaining from -licking tobacco. Should an Indian, however, wish to give -an affirmative answer to a negative question, he will -then make use of the negative No, for to answer Yes in -Indian parlance would be to confirm the negative.</p> - -<p>This brings us to the question of construction, and it is -at once apparent that in Witoto, for example, the construction -of a sentence tallies more with the construction of -the deaf and dumb mute’s gesture language than with anything -else, that is to say it is the very antithesis of the -Chinese, or of our own. It may be said of the Indian, as -Tylor wrote of the deaf and dumb mute, that he “strings -together … the various ideas he wishes to connect, in -what appears to be the natural order in which they follow -one another in his mind.”<a name="FNanchor_405" id="FNanchor_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> For instance the Witoto say, -<i>Benomo honne</i>, literally “here put it”; <i>benomo ekkono</i>, “here -open it you”; <i>eijo rie dotoenyino</i>, “much fruit put in it not -do you”—“do not put much fruit into it.”</p> - -<p>It will be noted that the personal pronoun here has -become the suffix of the verb. This is the general rule, as -in <i>dinitikwe</i>, “I shall carry it”; <i>a chimitekwe</i>, “I am going to -see”; <i>ona dueruetckwe</i>, “I want you.” But this rule is not invariable, -as we find <i>kwe mona</i>, “I am unable”; <i>ke hanyete</i>, “I -do not understand,” with the pronoun <i>kwe</i> or <i>ke</i> placed, as we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span> -should put the “I” before the verb; nor is the variation caused -by the negative, as “I do not want you” is <i>ona dueruenetckwe</i>. -In this instance the position of the personal pronoun <i>kwe</i> -is probably determined by the objective <i>ona</i>, which structurally -must precede, otherwise the meaning of the phrase -would be inverted and become “You do not want me.” A -pronoun is also used as a prefix to a noun to denote possession, -as <i>tano</i>, “cassava,” <i>ometano</i>, “your cassava.” -According to Koch-Grünberg the suffix <i>make</i> indicates some -other place, or thing; it occurs in <i>baimake</i>, “other”; <i>naimake</i> -“them”; but I am not aware that it acts as a definitely -differentiating suffix in these or any other case.</p> - -<p>In Witoto <i>nyete</i> as a suffix negatives what proceeds it, the -literal meaning of the word <i>inyete</i>—a compound of <i>ite</i> = -are—being the equivalent of the French <i>il n’y en a pas</i>.<a name="FNanchor_406" id="FNanchor_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> As -examples of its use we get <i>figora</i>, “good,” <i>figonyete</i>, “bad”; -<i>huchite</i>, “twisted,” <i>huchinyete</i>, “straight,” that is to say -“not twisted.” The Boro negative is <i>ne</i>, as for instance in -<i>imine</i>, “good,” <i>nemine</i>, “bad,” <i>i.e.</i> “not good.”</p> - -<p>Repetition of a word literally doubles its meaning, as in the -Witoto <i>nana</i>, “all,” and the Boro <i>paa-paa</i>, “low-low,” that -is to say, “lower”; <i>kame-kame</i>, “high-high,” <i>i.e.</i> “higher.”</p> - -<p>I have said that the principle of construction in both -Boro and Witoto is that of the mute’s gesture language, but -gesture language actually is almost unknown, non-existent, -among all these tribes. The hand is pointed to show -direction, or to identify a person or object. The Indian -beckons with one hand, but its movement is downward, not -upward as with us. There is also a recognised sign to express -desire for sexual intercourse. This is a mere jest, a -ribald suggestion, as with boys of a certain age among our -lower classes. The right elbow is grasped with the left -hand, the elbow being so flexed as to allow the hand to point -upwards. It is, in fact, the letter Z of the dumb alphabet.</p> - -<p>Fingers and toes are used for reckoning, and are the more -needed in that the Indians’ knowledge of numbers is of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span> -slightest. But few can reckon beyond five, though I once -found a senior wrangler who counted seventeen, by the -aid of all his fingers, all the toes of one foot, and two of the -other. The remaining three toes he covered over, to show -that they were not required for the total sum. If an -Indian wished to enumerate anything over ten he would -place both hands to his head and say, “Like the hairs of -my head.”<a name="FNanchor_407" id="FNanchor_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> In Boro I could only learn of four numerals, -<i>tiamie</i>, “one-half”; <i>tsanere</i>, or <i>tsape</i>, “one”; <i>mieke</i>, “two”; -<i>sause</i>, “five.” These in combination give <i>tsape-mieke</i>, -“three”; <i>mieke-mieke</i>, “four.” The Witoto numerals are -<i>dahe</i>, “one”; <i>mena</i>, “two”; <i>dahe-amene</i>—equivalent to the -Boro <i>tsape-mieke</i>,—“three”; <i>menahere</i>, “four”; <i>dapekwiro</i>, -“five”—that is one hand; <i>nagapekwiro</i>, “six.”</p> - -<p>It makes absolutely no difference to the value whether -you say <i>tsape-mieke</i> or <i>mieke-tsape</i>; <i>dahe-amene</i> or <i>mena-dahe</i>.</p> - -<p>For measures these tribes have nothing more definite -than a handful, a foot- or finger-length, and of weights they -possess no knowledge whatever, nor, so far as I am aware -from their customs or their language, is there any consciousness -of more possible or desirably-accurate definition.</p> - -<p>To express a length of time other than the merely immediate -past, present, and future, the Indian makes -use of what conveys to him an indefinable idea, “As long -as the hairs of my head.” This is similar to his notion of -expressing any large number. He reckons time by the -moon to the extent of saying, “When the moon is small,” -or, pointing to it, “As it is now,” but I never heard anything -like “so many moons,” or an equivalent value in a -word. In fact, time to the Boro, so far as I am aware, is distinguished -by only <i>pekare</i>, “to-morrow,” <i>aiupe</i>, “yesterday.” -The Witoto will speak of <i>beiruito</i>, “to-day”; <i>wiremoni</i>, “to-morrow”; -<i>dawire</i>, “the day after to-morrow,” or <i>nawire</i>, -“yesterday”; <i>beinawire</i>, “the day before yesterday,” or -<i>beinawife</i>, “the night before last.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span></p> - -<p>There is, as I have already mentioned, no writing, not -even the most primitive picture-writing. The Indian makes -use of no signs as aids to memory; and the only recognised -symbol that I met with—other than such symbolic practices -as the presentation of wood and thatch by the bridegroom -to his parents-in-law—was the tobacco folded in a -strip of palm leaf that is the regular invitation card of -North-Western Amazonia when festivities are toward. -Neither individuals nor families have any recognised name-marks—such -as a peculiar notch or number of notches—to -distinguish personal property. It must be remembered that -in the small private habitations in the bush a man and his -wife and children are more or less isolated, and that in the -great tribal house the family community have most of their -possessions in common. It is difficult with so communal -a people to know what may be looked upon as general -property, and what as individual, with the exception of -personal ornaments. Indians recognise their property only -by differential qualities, certain ornamentation, ways of -binding or lashing, patterns in basketry, colouring—and -division of colours—on pottery; and these differences are -known and recognised by others, as well as by the actual -owners.</p> - -<p>Each tribe has its peculiar call or signal, which I believe -is altered occasionally as a precautionary measure. This -may be a whistle, or the imitation of the cry of bird or beast. -Then there is the so-called drum-language used in signalling, -and already noted in a previous chapter, which I -certainly believe to be some sort of code. Brown’s assertion -that the sound of the word is made with the drum, and the -Indians’ description of making the words is, I take it, -merely the untaught intelligence striving to explain how -an onomatopœic language—such as Boro and Witoto to -some extent certainly are—can be further conventionalised -to a scope even more circumscribed than the ordinary -monotone of the Indian’s speaking voice.</p> - -<p>Not only is the Indian voice monotonous, but the conversation -is rendered yet duller by the invariable repetition -of the last words of a sentence. This is particularly the case<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span> -with the Tuyuka, where conversation has a definitely ceremonial -form. For instance, if a man leaves a party to -bathe, he says, “I go to take a bath,” and the company -present reply in chorus, “You go to take a bath.” -On his return the formula runs, “I have taken a bath,” -and the confirmative echo follows, “Yes, you have -taken a bath.” This endless repetition, as was noticed -with regard to songs, is characteristic of all Indians.</p> - -<p>In quality their voices are strident and rasping, and are -always raised in conversation and grow higher with increased -excitement. No Indian speaks confidentially, he shouts; and -unless something very sacred and secret is under discussion -the conversation in an Indian house can be heard a mile -away. In the forest the mass of vegetation above appears -to act as a sounding-board, and so to lengthen the distance -that sound is carried, not, as one might think, to stifle it. -But independent of this the Indians possess extraordinary -power of throwing the voice, a sort of ventral whisper; and -all, to some extent, are ventriloquists. Even semi-civilised -Indians of Brazil, who have lost much of the cunning -of their brethren, the “Wild Indians” of the forest, have -this power.</p> - -<p>The Indian is as fond of speaking and singing in a high-pitched -voice interspersed with ventral grunts as a Chinese -coolie, and this predilection, as regards the falsetto voice, -is greatest on the part of the women, whose voices are -always higher than the men’s.</p> - -<p>When an Indian talks he sits down, no conversation is -ever carried on when the speakers are standing unless it be -a serious difference of opinion is under discussion; nor, -when he speaks, does the Indian look at the person addressed, -any more than the latter watches the speaker. -Both look at some outside objects. This is the attitude -also of the Indian when addressing more than one -listener, so that he appears to be talking to some one -not visibly present.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX</h2> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="chapsummary">No individualism—Effect of isolation—Extreme reserve of Indians—Cruelty—Dislike -and fear of strangers—Indian hospitality—Treachery—Theft -punished by death—Dualism of ethics—Vengeance—Moral sense -and custom—Modesty of the women—Jealousy of the men—Hatred of -white man—Ingratitude—Curiosity—Indians retarded but not degenerate—No -evidence of reversion from higher culture—A neolithic -people—Conclusion.</p> - -</div> - -<p>We find in all savage races, peoples of the lower cultures, -that there is no differentiation of individualism, that is to -say all members of the race or group are at approximately -the same level. This is what we know as a “low state of -civilisation.” It has been suggested that such dead level, -the lack of all initiative, of progress in short, is due to -the absence of religion, of ideals or gods, through which -true enthusiasm only is engendered. A religious ideal undoubtedly -tends to progress, and with the exception of -patriotism—which, after all, is a religious ideal—is the main -influence. It is a case of cause and effect, however, for the -effect of environment must not be overlooked. Local conditions -initiate progress and may cause enthusiasm for an -ideal, the effect and, at the same time, the potent accelerator -of such progression.</p> - -<p>It is an extraordinary but undeniable fact that the -Indian is individually wise yet racially foolish, individually -intelligent, racially inept. This may be due entirely to -geographical control, to the peculiar characteristics of the -social environment. The greatest incitement to human -progress, intercommunication, is denied in the Amazon -wilds. True, there are the rivers, but the value of rivers and -waterways in this respect is negatived by custom. Existing -conditions make this necessary, for in isolation alone is -protection to be found for any tribe.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span></p> - -<p>We find, then, the group system, where the community is -everything, the individual nothing, blocking the path of progressive -evolution to a very great extent among the forest -Indians of South America, as it has done among the native -tribes of Australia. The individual can gain nothing for -himself, he can only work for the greater glory of the group, -and has therefore no intimate incentive for strenuous -advancement. A tribe has little or no opportunity for -progress when it consists of but a few hundred members, -and is practically isolated from all other tribes, except for -the hardly intellectual shock of war, or perhaps the occasional -intrusion of some wandering barterer, a member of possibly -a hostile tribe, who is tolerated on account of the necessary -articles which he brings, things that cannot be manufactured -by the tribes he visits.</p> - -<p>The Indian is hedged about with a constricting environment -against which he can scarcely be said to battle. -He accepts with the resignation of the East, and knows -nothing of the restless rebellion that makes for Western -amelioration and progress. What the Indian lacks is not -intelligence but character, that is to say will-power. -The Indian is brave, he endures pain and privation with -the greatest stoicism, he can be doggedly obstinate, but -only in exceptional cases can he rise above his fellows -to anything approaching individuality and strength of -mind.</p> - -<p>The dominant characteristic of the Indian is a profound -and nervous reserve. The extreme nervousness of his -manner is due undoubtedly to wholesale indulgence in coca. -It affects all the conditions of social intercourse. It makes -the Indian character extraordinarily negative. Enthusiasm -is to seek in Amazonia. The Indian never expresses violent -joy or fear. A shock is more likely to raise a laugh from -him than a cry. He will submit to much, he will bear -greatly, but it is easy to provoke a laugh against even -a fellow-tribesman. An Indian will invariably laugh at -another’s discomfiture. But with a stranger all Indians are -taciturn, and they will have little or nothing to say to him -if he be a white man.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span></p> - -<p>Outside the narrow limit of the tribe the Indians possess -no altruistic feelings, no sympathy with strangers. They -look upon every man as a definite, or at least a possible -enemy. The gentle Indian, peaceful and loving, is a fiction -of perfervid imaginations only. The Indians are innately -cruel. They certainly have no true kindliness for animals; -every animal is a foe, as I have elsewhere noted. The Maku -children are especially cruel to them, but cruelty to the -dumb brute is universal among the tribes. On the other -hand, intra-tribal hospitality is without end. I have given -a single biscuit to a boy and seen him religiously divide it -into twenty microscopic pieces for all and sundry. But they -are quite improvident so far as the morrow is concerned. If -a family is threatened with famine the whole party will walk -over to another house, make themselves at home, eat and -drink without the slightest hesitation, without even craving -invitation so to do. The reason is obvious. The host of -to-day may be the guest of to-morrow. I have seen, however, -a hunting party doing their best to eat a whole tapir, -with the evident desire to finish the feast before the arrival -of another, and possibly a less successful, hunting party. -Otherwise division of spoil is absolutely equal, except that -the chief by right has the greatest share.</p> - -<p>The Indian is not always a hospitable host where other -than his own tribe or language-group is concerned. Vague -tales have penetrated even to his well-guarded ignorance of -the customs of the Rubber Belt, of the servitude of his -fellows. He hates the white man and mistrusts him. The -Andoke are invariably surly in their attitude towards him. -There are tribes—the Karahone, for instance, on the northern -bank of the Japura—who refuse all attempts whatsoever at -intercourse. They will neither receive presents nor ambassadors. -If the explorer persist despite the rejection of -his overtures he will find poisoned stakes sunk in his path. -He will be harassed in all his doings. When at length he -attains to the tribal head-quarters he will find a house indeed, -and perhaps food, but no warriors, no women, no children -The fire will still be burning within the <i>maloka</i>, but the -tribe has vanished, leaving no track, no sign of its whereabouts.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span> -The Indian’s “Not at home” is no mere social -euphemism. It is a demonstrated fact.</p> - -<p>When the stranger finds such silent evidence of the tribal -attitude toward his presence, it behoves him to take steps -very promptly for his protection. He may be certain that -the natives, though hidden, are covering his every action. If -he, or one of his party, show himself, a flight of poisoned -arrows whistles forth from the bush. Then follows a -siege that tries the nerves of the stoutest campaigner. The -hidden enemy, the noiseless weapons, menace from every -tree. It is almost certain death to stop in the open. Within -the house is a shelter little more dependable. The natives -pierce the thatch with fire-javelins, with tiny spears bearing -blazing tufts of hemp or cotton, and sooner or later the great -structure will catch fire. There follows the imposed rush -into the clearing, and the quick butchery by that unseen -but ever-watchful enemy.</p> - -<p>Later comes the dance of triumph and the feast of -the victims.</p> - -<p>Against such an enemy, in such a situation, the resources -of civilisation are of little avail. A wretched little dart -steeped in the tribal war-poison may be fragile as a reed, but -fired from the near shelter of the bush it is as effective as a -Mauser bullet.</p> - -<p>When travelling among these Indians it is necessary in -order to gain their respect to do as they do. I have emphasised -this throughout. The traveller must cross the most -nerve-racking bridge without help, he may have no hammock -in which to be carried. This is a striking contrast to what -I have met with in parts of Africa, where to walk is taken -as a sign of unimportance; the man who does so cannot in -native eyes be what they would call in India a “burra -sahib.” I have also noted that the student of life must -conform in all things that may be with the customs and -habits of the tribesmen with whom he wishes to associate. -In a land where <i>pia</i> is the supreme law, deviation from -custom can be only regarded as criminal.</p> - -<p>When an Indian house is reached the chief comes out -with a party of his warriors. The burden of proof rests<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span> -with the invading European. He advances to the chief -with his interpreter, and must make declaration of friendship. -If the explanation of his appearance be accepted, -the Indian laughs and may slap his visitor vigorously on the -back, after the usual custom of the native in South America -welcoming the stranger. Together they then proceed to the -house, and the chief calls his woman and orders food to be -provided for the strangers. The white man on his part -tenders whatever he has brought by way of presents—beads, -gun-cartridges, a small-tooth comb, or a knife.</p> - -<p>When the evening meal is finished the chief stalks into -the centre of the <i>maloka</i>, which has hitherto been untenanted, -like the arena of a circus before the performance begins. -A great fire is made up, and about it the men of the tribe -squat on their haunches. The chief explains to them the -presence of the stranger, and takes counsel on the question -of his entertainment. As he describes his intentions he falls -into a rhythmic chant, and his followers assent with deep-chested -<i>Huhh!</i> All this is a lengthy business, but the tribe -eventually arrive at a common decision. The chief then -bends forward to the tribal tobacco pot that has been placed -midway among the group. Into this he solemnly dips a -tobacco stick, and conveys a little of the liquid to his tongue. -Man after man bends forward round the circle, and each in -turn dips his splinter of wood into the pot to notify his assent. -It is a sign of tribal agreement as binding as the Lord -Chancellor’s seal on a document of state. With it the -tobacco palaver is concluded and the Indians seek their -hammocks for sleep.</p> - -<p>The Indian’s treachery is proverbial. I may mention on -this point two sayings—there are hundreds similar—which -illumine this phase of the character and customs of the -tribesmen. The Andoke says, relevant to the Karahone, -“If your spirit wander (sleep) in the hammock of a -<i>monkey</i> or <i>beast</i> Indian, it wanders always.”<a name="FNanchor_408" id="FNanchor_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> The meaning -is this, the Karahone appear to have a real and exact knowledge -of virulent poisons. It is related that they can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span> -saturate a hammock with some narcotic which the victim -does not discover, thus ensuring his death or destruction. -They also burn fires under the hammock of those they wish -to remove from the world, and stifle them with a narcotic -smoke.</p> - -<p>Another proverbial remark runs: “If a Karahone give -you a pineapple, beware.” This refers to the Karahone’s -playful habit of presenting poisoned pines. The Boro have -a similar saying: “Take a pine from an enemy and die,” -but this is due to the recognition of the fact that an Indian -is never so dangerous as when simulating hospitality that -is treacherous in the extreme.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the Indian trait that soonest strikes, and most -indelibly impresses the observer, is his charming altruism -in the community of the family or tribal group, his wild -misanthropy towards other tribes. His ambition is to live -undisturbed with his family in the deep recesses of the -forest. He asks only to be let alone.</p> - -<p>In a region where land is free for all to take who will, -and personal belongings are few—and invariably buried -with the owner—laws of inheritance there can be none. But -the law of possession is strict, and the penalty is death. -There can be no toleration of theft, as on account of the -publicity in which the Indians live it may be effected with -such ease. The punishment for theft has therefore to be -drastic, final. The victim may kill the thief. I was told -that this is done by hacking at the culprit’s head with a -wooden sword or a stone axe. This savours of ceremonial -sacrifice. But though to steal from a member of the tribe -is to steal from the whole community and therefore a crime, -there is no bar against stealing from the stranger. They -will do so unblushingly. I remember once missing a pair -of scissors. On searching I discovered a Witoto woman -stealing them. But she swore she had never put them in -her basket, though they were found there!</p> - -<p>There is very distinctly a dualism of ethics, one law for -the tribe, and another law for all who are not members of it. -To kill a fellow-tribesman is to injure the tribe by destroying -one of its units. Sin against the individual is of no importance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span> -except in so far as injury to any one person is injury -to a unit of the tribe, to be punished by the law of retaliation -in kind if the offender be of another tribe. Sin against -another tribe is no sin except in the eyes of the tribe sinned -against; then for its members it becomes not the sin of the -individual doer but of his whole community. It is the -tribe and not the individual that would be held guilty for -any offence committed by one of its members. For instance -if a Boro killed a Menimehe, vengeance may be taken by -the dead man’s tribe on all or any of the members of the -Boro tribe concerned.</p> - -<p>Vengeance is primarily a matter for the individual principally -affected. A man considers it a disgraceful thing not -to be able to avenge himself, and will therefore never -apply to the chief for tribal help. On the other hand the -chief and the tribe will sometimes take up a quarrel and -make it their own. This is a common custom amongst small -communities, an affront to any one of the community being -a personal attack upon every other member, though it is not -necessarily avenged by all unless the affronted one is himself -unable to compass revenge.</p> - -<p>Members of a tribe sometimes quarrel, though rarely, but -at times a fight commences in which others join, till eventually -it becomes a “set to” between two families. On the -whole I am inclined to say that the natives of the Amazons -are the least quarrelsome people I have ever met.</p> - -<p>It would be wrong to state that these people have no -moral sense, because a slavish adherence to custom in itself -is moral. That is to say they possess a moral code. However -that does not entail any right or wrong as we know it, -but only <i>pia</i>, that is “what our forefathers thought and did,” -in other words tribal usage, which may be translated by -what we call “good form.” There are no words in the -Indian tongues for virtue, justice, humanity, vice, injustice or -cruelty. These are unknown to the tribes who differentiate -only with the equivalents for good and bad. Points like -this earmark the ethics of a people. The curious negative -character I have already noted is carried out here also. -Again there is recognition of the moral law of conjugal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span> -fidelity in that there is definite punishment for infidelity—the -ordeal of the stinging ants. Punishment infers transgression -of a law or code. It is not sufficient to say that in -this case it is due to the extraordinary jealousy of Indian -husbands, for the penalty is imposed on both husband and -wife, the retribution is due to public opinion not personal -revenge. Before marriage the men take the tribal prostitutes—the -Maku girls and to some extent the unattached -women—openly, but after marriage this is not the case. -Incest is unknown among them, and in that term I include -promiscuous intercourse among any of the members of a -household. The antipathy to this lies only between those -living under the same roof, it does not extend to consanguineous -individuals who are members of different households.</p> - -<p>The women are extraordinarily modest in their behaviour. -Their eyes rarely leave the ground in the presence of a -stranger. I had one woman in my party who never spoke -to me, or even looked in my direction, the whole time we were -together. After much dancing, I have seen the women, -succumbing to dance stimulation, show their preference for -certain men in the dancing party by placing their hands on -their shoulders, an act in obedience to the impulse of the -moment. In fact after dancing for a length of time they -become comparatively boisterous and irresponsible. But -even at the height of excitement there is nothing markedly -rude in the dance, when one allows for the fact that sexual -suggestion is not to be included in that category in Indian -ethics. Even on this point they have their limitations, for -Koch-Grünberg relates that when talking to some Desana -Indians on sexual subjects, the conversation was stopped by -them till the women were sent away. After their departure -the men talked freely and broadly. This I did not remark -among the Indians I visited, in fact sexual matters appeared -to be discussed freely and lewdly by both sexes, and even by -young children.</p> - -<p>The Indians under the range of discussion most certainly -possess the greatest racial antipathy towards the white man. -This is noticeable among the women especially, for they will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span> -never admit to their own people if they have ever had any -dealing or connection whatsoever with the white man.</p> - -<p>Gratitude among Indians is unknown—at least to me. -Take this example: I had Indians who had been slaves, -who had elected to come with me, or at least had evinced -no repugnance at the idea, with whom I had shared all the -food at my disposal, stinting myself often to ensure their -gratitude—as I thought—caring for them, doctoring and -curing them when sick, till eventually I became fond of -them. But on the main river at the first opportunity they -ran, apparently at the suggestion of one of their own tribe, -the Peon of a rubber-gatherer. What arguments were -used I know not—perhaps that I was a devil, that my real -motive was to fatten them for culinary purposes. The -fact remains they left me, to all appearances, willingly.</p> - -<p>This stealing of Indians is a well-recognised source of -amusement on the Amazon river, and the victims of such -loss—who of course perpetrate the same sort of outrage on -others directly opportunity permits—are so indolent, so -lethargic, that they will not cross a river to recover the -stolen. The custom is the more prevalent on account of -the character of the Indian. He will always leave one -white man to go to another. He is always on the alert to -run, to go elsewhere. This is true of Indians enslaved by -other Indians, to a limited extent. Unless they are well -treated and identified with the tribe they will run, only to -be again enslaved by others, or put to death. The matter -is hard to explain. It simply is in the blood. It is <i>Pia</i>, -as Brown remarked. It is their custom. They do it -“just for so.”</p> - -<p>Another point about the Indian is that he must always -be kept up to the work in hand. The women toil unceasingly, -but the men are only too ready to seize any excuse -to cry off a job. They spend their time mainly in mooning -around. Obtaining food is their chief occupation. But -when an Indian is kept up to his work he works hard and -well.</p> - -<p>Though the Indian attitude at first is invariably stoical -they are not lacking in inquisitiveness. Their curiosity was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span> -enormously aroused by many of my possessions. It is hard -to say what will evoke their wonder. I have seen an Indian -evince no interest in a steam-boat, but show the most extraordinary -interest in my jackboots, and be greatly occupied -with the problem of how I got into them. A walking-stick -was an unanswerable conundrum to them, it never occurred -to their minds that I could use it as an assistance in walking. -My eyeglass, my camera, were mysterious devils that could -read into their hearts and filch their souls, as I have already -noted. My watch, with an alarm to it, struck consternation -to their simple minds. My phonograph, that reproduced -records of dancing which were repeated on reversal, raised -shouts of wonder. An Indian in a down-river town saw -nothing to excite him in a tram, and took a ride thereon -quite unconcernedly, but the women’s hats were exciting, -and at the sight of a man on a bicycle his astonishment -was unbounded: it was “man on spider-web!” Horses -are unknown in these regions, and there is no possibility of -the majority of the Indians seeing any one on horseback. I -could only get a mule as far as the first big river, but beyond -the bush became too dense. Otherwise I fancy their amazement -would equal that of the Australian natives when they -saw the beast come in two on the man dismounting.<a name="FNanchor_409" id="FNanchor_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a></p> - -<p>Decadent the Indian may be, and thanks mainly to his -inveterate cocainism he undoubtedly is, but that he is the -degraded descendant of a higher race is a theory that I beg -leave to doubt entirely. According to von Martius the -standard of ethics rises or falls with the increase or decrease -of a tribe. He based his theory on the fact that the most -corrupt Coeruna and Nainuma were nearly extinct. It is -possible to argue that they were dying out because they -were corrupt,<a name="FNanchor_410" id="FNanchor_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> rather than they were corrupt because they -were dying out. Sir Roger Casement appears to have -accepted the theory expounded in <i>Vergangenheit und -Zukunft der amerikanischen Menschheit</i>. But Tylor remarks, -“I cannot but think that Dr. Martius’ deduction is -the absolute reverse of the truth.” Certainly the theory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span> -of the Indians’ regression is, I consider, entirely erroneous. -I see nothing to suggest it. On the contrary it appeared -to me that in spite of the awful handicap of their environment, -these tribes were slowly evolving a higher standard -of culture. There is no evidence of their having reverted -from a higher culture. A people who once knew how to -produce fire by friction do not easily forget that method to -rely on the clumsy processes of fire-carrying. Men who have -smoked tobacco are not very likely to content themselves, -nor would their offspring be contented, with merely sucking -it. People who knew the simple method of preparing yarn -with a spindle would only revert in exceptional cases to the -slow and even painful process of rolling fibre on the naked -thigh, and that in a land where cotton is abundantly to -hand on every side. The tedious method of plaiting and -tying by hand would hardly, one imagines, be substituted -for weaving. A race that has once worked metal and -relapsed to the use of stone without even more exceptional -and definite reasons for that relapse, is no more likely in fact -than it is recorded—so far as I am aware—in history.</p> - -<p>Examples are known of peoples who have forgotten one -useful art, for material and utilitarian, or social, or magico-religious -reasons; but a people who have allowed some half -dozen to disappear is unknown to me. Yet these Indians -carry fire, lick tobacco, roll fibre on the thigh, and though -they make use of an embryo loom—the two posts between -which their hammocks are plaited—have not appreciated -its potentialities. Some of the Amazon tribes,<a name="FNanchor_411" id="FNanchor_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> though -surrounded by canoe-building peoples, can only make rafts; -the secret of the dug-out, if ever known to them,<a name="FNanchor_412" id="FNanchor_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> has been -forgotten. But it is possible that an isolated section of the -original canoe-builders—as we have seen these tribes today -are all isolated sections—may for some reason have had -no need to construct a canoe for such lengths of time that -the method of fire-heating and burning, especially of forcing -the hot trunk open, had through disuse been at least partially<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span> -forgotten.<a name="FNanchor_413" id="FNanchor_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> Presume that they failed in their attempt to -build one for some reason,<a name="FNanchor_414" id="FNanchor_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> and it was found that a raft -would do momentarily in its place, the original skill and -knowledge might easily die out in a generation. Therefore -the absence of canoes alone would be no convincing argument. -Nor must it be forgotten, as Dr. Rivers has pointed -out,<a name="FNanchor_415" id="FNanchor_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> that other causes besides defective memory and lack -of practice may result in the entire disappearance of even -useful arts. But I repeat hardly of so many among all these -tribes in common.</p> - -<p>Everything points to the conclusion that these tribes -found their way to the forest in a very primitive condition. -The forest has arrested, it has stunted their growth, but it -has not plunged them back from later cultures to the Stone -Age. The stones themselves deny it, <i>for stone is not the -natural substitute for iron in these regions</i>.<a name="FNanchor_416" id="FNanchor_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> Whence the tribes -came hither, and when, in whatsoever far back age of our -earth’s story, they were a Neolithic people—hardly that, a -people emerging from the unsettled conditions of the Paleolithic -hunter, agricultural but not yet pastoral, and such -they have remained throughout the centuries.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="APPENDICES">APPENDICES</h2> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_I">APPENDIX I<br /> -<span class="smaller">PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS</span></h3> - -<p>Physically, as may be judged from the accompanying tables, -there is a wide margin for dissimilarity among these tribes. -Their appearance is nearly as varied as their speech, more so in -fact, in that there is much diversity of type even among individuals -of the same speaking-group. I have seen a Boro as dark -as a Witoto, while his fellow-tribesmen may be yellow as a -Chinaman. It is, of course, possible that the darker Boro are -sons of Witoto women. The custom prevalent in all the tribes -of adopting the young children captured from their enemies, -makes of necessity for great changes in type even in one household, -so that despite the preference for group endogamy that -undoubtedly exists there are few households where cross-breeding -is not in evidence.</p> - -<p>In stature the Indian is small, which I take to be a result of -depression due to his forest environment; but the body is well-balanced -and upright. Among the tribes I visited the Andoke -as a speaking-group were, so far as I could observe, the largest -in build and the tallest. The Okaina may possibly come into -the same scale. The Karahone represent the mean, while the -Maku are invariably small, a low class and badly-fed people. -The average measurements of the tribes are best gathered from -the types tabulated. I made the average height to be for men -5 feet 6 inches; and for women 4 feet 10 inches.<a name="FNanchor_417" id="FNanchor_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> I certainly -remember one case of a man among the Andoke nearly 6 feet -high, but can recall no other. The women were never much -over the average of the female type. I give my measurements -for what they are worth, but unfortunately I did not know the -correct way in which they should have been taken; they were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span> -made with a centimetre rule, but not on the correct anthropometrical -principles. The Indians stood against the side of the -house to be measured, and I registered their height by the simple -process of placing the ruler on the head and measuring its distance -from the ground.<a name="FNanchor_418" id="FNanchor_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a></p> - -<p>The bone of the Indian’s skull is thick, and both dolichocephalic -and brachycephalic types are in evidence.<a name="FNanchor_419" id="FNanchor_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p> - -<p>The Indian does not run to fat, rather is he inclined to be -thin, but strong, muscular and healthy, with rounded outline and -finely-developed chest. The Witoto, however, though broad and -strong, fail in the limbs, their legs especially lack development. -On this point my observations tally with Robuchon’s notes. The -Tukana have a magnificent physique. The Andoke, though some -are tall, with large frames, as a group incline more to breadth of -both face and figure. The tribes of the Tikie are of a low grade.</p> - -<p>The Indians as a rule, have hands of an average size, with -stumpy fingers, and short, spatulate nails. Constant manual -labour of some sort would seem to keep the nails naturally of a -normal length. I never remember seeing an Indian pare his -nails, but fear this is a point that may have escaped my observation. -The men’s arms are frequently distorted, and the shoulders -gain an artificial breadth by the use of ligatures to swell the -muscles of the upper arm by means of constriction.</p> - -<p>The natural symmetry of the Indian’s person is further -enhanced by slight hips, flat buttocks. The abdomen seldom -protrudes though the navel is prominent, but not to the same -extent as is found among negroes.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate51" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate51.jpg" width="650" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE LI.</p> -<p class="caption">1 & 2. WITOTO TYPES. 3. WITOTO FROM KOTUE RIVER</p> -</div> - -<p>The men generally have large feet,<a name="FNanchor_420" id="FNanchor_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> with long toes. Both -men and women have very prehensile toes, and will pick up -objects off the ground with their feet rather than trouble to -stoop. They are flat-footed.</p> - -<p>The Indian does not extend his legs when he walks, as Europeans do. -He moves rather with the action of an unathletic -woman. His step is on an average about two-thirds of an -ordinary man’s thirty-inch pace. The foot is of necessity raised -well above the ground, on account of the lianas which would trip -the slovenly walker. This does not make for rapid progression. -But though he walks more slowly than the white man, the Indian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span> -can keep up a jog-trot of about five miles an hour for tremendous -distances. Moreover his wind is far better than any white man’s. -At a push, to get away from hostile neighbours for example, he -is capable of going sixty miles a day. In ordinary circumstances -he walks nowhere, except about the house and compounds. -Consequently he has developed a different set of muscles from -the ordinary pedestrian.</p> - -<p>As the Boro are more harassed than the Witoto they march -as a rule in silence, while the Witoto are noisy generally; but -a march in country that might prove hostile is done in -silence by every tribe for obvious reasons. In friendly country -the Indians go along chattering and joking, or in silence, just as -the spirit moves them: there is no rule. The necessity for -walking in single file, and the invariable difficulties of the route, -do not, however, altogether encourage conversation. These restricted -paths have a further influence upon the Indian. Often -enough it is necessary to place one foot directly in front of the -other in order to find any footway at all. This is the probable -reason, or one of the reasons, why the men walk with a straight -foot, a specially needed precaution on the narrow bridges, that -are merely formed of single trees. The women walk in rather -a stilted fashion, with the toes turned inwards at an angle of -some thirty degrees, on account of the tight ligatures they wear -below the knee and above the ankle, which cause the calf to -swell to enormous proportions, as has been noted. This may not -inconceivably have a contracting effect in the angle of the foot. -It is regarded as a sign of power if the muscles of the thighs are -made to come in contact with each other when walking.</p> - -<p>That the men run and jump well is due to their good wind, -but they have no pace, and could easily be outstripped over a -limited course by an average white man in good condition. But -the women neither run nor jump with any facility, as they all -suffer from varicose veins, caused by the ligatures to some extent, -but also by the burdens they carry, and from labouring in the -fields when in a condition unsuited to such physical exertion. -As weights are carried on the back suspended by a strap across -the forehead, the tendency to stoop or grow round-shouldered is -counteracted, for the pull of the strap brings the head back, and -the strain is taken by the muscles of the neck.<a name="FNanchor_421" id="FNanchor_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> Water is always -carried in vessels balanced on the head, and though the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span> -Amazonian Indian may not have the superb carriage of her -sisters in the East, yet the young girls at least are very well set -up, though with advancing age a lifetime of field work and burden-bearing -may bow the elder women till they walk, as described by -Robuchon, “in an inclined position.”</p> - -<p>The Indian woman has generally a beautiful figure, well -proportioned and supple, with high, straight shoulders. Untrammelled -by dress she is graceful and free in her actions. Before -marriage the women have very small breasts, but after they -have borne a child the breasts develop considerably. Old -women, probably on account of poorer nourishment, are very -flat-chested, and one never sees a woman with very pendent -breasts. In the older women they atrophy.<a name="FNanchor_422" id="FNanchor_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p> - -<p>There is great individuality in the faces of the Amazonian -Indians. A tribe is no herd of sheep, differentiated only to the -experienced eye of the shepherd; the dissimilarities of countenance -are immediately apparent, and even to the most casual -observer Indians show marked variety of face and colour and -feature. Like all savages the Indians admire most the lightest -coloured skins. The divergence of colour is both tribal and -racial; and as a rule it will be found that the higher the type -the better the physical development, and the greater the mental -capacity, the lighter will be the skin. On account of the saturation -of the atmosphere the Indians mostly have skins of a good -texture. I never found rough skins on Indians in these districts.<a name="FNanchor_423" id="FNanchor_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span> -Of all the tribes the Menimehe have the lightest complexions, -and they are invariably fatter and in better condition than the -surrounding tribal groups.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate52" style="width: 460px;"> -<img src="images/plate52.jpg" width="460" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE LII.</p> -<p class="caption">COMBS—1. ANDOKE COMB WITH NUTSHELL CUP FOR RUBBER LATEX</p> -<p class="caption">2. WITOTO COMB</p> -<p class="caption">3. BORO COMB</p> -</div> - -<p>I have mentioned the custom of covering a new-born infant -with rubber milk either for warmth or to protect the skin; the -women daub themselves with gum and a yellow clay because it -is supposed to preserve the skin; but none of these peoples use -any oil for lubricating purposes, and they are free from any -noxious-smelling secretion. The smell of a negro they consider -most offensive, but do not extend this dislike to the white man. -The Indian owes his immunity from this unpleasant trait in -part because he does not perspire at all freely, perhaps to difference -of glandular secretion, and in part to frequent ablutions. -Yet, though even a dirty people like the Witoto will bathe at -least three times a day and most tribes far more often, these -Indians, as has already been noted, are by no means free of body -parasites. Head lice may be said to be universal, and in addition -jiggers and the red tick that drops off leaves in the forest and -burrows under the human skin, there is another burrowing -parasite that invades the human body to lay its eggs, which is -extremely common among these people. One is apt to be infested -with these pests merely from touching an Indian, certainly -by lying in an Indian hammock. The parasite causes considerable -irritation, and the local remedy is to apply babasco juice.</p> - -<p>Except in the case of a medicine-man, who never depilates, -hair is looked upon as dirt; therefore it is always removed, only -the hair of the head being permitted to grow. Depilation is -usually done just before a dance. The method of removal -adopted is to cover the hirsute parts with rubber latex. This is -allowed to dry, so that a grip can be obtained and the hair removed -simply with the forefinger and thumb or by means of -two small pieces of cane. Two persons will, as far as facial hairs -are concerned, depilate one another. It is universally considered -a sign of cleanliness to remove all the body hairs, and even to -pull out the eyebrows and eyelashes.<a name="FNanchor_424" id="FNanchor_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> That the eyebrows are -not removed for æsthetic purposes is proved by the fact that the -effect is promptly reproduced with paint. It is not easy to get -information with regard to the removal of body hair,<a name="FNanchor_425" id="FNanchor_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> but I was -able to obtain a little from a Karahone slave boy who was with -an Andoke tribe I met. He told me that the Karahone did not -depilate the hair of the face. This is the one exception among -these tribes.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span></p> - -<p>On the authority of Schomburgh, im Thurn states that occasionally -when there is great demonstration of grief at a burial -“the survivors crop their hair.” So far as my experience went -none of the Indians of the Upper Amazons ever “crop” the hair -close, except that of young girls when danger threatens. Should -there be any reason to suppose that some man is inclined to -steal a girl, her hair might be closely cut as a preventive measure -to save the child from being kidnapped, for a hairless woman is -looked upon as a social outcast among the tribes. The young -Indians have long hair that often reaches to below the small of -the back, but this length does not continue, and it is a varying -quantity among the adults.</p> - -<p>The hair is uniformly scattered over the scalp, and is coarse -in texture, lank, and very abundant. Baldness is unknown, -and greyness, as with the negroes, is very rare. I have only seen -grey hair on a few people of apparently unusual age. In colour -it is almost uniformly black, a red- not a blue-black, which gives -it an occasional brown glint. Some of the children are lighter-haired, -but such a variation as red hair is unknown, though in -the sunlight the women’s hair may take a reddish gleam. Both -women and children have finer hair than the men, and with -young children it is often quite downy. As a rule it is straight, -but among the Tukana wavy hair is more evident.</p> - -<p>Among the greater part of these peoples the hair is not cut, -either by the men or women. The Karahone men cut their hair -to the shoulders; the Boro women, and in some cases the men, -trim theirs round very much as is often seen among our small -girls. Sometimes the Witoto women trim their lank locks. -This is done with a knife if they have one, otherwise it is singed. -With the Menimehe and Karahone it grows very low on the -forehead. The Tikie tribes have most untidy and ill-kept hair.</p> - -<p>Owing to race—possibly of Mongoloid origin—and to the -prevalence of depilatory customs, the men have scanty beards, -if any.</p> - -<p>On the whole these Indians hold their own in the matter of -good looks, even the lowest types are not repulsive in appearance. -I mean, of course, to the eye of the stranger, not according to -their individual standard of beauty. In feature both the various -language-groups and the tribes of each group show many grades. -It may be taken as usual that with a lighter skin the nose and -lips are thinner than among those with darker colouring. -The Boro and the Resigero, both comparatively light-skinned -groups, have thin lips. This naturally follows from what I have -already said as to colour and type, the higher type possessing, -as would be expected, the more refined features. The Boro,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span> -taken as a group, are the best looking, many of them are very -handsome, and some of the Andoke also are notably well favoured -in appearance. “Noble” is Koch-Grünberg’s decision on the -question of the Tukana tribesmen’s appearance. The Okaina, -also, must be classed as good looking.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate53" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate53.jpg" width="650" height="440" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE LIII.</p> -<p class="captionl">BORO TRIBESMAN FROM THE PAMA RIVER</p> -<p class="captionr">A MENIMEHE CAPTIVE</p> -</div> - -<p>It seems somewhat of a contradiction after this to remark -that a squint is so common a trait among these tribes that one -cannot but notice immediately any one with normal eyes. This -is, however, with the exception of the Tukana, very prevalent -among all these tribes. The eyes are not large, and are deeply -set. They are black in colour with occasional yellowness of the -eyeball, but never to the degree seen in the bilious eye of the -negro. Both eyesight and hearing are very acute. In the bush, -or in the dark, the tribesmen have most penetrating sight, and -can distinguish details at a glance where the ordinary white man -can see nothing of any description. In the sun, or any strong -light, their sight is inferior.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to judge what an Indian’s ears would be like if -left to Nature’s fashioning, as they are invariably distorted to -more or less degree by artificial means. They are frequently -prominent, and do not appear to be set close to the head in any -case. The large ear-plugs will pull the lobe of the ear half-way -down the neck and more. Nose-boring is not carried to so -disfiguring an extent. The Boro, especially the women of those -tribes, bore the wing of the nose—a custom peculiar to this people—as -well as the septum, which is also bored by Muenane and -Witoto women, but the nose pins are small, and do not distort -the feature as the ear-plugs do the ear. The Tukana’s nose has -naturally large alæ. The tribes on the Tikie also have broad -noses, with prominent cheek-bones, a characteristic noted by -Wallace among the Kuretu.<a name="FNanchor_426" id="FNanchor_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></p> - -<p>The Indian’s chin is narrow, small, rounded, and, especially -in the case of the women, retreating. There is no dimple -or cleft. The teeth are big and even, and very rarely found -projecting.</p> - -<p>The Indian’s expression is stolid enough ordinarily, but when -talking he has much play of feature, and he will gesticulate freely -under the influence of coca. Among the tribes to the south of -the Japura a man will look a stranger straight in the face, but -north of that river the native has a more furtive glance. The -Indian’s gaze is intense.</p> - -<p>They are never demonstrative of affection, and, though they -will touch a white man as a salutation, never touch each other. -By this I mean that when friendlily disposed an Indian would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span> -return a white man’s salute, the offer of the hand, but no Indian -would grasp a fellow-tribesman’s hand, or put an arm around -his neck. Kissing is unknown among these people. Crevaux -records that he saw children among the Calina kiss to show -affection, but the nearest approach to an embrace I ever -witnessed was a slap on the shoulder, probably under the -shoulder-blade, which is the salutation between great friends. -Mothers of course fondle their children, and I have even seen a -woman with her arm round her husband, but such an exhibition -is considered barely decent. Neither do they exhibit grief by -weeping. The girl children cry occasionally, but no child ever -screams; and adults may whine but never shed tears.</p> - -<p>As regards brain-power, the Boro group are the most intelligent, -with the possible exception of the Menimehe. I invariably found -the Boro exceedingly anxious to learn from me anything they -judged might be of utility to themselves. They evinced a -definitely intelligent interest, not to be confounded with the -ordinary curiosity of the untaught. Among all these peoples -the power of mental development ceases after they have attained -puberty.</p> - -<p>One limitation that is to be noticed with all of them is their -inability to grasp any chronological data. They have nothing -in the way of a tally of any description, and in speaking use the -vaguest expressions only for reckoning. It is my opinion, based -on observation of the number of generations still living at any -one time, that these people live to an advanced age. They grow -elderly at from twenty-five to thirty years, and may, under -favourable conditions, live another half-century or more. This -is borne out by the fact that I found occasionally a man with grey -hair—a sign in all coloured peoples, and I believe in Mongoloid -peoples, of great age. But no Indian can give any information -as to his own age, or the age of his children. For him age is -non est, time of little value. He cannot tell you when he came -to the neighbourhood in which you find him, though obviously -only a year or two may have been passed there. His day is -regulated to some extent by the rising and the setting of the -sun, portioned only by its height in the heavens. If but occasion -serve, one or other of the warriors, drunk with coca, will talk the -whole night through, excitedly recounting some folk-tale, or -endlessly boasting his feats in the hunt or on the war-path. -The interruption is not resented by his comrades, nor does it -seem to interfere with their slumber. Indians, in fact, never -appear to sleep much, or rather they sleep little and often, as -chance offers. Night is no more the time of repose than day, -except in so far as darkness puts a stop to certain of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span> -avocations. When sleeping on the ground an Indian curls up -on one side with his knees to his chin, or he sleeps on his -stomach, seldom lying on the back.<a name="FNanchor_427" id="FNanchor_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></p> - -<p>Though, as has been noted, they sleep with no wrap or covering, -these Indians are most sensitive to climatic changes. They -are decidedly susceptible to a difference of locality, and, more -than this, in a land where the extreme contrast of temperature -is no more than twenty degrees throughout the year, with an -average of half that total, they are affected by even slight variations -of temperature. They fear the cold of the early morning, -and, accustomed as they are to the half-lights of the forest, they -dislike sunshine, and prefer to keep in the shade, fearful of sun-sickness -if exposed to the sun.</p> - -<p>It has been suggested by some travellers that the curious -habit of the Indians of inducing sickness every morning by means -of a feather was based on the idea that any food which was -retained in the stomach all night must be unwholesome and ought -to be removed immediately.<a name="FNanchor_428" id="FNanchor_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> I have often seen the Indians do -this, but always put it down to a desire to rid the stomach of the -non-absorbent constituents of the coca powder, as only the men, -who alone may take coca, resort to this practice. The Indian in -the early morning drinks an infusion of herbs, as I have already -mentioned, which induces the removal of such substances by -vomiting, although not taken primarily for this purpose.</p> - -<p>Sickness is also secured with the fingers after a prohibitive -quantity of cahuana has been drunk, as afore noted, during a big -dance. Having imbibed to his utmost capacity, the Indian -adopts this simple expedient to enable him to drink again.</p> - -<p>The tribes of the upper Amazons are, comparatively with -others, very cleanly. But it is only comparatively. The Boro -are the cleanest, and the Witoto unquestionably the most dirty. -Immediately on rising all Indians resort to the river, but except -among the Boro and the Resigeros, who rub themselves with -sand, the performance can hardly be called washing, it is simply -bathing. The Nonuya and Muenane are cleanly, like the -Resigero. Even the Andoke, though they use no sand, are -cleaner than the Witoto, for this tribe never wash, and only -take a dip two or three times a day, while at least five times is -the ordinary rule with the majority.<a name="FNanchor_429" id="FNanchor_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span></p> - -<p>The first duty of the morning is a visit, as has been said, to -the bathing-place. Thither troop the old and the young, both -male and female, to wash and revive in the water. They do not -attempt to rub their bodies dry, but are content to let the moisture -evaporate when they emerge from the stream. When on a -march or out hunting Indians will always bathe in any water -available on the route. They go in streaming with perspiration, -but seem to suffer no ill-effects. Bates has described them as -“taking merely a sitz-bath” like a dog,<a name="FNanchor_430" id="FNanchor_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> but they seemed to -me to bathe as any ordinary person would who went into the -water to get cool.</p> - -<p>After returning from war the Indians bathe scrupulously -before they re-enter the house. It is in the nature of a ceremonial -washing, and possibly is a subconscious act of purification, -though the Indians, when asked the reason, told me only -that it was <i>pia</i>, our custom. In fact lustration with the Indian -is too frequent an action to keep any ceremonial significance it -may ever have had.</p> - -<p>It follows as a matter of course with people so familiar with -water that one and all are expert swimmers. The Indian -of the Amazons invariably swims as naturally as he walks, and -with as little tuition. From the hour of his birth he has been -conversant with the river, and in a climate where the temperature -of the water varies but little from 75° to 80° or more, he regards -a dip as his chief solace. He never passes a stream without -taking advantage of its proximity to bathe, and the fact that he -may have recently fed, or that he is perspiring freely, does not -hinder him from a plunge, and makes no difference to his -enjoyment.</p> - -<p>In swimming the Indian paddles like a dog, and does not -attempt to attain to anything approaching the breast-stroke of -the European, nor does he extend the legs widely. He flexes the -legs sharply upon the trunk, and, suddenly stretching them in a -straight line, drives the body forward. The stroke is not a tiring -one, and the native is capable of undergoing long immersion -without suffering exhaustion, but the speed he can acquire is -not remarkable. For that matter there are no reasons why -the Indian should desire to make rapid progression. Swimming -to him is an adjunct to bathing, or a means to cross a stream; -its finer developments trouble him not at all. In the muddy -rivers of the Amazons there is nothing to tempt the native to -dive, nor are there suitable places to jump off the banks. The -Indian slips in as best suits the occasion, and does not aspire to -exhibition feats, or to water games.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="plate54" style="width: 650px;"> -<img src="images/plate54.jpg" width="650" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">PLATE LIV.</p> -<p class="captionl">WITOTO TYPES</p> -<p class="captionr">WITOTO WOMAN WITH LEG LIGATURES</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span></p> - -<p>When bathing the Indian is exposed to a certain element of -danger from fish that inflict varying degrees of injury. There is -the stinging eel, and skate of some sort and another stinging -fish,<a name="FNanchor_431" id="FNanchor_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> the caneiro, and the piranha. Electric fish are less common -in the upper rivers than in the main streams, and I never noticed -one Indian of the Issa-Japura tribes take any special precaution -against them, though elsewhere the natives will beat and prod -the water with rods before they bathe, to discover, if possible, -whether any eels are lurking in the vicinity. The caneiro’s -method of attack is by suction, not shock. They are very -plentiful in all these rivers, and their power of suction is most -extraordinary. I am not likely to forget the first time I made -acquaintance with one of these voracious little fish. It suddenly -attacked, or rather attached itself with its sucker-like mouth, to -the inner side of my leg. The sensation was most alarming. I -made with all possible speed to land. The caneiro certainly -sucks up the flesh rapidly and painfully, but I am doubtful if -it really “tears off pieces of the skin and flesh,” as it is said -to do.<a name="FNanchor_432" id="FNanchor_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> The piranha, though quite a small fish,<a name="FNanchor_433" id="FNanchor_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> is even more -ferocious. It will attack anything, and is said to be capable -of reducing a large animal to a skeleton in the space of a few -minutes. There is a story, repeated elsewhere, that one very -small fish is actually a human parasite. The Indians aver that -it will enter the body of a man when bathing. Orton mentions -this fish, which according to him is “a slender silurid fish (<i>Vandellia</i>)” -but remarks that he never met “with one confirmatory -case.”<a name="FNanchor_434" id="FNanchor_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> Neither did I. But I found that all Indians take precautions -against it when bathing.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_II">APPENDIX II<br /> -<span class="smaller">MONGOLOID ORIGIN</span></h3> - -<p>On the vexed question of original Asiatic extraction what little -evidence I have to offer is in general support of the theory that -some at least of the ancestral stock probably found their way -hither from Asia, or—what is more in accordance with the laws -of migration as so far ascertained—spread from the American -to the Asiatic continent. There is undeniably a marked -prevalence of what are recognised as Mongoloid traits among -these peoples. I fully accept Ratzel’s dictum, “We may hold -firmly to the relationship of the Americans with the East -Oceanic branch of the Mongoloid race.”<a name="FNanchor_435" id="FNanchor_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> To quote another -writer, “As Burton remarks, this strain demonstrates itself in -big round Calmuck skulls, flat faces, with broad, prominent -cheek-bones, oblique oriental eyes, rather brown than black. -They have also dark thick eyebrows, and thin moustaches -fringing large mouths, with pointed teeth and sparse beards -hardly covering the long pointed chin.”<a name="FNanchor_436" id="FNanchor_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> The truth of this -description can be judged from the illustrations in this volume. -The most casual observer must notice the prevalence of -Mongoloid facial characteristics prevalent among the South -American Indians, such as obliquity of eye, prominent cheek-bones, -broad flat nose. My own observations led me to -conclude that the Mongoloid type was very pronounced in -individual cases, so much so that I estimated at least one per -cent to be of a pure Chinese type, and my common name for -them (<i>vide</i> my note on secrecy of individual names, p. 154) was -Chin-Chin. I would refer to such illustrations as that facing -p. 254 in the second volume of Spruce’s <i>Notes of a Naturalist</i>. -(See again Spruce, i. 328; Orton, p. 170, for references to prevalent -obliquity of eye.) On the other hand, Bates remarks of the -Tupuyo that “their eyes are black and seldom oblique like those -of the Tartar races” (Bates, i. 78); and Wallace remarks, “I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span> -never could discern an unusual obliquity of the eyes” (Wallace, -p. 332). I cannot agree with this statement. The latter, -however, noted the prominent cheek-bone among the Curetu -(p. 354); and Orton refers to it and to the flat nose (Orton, -p. 170).</p> - -<p>Further characteristics in common among Mongoloid peoples -and these tribes are the customs of shaving or depilating facial -hair, and a prolonged period of suckling the young (<i>vide</i> -Westermarck, p. 484).</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_III">APPENDIX III<br /> -<span class="smaller">DEPILATION</span></h3> - -<p>All tribes south of the Japura remove hair, except that on the -head.</p> - -<p>Tukana depilate body hair.</p> - -<p>Tuyuha men depilate armpits, not pudenda: women depilate -pudenda.</p> - -<p>Kuretu—all depilate.</p> - -<p>Purakato, according to Koch-Grünberg, do not depilate.</p> - -<p>Karahone are said not to depilate. This (see text) is debatable. -I believe that they pluck out the hair of the chin and whiskers, -but leave eyebrows and moustache.</p> - -<p>Bara—women only depilate.</p> - -<p>Menimehe—all depilate, but the women are not so careful -about it as the Boro.</p> - -<p>Boro—all depilate.</p> - -<p>Witoto—men more careless, women depilate.</p> - -<p>Tuhana, according to Koch-Grünberg, do not depilate.</p> - -<p>Okaina—all depilate.</p> - -<p>Resigero—all depilate.</p> - -<p>Muenane—all depilate.</p> - -<p>These tribes have no body hair, except pubic hair, which is -very scanty. The Indian women are most particular about the -removal of all pubic hair. The men are less careful, though it -is supposed to be done, but as that part of their bodies is never -voluntarily exposed they are more heedless than the women.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_IV">APPENDIX IV<br /> -<span class="smaller">COLOUR ANALYSIS AND MEASUREMENTS</span></h3> - -<h4><span class="smcap">Colour</span></h4> - -<p>(<i>Vide</i> Colour Curve. Tintometer.)</p> - -<ul> -<li>1. Menimehe—lightest.</li> -<li>2. Resigero.</li> -<li>3. Okaina.</li> -<li>4. Boro.</li> -<li>5. Nonuya.</li> -<li>6. Andoke.</li> -<li>7. Karahone.</li> -<li>8. Muenane.</li> -<li>9. Witoto.</li> -</ul> - -<p>Robuchon gives the colours of the Witotos as brown-copper -colour, varying between twenty-nine and thirty of the chromatic -scale of the Anthropologicas of Paris.</p> - -<h4><span class="smcap">Colour Analysis</span><br /> -<i>Unexposed Part—Armpit</i></h4> - -<table summary="Colour analysis of armpit skin" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Substance examined.</th> - <th colspan="3">Matching Standards.</th> - <th colspan="3">Colour developed.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Red.</th> - <th>Yellow.</th> - <th>Blue.</th> - <th>Black.</th> - <th>Orange.</th> - <th>Red.</th> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Witoto</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="5">3.6</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="5">2.8</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="5">1.6</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="5">1.6</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="5">.2</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="5">.8</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Muenane</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Karahone</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Andoke</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nonuya</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Boro</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row" rowspan="4">3.3</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row" rowspan="4">2.7</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row" rowspan="4">1.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row" rowspan="4">1.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row" rowspan="4">.2</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row" rowspan="4">.6</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Okaina</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Resigero</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="last-row">Menimehe</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>Mean average attempted by means of colour markings and -identified according to Lovibond’s tintometer scale.</p> - -<p>There was practically no tribal differentiation of pigmentation -in the units of these groups, as far as the unexposed part of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span> -body is concerned. This is understandable. The palm of the -nigger’s hand differs little from his white brother’s.</p> - -<h4><span class="smcap">Colour Analysis</span><br /> -<i>Exposed Part—Back</i></h4> - -<table summary="Colour analysis of skin of the back" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Substance examined.</th> - <th colspan="3">Matching Standards.</th> - <th colspan="3">Colour developed.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Red.</th> - <th>Yellow.</th> - <th>Blue.</th> - <th>Black.</th> - <th>Orange.</th> - <th>Red.</th> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>9. Witoto</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">10.6</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">9.2</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">6.2</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">6.2</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">3.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">1.4</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>8. Muenane</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>7. Karahone</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">8.7</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">7.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">4.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">4.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">3.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="2">1.2</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>6. Andoke</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>5. Nonuya</td> - <td class="tdr valign">8.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign">7.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign">4.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign">4.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign">3.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign">1.0</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>4. Boro</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="3">4.9</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="3">4.4</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="3">1.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="3">1.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign" rowspan="3">2.9</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Okaina</td> - <td class="tdr">.5</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Resigero</td> - <td><span class="smaller">Yellow.</span></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="last-row">1. Menimehe</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row">3.4</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row">4.1</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row">.7</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row">.7</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row">2.7</td> - <td class="tdr valign last-row">.7<a name="FNanchor_437" id="FNanchor_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>There is here more differentiation. The tribes numbered -1-9 are in order of shade, from the lightest according to personal -observation. This is borne out by data except the grouping -which was not so apparent to the eye.</p> - -<p>Apparently in one tribe only is red non-existent, free yellow -taking the place—No. 1 (<i>vide</i> curve).</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;"> -<img src="images/graph.jpg" width="700" height="275" alt="Graph" /> -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Colour Curves of Skin Pigmentation (Indians of the -Middle Issa and Japura Valleys)</span></p> -</div> - -<p><i>Note.</i>—It will be seen at a glance that differentiation is caused by increased “sadness” or excess of -black, and by the amount of free red. These are the two governing factors. Orange is constant -throughout.</p> - -<p><i>N.B.</i>—There is extraordinary variation amongst individuals of the same tribe, as well as amongst -tribes of the same language-group and language-groups themselves.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span></p> - -<h4><span class="smcap">Huis’ Measurements of Samples of Women’s Hair</span></h4> - -<p>No. 1. Maturity.</p> - -<p>No. 2. Ante-pubertal.</p> - -<p><i>Note.</i>—The lighter tips of latter which become eliminated after puberty, -<i>i.e.</i> elimination of <i>orange</i>.</p> - -<table summary="Colour analysis of the hair of women of different age" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th></th> - <th>Red.</th> - <th>Yellow.</th> - <th>Blue. Black.</th> - <th>Green.</th> - <th>Yellow.</th> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>No. 1</td> - <td class="tdr valign">19.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign">31.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign">28.0 = 19.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign">8.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign">3.0</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="valign">No. 2</td> - <td class="tdr valign">18.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign">26.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign">17.0 = 17.0</td> - <td class="tdr valign"><span class="smaller">Orange.</span><br />1.5</td> - <td class="tdr valign">7.5</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Light tips</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">19</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">26.0</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">25.0 = 19.0</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign"><span class="smaller">Green.</span><br />6.0</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="tdr valign">1.0</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>Dark ends</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h5><i>Descriptive Characters</i></h5> - -<p><i>Eye.</i>—1. Dark, <i>i.e.</i> black-brown iris. <i>Note.</i>—Outer angles of -eyes visibly elevated; deep-set; eyeball thick; covers the -caruncle; outer angle slightly compressed and pointed.</p> - -<p><i>Hair.</i>—<i>Colours</i>—1. Black, <i>not coal</i> black. 2. Children’s hair -is some shade lighter than adults’, but still “black.”</p> - -<p><i>Form of Face.</i>—1. Face inclined to be square and wedge-shaped. -2. Inclined to concavity. 3. Compare photographs. 4. -Chinese, Fig. 6, but not so pronounced. (<i>N.B.</i>—There is great -variation.) 5. Chin small, round, retreating. 6. Cheek-bones -broad. Face flat (inclination to, <i>vide</i> photographs). 7. Medium -lips—great variation. 8. Ears medium-sized—flat. 9. Lobes -sometimes attached.</p> - -<h4><span class="smcap">Measurements of Types<a name="FNanchor_438" id="FNanchor_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> in Centimetres</span></h4> - -<table summary="Measurements of head" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Head—Round.</th> - <th colspan="2">Head—Across.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>56</td> - <td>53</td> - <td>14</td> - <td>14</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>56</td> - <td>51</td> - <td>16</td> - <td>14</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>56</td> - <td>52</td> - <td>18</td> - <td>15</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>57</td> - <td>53</td> - <td>17</td> - <td>16</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>54</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>15</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span></p> - -<table summary="Measurements of head and neck" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Head-Length.</th> - <th colspan="2">Neck.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>20</td> - <td>18</td> - <td>Short</td> - <td>Short</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>21.5</td> - <td>19</td> - <td>Long</td> - <td>Short</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>24</td> - <td>20</td> - <td>Short</td> - <td>Long</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>22</td> - <td>19</td> - <td>Medium</td> - <td>Short</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>21</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>Short</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Measurements of cheek-bones and mouth" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Cheek-Bones.</th> - <th colspan="2">Mouth.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>High, not pronounced</td> - <td>High, not pronounced</td> - <td>Moderate</td> - <td>Large</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>Very high</td> - <td>High, not pronounced</td> - <td>Large</td> - <td>Large</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>Wide, high</td> - <td>Wide, high</td> - <td>Small</td> - <td>Small</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>Small</td> - <td>Small</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>Wide, high</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>Large</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Measurements of teeth and eyes" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Teeth.</th> - <th colspan="2">Eyes.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>Large</td> - <td>Large</td> - <td>Oblique</td> - <td>Oblique</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>Deep-set</td> - <td>Oblique</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>Deep-set</td> - <td>Oblique</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>Slightly oblique</td> - <td>Oblique</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>Large, even</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>Oblique</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Measurements of nose and height" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Nose.</th> - <th colspan="2">Height.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>Straight</td> - <td>Broad, bridged</td> - <td>160</td> - <td>138</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>Aquiline</td> - <td>Flat</td> - <td>168</td> - <td>149</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>Depressed</td> - <td>Depressed</td> - <td>162</td> - <td>146</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>Aquiline</td> - <td>Depressed</td> - <td>171</td> - <td>146</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>Flat</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>164</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span></p> - -<table summary="Measurements of chest and waist" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Chest—Round.</th> - <th colspan="2">Waist.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>85</td> - <td>75</td> - <td>73</td> - <td>71</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>87</td> - <td>79</td> - <td>73</td> - <td>75</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>88</td> - <td>75</td> - <td>77</td> - <td>65</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>89</td> - <td>82</td> - <td>76</td> - <td>76</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>90</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>77</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Measurements of hips and arms" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Hips—Round.</th> - <th colspan="2">Tip Shoulder-Tip Elbow.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>82</td> - <td>79</td> - <td>35</td> - <td>28</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>83</td> - <td>88</td> - <td>35</td> - <td>32</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>87</td> - <td>81</td> - <td>34</td> - <td>30</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>90</td> - <td>87</td> - <td>38</td> - <td>33</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>84</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>36</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Measurements of arm and leg" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Elbow to Top Middle Finger.</th> - <th colspan="2">Eminence Buttock to Tip Flexed Knee.<a name="FNanchor_439" id="FNanchor_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a></th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>45</td> - <td>39</td> - <td>52</td> - <td>44</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>47</td> - <td>41</td> - <td>53</td> - <td>48</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>46</td> - <td>42</td> - <td>47</td> - <td>45</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>48</td> - <td>40</td> - <td>53</td> - <td>48</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>44</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>52</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Measurements of leg" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Crutch to Tip of Flexed Knee.</th> - <th colspan="2">Eminence Knee to Ground.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>37</td> - <td>28</td> - <td>51</td> - <td>44</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>40</td> - <td>31</td> - <td>53</td> - <td>45</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>36</td> - <td>32</td> - <td>51</td> - <td>45</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>41</td> - <td>33</td> - <td>55</td> - <td>44</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>38</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>52</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span></p> - -<table summary="Measurements of feet and chest" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Feet.</th> - <th colspan="2">Distance between Nipples.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>Broad, large</td> - <td>Broad, small</td> - <td>20</td> - <td>23</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>Long</td> - <td>Broad</td> - <td>21.5</td> - <td>23</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>Large</td> - <td>Small</td> - <td>23</td> - <td>22</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>Large, broad</td> - <td>Medium</td> - <td>22</td> - <td>20</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>Large, broad</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>22</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Measurements of torso" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Length from Centre Nipples to Navel.</th> - <th colspan="2">Navel to Crutch.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>23</td> - <td>24</td> - <td>19</td> - <td>19</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>25</td> - <td>22</td> - <td>24</td> - <td>20</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>21</td> - <td>22</td> - <td>20</td> - <td>20</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>25</td> - <td>25</td> - <td>24</td> - <td>23</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>26</td> - <td>22</td> - <td>—</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<table summary="Remarks" class="borders"> - <tr> - <th rowspan="2">Tribe.</th> - <th colspan="2">Remarks.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <th>Male.</th> - <th>Female.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>1. Resigero</td> - <td>Moderate</td> - <td>Plump</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>2. Nonuya</td> - <td>Lean</td> - <td>Fat</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>3. Boro</td> - <td>Well-nourished</td> - <td>Well-nourished</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>4. Andoke</td> - <td>Well-nourished</td> - <td>Very plump</td> - </tr> - <tr class="last-row"> - <td>5. Witoto</td> - <td>Well-nourished</td> - <td>—</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h4><span class="smcap">Essential Measurements</span><br /> -<i>Two Cases, Women, Witoto</i></h4> - -<table summary="Measurements of two Witoto women"> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - <td colspan="2" class="center smaller">Centimetres.</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="tdr">1.</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Head</td> - <td>Maximum length</td> - <td class="tdr">17.3</td> - <td class="tdr">18.15</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">2.</td> - <td>Maximum breadth</td> - <td class="tdr">13.85</td> - <td class="tdr">13.9</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="tdr">3.</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Nose</td> - <td>Length from base to root</td> - <td class="tdr">4.3</td> - <td class="tdr">4.0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">4.</td> - <td>Breadth across nostrils</td> - <td class="tdr">3.0</td> - <td class="tdr">3.0</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="tdr">5.</td> - <td rowspan="4" class="valign">Projection of head</td> - <td>From vertex to root of nose</td> - <td class="tdr">9.2</td> - <td class="tdr">10.0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">6.</td> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> mouth</td> - <td class="tdr">16.0</td> - <td class="tdr">14.2</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">7.</td> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> chin</td> - <td class="tdr">19.0</td> - <td class="tdr">17.4</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">8.</td> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <span class="ditto">”</span> tragus of ear</td> - <td class="tdr">10.7</td> - <td class="tdr">12.0</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td class="tdr"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span>9.</td> - <td colspan="2">Bizygomalic breadth of face</td> - <td class="tdr">12.75</td> - <td class="tdr">12.0</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">9.</td> - <td colspan="2">Face length from nasim to chin</td> - <td class="tdr">10.2</td> - <td class="tdr">9.3</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">10.</td> - <td colspan="2">Length of upper limb</td> - <td class="tdr">60.0</td> - <td><a name="FNanchor_440" id="FNanchor_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">11.</td> - <td colspan="2"> <span class="ditto">”</span> cubit</td> - <td class="tdr">38.0</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">12.</td> - <td colspan="2"> <span class="ditto">”</span> hand along its back</td> - <td class="tdr">15.0</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">13.</td> - <td colspan="2"> <span class="ditto">”</span> foot</td> - <td class="tdr">23.0</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">14.</td> - <td colspan="2">Sitting height</td> - <td class="tdr">72.0</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">15.</td> - <td colspan="2">Kneeling height</td> - <td class="tdr">103.75</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">16.</td> - <td colspan="2">Standing height</td> - <td class="tdr">139.5</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">17.</td> - <td colspan="2">(Obvious) height to chin</td> - <td class="tdr">120.5</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">18.</td> - <td colspan="2">Height to sternal notch</td> - <td class="tdr">117.0</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">19.</td> - <td colspan="2">Height from internal malleolus to ground</td> - <td class="tdr">6.4</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">20.</td> - <td colspan="2">Span of arms</td> - <td class="tdr">140.5</td> - <td></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h4><span class="smcap">Extra Notes on Two Women, Witoto</span> (chosen types)</h4> - -<p>No. 1. Very short neck; short sternum; straight shoulders. -When standing at ease the middle finger of hand is half-way -between flexion of knee and hip-joint. Thighs short.</p> - -<p>No. 2. Neck short; shoulders straight; good teeth—very -large and even.</p> - -<h4><span class="smcap">General Description of Two Indian Women for evolving -a Type. Both Witoto-speaking</span></h4> - -<p>No. 1. Woman full grown. No. 2. Still growing, of pubertal -age. According to <i>Schedule</i>, pp. 11, Anatomical Observation.</p> - -<p><i>External Characters.</i>—General condition well nourished—healthy. -No. 1. Stout. No. 2. Medium.</p> - -<h5><i>Descriptive Characters.</i></h5> - -<table summary="Comparison of two Indian women"> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">A. Colour of skin.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td>Exposed part light reddish-brown.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - <td>Unexposed part—very much lighter, and tintometer curve, etc.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">B. Colour of eyes. Black.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td>Dark-brown iris.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - <td>Black iris.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">C. Fold of skin at inner angle of eyes.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Covering the caruncle.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>D. Colour of hair.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Black, brown in sunlight, <i>i.e.</i> brown-black.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">E. Character of hair (<i>vide</i> Section of Hair).</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Straight and coarse (horse hair but finer).</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">F. Amount of hair.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td>Body very very scanty, depilation not recent.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - <td>Face <i>nil</i>. Body <i>nil</i>.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">G. Shape of face.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td>Short. Broad.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - <td>Pyramidal. Wedge-shaped.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">H. Profile of nose.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td>Chinese type.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - <td>Chinese type, but not so pronounced, between this and European.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">I. Prognathism.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td>Slight.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - <td>Very slight.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">J. Lips.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td>Medium—slightly everted.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - <td>Medium European type.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="3">K.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 1.</td> - <td class="valign" rowspan="2">Platyoprosopic <i>not</i> excessive.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td>No. 2.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_V">APPENDIX V<br /> -<span class="smaller">ARTICLES NOTED BY WALLACE AS IN USE AMONG THE UAUPES -INDIANS THAT ARE FOUND WITH THE ISSA-JAPURA TRIBES</span></h3> - -<h4><i>Household Furniture and Utensils</i></h4> - -<ul> -<li>Hammocks.</li> -<li>Baskets, flat and deep.</li> -<li>Calabashes and gourds.</li> -<li>Earthenware water-pots.</li> -<li>Earthenware cooking-pots.</li> -<li>Manioc graters.</li> -<li>Manioc squeezers.</li> -<li>Wicker sieves.</li> -</ul> - -<h4><i>Weapons</i></h4> - -<ul> -<li>Bows and arrows.</li> -<li>Quivers.</li> -<li>Blow-pipes.</li> -<li>Small pots and calabashes for poison.</li> -<li>Spears.</li> -<li>Nets.</li> -<li>Rods, lines, and palm-spine hooks.</li> -<li>Wicker fish-traps.</li> -</ul> - -<h4><i>Musical Instruments</i></h4> - -<ul> -<li>Fifes and flutes of reeds—Menimehe and Napo tribes.</li> -</ul> - -<h4><i>Dress and Ornaments</i></h4> - -<ul> -<li>Feather head-dress.</li> -<li>Palm-wood combs.</li> -<li>Necklaces of seeds, beads, and teeth.</li> -<li>Wooden ear-plugs.</li> -<li>Armlets.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>Painted aprons.</li> -<li>Rattles and ornaments for legs.</li> -<li>Knitted garters.</li> -<li>Calabashes of red pigment.</li> -<li>Painted earthen pot for <i>caapi</i>.</li> -<li>Small pot of dried peppers.</li> -<li>Dancing rattles.</li> -<li>Balls of string.</li> -<li>Baskets for edible ants.</li> -<li>Small dug-out canoe.</li> -<li>Paddles.</li> -<li>Pestles and mortars.</li> -<li><i>Bombax</i> silk-cotton for arrows.</li> -<li>Stone axes.</li> -</ul> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_VI">APPENDIX VI<br /> -<span class="smaller">NAMES OF DEITIES</span></h3> - -<p>Many writers have stated that the Indians of the Upper Amazon -forests have no words in their languages to express a Supreme -Being. (See, for example, Bates, i. 162; Wallace, p. 354; Nery, -p. 273; Orton, p. 316; Bates, ii. 137, 162-3; Markham.) -It therefore seemed to me worth while to make the following -list of words expressive of some idea of a superior, non-human -being, good or bad.</p> - -<table summary="Tribal names for deities"> - <tr> - <th>Tribe.</th> - <th>Good Spirit.</th> - <th>Bad Spirit.</th> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Amazon (proper)</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Curupira</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Diabo do mato</i> (Spruce, ii. 437)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Atabayoo, Inivida (Orinoco tribes)</td> - <td><i>Cachimana</i> (Humboldt, ii. 362)</td> - <td><i>Iolokiamo</i> (Humboldt, ii. 362)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Baniwa</td> - <td><i>Diotso</i></td> - <td><i>Yenauepena</i> (Koch-Grünberg)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Ienahabapen</i> (Tavera-Acosta)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Baré</td> - <td><i>Diose</i> (Sp. <i>Dios.</i>) (Koch-Grünberg, p. 92)</td> - <td><i>Iyehe</i> (Koch-Grünberg)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td><i>Oayaba</i> (Spix)</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Boro</td> - <td><i>Neva</i><a name="FNanchor_441" id="FNanchor_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a></td> - <td><i>Navena</i><a name="FNanchor_442" id="FNanchor_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Bororo</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Bope</i><a name="FNanchor_443" id="FNanchor_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> (Cook, p. 55)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Casiquiari</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Yamadu</i> (Spruce, ii. 437)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Equatorial Andes</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Munyia</i> (Spruce, ii. 437)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>Guayana</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Yawahoo</i> (Bancroft and Stedman, Spruce, ii. 437)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Hypurina</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Kamiri</i> (Steere, p. 379)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Imihita Miranya</td> - <td><i>Nawene</i> (Koch-Grünberg, Z. 9081)</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Karutana</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Inei</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Katapolitani</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Iyemi</i>, <i>Koai</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Puru</td> - <td><i>Ara</i>, <i>Carimade</i> (Clough, p. 117)</td> - <td><i>Arabuny</i>, <i>Camery</i>, <i>Mendy</i> (Clough, p. 117)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Quichua</td> - <td><i>Apunchi-yaya</i><a name="FNanchor_444" id="FNanchor_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> (Orton, p. 628)</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Siusi</td> - <td><i>Yaperikuli</i><a name="FNanchor_445" id="FNanchor_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> Koch-Grünberg, p. 92)</td> - <td><i>Iyeimi</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Tamanac</td> - <td><i>Amulivaca</i><a name="FNanchor_446" id="FNanchor_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> (Humboldt, ii. 473-474).</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Tariana</td> - <td><i>Yaperikuli</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93)</td> - <td><i>Iyei</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td><i>Iapiricure</i> (Crevaux)</td> - <td><i>Inhat</i> (Crevaux)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Ticuna</td> - <td><i>Nanuloa</i> (Markham)</td> - <td><i>Locazy</i> (Markham)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Tupi-Guarani</td> - <td><i>Tupan</i><a name="FNanchor_447" id="FNanchor_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> (Nery, p. 281)</td> - <td><i>Ananga</i><a name="FNanchor_448" id="FNanchor_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> (Nery, p. 281)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Uaupes</td> - <td><i>Tupanau</i> (Wallace, p. 348)</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Uarekena</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Kue</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 92)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>Witoto</td> - <td><i>Usiyamoi</i>,<a name="FNanchor_449" id="FNanchor_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> <i>Husinaimui</i> (Koch-Grünberg)</td> - <td><i>Taifeno</i>, <i>Taifa</i>, <i>Taegfeno</i> (spirit), <i>Foremo</i> (phantom) (Koch-Grünberg)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td><i>Yagua</i></td> - <td><i>Tupana</i> (Orton, p. 628)</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Yukuna</td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Hiya</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 93)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Zaparo</td> - <td><i>Piatzo</i><a name="FNanchor_450" id="FNanchor_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> (Orton, p. 628)</td> - <td><i>Mungia</i> (black spectre) (Orton, p. 170)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Zamaro</i> (Simson, p. 175)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td></td> - <td><i>Samaro</i> (Simson, p. 263)</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_VII">APPENDIX VII<br /> -<span class="smaller">VOCABULARIES AND LISTS OF NAMES</span></h3> - -<p><i>Note re Pronunciation.</i>—Vowels as in Italian and consonants as -in English. The system adopted by the Anthropological and Geographical -Societies has been followed.</p> - -<h4>SOME WITOTO TRIBES OF THE ISSA-JAPURA WATERSHED</h4> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Achopego.</li> -<li>Aifuya.</li> -<li>Aiguya.</li> -<li>Aigwene.</li> -<li>Aimene.</li> -<li>Aiyofo.</li> -<li>Amenane.</li> -<li>Angarofo.</li> -<li>Aniliene.</li> -<li>Arama.</li> -<li>Aronia.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Baienise.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Chaigero.</li> -<li>Chepeye.</li> -<li>Choria.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Dedinuia.</li> -<li>Diguene.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Eguidafo.</li> -<li>Eifuya.</li> -<li>Eikifo.</li> -<li>Emerai.</li> -<li>Emuidifo.</li> -<li>Enao.</li> -<li>Enenea.</li> -<li>Enifofo</li> -<li>Enokaise.</li> -<li>Erai.</li> -<li>Erifo.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Fainya.</li> -<li>Feyagene.</li> -<li>Fitia.</li> -<li>Foetano.</li> -<li>Fueragero.</li> -<li>Futekwene.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Gidone.</li> -<li>Gimene.</li> -<li>Guidua.</li> -<li>Gwamareya</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hane.</li> -<li>Hedua.</li> -<li>Hegero.</li> -<li>Hemui.</li> -<li>Heone.</li> -<li>Heya.</li> -<li>Hifikuine.</li> -<li>Hikoniai.</li> -<li>Himene.</li> -<li>Himua.</li> -<li>Hipunya.</li> -<li>Hitamene.</li> -<li>Homaguya.</li> -<li>Huieku.</li> -<li>Hui-Hui.</li> -<li>Hurae.</li> -<li>Husinene.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Iagero.</li> -<li>Iane.</li> -<li>Iconya.</li> -<li>Ifekwene.</li> -<li>Ipunya.</li> -<li>Isikifo.</li> -<li>Itomangero.</li> -<li>Iyane.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Kaiduya.</li> -<li>Kaio.</li> -<li>Kaniane.</li> -<li>Kaniene.</li> -<li>Kitopeise.</li> -<li>Kokoya.</li> -<li>Kotuene.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>Kotwine.</li> -<li>Kuito.</li> -<li>Kumaiere.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Machifuri.</li> -<li>Megiya.</li> -<li>Menia.</li> -<li>Merekweine.</li> -<li>Mereta.</li> -<li>Mikagwe.</li> -<li>Minwa.</li> -<li>Mofuinista.</li> -<li>Mokine.</li> -<li>Monane.</li> -<li>Monanisei.</li> -<li>Monanuise.</li> -<li>Monawike.</li> -<li>Muidofege.</li> -<li>Muititefa.</li> -<li>Muitofeiche.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Naikwene.</li> -<li>Naimene.</li> -<li>Naiuiene.</li> -<li>Nefesa.</li> -<li>Nemuigaro.</li> -<li>Nigwerene.</li> -<li>Nimaita.</li> -<li>Nofuinista.</li> -<li>Nirafo.</li> -<li>Nomene.</li> -<li>Nomuene.</li> -<li>Nongone.</li> -<li>Nonuya.</li> -<li>Nufuidai.</li> -<li>Nufuya.</li> -<li>Nuisai.</li> -<li>Nuiuene.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Owapirei.</li> -<li>Owapure.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Pofaito.</li> -<li>Pueneisa.</li> -<li>Puinaise.</li> -<li>Puineita.</li> -<li>Puruia.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Raikene.</li> -<li>Riai.</li> -<li>Rochegero.</li> -<li>Ruiraga.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Sebua.</li> -<li>Seguene.</li> -<li>Sigwene.</li> -<li>Sikibia.</li> -<li>Sikitaise.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Taigwene.</li> -<li>Taikebua.</li> -<li>Tiase.</li> -<li>Torifa.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Uane.</li> -<li>Uchopego.</li> -<li>Uekanise.</li> -<li>Uguine.</li> -<li>Uiguene.</li> -<li>Uhiya.</li> -<li>Urafo.</li> -<li>Urama.</li> -<li>Utiguene.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Yaaniani.</li> - -</ul> - -<h4>SOME TRIBES OF THE OKAINA GROUP</h4> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Aniokasa.</li> -<li>Dukaiya.</li> -<li>Ekanocha.</li> -<li>Enoya.</li> -<li>Fatite.</li> -<li>Harabahanako.</li> -<li>Konega.</li> -<li>Movanio.</li> -<li>Netarako.</li> -<li>Nimone.</li> -<li>Ofofo.</li> -<li>Pikaha.</li> -<li>Tokoia.</li> -<li>Tonhanoija.</li> -<li>Zohonoija.</li> - -</ul> - -<h4>SOME BORO TRIBES OF THE ISSA-JAPURA WATERSHED</h4> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Atehl.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bachiwame.</li> -<li>Bakiehe.</li> -<li>Bakohe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Chemaio.</li> -<li>Chenome.</li> -<li>Chibame.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Dossamehe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ibamahe.</li> -<li>Ikepake.</li> -<li>Imene.</li> -<li>Inege.</li> -<li>Itiage.</li> -<li>Ivamehe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Kontadura.</li> -<li>Kugwamihe.</li> -<li>Kugweme.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Megwae.</li> -<li>Megwamehe.</li> -<li>Mememue.</li> -<li>Metakwe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Nabeme.</li> -<li>Nevahe.</li> -<li>Nonuya.</li> -<li>Nuremehe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Oha.</li> -<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>Okaina.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Paheime.</li> -<li>Pei.</li> -<li>Pirehamuena.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Teiere.</li> -<li>Tichibamuene.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ugwame.</li> -<li>Uhemehe.</li> -<li>Uratefo.</li> -<li>Uwame.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Wanahe.</li> -<li>Warime.</li> -<li>Warine.</li> -<li>Warume.</li> -<li>Wawako.</li> - -</ul> - -<h4>WITOTO CHIEFS AND MEDICINE-MEN</h4> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Aikikwe.</li> -<li>Ainenatofe.</li> -<li>Amenatofe.</li> -<li>Amuiyena.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bogana.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Diehi.</li> -<li>Diomao.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Eavama.</li> -<li>Echu.</li> -<li>Efuyaima.</li> -<li>Etokwenami.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Fenamena.</li> -<li>Forina.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hename.</li> -<li>Henatoba.</li> -<li>Hifaro.</li> -<li>Hirevaina.</li> -<li>Huguraitoma</li> -<li>Husinachire.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Itomakuto.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Kaimarigero.</li> -<li>Kutina.</li> -<li>Kutofirima.</li> -<li>Kwegado.</li> -<li>Kwegare.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Magui.</li> -<li>Maiji.</li> -<li>Maiu.</li> -<li>Mayi.</li> -<li>Meinyitofo.</li> -<li>Monagara.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Naimekwe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Okaima.</li> -<li>Okainama.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Puinanyete.</li> -<li>Puinayeni.</li> -<li>Puineima.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Riaduema.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Sekwana.</li> -<li>Sotaro.</li> -<li>Suneirokwe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Tifecheamena.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Wamue.</li> - -</ul> - -<h4>NAMES OF BORO CHIEFS AND MEDICINE-MEN</h4> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Adiama.</li> -<li>Adiwako.</li> -<li>Agepa.</li> -<li>Akteume.</li> -<li>Ativa.</li> -<li>Ativatahe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bugwaheio.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Chevetahgwe.</li> -<li>Chiako.</li> -<li>Chikaho.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Darapade.</li> -<li>Dekio.</li> -<li>Dihidihe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ekeniba.</li> -<li>Evahihaia.</li> -<li>Evahikie.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Gwanebe.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ibaje.</li> -<li>Ibapakama.</li> -<li>Imenepa.</li> -<li>Inateraka.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Kadokuri.</li> -<li>Katinere.</li> -<li>Kivape.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Magapamena.</li> -<li>Matremiko.</li> -<li>Mewago.</li> -<li>Mucheochime.</li> -<li>Muchichigwako.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Nehevaio.</li> -<li>Nevamarime.</li> -<li>Nevame.</li> -<li>Nipemeiwako.</li> -<li>Nivagwa.</li> -<li>Nivahna.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Poachiiba.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Rimetagwa.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Tchitchitaga.</li> -<li>Teripa.</li> -<li>Tikaame.</li> -<li>Tirakagwako.</li> -<li>Tirakawako.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Uvatipa.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Wadikova.</li> - -</ul> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span></p> - -<h4>WITOTO</h4> - -<table summary="Words and phrases in the Witoto language"> - <tr> - <td>Darkness (devil)</td> - <td><i>Apuehana</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fire</td> - <td><i>Ireiki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>God</td> - <td><i>Usiyamoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Moon</td> - <td><i>Fuibui</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sky</td> - <td><i>Mona</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sun</td> - <td><i>Itoma</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Water</td> - <td><i>Heinowei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Hunger</td> - <td><i>Ameniti</i>, <i>naimede</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Laugh</td> - <td><i>Sateide</i>, <i>seteide</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Metal</td> - <td><i>Okkupe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Paper (book)</td> - <td><i>Kwerape</i> (literally my leaves)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Paper (leaves)</td> - <td><i>Rape</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Paper, a speaking leaf</td> - <td><i>Kwede</i>, <i>hweyarape</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Powder (dust)</td> - <td><i>Himuisa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sleep</td> - <td><i>Inude</i>, <i>unyude</i>, <i>kwinyakate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sleep, dream</td> - <td><i>Inie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Bush, the</td> - <td><i>Aisikumo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cliff</td> - <td><i>Ifere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Compound</td> - <td><i>Gicheipwere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Palm jungle</td> - <td><i>Amena</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Plantation</td> - <td><i>Akafo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>River</td> - <td><i>Imane</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>River, a large</td> - <td><i>Ichue</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Road</td> - <td><i>Io</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stream</td> - <td><i>Hurete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Streamlet</td> - <td><i>Ichemo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Alligator pear</td> - <td><i>Nomedo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Coca</td> - <td><i>Hibia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cocoa</td> - <td><i>Museje</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fruit (general)</td> - <td><i>Rie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Grape fruit</td> - <td><i>Hurekoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Gum (rubber milk)</td> - <td><i>Hittie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Leaves</td> - <td><i>Rape</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Maize</td> - <td><i>Bechado</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mango palm</td> - <td><i>Himeki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mango palm drink</td> - <td><i>Hayabei</i>, <i>hagapui</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Manioc (poisonous)</td> - <td><i>Maika</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Palm</td> - <td><i>Amena</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Palm</td> - <td><i>Himepile</i>, <i>hitiji</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Palm drink (pjnayo)</td> - <td><i>Himepwi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Palm-spines</td> - <td><i>Edo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pepper</td> - <td><i>Ifigo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pineapple</td> - <td><i>Rosiji</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Plantain</td> - <td><i>Ogoda</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Plum</td> - <td><i>Nemawsi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Rubber</td> - <td><i>Isire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Rubber latex</td> - <td><i>Hittagei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sugar-cane</td> - <td><i>Kananoganei</i>, <i>kononga</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sugar-cane juice</td> - <td><i>Kananogan’heinowei</i>, <i>kononochiki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tobacco</td> - <td><i>Deui</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tree</td> - <td><i>Inya</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Trees, felled</td> - <td><i>Amena</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tree poles</td> - <td><i>Neda</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Withe</td> - <td><i>Vineihi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Bird (small generally)</td> - <td><i>Siji</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bird (small unknown species)</td> - <td><i>Iguyitoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bird, cock</td> - <td><i>Eitaba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Birds (small game)</td> - <td><i>Ataba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Birds, chickens</td> - <td><i>Ataba hissa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Capybara</td> - <td><i>Okeina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Curassoa</td> - <td><i>Eifoke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Deer (one species)</td> - <td><i>Kito</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Deer (generally)</td> - <td><i>Chaota</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Eggs (generally)</td> - <td><i>Herga</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>Eggs (one kind)</td> - <td><i>Ataba hige</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fish (general)</td> - <td><i>Jukua</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Jaguar</td> - <td><i>Hekko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Monkey (general)</td> - <td><i>Homa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Monkey (one species)</td> - <td><i>Hemwi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Monkey, small</td> - <td><i>Hidobe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Parrot</td> - <td><i>Kwiyoto</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Parrot (another kind)</td> - <td><i>Kweko</i>, <i>Uiyike</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pig</td> - <td><i>Mero</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pig, small</td> - <td><i>Emo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Spider</td> - <td><i>Humakinyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tapir</td> - <td><i>Zuruma</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tiger, dog, etc.</td> - <td><i>Hekko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Turkey</td> - <td><i>Muitoka</i>, <i>muito</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Turkey (another kind)</td> - <td><i>Egwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Turkey Buzzard</td> - <td><i>Eifoke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Boy</td> - <td><i>Toii</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Girl</td> - <td><i>Rinyosa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Lad</td> - <td><i>Hivisa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Man</td> - <td><i>Rema</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Man, old</td> - <td><i>Weikiroma-superoma</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Man, strong</td> - <td><i>Reima</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Men, white (Europeans)</td> - <td><i>Riei</i>, <i>riama</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>People</td> - <td><i>Komweine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stranger</td> - <td><i>Oikommo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stranger, an enemy</td> - <td><i>Ikagmake</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stranger, a friend</td> - <td><i>Cheinama</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Woman</td> - <td><i>Rinyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Woman, old</td> - <td><i>Weirinyo-irokwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Brother—</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Man speaking</td> - <td><i>Ama</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Woman speaking</td> - <td><i>Tio</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Brother-in-law</td> - <td><i>Oima</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Child</td> - <td><i>Hito</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Father</td> - <td><i>Moma</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Grandfather</td> - <td><i>Marama</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Grandmother</td> - <td><i>Einyoko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Husband</td> - <td><i>Une</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mother</td> - <td><i>Einyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nephew—</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Brother’s child</td> - <td><i>Enasai</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Sister’s child</td> - <td><i>Komona</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Niece—</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Brother’s child</td> - <td><i>Enasanyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Sister’s child</td> - <td><i>Momonio</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sister—</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Man speaking</td> - <td><i>Mirinyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Woman speaking</td> - <td><i>Epunyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sister-in-law</td> - <td><i>Ofanyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Uncle—</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Father’s brother</td> - <td><i>Iso</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="pad1">Mother’s brother</td> - <td><i>Vichama</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Wife</td> - <td><i>Ei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Anus</td> - <td><i>Sirafo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Arm</td> - <td><i>Onawji</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fore-arm</td> - <td><i>Onefai</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Belly</td> - <td><i>Ero</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Blood</td> - <td><i>Dueidi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Body</td> - <td><i>Namaseapwi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bowels</td> - <td><i>Hepe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Clitoris</td> - <td><i>Hito</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Ears</td> - <td><i>Efo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Eyes</td> - <td><i>Uise</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Face</td> - <td><i>Uyeko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Feet</td> - <td><i>Elba</i>, <i>epa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Finger</td> - <td><i>Onoko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Flesh</td> - <td><i>Jukua</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hair</td> - <td><i>Ifoterai</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hair (body)</td> - <td><i>Heinektere (!)</i>, <i>heineitere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hair (face)</td> - <td><i>Eimago</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hair (pubic)</td> - <td><i>Hueke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hand</td> - <td><i>Ono</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Head</td> - <td><i>Ifo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Heart</td> - <td><i>Komeke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Limbs</td> - <td><i>Rueisi</i>, <i>reesi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>Mouth</td> - <td><i>Fue</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nails</td> - <td><i>Onokobi</i>, <i>onopeko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nails (toe)</td> - <td><i>Ekobe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Navel</td> - <td><i>Modda</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Neck</td> - <td><i>Kimo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nose</td> - <td><i>Dofo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Penis</td> - <td><i>Hechina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pudenda</td> - <td><i>Jana</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Semen</td> - <td><i>Uke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Skull</td> - <td><i>Ifoku</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Teeth</td> - <td><i>Isido</i>, <i>isife</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Testicles</td> - <td><i>Hinyergo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tongue</td> - <td><i>Hufe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Urine</td> - <td><i>Poji</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Vagina</td> - <td><i>Berirafo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Ague</td> - <td><i>Fuibuiko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Diarrhœa</td> - <td><i>Nuimuisa</i>, <i>Jui</i>, <i>chui</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Illness</td> - <td><i>Duide</i>, <i>tuike</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Small-pox</td> - <td><i>Guiyoko</i>, <i>tutuko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Bark cloth</td> - <td><i>Vinei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Beads</td> - <td><i>Sirie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Breech cloth</td> - <td><i>Mokoto</i>, <i>makuto iroi</i>, <i>hinoi-giroi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Clothes (general)</td> - <td><i>Uiniroi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cord (belt)</td> - <td><i>Kirige</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Feather head ornaments</td> - <td><i>Eniago</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Necklace, dance</td> - <td><i>Chikai</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Necklace of seeds</td> - <td><i>Imaidu</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Necklace, of teeth</td> - <td><i>Efoke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Slippers, boots</td> - <td><i>Epa iko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Socks</td> - <td><i>Epa iko</i> (see Feet and Cap)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>White man’s cap</td> - <td><i>Ifoigiko</i>, <i>ifoiko</i>, <i>iko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>White man’s shirt</td> - <td><i>Kaifofero</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Baking-pan</td> - <td><i>Sipe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cassava</td> - <td><i>Tano</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Firewood</td> - <td><i>Rege</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hammock</td> - <td><i>Kunei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>House</td> - <td><i>Hofo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>House, large</td> - <td><i>Ejo hofo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hut</td> - <td><i>Hiochupe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Light (artificial)</td> - <td><i>Maha</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Lighted torch</td> - <td><i>Maha</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mat</td> - <td><i>Duriei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pot</td> - <td><i>Inogo</i>, <i>ichuki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thatch</td> - <td><i>Ereije</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tobacco-pot</td> - <td><i>Kuruke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Torch</td> - <td><i>Rekekawdo</i>, <i>rekeketo</i>, <i>recheki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Axe</td> - <td><i>Chovema</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Blow-pipe</td> - <td><i>Obidiake</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fish-hook</td> - <td><i>Fakawasi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Knife</td> - <td><i>Chovefa</i>, <i>chovetera</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Drum</td> - <td><i>Hugwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Drum mallet</td> - <td><i>Quaki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pan pipes</td> - <td><i>Piabami</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sword</td> - <td><i>Chovega</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Trap, animal</td> - <td><i>Iregi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Weapons, stones, shot</td> - <td><i>Chowefi</i>, <i>jowefi</i>, <i>chowefei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Signal-drum</td> - <td><i>Ware</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Afternoon</td> - <td><i>Nawipe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Morning</td> - <td><i>Wiremoni</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Morning, early</td> - <td><i>Monanyeno</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Night</td> - <td><i>Nagona</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Night, last</td> - <td><i>Nago</i>, <i>hahe nago</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Night before last</td> - <td><i>Beinawife</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To-day</td> - <td><i>Beiruido</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To-morrow</td> - <td><i>Wiremonei</i> (see Morning)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To-morrow, day after</td> - <td><i>Dawire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Twilight</td> - <td><i>Naruide</i>, <i>nagona-yakate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Yesterday</td> - <td><i>Nawire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>Yesterday, day before</td> - <td><i>Beinawire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>All</td> - <td><i>Nana</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Before</td> - <td><i>Fuere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Before (position)</td> - <td><i>Uikota</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Before (long time)</td> - <td><i>Heiyei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Behind</td> - <td><i>Moina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Behind (position)</td> - <td><i>Moina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Enough</td> - <td><i>Asirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Farther</td> - <td><i>Beife</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>For</td> - <td><i>Mero</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Full, carefully, good measure</td> - <td><i>Einue</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Full</td> - <td><i>Moniteidi</i>, <i>monite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Here</td> - <td><i>Benomo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>How many?</td> - <td><i>Nigama?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>How much?</td> - <td><i>Niga?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Much</td> - <td><i>Eijo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Much, enough</td> - <td><i>Monome</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nobody</td> - <td><i>Buna</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Now</td> - <td><i>Monokoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Only</td> - <td><i>Dama</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Then, afterwards</td> - <td><i>Achue</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>There</td> - <td><i>Batinomo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>This</td> - <td><i>Pie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Together</td> - <td><i>Fofona (?)</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Well?</td> - <td><i>Mei?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What?</td> - <td><i>Nifote?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Where?</td> - <td><i>Ninomo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Who?</td> - <td><i>Bu?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Why?</td> - <td><i>Nibaji</i>, <i>nibeiji?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>No</td> - <td><i>Damaita</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Not</td> - <td><i>Inyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Yes</td> - <td><i>Huhh</i>, <i>U</i> (ventral)</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>I</td> - <td><i>Kwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thou</td> - <td><i>O</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>He, she, him</td> - <td><i>Afima</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>We</td> - <td><i>Koko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You</td> - <td><i>Omei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>They, them</td> - <td><i>Afimaki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Bad</td> - <td><i>Figonigete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Big</td> - <td><i>Eijue</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bitter</td> - <td><i>Neimenete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Black</td> - <td><i>Ituide</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cold</td> - <td><i>Rosirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cool</td> - <td><i>Maneide</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Dark</td> - <td><i>Hitirite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Dead</td> - <td><i>Teide</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Deeper</td> - <td><i>Nane efarite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Dry</td> - <td><i>Daherede</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Good</td> - <td><i>Figora</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hard</td> - <td><i>Agarrite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Heavy</td> - <td><i>Merete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hot</td> - <td><i>Usirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Light (sun)</td> - <td><i>Hite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Light (weight)</td> - <td><i>Fekote</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Long</td> - <td><i>Are</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Red</td> - <td><i>Larede</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Short</td> - <td><i>Hiannare</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Small, little</td> - <td><i>Yewrete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Soft</td> - <td><i>Itieide</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Straight</td> - <td><i>Huchinyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Strong</td> - <td><i>Agarrite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thick</td> - <td><i>Herie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thin</td> - <td><i>Henite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Twisted</td> - <td><i>Huchite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Well (in health)</td> - <td><i>Gagritte</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>White</td> - <td><i>Userede</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Early, soon</td> - <td><i>Ono</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Slowly</td> - <td><i>Puiya</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Soon</td> - <td><i>Reiri</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>To bathe</td> - <td><i>Noise</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To bring</td> - <td><i>Ate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To carry</td> - <td><i>Ui</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To come down</td> - <td><i>Anabi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To come up</td> - <td><i>Kifobi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To cool</td> - <td><i>Rosirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To cry</td> - <td><i>Ede</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To dry</td> - <td><i>Nokitenyete</i>, <i>nohipuinyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To eat</td> - <td><i>Oko</i>, <i>gunyo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To go down</td> - <td><i>Anahei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>To go quickly</td> - <td><i>Reiri maka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To go up</td> - <td><i>Kifohei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To hear, listen, understand</td> - <td><i>Kekate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To heat</td> - <td><i>Usirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To hurt</td> - <td><i>Isirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To like, love, desire (persons)</td> - <td><i>Dwere-uite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To like, love, desire (things)</td> - <td><i>Oyakate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To know</td> - <td><i>Onote</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To make</td> - <td><i>Nenyo</i>, <i>fuiho</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To rain</td> - <td><i>Nokitede</i>, <i>nokipuite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To sit down</td> - <td><i>Anarana</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To sleep</td> - <td><i>Mei-ine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To speak</td> - <td><i>Naitode</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To stay</td> - <td><i>Fuipire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To take</td> - <td><i>Gweipi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To urinate</td> - <td><i>Chowei</i>, <i>pochite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To wait</td> - <td><i>Anafue</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To wash</td> - <td><i>Hokoa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To work</td> - <td><i>Biefono</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>I am</td> - <td><i>Iti kwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thou art</td> - <td><i>Iti-o</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>He is</td> - <td><i>Afima ite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>We are</td> - <td><i>Iti koko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You are</td> - <td><i>Iti omoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>They are</td> - <td><i>Afimaki ite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>I was</td> - <td><i>Kwe ia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thou wert</td> - <td><i>Ia o</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>He was</td> - <td><i>Afima ia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>We were</td> - <td><i>Koko ia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You were</td> - <td><i>Ia omoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>They were</td> - <td><i>Afimaki ia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>One</td> - <td><i>Dahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Two</td> - <td><i>Mena</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Three</td> - <td><i>Dahe-amene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Four</td> - <td><i>Menahere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Five</td> - <td><i>Dapekwiro</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Ten</td> - <td><i>Nagapekwiro</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Ask me</td> - <td><i>Kwemohikka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Give me</td> - <td><i>Kweme</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Give me food</td> - <td><i>Eka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>A few days ago</td> - <td><i>Tika irue</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is dark</td> - <td><i>Nawite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">It is going to rain</td> - <td><i>Teyakate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Puiyakate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">What tribe do you belong to?</td> - <td><i>O Komweine?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>O Memeka bu?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Move along!</td> - <td><i>Hei!</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Ifo!</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Come!</td> - <td><i>Bi!</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">It is very far</td> - <td><i>Hikka Ite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Hikka Are</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>It is near</td> - <td><i>Hiannare</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is very near</td> - <td><i>Hikka-iannare</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is very much farther</td> - <td><i>Hikka-fe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Be quick</td> - <td><i>Reiri</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Be slow</td> - <td><i>Pwia hei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Pwia ifo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>You do not want me</td> - <td><i>Kwena dueruenyeteo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I am about to punish you</td> - <td><i>O feitakkwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What do you want?</td> - <td><i>Nifote oyakateo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>How much do you want?</td> - <td><i>Niga oyakateo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I want to see</td> - <td><i>Eroi yakatekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I want to eat</td> - <td><i>Okoyakatekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I want to sleep</td> - <td><i>Iniyakatekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I do not want to sleep</td> - <td><i>Iniyakanyetekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Let us sleep</td> - <td><i>Meikoko ini</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Let us walk</td> - <td><i>Manyakoko maketchi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Let us bathe</td> - <td><i>Manya koko noi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Go and wash</td> - <td><i>Hokorise</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What are you doing?</td> - <td><i>Nefoteo nia?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What are they doing?</td> - <td><i>Nefoteo nietimeke?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What have you done?</td> - <td><i>Nefoteo nieteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What have you others done?</td> - <td><i>Nefoteo omoi nieteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Are you sick?</td> - <td><i>O seicha?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Tuiko teiteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What is the matter with you?</td> - <td><i>Neisoi o icha?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What pains you?</td> - <td><i>O nino isiritte?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>He is dead</td> - <td><i>Ei e teide</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>He is well again</td> - <td><i>Ei e hichoet</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Put water to boil</td> - <td><i>Heinoi kokoita</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>We are nearly there</td> - <td><i>Duki-eikateki</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>We have not arrived</td> - <td><i>Duki nieteke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is a long way yet</td> - <td><i>Nia areiti</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is a very long way</td> - <td><i>Nia are are are</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is very short</td> - <td><i>Wei iannare</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Put on more wood</td> - <td><i>Nane rege honne</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fill it full</td> - <td><i>Nue oruita</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Be careful not to break it</td> - <td><i>Chitesai</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Remove the leaves</td> - <td><i>Rape honne</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Open it carefully</td> - <td><i>Nue ekonotta</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cook only manioc and plantains</td> - <td><i>Dama seteo meika ogoto</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Eat the skins</td> - <td><i>Igore ine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Take some crushed maize</td> - <td><i>Pechato tuta hisano ui</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>How many women are there?</td> - <td><i>Niga rinyona hisa ite?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>From what cause has your brother died?</td> - <td><i>Nipeiche tio teide?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Why did you leave the child outside? It will be eaten by the dogs</td> - <td><i>Nipeiche hito hino o fuaka ia daria</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Go soon and guard the women</td> - <td><i>Mei rieri rinyona hofona ipeise</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not do it again</td> - <td><i>Mene amanyete omoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>An unmoral Indian woman</td> - <td><i>Rinyo Rei-irage</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>An immoral Indian woman</td> - <td><i>Rinyo Kachirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>With whom have you been having intercourse?</td> - <td><i>Bu tika beriteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>How many husbands have you had?</td> - <td><i>Nigama bettora-o?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>Are you (a virgin) married?</td> - <td><i>Nia rutanyega-o?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Who ravished you?</td> - <td><i>Bu-o rutaka?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You are blind (a fool)</td> - <td><i>O ui nirite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not delay</td> - <td><i>Fwepi neri</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Give me something</td> - <td><i>Feka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not give anything</td> - <td><i>Fekanyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Walk</td> - <td><i>Mekkate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not walk</td> - <td><i>Mekanyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I do not understand</td> - <td><i>Kehanyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>That’s my business (common expression without intention of rudeness)</td> - <td><i>Pia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>My body aches</td> - <td><i>Kwe apui isirete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Let me go</td> - <td><i>Kwe-mosueta</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hold me</td> - <td><i>Kwe-mojeno</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Turn round</td> - <td><i>Jireno</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not move</td> - <td><i>Weihoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Why do you shout?</td> - <td><i>Nipeiche kicheteyo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is big</td> - <td><i>Ei ichwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">It is small</td> - <td><i>Hurete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Eichonyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is not good</td> - <td><i>Fogonyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do you like it?</td> - <td><i>Kimmarueteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do you not like it?</td> - <td><i>Kimmaruenyeteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You are pretty</td> - <td><i>Nuen otego</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You are ugly</td> - <td><i>Nuenonyeteo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You are dirty</td> - <td><i>Oapwi gagrette</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I want you</td> - <td><i>Ona dueruetckwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I do not want you</td> - <td><i>Ona dueruenetckwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tie well (the cross poles)</td> - <td><i>Nue kwina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tie higher</td> - <td><i>Keifofe kwina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Take care not to break</td> - <td><i>Titeise</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Well done, you thatch well</td> - <td><i>Mei omoi ita</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Is everything clean?</td> - <td><i>Nana ganino fuinore?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>That is dirty, I shall punish you</td> - <td><i>Vie gagrette a kioiteo o feitikwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is very sweet</td> - <td><i>Eicho nimerettega</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I do not like it hot</td> - <td><i>Usirete ittinyetekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I like it warm</td> - <td><i>Chiei maneide ittitekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Look well in front of you</td> - <td><i>Nue oroi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>The plantation is a good one</td> - <td><i>Nue akafo icha</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>The plantation is a bad one</td> - <td><i>Akafo fogonyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Let us go and build a house</td> - <td><i>Manya ofo koko fuinoche</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>There are not sufficient palisades</td> - <td><i>Nia amena nana inyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>All of you bring timber</td> - <td><i>Omoi amena atiche</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You make the thatches</td> - <td><i>Are niite omoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>These boys will bring canes</td> - <td><i>Bie hettanitino are gweichi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>These others will bring palm leaves</td> - <td><i>Bimeke ererite</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Those will make holes</td> - <td><i>Bimeichino iffweirakte</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>I do not want it there</td> - <td><i>Batinomo ittinyetekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Open it here</td> - <td><i>Benomo ekkono</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Send me the small boy</td> - <td><i>Urettema kwemo hito</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Go and throw away that water</td> - <td><i>Mei ba i heinoi dota</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Wash it well</td> - <td><i>Nue hokorii</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not delay</td> - <td><i>Are enyeno bi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You are dirty</td> - <td><i>Nia gagrette</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Put it there</td> - <td><i>Batinomo honne</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Put it here</td> - <td><i>Benomo honne</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Put it yonder</td> - <td><i>One honne</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not put it over there</td> - <td><i>Batinomo honne nieno</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Why are you sad?</td> - <td><i>Nipeiche sure iteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Who hurt you?</td> - <td><i>Bu o faga?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>When did you come?</td> - <td><i>Nirueteo viteo?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>When did you go?</td> - <td><i>Nirueteo heito?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is so firm I cannot move it</td> - <td><i>Are agagrette ekkononyette</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bring the wood</td> - <td><i>Itofie nue omoi ire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not throw them away</td> - <td><i>Oni tinyeno nue ofitare</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I am going to see</td> - <td><i>A chimitekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>If you do not bring them, I shall punish you</td> - <td><i>Omoi pweya fachiomoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Plant them carefully</td> - <td><i>Nue omoi haire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Go and clean up</td> - <td><i>Mei omoi reitiseiri</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Place all the sticks together</td> - <td><i>Reitekinyo nue omoi ofitare</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You have left the plantation untidy</td> - <td><i>Akkafo gagritte omoi fueka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Why don’t you bring it?</td> - <td><i>Nipeiche atinyeta omoi?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Make enough cassava</td> - <td><i>Eichwe tano fuinore</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Let it be good</td> - <td><i>Nuere finoiche</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bring a little</td> - <td><i>Yewre atitomoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Not enough</td> - <td><i>Dutenyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is soft</td> - <td><i>Itieide</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What are you doing?</td> - <td><i>Nifote niecomoi?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What are you eating?</td> - <td><i>Nifote okoteomoi?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Where are they—the rest of you?</td> - <td><i>Ninomo iteomoi?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Why have they (the others) gone without telling me?</td> - <td><i>Nipeiche kwe jonyeno heite omoi?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bring it to the light</td> - <td><i>Useritenomo ate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To-morrow go and see the tribe and then return here together</td> - <td><i>Weirimoni dama komweine hoke teiteo nana fofona orerire</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Split it with the knife</td> - <td><i>Chovefa do ekkono</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Take out the cane early</td> - <td><i>Monanyano kononwe ono</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is rich</td> - <td><i>Kei maritte</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Wash the pot well before boiling water in it</td> - <td><i>I chiko nue hoko heinowei hoku-itechi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not put much fruit in it</td> - <td><i>Eicho rie dotenyino</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is very inconvenient</td> - <td><i>Y otirette</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">I am unable</td> - <td><i>Kwe mona</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Hitinyete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>I shall carry it</td> - <td><i>Diuitikwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not carry it</td> - <td><i>Uinyetekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I am tired</td> - <td><i>Aeeiontekwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>You are going to carry manioc</td> - <td><i>Meika omoi ui</i></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<h4>BORO</h4> - -<table summary="Words and phrases in the Boro language"> - <tr> - <td>Brother</td> - <td><i>Tanyabe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Chief</td> - <td><i>Abihibya</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Chief’s wife</td> - <td><i>Abihilya</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Child</td> - <td><i>Chemene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Father</td> - <td><i>Iero</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fellow-tribesman</td> - <td><i>Miamuina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Husband</td> - <td><i>Tahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Liar</td> - <td><i>Aliraje</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Man</td> - <td><i>Gwapime</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Medicine-man</td> - <td><i>Chekobe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mother</td> - <td><i>Gwaro</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>People</td> - <td><i>Akime</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sister</td> - <td><i>Tanyali</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sluggard</td> - <td><i>Ubeye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Son</td> - <td><i>Chukije</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Wife</td> - <td><i>Tapa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Woman</td> - <td><i>Gwame</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Abdomen</td> - <td><i>Mebigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Arm</td> - <td><i>Menejeko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Back</td> - <td><i>Meatche</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Belly</td> - <td><i>Epae</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Blood</td> - <td><i>Tibune</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Body</td> - <td><i>Kepe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bone</td> - <td><i>Pukene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bosom</td> - <td><i>Neghpane</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Buttocks</td> - <td><i>Medehe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cheek</td> - <td><i>Mekwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Ear</td> - <td><i>Menimeo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Eye</td> - <td><i>Ajike</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Finger</td> - <td><i>Utsigwako</i>, <i>mechiko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Flesh</td> - <td><i>Iyame</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Foot</td> - <td><i>Tia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hair</td> - <td><i>Nikwako</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hand</td> - <td><i>Meuche</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Head</td> - <td><i>Nikwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Heart</td> - <td><i>Meebe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Knee</td> - <td><i>Mimoko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Leg</td> - <td><i>Take</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mouth</td> - <td><i>Mehe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Navel</td> - <td><i>Icheba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Neck</td> - <td><i>Metchke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Nose</td> - <td><i>Metiko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Penis</td> - <td><i>Nomeo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Testicles</td> - <td><i>Domiba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thigh</td> - <td><i>Kibaje</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tongue</td> - <td><i>Menigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tooth</td> - <td><i>Igwahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Vagina</td> - <td><i>Elyapo</i>, <i>diugwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Ague</td> - <td><i>Chinabe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Prickly heat</td> - <td><i>Nikemoi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Smallpox</td> - <td><i>Maraipa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tick</td> - <td><i>Chichihe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Wound</td> - <td><i>Pepene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Dance</td> - <td><i>Machiba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Falsehood</td> - <td><i>Achipe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fear</td> - <td><i>Apichune</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Grief</td> - <td><i>Abiyene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Ill</td> - <td><i>Chemei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Remedy (in general)</td> - <td><i>Tabota</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Smell</td> - <td><i>Tukine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Truth</td> - <td><i>Imiane</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Agouti</td> - <td><i>Bute</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Anaconda</td> - <td><i>Bua</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Ant-eater</td> - <td><i>Ehe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Armadillo</td> - <td><i>Tie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bird</td> - <td><i>Karaha</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Capybara</td> - <td><i>Uba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Deer</td> - <td><i>Nibigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>Fish</td> - <td><i>Amome</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Flea</td> - <td><i>Ikookwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Frog</td> - <td><i>Nihagwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hawk</td> - <td><i>Ane</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Head-louse</td> - <td><i>Knawni</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Jigger-flea</td> - <td><i>Mipahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Land crab</td> - <td><i>Nekwalige</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Monkey</td> - <td><i>Kemuime</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mosquito</td> - <td><i>Nee</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Paca</td> - <td><i>Tahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Parrot</td> - <td><i>Yabe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pig</td> - <td><i>Mene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tapir</td> - <td><i>Ukahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tiger, wild dog</td> - <td><i>Wipe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tucan</td> - <td><i>Neiche</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Turkey-buzzard</td> - <td><i>Pikahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Wild turkey</td> - <td><i>Imiko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Cane</td> - <td><i>Imuepa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cassava</td> - <td><i>Mao</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cassava (cake)</td> - <td><i>Topohe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Coca</td> - <td><i>Ipe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fruit</td> - <td><i>Kome</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Grain</td> - <td><i>Tsokome</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Guarana fruit</td> - <td><i>Inye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Guava</td> - <td><i>Tuche</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Gum</td> - <td><i>Makhine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Leaf (letter)</td> - <td><i>Gwahake-ane</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Lemon</td> - <td><i>Teheba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Maize</td> - <td><i>Ihio</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Manioc (flour)</td> - <td><i>Chobéma</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Manioc (Poisonous)</td> - <td><i>Pika</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Manioc (Sweet)</td> - <td><i>Baheri</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Millet</td> - <td><i>Matsaka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Palm needle</td> - <td><i>Aneto</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Peppers</td> - <td><i>Dio</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Pine-apple</td> - <td><i>Kitsea</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Plantain</td> - <td><i>Uhiko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Plantation</td> - <td><i>Emiye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stinging-herb</td> - <td><i>Ate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Twig</td> - <td><i>Katine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Withe</td> - <td><i>Ahéba</i>, <i>mo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Yam</td> - <td><i>Kate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Basket</td> - <td><i>Minyeba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Baulks of timber</td> - <td><i>Imei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Comb</td> - <td><i>Pidogwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cooking pot</td> - <td><i>Iguanye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Door</td> - <td><i>Cheugwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Drinking gourd</td> - <td><i>Jirijo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Firewood</td> - <td><i>Kuba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Grater</td> - <td><i>Chilye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hammock</td> - <td><i>Gwapa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>House</td> - <td><i>Ha-a</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Manioc squeezer</td> - <td><i>Buahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mirror</td> - <td><i>Mekeme</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Oil</td> - <td><i>Diripa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Platter</td> - <td><i>Patahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Salt</td> - <td><i>Kanama</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Small timber</td> - <td><i>Igwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Soap</td> - <td><i>Nishtie</i>, <i>tagwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Spoon</td> - <td><i>Daihigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tobacco</td> - <td><i>Banye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Tobacco stick-match</td> - <td><i>Kugwao</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Torch</td> - <td><i>Diripa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Water jar</td> - <td><i>Ijo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Arrow</td> - <td><i>Beremehe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Arrow-poison</td> - <td><i>Bakua</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Boat, canoe</td> - <td><i>Kihikwame</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Blowpipe</td> - <td><i>Dodike</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Dance rattle</td> - <td><i>Tekie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fish-net</td> - <td><i>Tsene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Gun</td> - <td><i>Anihe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Head feathers</td> - <td><i>Aboka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Knife, sword</td> - <td><i>Nitsikwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Mallet</td> - <td><i>Imepachura</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Paddle</td> - <td><i>Bodugwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Rope (vegetable cable)</td> - <td><i>Igwanye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Signalling drum</td> - <td><i>Kimwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sword</td> - <td><i>Pitoho</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Whip</td> - <td><i>Gwachike</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Beads</td> - <td><i>Ichkabe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Clothes</td> - <td><i>Kwaiame</i> (loin-cloth)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Garment</td> - <td><i>Kameha</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Head ornament</td> - <td><i>Gwatako</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Loin-cloth</td> - <td><i>Ike</i>, <i>pakehe</i>, <i>kwaiame</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Man’s bracelet</td> - <td><i>Manyame</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>Metal</td> - <td><i>Tsitsi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Bush, the</td> - <td><i>Bahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Dawn</td> - <td><i>Tsitsibeko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Death</td> - <td><i>Tsihibeko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Devil</td> - <td><i>Navena</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Dust</td> - <td><i>Anijio</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Fire</td> - <td><i>Kihigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>God</td> - <td><i>Neva</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Good Spirit</td> - <td><i>Neva</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Gunpowder</td> - <td><i>Anijio</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Morning</td> - <td><i>Neva</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Night</td> - <td><i>Beko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Plantation</td> - <td><i>Emie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Rain</td> - <td><i>Nihava</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Shadow</td> - <td><i>Nave</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Star</td> - <td><i>Mikirigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stream</td> - <td><i>Te-e</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sun</td> - <td><i>Neva</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thunder</td> - <td><i>Tsitsi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Water</td> - <td><i>Nepakio</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Now</td> - <td><i>Ikuka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To-morrow</td> - <td><i>Pekore</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Yesterday</td> - <td><i>Aiupe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Yes</td> - <td><i>Eh</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>No</td> - <td><i>Cha</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>To call attention of a man</td> - <td><i>Mupe!</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To call attention of a woman</td> - <td><i>Muije!</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>All</td> - <td><i>Bemere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Enough, much</td> - <td><i>Lirane</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Other</td> - <td><i>Chipe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Same</td> - <td><i>Tedere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Slowly</td> - <td><i>Tsikene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Quickly</td> - <td><i>Chukure</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Far</td> - <td><i>Chiejene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Far away</td> - <td><i>Kamine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Here</td> - <td><i>Iji</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Near</td> - <td><i>Perine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>There</td> - <td><i>Eji</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What</td> - <td><i>Itsebane</i>, <i>ina</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>When</td> - <td><i>Mukoka</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Where</td> - <td><i>Kia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Why</td> - <td><i>Ivekie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Angry</td> - <td><i>Kaiyupa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bad</td> - <td><i>Nemine</i>, <i>imitine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Black</td> - <td><i>Kiribebe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cold</td> - <td><i>Tsigore</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Good</td> - <td><i>Imine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>High</td> - <td><i>Kame</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Higher</td> - <td><i>Kame-kame</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Lazy</td> - <td><i>Urenere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Little</td> - <td><i>Neku</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Long, big</td> - <td><i>Kameme</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Low</td> - <td><i>Paa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Lower</td> - <td><i>Paa-paa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Old</td> - <td><i>Kieme</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Purple</td> - <td><i>Chepanye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Small</td> - <td><i>Chuchine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Strong</td> - <td><i>Kupene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Thin</td> - <td><i>Arenegwe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Warm</td> - <td><i>Kogore</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>White</td> - <td><i>Alijimuinya</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Young</td> - <td><i>Balyika</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>I</td> - <td rowspan="5" class="valign"><i>O</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Me</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>We</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Us, Mine</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Ours</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>You</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign"><i>Di</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Yours</td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>My</td> - <td><i>Ta</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>One</td> - <td><i>Tsanere</i>, <i>tsape</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Two</td> - <td><i>Mieke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Three</td> - <td><i>Tsape-mieke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Four</td> - <td><i>Mieke-mieke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Five</td> - <td><i>Sause</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>One-half</td> - <td><i>Tiamie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>To advance</td> - <td><i>Ikeyi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To bathe</td> - <td><i>Maboigete</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To beat flat</td> - <td><i>Kihigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To bind, sew</td> - <td><i>Tsiko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To break wind</td> - <td><i>Nepo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To bring</td> - <td><i>Tsate</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To call</td> - <td><i>Pibwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To catch hold</td> - <td><i>Dekeba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To come</td> - <td><i>Dichabe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To crush</td> - <td><i>Megwasako</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To cut, shorten</td> - <td><i>Gwatairo</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To drink</td> - <td><i>Mado</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To eat</td> - <td><i>Macho</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To go</td> - <td><i>Opeko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To go away</td> - <td><i>Gwadipe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To hang</td> - <td><i>Nehigwa</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To make, do</td> - <td><i>Mene</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To move</td> - <td><i>Chinye</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To open</td> - <td><i>Paiyeke</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To rain</td> - <td><i>Nihaba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To rest</td> - <td><i>Paribe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To run away</td> - <td><i>Imiba</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To scratch</td> - <td><i>Medonakons</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To search</td> - <td><i>Neku</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To see</td> - <td><i>Aktime</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To speak</td> - <td><i>Dibaje</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To strike</td> - <td><i>Kaboko</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To throw</td> - <td><i>Wago</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To tie</td> - <td><i>Chichi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To wait</td> - <td><i>Ubi</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To wash</td> - <td><i>Nitie</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>To work</td> - <td><i>Wakimei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr class="newgroup"> - <td>Where are you going?</td> - <td><i>Kia bwipe ite?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">Where do you come from?</td> - <td><i>Kia-te itse?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Minekwe?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Do not go away</td> - <td><i>Tsa petine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Stand still</td> - <td><i>Tachure</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Sit down</td> - <td><i>Takebe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Bring here</td> - <td><i>Chibahe</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Let us go</td> - <td><i>Mahu Mepei</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Leave me alone</td> - <td><i>Ubiédere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Give me</td> - <td><i>Okedake</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Where (is it?)</td> - <td><i>Kia</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Whose (is this?)</td> - <td><i>Mu</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>There is none</td> - <td><i>Tsa ikatine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign">I do not know</td> - <td><i>Ureta</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><i>Tsa quaha Kétine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>How many?</td> - <td><i>Muitemeko?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What is the matter?</td> - <td rowspan="2" class="valign"><i>Ina ichabie?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What is hurting you?</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>What are you called?</td> - <td><i>Muipa dimene?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Are you willing?</td> - <td><i>Imeje?</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Cover it up</td> - <td><i>Gwatako</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Hold your tongue</td> - <td><i>Kéktere</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>It is well</td> - <td><i>Imine</i></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>Good-bye</td> - <td><i>Opeko</i></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span></p> - -<h3 id="APPENDIX_VIII">APPENDIX VIII</h3> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="verse"><i>Oikommo</i> is within the <i>hofo</i>,<a name="FNanchor_451" id="FNanchor_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></div> -<div class="verse indent1">With our tribe there is <i>Oikommo</i>,</div> -<div class="verse">And whence cometh <i>Oikommo</i>,</div> -<div class="verse indent1">And from where does he come?</div> -<div class="verse">He comes from the clouds,</div> -<div class="verse indent1">From the clouds he comes;</div> -<div class="verse">And why does he come so far?</div> -<div class="verse indent1">And why does he come?</div> -<div class="verse">In his land are no bread and few women</div> -<div class="verse indent1">In his land is no bread;</div> -<div class="verse">And what is the name of the stranger,</div> -<div class="verse indent1">And what is his name?</div> -<div class="verse">His name is Whiffena <i>Ri-e-i</i>,<a name="FNanchor_452" id="FNanchor_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a></div> -<div class="verse indent1">His name is Whiff-en-a,</div> -<div class="verse">And partly his name is Itoma,<a name="FNanchor_453" id="FNanchor_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></div> -<div class="verse indent1">Itoma is also his name;</div> -<div class="verse">And what is he called by his man friends.</div> -<div class="verse indent1">And what is his other name?</div> -<div class="verse">His privy name is <i>Ei-fo-ke</i>,<a name="FNanchor_454" id="FNanchor_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a></div> -<div class="verse indent1"><i>Ei-fo-ke</i> is his privy name;<a name="FNanchor_455" id="FNanchor_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a></div> -<div class="verse">And why is he called <i>Ei-fo-ke</i>?</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span></p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> My arrival in England was postponed to some months later through -an attack of beriberi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> It was unknown to me till afterwards that Dr. Koch-Grünberg of -Berlin had, in 1904, ascended the Uaupes to, I believe, 71° west longitude.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> A rifle, where possessed, is never used against an animal but kept for -use against the white man.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Turtle eggs are, curiously enough, not considered fœtal.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> For my share I had the honour to receive, through the Secretary of -State for Foreign Affairs, the thanks of the French Government.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Steamers have been on the Amazon since 1853, and navigation is -continuous throughout the year (cf. <i>Brazilian Year-Book</i>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> I never saw the Andes actually from these districts, but the suggestion -is always there, they are seen in the mind’s eye; an ultimate, if invisible, -limit to what would otherwise seem more than illimitable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Wallace, p. 246.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 379-380.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Robuchon’s estimate of distances is 471 geographical miles from -Iquitos to the mouth of the Issa; thence to the Cotuhe, which he places at -2° 53′ 12″ S. and 69° 41′ 10″ W., 150 geographical miles. From the Cotuhe -to the Igara Parana, 252 miles, a total distance of 873 geographical miles -from Iquitos to the Igara Parana.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Robuchon gives latitude 1° 43′ 9″ S., longitude 71° 53′ 36″ W.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Spruce, i. 7, ii. 100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> September to January is the hottest portion of the year, the heat -being at its worst in December. 90° would be extreme heat, and 70° the -lowest the mercury would probably reach; the average being from 75° to -85°. Robuchon is responsible for the statement that the temperature at -the mouth of the Cotuhe in September was 43° Cent. in the shade, but -that after a brisk shower it fell to 31°. The water of the Amazon has a -temperature of 81°; the Japura is a warmer river and reaches 85°. Wallace -gives the mean temperature of the Rio Negro water in September—that -is, during the hot season—as 86°, and the corresponding temperature of -the air as from 76° to 92.5°. The water, he considers, is probably never -less than 80° at any time. The temperature of the Uaupes has been noted -as invariably 76° at three to six feet below the surface (<i>Geo. Journ.</i>, 1910, -p. 683).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> The Amazon at its mouth is 158 miles across from bank to bank.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> This I take to be the <i>Yacitara</i> mentioned by Spruce, i. 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Wallace noted a butterfly frequenting “the dung of some carnivorous -animal” in Malacca, and remarks that many tropical butterflies suck -liquid from muddy places, “and are generally so intent upon their meal -that they can be easily approached and captured” (Wallace, <i>The Malay -Archipelago</i>, pp. 29, 114).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 366.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Bates, ii. 262.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Spruce, i. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> One tree is reputed to be so poisonous that no Indian will touch it. -See Maw, p. 294.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> These tribal houses differ from the communal long-houses of the Fly -Delta, British New Guinea, not only in shape, but in that there are no -platforms and no divisions for each family; the whole interior is open. -For description of Kiwai and Daudai long-houses see <i>Expedition to Torres -Straits</i>, iv. 112-117.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Maloka</i> = Indian lodge or tribal house (lingoa-geral).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Manicaria saccifera</i> (cf. Spruce, i. 56).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Eugene André noted that two kinds were commonly used on the -Causa, the <i>mulato</i>, a kind of <i>Aroideae</i>, and the <i>murcielago</i>, which belongs -to the <i>Bignoniaceae</i> family.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Several kinds of palm-leaves are used for this purpose, and whichever -was most easily procurable in the district where the house was built would -be used by the tribe. Hardenburg mentions the leaves of the <i>Phytelephas -macrocarpa</i>, the vegetable ivory-tree, as in use among the Witoto, and the -<i>Bactris ciliata</i> or Chonta palm for the posts and rafters (p. 135). The -leaves of the Bussu palm, <i>Manicaria saccifera</i>, will make a thatch that lasts -for ten or twelve years, by some accounts (cf. Waterton, p. 479).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Wallace, p. 341.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> This is architecturally interesting in view of Foucart’s theory of the -evolution of the Egyptian grooved stone pillar from wooden originals, -bundles of reeds.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Simson mentions such a “door,” p. 237.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Wallace, p. 341.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Among the Jivaro one partitioned half of the house is kept for the -women (Orton, p. 171). There is no such distinction among the Issa-Japura -tribes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Cf. Wallace, p. 354.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Crevaux has described the process. He watched an Indian “qui -fait du feu en roulant vivement un roseau dans une cavité creusée dans une -tige de roncon” (<i>Voyage dans l’Amérique du sud</i>, p. 214). Wallace mentions -this method among the Kuretu, <i>op. cit.</i> 355.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> If a jigger is removed at once with a needle it will not hurt, and -scarcely makes a puncture.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Vampires in this country are few and far between, but Simson mentions -them as a plague at Agnano (Simson, p. 131).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Bates, i. 246. For the taming of a full-grown <i>Coita</i> see p. 247. Another -pet mentioned by Bates, a “strange kind of wood-cricket,” is also -unknown to me as a pet, and though I have often heard loud-voiced insects -of the cricket class they have never been in captivity (cf. Bates, i. 250).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Cf. Martius, <i>P.R.G.S.</i> ii. 192.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <a href="#APPENDICES">See Appendix.</a></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Deniker, p. 552.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Marriage by capture was a Carib custom (Westermarck, p. 383). -It is unknown nowadays to the tribes south of the Japura.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Partial couvade is found also among tribes in the north of America, -that is to say, certain things are tabu to the father after the child’s birth. -Cf. Dorsey, <i>Siouan Cults</i>, p. 511; Venegas, i. 94; Tylor, pp. 294-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> im Thurn, p. 173. Joyce locates the original Caribs on the upper -Xingu, from whence, he considers, they spread over Guiana and the lesser -Antilles (<i>South American Archæology</i>, p. 256). Rodway, on the authority of -Spanish chronicled Arawak information, suggests they were the original inhabitants -of the north-west coast, migrant from Mexico (<i>Guiana</i>, pp. 41, 45).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 171-2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Crevaux, <i>Fleuves de l’Amérique du Sud, Yapura</i>, F. 5 et 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Crevaux, <i>Vocabulaire français-roucouyenne</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg, <i>Journal de la Société des Américainistes de Paris</i>, tome -iii. No. 2 (1906).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg, <i>Zeitschrift für Ethnologie</i>, xxxviii, 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> It must be remembered that I came to all these people from the Witoto -country.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Crevaux, <i>Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud</i>, p. 368.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Martius, <i>Beiträge</i>, ii. 340.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> The Inca were called <i>Orejones</i> by the Spaniards on account of the -large studs they wore in the lobes of their ears. See Joyce, p. 110; -Ratzel, ii. 172.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Simson, p. 210.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg, <i>Zeitschrift für Ethnologie</i>, xxxviii. 188 (1906).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Cd. 6266, pp. 9, 10, 12, 25, 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Rice, p. 690.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Wallace, p. 354.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <a href="#APPENDICES">See Appendix.</a></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Hardenburg, <i>Man</i>, p. 134.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> This combination is of so exceptional a character that it is hardly -to be recognised as a definite trait of organisation, and it follows that -though such exceptional cases may point to a possible past unity of clans -as a tribe, these clans are now practically small tribes, being incapable -of combining for common action. The expressions language-group, tribe, -and tribesman are therefore more correct than tribe, clan, and clansman -would be.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Cf. im Thurn, p. 185.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> This is exactly the reverse of the matrilocal customs related by Sir -Everard im Thurn.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Or their artists and publishers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> “The natives are ashamed, as they say, to be clothed” (Humboldt, -<i>Travels</i>, iii. 230; cf. also Wallace, p. 357). Clothes, in fact, are often donned -by savages at periods of license only. See Westermarck, <i>History of Human -Marriage</i>, chap. ix.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> There are several trees in these forests that supply the needed fibrous -bark. im Thurn suggests that the bark used is that of the <i>Lecythis ollaria</i>, -but Spruce states that tauari is made from the bark of certain species of -<i>Tecoma</i> of the <i>Bignoniaceae</i> order, and tururi, a thinner bark-cloth, from -various figs and <i>Artocarps</i>. Naturally natives use the tree that is handiest -when required (cf. im Thurn, pp. 194, 291; Spruce, i. 27).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Dr. de Lacerda in his journal for July 22, 1798, describes just such a -manufacture of bark-cloth carried on by the Muizas, who traded this with -their neighbours the Maraves. See <i>Land of Carembe</i>, R.G.S., 1873, p. 71. -Loin-cloths made from the bark of the <i>Artocarps</i> are also found among -the Semang of Kedah and other wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula. See -Skeat and Blagden, i. 143-4, 157, 376, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> A similar geographical progression has been noted among the women of -British New Guinea. See Williamson, <i>The Mafulu</i>, p. 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Sandals known as <i>alparagatas</i>, with soles of plaited aloe-fibre, are -usually worn by travellers in the Amazons. These can be cleaned and -washed in the same way. See also Simson, p. 83.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Wallace, p. 351.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Feather ruffs are worn by Napo Indians, but not by these tribes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> im Thurn, p. 305.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> One feather head-dress in my possession is made with rough cotton -yarn, obtained presumably by barter, for none of these tribes make cotton -yarn themselves, and it is very rarely to be found among them. The -feathers are bound into the hank with very fine fibre.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>Oenocarpus distichus.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Wallace, p. 351.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> According to Koch-Grünberg the Yahabana and other Kuretu-speaking -tribes part the hair in the middle and plait it with bast. After -bathing, the hair is dried, combed, and arranged with a bandage.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Red was the favourite colour for a djibbeh. White ones were not -much liked.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> This corresponds with the bead <i>tanga</i> described by Wallace, but the -Uaupes’ apron is “only about six inches square,” and these girdles or garlands -are two feet long or more (Wallace, p. 343).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Value, I believe, about ninepence exchange or less.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> So uncommon is it that I was under the impression that it was entirely -unknown until I examined the necklace in question very carefully -after my return to England. Certainly I never saw any of these tribes -preparing cotton or making use of it in any way except in its natural -state to tip their blow-pipe arrows. String or yarn of any sort, except -the fibre thread, I always found to be absolutely unobtainable anywhere -throughout these districts.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Possibly one of the <i>Histeridae</i> mentioned by Bates, i. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Pace</i> Maw, p. 226.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Belts of apparently similar minute plaiting are worn by the Mafula of -British New Guinea. These natives also wear armlets and leglets of the -same material, but not tightened to swell the muscles. The thread these -are made of is manufactured from vegetable fibre in the identical manner -employed by the Issa-Japura Indians (Williams, <i>The Mafula of British -New Guinea</i>, pp. 32, 53, 54).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Compare illustration with pictures of ligatures in D. Rannie’s <i>My -Adventures among South Sea Cannibals</i>, pp. 80, 170, 179.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> The Spaniards called the Inca <i>Orejones</i> on account of the large studs -worn by them in the lobes of their ears. See Joyce, p. 110.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Wallace states that all the Indians “have a row of circular punctures -along the arm” (Wallace, p. 345). These tribes have nothing of the sort.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Wallace describes the mark as “three vertical blue lines on the chin” -(Wallace, p. 345). This is not correct; <i>vide</i> drawing.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Crevaux, p. 264.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> The <i>Bixa Orellana</i> (Spix and von Martius, p. 228).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Genifa americana</i> (Spix and von Martius, p. 228).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Hardenburg, p. 138.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> “Covering, if not used as a protection from the climate, owes its origin, -at least in a great many cases, to the desire of men and women to make -themselves mutually attractive” (Westermarck, p. 211). “Clothing was -first adopted as a means of decoration rather than from motives of decency. -The private parts were first adorned with the appendages that were afterwards -used by a dawning sense of modesty to conceal them” (Johnston, -<i>The River Congo</i>, p. 418).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> The result of this is that a traveller is forced to have women as well -as men in his escort, or he would find that half the services required would -not be rendered him. For instance, no male Indian will prepare food, -neither will he wash clothes, nor clean the cooking vessels. This refers -to the untouched districts, and must not be confused with the forced -“willingness” of the Rubber Belts.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> A. R. Wallace, p. 349.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> E. B. Tylor notes that the savage is often skilled in map-making as -a form of picture-writing (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 90), and quotes Prescott for the existence -of maps in Peru before Europeans reached South America (Prescott, -<i>Peru</i>, i. 116). Ancient maps or books like “rolled up palm leaves” (Ratzel, -ii. 169).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> See Chap. XVIII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Pudenda maioris statuae muliebris nigra, labia maiora rubra picta -sunt; sed et in maiore et in minore statua vagina tam profunde perforata est -ut transitum ab vulva ad uterum suggerere videatur. Scrotum statuae virilis -nigrum, praeputium rubrum, pictum est; membrum autem ipsum, quamvis -quiescens, erectum tamen est et sic ad abdomen parallelum.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> See Chap. XVII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Keane tells of the Mojos valley natives that so uncommon is stone -in that district that if a man set out on a journey to the uplands where -stone is procurable he would be asked to bring some back as a curiosity -(Keane, p. 12). For some use of stone implements of the past still employed -among present-day peoples, see Mitchell, <i>Past in the Present</i>, p. 12, etc.; -Routledge, <i>With a Neolithic People</i>; Spencer and Gillen, <i>Native Tribes -of Central Australia</i>, pp. 592-4, etc.; Skeat and Blagden, <i>Pagan Races of -the Malay Peninsula</i>, i. 242, 296.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Spruce mentions a white pitch obtained from <i>Icica</i> trees, I never saw -any white pitch. These Indians use only black.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Some tribes near the Napo also use circular shields of tapir hide, p. 116.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> The use of the potter’s wheel was even unknown to the Incas (Joyce, -p. 193).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Crevaux, p. 193.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> The caraipé tree is, according to Spruce and Bentham, one of the -<i>Licania</i> genus of the <i>Chrysobalaneae</i> order (Spruce, i. 13).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Spruce, i. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> The <i>Cerropia peltata</i>, according to Spix and Martius, p. 259.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Tylor mentions the hammock as one of “the inventions which it -seems possible to trace to their original districts,” and states that it has -spread from South America and the West Indies “far and wide over the -world, carrying with it its Haitian name, <i>hamac</i>” (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 175). It is -interesting to note in this connection that a hammock is known as a -<i>hamaka</i> among the Yakuna; the Tariana call it <i>hamaka</i> or <i>amaka</i>; and -the Yavitero Indians call it <i>aimaiha</i> (Koch-Grünberg, <i>Aruak-Sprachen -Nordwestbrasiliens und der angrenzenden Gebiete</i>, p. 65). The Baré Indians -call it <i>mi</i>; the Baniwa <i>bidzaha</i> or <i>bisali</i>; the Siusi <i>pieta</i> or <i>piete</i>; the -Katapolitani change the <i>t</i> to <i>d</i> and have <i>pieda</i>; the Kurutana call it -<i>makaitepa</i>; the Uarekena say <i>soalita</i> (Koch-Grünberg, <i>op. cit.</i>); while the -Pioje call hammocks <i>jangre</i> (Simson, p. 268). The Witoto word is <i>kinai</i> -and the Boro <i>gwapa</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Hamilton Rice gives the distances between the meshes as the space -of thumb to little finger stretch for the Witoto, palm-length for the Karahone, -four fingers for the Cubbeo (p. 700). I knew the spacing differed, -but never heard that it was a tribal distinction.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> The palm employed is, according to Bates, an <i>Astrocaryum</i> (Bates, -ii. 209). Wallace and im Thurn mention the <i>Mauritia flexuosa</i> (A. R. -Wallace, p. 342; im Thurn, pp. 283, 290), which, according to Spruce, “seems -confined to the submaritime region” (Spruce, i. 15). He gives <i>Bromelia -karatas</i>, ii. 520. Spix and Martius give the Tucuma palm (<i>Astrocaryum -vulgare</i>) and others of the same genus (Spix and Martius, p. 248).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> “A species of <i>Desmoncus</i>” (A. R. Wallace, p. 336).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Women make both cassava-squeezers and graters. This may be a -coincidence, as I have seen men making the mats for the doorways, usually -women’s work.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> <i>Guilielmia speciosa.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 447.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Native Tribes of Central Australia</i>, pp. 668-9, and -<i>Across Australia</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Any hard wood may be used, but cedar makes the best canoe. Hamilton -Rice says <i>cachicama</i> (Rice, p. 691). Spruce mentions “a heavy laurel, -probably <i>Paraturi</i>,” used by the Tussari for making their <i>cascos</i> (Spruce, -i. 413). Bates mentions the <i>Itauba amarello</i>, “the yellow variety of the -stone-wood” (Bates, ii. 117). But all trees will not do, for some will not -open properly when they are fired (André, pp. 241-2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> <i>Iriartea ventricosa.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> This is said to be the only kind of canoe used by the Auhishiri (cf. -Simson, p. 199).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Viz. the Maca, the Guaharibo, and the Guahibo (Spruce, i. 477).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Wallace, p. 358.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> For example, the Zaparo (Simson, pp. 169, 295); the Uaupes Indians -(Wallace, p. 349).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Among other tribes this is not always the case. Manioc and banana -cultivation with the Rucuyens is carried on by the men (Ratzel, ii. 128).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> There is a wild species on some of the rivers, but the Indians make -no use of it (cf. Bates, i. 194).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> <i>Anauana sativa</i> (Wallace, p. 336).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Spruce, i. 180-81.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Among the Issa-Japura tribes it is rather sustaining than stimulating, -<i>i.e.</i> it is not fermented.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> <i>Theobroma</i>, the food of the gods (Spruce, i. 79).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> I would suggest that <i>manioc</i> is the true name for the plant, <i>cassava</i> -for the “bread” made therefrom. <i>Mandiocca</i> is only American-Spanish -for manioc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Bates i. 194, n.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Spruce, i. 215.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>Capsicum frutescens</i> (Spix and Martius, p. 259). <i>Artanthe eximia</i> and -other <i>Artanthe</i> and <i>Peperomia</i> (Spruce, ii. 283-4).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> For processes of growing and preparation, see Markham, pp. 148-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> <i>Erythroxylon coca</i> and <i>E. cataractarum</i> (Spruce, ii. 446-8).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Cf. E. B. Tylor, p. 170.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> An illustration in Sir H. Johnston’s <i>Liberia</i>, ii. 406, shows a West -African native climbing with only one ring and both arms and ankles free. -Bates mentions an Indian climbing with only one ring used for the feet -(Bates, ii. 196). The same method is to be found in Ceylon, among the -Malays, etc. (cf. Skeat and Blagden, i. 51, 62, 85; Tennant, <i>Ceylon</i>, ii. 523; -Partridge, <i>Cross River Natives</i>, p. 150, etc.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> This is no uncommon thing among peoples of lower culture, but -that it does not of necessity follow as a corollary to life in the bush is proved -by some of the West African tribes who are most indifferent sportsmen. -This is the case among sundry of the peoples of the Northern Territories -of the Gold Coast, where a British official has before now had to train his -shikari, if he hoped for successful sport.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> The blow-pipe, the <i>gravitana</i> in lingoa-geral, is known as the <i>zarabatana</i> -among the Teffe tribes (Bates, ii. 236); the <i>bodoquera</i> on the Napo. Koch-Grünberg -gives the following names for it: <i>todike</i>, Imitritä Miranya; -<i>uataha</i>, Yavitero; <i>uilipona</i>, Uarekena; <i>uapana</i>, Yukuna; <i>Mauipi</i>, -Katapolitani; <i>mauipi</i> or <i>moipi</i>, Siusi; <i>mauipi</i> or <i>mauipi</i>, Tariana (<i>Aruak-Sprachen</i>, -p. 73).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> A species of <i>Arundinaria</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> <i>Bactus ciliata.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> The wood used is <i>paxiaba-i</i>, the <i>Iriartea setigera</i> (Spruce, ii. 522). This -small palm grows from ten to fifteen feet high, with a stem of an inch to -two inches in diameter. When dry the soft inner pith is removed, and the -bore polished with a bunch of tree-fern roots pulled up and down (Wallace, -p. 147).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> <i>Jacitara</i> (Bates, ii. 236).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> From the <i>arbol-del-lacre</i> (Hardenburg, Man, p. 136); <i>Pao-de-lacre</i>, -<i>Vismia guianensis</i> (Spruce, ii. 522).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <i>Bombax</i> (Wallace, p. 147); <i>Eriodendron sp.</i> (<i>Sterculiaceae</i>), (Spruce, ii. -523; Bates, ii. 237).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> <i>Oenocarpus Batawa</i> (Spruce, ii. 522).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> These blow-pipes appear to be similar to those still in use among the -Orang Kuantan Malays, of which a specimen is to be seen in the British -Museum. It is made of two grooved halves of a hard wood, bound with -cane, and coated with “a gutta-like substance” (Skeat, <i>Man</i>, 1902, No. -108). This is, however, a shorter instrument than the Witoto or Boro -use, the measurements given being only 5 feet 2 inches for total length, -with an interior diameter of seven-sixteenths of an inch at the mouthpiece -and three-eighths of an inch at the muzzle-end. The blow-pipe is found -among all Malayan tribes. For distribution in the South Seas, cf. map in -Skeat and Blagden’s <i>Pagan Tribes</i>, i. 254.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Deniker states that the Miranha hunt “like the ancient Quechuas -by means of nets stretched out between the trees, into which they drive, -with cries and gestures, the terrified animals” (Deniker, p. 561). I have -never seen or heard of such nets among them.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Orton, pp. 169-70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Cf. method of poisoning adopted by natives of Torres Straits -(<i>Torres Straits</i>, iv. 159).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> <i>Jacquinia armillaris.</i> According to Spix and Martius <i>babasco</i> poison -is made from the leaves and blossom of the <i>Budleya connata</i> (Spix and von -Martius, <i>Reise</i>, 1820, p. 98).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Simson, p. 131.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Paullinia pinnata</i> (<i>Sapindaceae</i>) (Spruce, ii. 523; Bates, ii. 82-3). -Spruce also mentions <i>cunambi</i>, poison obtained from the roots of <i>Ichthyothera -cunambi</i> (Spruce, ii. 520); and Yuca-raton, the root of <i>Gliricidiae sp.</i> -(Spruce, ii. 455).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> The frame is made of <i>timbo-titica</i>, <i>Heteropsis sp.</i> (Spruce, ii. 523).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Such very hard wood is procurable, and so abundant is it that even -tribes like the Botucudo, who could use shell, stone, or metal, use wood in -preference, and many tribes prefer their lithic axes to metal ones. The -inference is obvious—these peoples are not, and never have been, metal-using -races, and poisoned wood suits sufficiently their purposes for arrow-heads.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Oakenfull, p. 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Compare with customs of the Mafulu in British New Guinea (Williamson, -p. 179; <i>Fiji</i>, Thompson, p. 35).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Clough, pp. 104-5; Wallace, p. 353.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Partridge, <i>Cross River Natives</i>, p. 59; “Upper Congo Cannibals,” -<i>J.R.A.I.</i>, xxiv. pp. 298-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> For example, Maw, p. 160.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Wallace, pp. 346-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Ratzel, ii. 138-9; Orton, pp. 171-2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> See British Museum, Cambridge Museum, Munich Museum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Bates, ii. 132.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> I was never present at a cannibal feast. This information is based on -Robuchon’s account, checked by cross-questioning the Indians with whom -I came in contact.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Johnson, <i>Liberia</i>, ii. 898.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> On the other hand earth-eating is prevalent among the Torres Straits -people, where salt is not rare. The pregnant woman eats it to make her -infant light in colour and strong and brave (<i>Torres Straits Exped.</i>, iv. 139).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Crevaux, p. 287.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Bates, ii. 195.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Some tribes, for example the Jivaro (Simson, pp. 93-4), are said to be -more provident in this respect, but the Boro and Witoto groups are not -among them. Occasionally a store of pines may be made in October, when -pines are most plentiful, but this is all.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> It may be noted here that all the denizens of the forest, including even -the larger carnivora, are by popular report fruit-eaters, and are specially -fond of the wild alligator pear (cf. Spruce, ii. 362-3).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> <i>Tapirus americanus.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> All animals when wounded appear to take to water.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> <i>Coelogenys paca.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Hydrochaerus capybara.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> <i>Dasyprocta agouti.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> I captured some and brought them away as pets.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Spruce, i. p. 182.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> <i>Dicotypes tajacu</i> is the only one I observed in these parts, but -<i>D. labiatus</i> is common in the bush. The peccary is called <i>kairooni</i> by -the Arawak; <i>mero</i> and <i>emo</i> by the Witoto according to the species; <i>mene</i> -by the Boro; and <i>whinga</i> by the Macusi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> See Wood’s <i>Natural History</i>, “Mammals.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Oakenfull, p. 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Turning turtles is prohibited by law in Brazil, but no law reaches -these wilds.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> The Indians of British Guiana who eat the turtles’ and iguana eggs, -also “will not touch the egg of a fowl” (im Thurn, p. 18).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> They do not, however, object to their food being decidedly “high” -(cf. Simson, p 115).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> In this they share the tastes of the Liberian women (cf. Johnston, -<i>Liberia</i>, ii. 954).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 381.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> <i>Manihot aypi.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> The description given by Fr. Pinto in Dr. de Lacerda’s eighteenth-century -journal of the preparation of manioc flour by the Murunda Kaffirs -differs only from the Indian method in that the root is not squeezed, -merely soaked till “almost rotten,” then dried and pounded (R.G.S., -<i>The Lands of Cazembe</i>, 1873, p. 129).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> It would seem that the Boro use what is known in Brazil as <i>Farinha de -aqua</i>, and the Witoto make <i>Farinha secca</i> (cf. Spruce, i. 11-12). Brazilian -arrowroot and tapioca are products of the manioc prepared in different -ways. Only the Boro and Menimehe make <i>Farinha de aqua</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> “A mandiocca oven (called <i>budari</i> in Barré)” (Spruce, ii. 477-8).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Bates noted that he saw Indians on the Tapajos season this sauce with -ants in place of fish (Bates, i. 318-19).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Wallace, p. 340.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Simson mentions salt-licks in the neighbourhood of the Rio Salado -Grande (Simson, p. 238).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> The ashes of the drum tree (<i>Cecropia peltata</i>) “are saline and antiseptic” -(Spruce, ii. 447). “A kind of flour which has a saline taste” is -extracted from the fruits of the <i>Inaja</i> palm (<i>Maximiliana regia</i>), and the -<i>Jara</i> palm (<i>Leopoldinia major</i>), and the <i>Caruru</i>, a species of <i>Lacis</i> (Wallace, -p. 340). <i>Cuaruru</i> is given by Spruce as a native name for <i>Pogostemon sp.</i>; -when this is burnt the ashes give salt (Spruce, ii. 520).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Cf. <i>Torres Straits</i>, “The chief meal of the day is taken at night, -soon after sundown; the remains are eaten in the morning,” iv. 131.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> This is probably the puruma (<i>Puruma Cecropiaefolia Martius</i>) mentioned -by Bates (Bates, ii. 217).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> <i>Yerba Luisa</i> (Simson, p. 61).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> This may be <i>Mimusops sp.</i> (<i>Sapotacae</i>) or <i>Callophora sp.</i> (<i>Aponcynaccae</i>) -(Spruce, i. 50, 224; ii. 520). Bates, i. 69; Spruce, i. 51; Orton, -pp. 288, 500, 581.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> <i>Caapi</i> is known as <i>aya-huasca</i>, the drink of Huasca, the greatest king -of the Inca, to the Zaparo and other tribes farther west (Spruce, ii. 424).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 419-21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> <i>Banisteria Caapi</i> (Spruce, ii. 414).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> <i>Haemadictyon amazonicum</i> (<i>ibid.</i> p. 415). This is only added by the -Uaupes tribes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Both <i>Manihot utilissima</i> and <i>Manihot Aypi</i> (Spruce, ii. 414).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Cf. Tylor, pp. 179-80.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> <i>Paullinia cupana</i> (Spruce, i. 180).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> <i>Guarana</i>, “<i>pro panacea peregrinantum habetur</i>” (von Martius), is made -from the roasted seeds. It is “almost identical in its elements with theine -and caffeine” (Spruce, i. 181). It is cultivated on the Negro as an article -of trade. According to Bates it is made from the seeds of a climbing -plant (<i>Paullinia sorbilis</i>) (Bates, ii. 134).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> <i>Coca Erythroxylon.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Spix and von Martius, p. 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Joyce, p. 97.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Markham, <i>Peruvian Bark</i>, p. 151.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> According to Bates the leaves of the candelabrum tree (<i>Cecropia -palmata</i>) are used (Bates, ii. 211-12). Spruce has the <i>imbauba</i> or drum -tree (<i>Cecropia peltata</i>) (Spruce, ii. 447). Markham gives the quinoa plant -(Markham, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 151).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> <i>Re</i> effects. Spruce notes that it had little effect on him (Spruce, ii. -448). One of my companions though “at first affected … with slight -nausea … soon became accustomed to it, and found it very useful on -many occasions” (Hardenburg, p. 137-8). This is interesting in relation to -my own continued intolerance. “In Peru its excessive use is said to -seriously injure the coats of the stomach” (Spruce, ii. 448). At Ega it -was regarded as a vice only to be indulged in secretly (Bates, ii. 211). -Markham, on the other hand, considers it “the least injurious, and the -most soothing and invigorating” narcotic (Markham, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 152). He -even recommends it as a preventative of loss of breath to Alpine climbers -(<i>ibid.</i> p. 153). With this I cannot concur.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> <a href="#APPENDICES">See Appendix</a> for this and other notes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Spruce relates that a Guahibo told him, “With a chew of <i>caapi</i> and -a pinch of <i>niopo</i> … one feels so good! No hunger—no thirst—no -tired!” (Spruce, ii. 428).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> <i>Mimosa acaciodes</i> (Bentham). “A species of Inga” (Bates, i. 331). -The seeds of <i>Acacia Niopo</i> (Humbolt). <i>Piptadenia peregrina</i> (L.) (Bentham -and Spruce, ii. 427).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> The Guahibo use no quicklime (Spruce, ii. 426).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> This is curious, but I can advance no reason.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Or “a bit of the leg-bone of the jaguar, closed at one end with pitch” -(Spruce, ii. 427).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> And by the natives on the upper Orinoco (Spruce, ii. 423).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> “Two feet long and as thick as the wrist” (Spruce, ii. 420). It “is -smoked in the ordinary way”. A long cigar is also smoked on the Equatorial -Pacific coast, but “held in the mouth <i>at the lighted end</i>” (<i>ibid.</i> p. 436). -This is common amongst negroes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Like the eyes of a cocoanut—to allow passage to the budding rootlets.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 413-55.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> Bates, ii. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Also called <i>curari</i>, <i>ourali</i>, <i>worara</i>, <i>woorari</i>, <i>urari</i>, <i>ervadura</i>. “A -powerful South American arrow-poison occurring in commerce as a blackish -extract, somewhat resinoid in appearance,” used for tetanus, hydrophobia, -epilepsy (<i>Dict. Mat. Med.</i>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> <i>Strychnos castelmoeana</i> and <i>Cocculus toxicoferus</i> (Hardenburg, p. 136).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> “Many ingredients are used, such as several kinds of barks, roots, -peppers (<i>Capsicum</i>), ants, and the poison-fangs of snakes” (im Thurn, -p. 311).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Crevaux gives a long description of the preparation of this poison -(Crevaux, pp. 268-337).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> According to Bates, salt is considered to be an antidote for this poison -(Bates, i. 247).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Bates, ii. 200. This agrees with Darwin, <i>Descent of Man</i>, i. 128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Dr. Galt considered “that there is no more fertile race than the pure-blooded -Indian of the Marañon” (Orton, p. 465).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Menstruation has been known to commence in England at the age of -eleven, generally in cases of well-nourished blondes, and in exceptional -cases even earlier. It has been known to occur at nine years, but this -was induced by a severe accident. This is unknown among the forest -people. I made out the age of puberty to be not less than fifteen for girls, -and eighteen for boys, among the tribes I was with.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Cf. Thomson, <i>The Fijians</i>, pp. 179-80; Codrington, <i>The Melanesians</i>, -p. 228, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Tapir flesh is undoubtedly rich, and over-indulgence would have evil -effects upon any woman independent of other conditions, for equally it -would upset a man.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> A tribe in British Guiana, the Macusi, carry this idea even further, -and impose such restriction on a man before his actual marriage (im -Thurn, p. 222). I have never met with this.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Wallace in his account of the Uaupes Indians states that “the women -are generally delivered in the house, and do no work for four or five days” -(Wallace, p. 345). This does not tally with the customs among the Issa -and Japura tribes, at least I never found it to be the case.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> These Indians adopt a sitting, <i>i.e.</i> continental (not English left lateral) -position for parturition.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> For similar treatment elsewhere see Schomberg, <i>Reisen in Britisch -Guiana</i>, ii. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Hardenburg, p. 135.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> I cannot help thinking that some infanticides may be due to the fear -by the wife that the husband would refrain from the fulfilment of his -<i>debitum conjugale</i> did he find that it resulted in his having to support an -unduly increasing family.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> Infanticide is a subject open to unlimited misapprehension and -misrepresentation. Compare with the above, for instance, the statements -of a missionary among some of the Indian tribes farther south. Mr. Grubb -speaks of “a shrill cry of pain when a child perhaps has been cruelly -murdered” (<i>An Unknown People in an Unknown Land</i>, p. 17). A reviewer -with much knowledge and experience of Paraguay, remarks, “I never -remember hearing the women’s shrill cry of lamentation. The children -are killed almost immediately after birth, as secretly as possible, and no -one pays much attention to the fact” (Seymour H. C. Hawtrey, for R.A.I.). -This is certainly the case with the Issa and Japura groups.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Among the Ucayali deformed children are killed because they “belong -to the devil” (Orton, p. 321).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> A similar practice is reported among the Kuni of British New Guinea -(Williamson, <i>The Mafulu</i>, p. 178).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Among Zaparo tribes also this is the case (Simson, pp. 175, 183).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> <i>Early History of Mankind</i>, p. 247.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> This is one of the many supposed indications of a possible Asiatic -origin of these peoples, “remnants of a race driven into the mountains by -the present dwellers in the plains,” as Tylor says of the Miau-tsze, who -also practice the couvade (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 295). The practice is as widespread as -the performance of the medicine-man or shaman, though not invariably -an accompaniment of so-called shamanism or kindred performances: -for example the Arunta have medicine-men but do not practise the -couvade, the Basque people have couvade but no medicine-man.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> In support of this theory note that in Melanesia proper couvade has -only been observed “where the child follows the father’s kindred” -(Codrington, p. 228).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> According to one writer some Indians go so far as to remove all -weapons and furniture from the house (Clough, p. 104).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> With the Issa-Japura tribes the father is subjected to no such torturing -processes at the hands of his friends as are recorded of other tribes and -peoples, “in such sort that from being sick by pure imagination they often -make a real patient of him” (Tylor, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 288 <i>et seq.</i>; <i>J.A.I.</i> xviii. 248; -cf. also Crevaux, Spix, and Martius, p. 381; Schomburg, <i>Reisen in Britisch -Guiana</i>, ii.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Bird names, as is commonly the case in South America, are attempts -to repeat the cry of the birds themselves. <i>Kweko</i>, for instance, is a most -suggestive name for a parrot. Birds, it may here be noted, very seldom -sing in Amazonia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> See Brinton on this subject, <i>Religions of Primitive Peoples</i>, p. 196. -Cf. Howitt, p. 739.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Witoto.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Boro.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Cf. Tylor, <i>Early History of Mankind</i>; im Thurn, p. 220; Hodson, -<i>Naga Tribes</i>, p. 176; Spencer and Gillen, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 139; Brinton, p. 195, -etc.; Seligmann, p. 140; André, p. 16; Lang, <i>Origin of Religion</i>, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> See <i>Folklore Journal</i>; Mitchell, <i>Past in the Present</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Every Indian man has two names, his own name and his secret -name (name of genitalia). The latter is generally a significant name, and -is used in ribald jesting round the fire, <i>e.g.</i> “the <i>Okaina</i> (a rodent) went to -the stream to bathe,” etc. etc., <i>ad nauseam</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> The converse of this holds good elsewhere, for the names of the dead -are often tabu. See Rivers, <i>Todas</i>, pp. 625-6; Tylor, p. 142; Brinton, -pp. 94-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Brinton, p. 197.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> <i>Pace</i> Ratzel, ii. 128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> Simson, p. 92; Ratzel, ii. 128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Markham, Clough, p. 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Wallace, p. 360.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> According to Waitz the Carib medicine-man was accorded the <i>jus -primae noctis</i> (<i>Anthropologie der Naturvölker</i>, iii. 382); Westermarck, p. 76. -Von Martius also attributes this custom to certain Brazilian tribes, the -chief, not the medicine-man, claiming the right (i. 113, 428, 485).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Letourneau, <i>The Evolution of Marriage</i>, p. 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Wallace, p. 355.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> This is quite usual of course. See Westermarck, pp. 445-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Cf. custom among the Muskoks (Ratzel, ii. 125. See also im Thurn, -p. 221; Westermarck, p. 18).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Wallace, p. 346.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Westermarck puts the disparity of years at from five to six among -natives of Brazil (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 137; Spix and Martius, ii. 248).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> This invariably takes place in the forest, for no intimacy, even -between husband and wife, is ever permitted in the publicity of the -house. According to Westermarck a similar custom prevailed in Fiji -(<i>op. cit.</i> pp. 151-2), but this is denied by Thomson, <i>The Fijians</i>, p. 202.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> im Thurn, pp. 186, 221.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> As De Morgan remarked of a somewhat similar practice among the -Sakai of Perak, this is a form of marriage by purchase “modified by the -smallness of the price paid … a purely formal substitute” (<i>Bulletin de -la Société Normande de Géographie</i>, vii. 422; Skeat and Blagden, ii. 60-61).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> Or <i>potacea</i>, a nut of bitter taste the size of an acorn.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> See von Martius, i. 113. For similar instances cf. Westermarck, p. 151.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> This confirms the account given by Wallace, p. 346; von Martius, -i. 600.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> See for similar etiquette, Alcedo-Thompson, <i>Dictionary of America -and the West Indies</i>, i. 416; E.R. Smith, <i>The Aurocanians</i>, p. 215; Westermarck, -pp. 383-4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> This seems to be the same as the Hottentot custom (Kolben, <i>Present -State of the Cape of Good Hope</i>, i. 157).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> These are, I believe, the same ants that are used in the manufacture -of the <i>curare</i> poison. They are fairly common. In lingoa-geral they are -called <i>tucaudera</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> “The Carayas maintain quasi-husbands for widows at the public cost, -lest they should be a source of disturbance to the general peace” (Ratzel, ii. -126). Widows are <i>repi</i>, prostitutes among some Melanesians (Codrington, -p. 235).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> See, for similar belief among the Zaparo, Simson, p. 174.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> For example, among the Bororo when the medicine-man has -announced that the patient will die in a given time, “if at the end of this -time he still lives, the executioner, sent of course by the priest, will suddenly -appear in the hut, sit astride his stomach, and strangle him to death” -(Cook, p. 55).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> See Joyce, p. 249.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, p. 151.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> The idea of blood crying for vengeance is familiar enough, and the -most universally-known example is that of the fratricide Cain informed -that his brother’s blood cried for vengeance from the ground (Gen. iv. 10).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, p. 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> “A microscopic scarlet <i>Acarus</i>” (Orton, p. 485).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> “To an Indian smallpox is certain death—the most dreaded enemy, -who has over and over again swept off entire tribes, and the name or -passing suspicion of which from youth up has always been trembled at and -fled from as from death itself” (Simson, p. 142).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> There are many varieties of this complaint. In one kind the patient -wastes away. With another it assumes the characteristics of elephantiasis, -the legs swell, the flesh becomes soft and podgy, the skin unhealthy and -white. It is said by the rubber-gatherers that a cure can only be effected -when the patient sees the sea, in other words through complete change -of air.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Simson speaks of a “skin-disease common amongst all Indians of the -higher Marañon, called ‘carata.’ The skin is ‘scaly and blotched all over -with black’” (Simson, p. 178). This seems to be similar to the “cutaneous -disease” mentioned by Bates, except that he explicitly mentions “the -black spots were hard and rough but not scaly” (Bates, ii. 382). The -Purupura Indians have also a skin complaint that causes them to be -“spotted and blotched with white, brown, or nearly black patches” -(Wallace, p. 357).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> I did myself, and so did my boy Brown and others of the party.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> André, pp. 16-110.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Spix and Martius, p. 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Simson, pp. 148, 194. A very common practice among Indians.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg, pp. 134, 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> I do not mean the body of an infant killed at birth, which, as I have -said, is done as quietly and secretly as possible.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> “Primary urn-burial is characteristic in the main of the Tupi-Guarani -family” (Joyce, p. 270).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> For the same reason that prompted similar proceeding among the -Norsemen, an influence still alive in many parts of our own country. -Cf. Mitchell, <i>Past in the Present</i>. An instance is reported from Hampshire -within the last few years of a child’s toys being broken on its grave. -(Read, <i>Folklore Journal</i>, vol. xxii. p. 322.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Ratzel, ii. 155.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Shaman is in more general use among Americans. It should be -remembered that the Zaparo, with whom Simson mentions the <i>shimano</i> -(Simson, pp. 174-5, 177), have had considerably more intercourse with -western civilisation than the tribes away from the Napo line of communication.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Vol. xxiv.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> “The chief ‘medicine’ of the Payes on the affluents of the Amazon, -both northern and southern, and on the Orinoco” (Spruce, ii. 436).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> Crevaux, p. 300.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> im Thurn, p. 312; Wallace, p. 347; Crevaux, p. 299.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> im Thurn, p. 368.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Spruce mentions Barré Indians “sucking out the rheumatism” from -each other’s shoulders (Spruce, ii. 435).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> I am unable to say whether the medicine-man believes that an actual -stick has been literally in the patient’s flesh, or whether he believes that the -stick concealed in his mouth becomes a habitation for the supernatural -power causing the sickness, or if he merely does the whole thing to impress -his audience, and confirm their belief in his magical powers. Quite possibly -all these reasons combined in varying degrees are present in any case. -See Marett, <i>Anthropology</i>, p. 247.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> A boy “with epileptic tendency being preferred,” as im Thurn noted -was the case in British Guiana (im Thurn, p. 334).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Waterton, p. 449.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> Cf. im Thurn, p. 349.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Cf. Westermarck, p. 152.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 430-31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> I have never seen the medicine-man’s palm-leaf boxes mentioned by -Spruce, ii. 431.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> Among the Mungaberra the medicine-men “can and often do assume -the form of eagle-hawks,” and thus attack other tribes (Spencer and -Gillen, p. 533). It may be that the medicine-men of Indian tribes nearer the -mountains, where these birds have their habitat, assume the form of a -condor, as the medicine-man of the forest districts does that of the jaguar, -for the condor is “sacred throughout practically the whole of the Andean -region.” See Joyce, p. 175.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> The jaguar and the anaconda are both magical beasts. See -Chap. XIX.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Note: Among the Arunta the medicine-man has “a particular kind -of lizard distributed through his body, which endows him with great -suctional powers” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 531).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> See im Thurn, pp. 329-31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 432. Cf. Rochfort, <i>Histoire naturelle et morale des Isles -Antilles</i>, p. 472.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Spruce, ii 431.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> That the words are now incomprehensible may have arisen from -the fact that the songs were originally intended only to recall things -to those already instructed, in the same way that Mexican picture records -“do not tell their stories in full, but only recall them to the minds of those -who are already acquainted with them” (E. B. Tylor, p. 96). As instruction -and memory lapsed the words would become mere gibberish. Certainly -all these tribes appear to have songs they can no longer interpret. <i>La -danse est accompagnée des chantes; je regrette de n’avoir pu saisir le sens -de leurs paroles</i> (Crevaux, p. 104). There are old dances with words no -longer understood among the Tukano (Koch-Grünberg, p. 254). This is, -of course, by no means peculiar to the Amazonian Indians. Some of the -singing games played by children in British New Guinea have words whose -meanings are either obscure or lost (Barton, <i>J.R.A.I.</i>, p. 269). Among the -Naga tribes the language of the songs “is known in many cases to be now -unintelligible to those who sing them” (Hodson, <i>Naga Tribes</i>, p. 68). Corrobborees -are passed from one tribe to the other among the Australian natives, -“the result is that the words are, as a general rule, quite unintelligible to -the performers” (Spencer and Gillen, <i>Central Australia</i>, p. 281). Zulu -charm songs are said to be incomprehensible to the singers (Callaway, -<i>Religious System of the Amazulu</i>, p. 413). These instances might be multiplied, -but they suffice to show that this survival of words with lost meanings -is world-wide.</p> - -<p>As a curious contrast to this we find that the Spanish missionaries in -South America complained that they had great difficulty in getting their -converts to remember the Ave Maria and the Paternoster “seeing that the -words were mere nonsense to them” (Tylor, p. 96). It should not be forgotten -though, in this connection, that the potency of a word is in inverse -ratio to its incomprehensibility. Cf. Brinton, <i>Religions of Primitive -Peoples</i>, p. 92.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> Possibly there may be a second pine harvest and dance, but the -great feast takes place in October.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg mentions the same among the Opaina.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Maw describes quite a different arrangement in a dance at Tabitinga. -“The dancers were usually linked three together, one principal character -supported by two others, one on each side; and there were generally two -sets dancing at the same time, each set being followed by women and -children dancing or jumping in the similar manner” (Maw, p. 220).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg mentions a dance among tribes north of the Japura -where the men and women dance together in pairs. The women do not -wear aprons, and at the end of the figure they disappear.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Spruce, i. 313.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> One is irresistibly reminded of the clown, especially of the comic man -who usually puts in an appearance at military sports. It is possible that -this custom of dressing-up to secure attention when airing a grievance is -what has been mistaken by some writers for a part of the dance. Sir Roger -Casement, quoting Maw in the <i>Contemporary Review</i>, September 1912, talks -of “the masked men” as “a necessary part of each performance.” It is -certainly quite unknown to me, for I never saw or heard of anything of the -kind, though in the first edition of Bates’s <i>Naturalist on the River Amazon</i> -the frontispiece of the second volume gives a masked dance of the Tukuna, -so I do not suggest that masked dancers do not exist, only that they are -not known among the tribes of the Issa-Japura valleys.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> It must be remembered that Indians are extraordinarily generous, or -improvident, in the matter of food. I should never hesitate to join a -family party when feeding, without waiting for an invitation. The complaint -in question probably refers to a whole basket of manioc bartered -in the plantation, which transaction would belong to quite another category.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Crevaux gives an account of an initiation dance where the torture -applied is by means of the application of stinging ants to the naked bodies -of the neophytes (Crevaux, pp. 245-50).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg, p. 188. The German doctor also gives an account of -a dance where boys and girls perform in couples. When the figures are -ended the couples withdraw into the forest, and night covers subsequent -proceedings. This takes place among the Yahuna of the Kuretu group. -The men of these tribes when summoned by drum to a dance leave their -women behind them.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Bates, ii. 207.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> Manioc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Plantation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> Manioc root.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Cassava.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> What is it? what is it?</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> It is good.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> As proof that this dance is borrowed, and not common to all the -tribes that dance it, is the fact that all tribes, whatever their language-group, -use the Muenane words for the answer.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> <a href="#APPENDICES">See Appendix.</a></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> The individual in question was labouring under the most extraordinary -sexual excitement. This may have been due to coca influence, -to the lubricity of the song words, or to the intoxication due to rhythmic -movement. The first two possible causes are eliminated by the fact -that Indians are almost continually under the influence of the drug, and -that no song could be more lewd than the ordinary conversation of these -people.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> These Muenane riddle dances somewhat resemble the <i>Pirapurasseya</i>, -or fish dance, seen by Bates at Ega. The performers joined hands in a ring -and questioned the leader in the centre, who finally might try to rush the -ring, and when successful was succeeded by whoever might be responsible -for his escape (Bates, ii. 276). im Thurn’s description of a Guiana animal -dance also tallies more or less with these dances. See im Thurn, p. 324.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> R. L. Stevenson, <i>In the South Seas</i> (Pocket Edition, 1908), p. 100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> “Dancing to the accompaniment of the human voice only. The -word <i>ballad</i> is derived from this.” Ital. <i>ballare</i> = to dance. See <i>Games, -Sports, and Pastimes</i>, by D. H. Moutray Read, in the new <i>Folklore -Handbook</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> North of the Japura the tribes use what are known as <i>Yapurutu</i> pan-pipes, -which are usually played in pairs. The Tukana call them <i>bupupo</i> -or <i>yapurato</i> (Koch-Grünberg, p. 300).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_338" id="Footnote_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> Cf. Howitt, <i>Native Tribes of South-East Australia</i>, p. 345, chap. xi., etc. -Bull-roarer too sacred for women to see in Muralug Island, Torres -Straits (<i>Expedition Torres Straits</i>, iv. 276; v. 217).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_339" id="Footnote_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Cf. Spencer and Gillen, <i>Native Tribes of Central Australia</i>. Sound -supposed by women and children to be the voice of the great spirit assisting -at the boy’s initiation.</p> - -<p>Also Howitt, pp. 594-5; Andrew Lang on “the Bull-roarer” in <i>Custom -and Myth</i>; Haddon, <i>Study of Man</i>, p. 309.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_340" id="Footnote_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> See Koch-Grünberg; Humbolt, ii. 363; Nery, p. 261; Spruce, ii. 416; -Wallace, pp. 348-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_341" id="Footnote_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> There are two in the British Museum on the top shelf in the South -American room.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_342" id="Footnote_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> <i>Mauritia flexuosa.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_343" id="Footnote_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Cf. Spencer and Gillen, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 517.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_344" id="Footnote_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> The one exception being where parturition is imminent, and no helpmate -is available.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_345" id="Footnote_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> <a href="#APPENDICES">See Appendix.</a></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_346" id="Footnote_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> Compare with identity of the white culture-hero of the higher South -American cultures, Quetzalcoatl of the Nahua, Uiracocha of Peru, Tsuma -of Venezuela. Note this being came from the East. See Joyce, p. 12. -He is in fact the <i>Atahocan</i> of the Algonquin “remote from the world, to -whom no worship was paid”(Ratzel, ii. 144).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_347" id="Footnote_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> According to the Malays’ anthropomorphic ideas concerning the -tiger, “the tiger-folk … have a town of their own, where they live in -houses, and act in every respect like human beings” (Skeat, <i>Malay Magic</i>, -p. 157). In Perak tigers with human souls live in similar villages (Sir W. E. -Maxwell, <i>J.R.A.S.</i>, No. vii. p. 22). The natives of Korinchi in Sumatra -are credited with the power to assume tiger form at will (Sir H. Clifford, -<i>In Court of Kampong</i>, pp. 65-6).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_348" id="Footnote_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> When Markham says of the Ticuna that “they fear the evil spirit, -and believe of the good one that, after death, he appears to eat fruit with -the departed and takes them to his home, this would seem to be a distinct -survival of missionary teaching, for these Indians were preached to between -1683 and 1728.” Christian influence is also shown in their naming ceremonies -(Markham, p. 200).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_349" id="Footnote_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> These holes in the heavy mould of the forest are caused by subsidences. -The Indians do not understand how they came to be, and explain the fact -by asserting they are the work of devils.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_350" id="Footnote_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Among the Kuretu the soul is believed to hover near the body for -one day after death, and then to flit away, and finally to retire to a beautiful -house at the source of a mysterious river.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_351" id="Footnote_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Skeat, <i>Malay Magic</i>, p. 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_352" id="Footnote_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> im Thurn, p. 343. Cf. also Skeat, <i>Pagan Malay</i>, p. 47.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_353" id="Footnote_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> See Simson, p. 175; Orton, p. 170.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_354" id="Footnote_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Cf. Spencer and Gillen, p. 498.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_355" id="Footnote_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> This is so frequently the case among primitive peoples as hardly to -need amplifying. It is very general among the Indian races. See André, -p. 16; im Thurn, pp. 158, 220.</p> - -<p>The Algonquin hold that the mention of a man’s name offends his -personal deity (H. R. Schoolcraft, <i>Oneota</i>, pp. 331, 456; <i>Indian Tribes of -the U.S.</i> ii. 65). Australian natives only mention secret names in a -whisper (Spencer and Gillen, p. 139). See also note on names in Chap. XI.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_356" id="Footnote_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> This belief is also held by the Dyaks. “Their theory is that during -sleep the soul can hear, see, and understand, so what is dreamt is really -what the soul sees. When any one dreams of a distant land, they believe -that his soul has paid a flying visit to that land” (E. H. Gomes, <i>Seventeen -Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo</i>, p. 161). Howitt writes of the South -Australian native: “While his body lies motionless, his spirit goes out of -him on its wanderings” (Howitt, pp. 410-11). See also Seligmann, p. 191.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_357" id="Footnote_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> im Thurn, pp. 329, 343.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_358" id="Footnote_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> See im Thurn, p. 349. In Australia “one black fellow will often tell -you that he can and does do something magical, whilst all the time he is -perfectly well aware that he cannot, and yet firmly believes that some -other man can really do it” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 130).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_359" id="Footnote_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> Spruce relates a custom unknown to me practised by some tribes -when astray in the bush. The Indian when lost “names the Curupira, -and … twists a liana into a ring … throws it behind him … -follows the direction in which it has fallen” (Spruce, ii. 437-8). The -Bororo use a bull-roarer to drive the bad spirits off (W. A. Cook, <i>The -Bororo Indians of Matto Grosso</i>, p. 55).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_360" id="Footnote_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> The Caribs of the Pomeroon river actually attempt to counter the -attack of epidemic sickness by blocking the forest tracks “to stop the -passage of the spirits” (im Thurn, p. 356). In Guiana disease is regarded -as an evil spirit that prowls around (Brett, <i>Indian Tribes of Guiana</i>, p. 225).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_361" id="Footnote_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Bates, ii. 115.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_362" id="Footnote_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Jurupari is unknown south of the Japura. I can therefore give no -particulars or description from personal investigation and knowledge of -aught concerning this all powerful demoniac deity of the northern tribes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_363" id="Footnote_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> J. D. Pfleiderer, <i>Die Genesis des Mythus der indogermanischen Völker</i>, -p. 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_364" id="Footnote_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Elsewhere this appears not to be the case. See Bates, ii. 114.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_365" id="Footnote_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> <i>Yacu</i> = water, <i>mama</i> = mother, <i>Mai d’agoa</i> (Tupi). <i>Pachamama</i>, -the earth, was worshipped in Peru, and the Inca also reverenced <i>Mamaccocha</i>, -the sea mother (Joyce, pp. 154, 225).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_366" id="Footnote_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Bates mentions a boy at Ega being devoured by one of these huge -creatures (Bates, ii. 113-15).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_367" id="Footnote_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Clough, p. 60.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_368" id="Footnote_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> For description see Wallace, pp. 127-8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_369" id="Footnote_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Bates, ii. 264.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_370" id="Footnote_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> For dance at tiger’s “wake” see Skeat, <i>Malay Magic</i>, p. 169.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_371" id="Footnote_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Cf. Darwin, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_372" id="Footnote_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> “They consider the sun as the fountain-head of majesty and power -and even of beneficence, and as the abode of the Great Priests who have -passed to the spirit world and fear him” (W. A. Cook, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 55).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_373" id="Footnote_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> Occidente is on the left bank of the Igara Parana, a tributary of the -Issa.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_374" id="Footnote_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> <i>Folklore Journal</i>, 1912, p. 314.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_375" id="Footnote_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> Casement, <i>Contemporary Review</i>, September 1912, p. 325.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_376" id="Footnote_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Indians on the main river, however, according to Dr. Silva Coutinho, -“not only give names to a great number of celestial bodies [stars], but -they have legends about them” (Nery, p. 252).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_377" id="Footnote_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> Markham, pp. 93-4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_378" id="Footnote_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> Poison.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_379" id="Footnote_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Narcotic.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_380" id="Footnote_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Spruce, i. 314. In South America manihot is propagated by means of -slips or cuttings; but in the Torres Straits the <i>manihot sp.</i> introduced by -the white man is grown from pieces of the old roots (<i>Exped. Torres Straits</i>, -iv. 149).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_381" id="Footnote_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Clough, p. 212; Humboldt, ii. 182; Oakenfull, pp. 34-5; im Thurn, -p. 375; Joyce, p. 167.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_382" id="Footnote_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> im Thurn, p. 375.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_383" id="Footnote_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Humboldt, ii. 400-1; Chanoine Bernadino de Souza, <i>Para e Amazon</i>; -see Nery, pp. 8-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_384" id="Footnote_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Humboldt, pp. 88, 400.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_385" id="Footnote_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> Spruce, ii. 561.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_386" id="Footnote_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> Spruce wisely remarks on this point, “that the Spaniards had been -for two whole years among Indians who wore their hair long,” and therefore -were not likely to mistake men for women (Spruce, ii. 459).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_387" id="Footnote_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Nery, p. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_388" id="Footnote_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> The French traveller rejects the ἀ-, μαζός theory in favour of the ἄμα -ζώνη—bound with a belt (Nery, p. 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_389" id="Footnote_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Wallace, p. 343.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_390" id="Footnote_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> “I have myself seen that Indian women can fight.… The women -pile up heaps of stones, to serve as missiles for the men” (Spruce, ii. 457-8). -This, <i>vide</i> “stones,” is not possible in the Issa-Japura district.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_391" id="Footnote_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Where tribal differentiation of colour is so marked as among these -people it is only natural that tales should be told of some mythical -“white” folk.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_392" id="Footnote_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> Crevaux, <i>Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud</i>, p. 284.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_393" id="Footnote_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> <i>Komuine</i> = monkey (Boro).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_394" id="Footnote_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> “So high”—demonstrated with the hand.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_395" id="Footnote_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> These would be her natural protectors.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_396" id="Footnote_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Rubber latex. See Depilation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_397" id="Footnote_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> To hide the unsightliness.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_398" id="Footnote_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> Of the chief’s daughter.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_399" id="Footnote_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> This may be a folk-tale of the monkey-people stealing Indian women -for their mates. Cf. Skeat, <i>Malay Magic</i>, p. 185; Clifford, <i>Studies in Brown -Humanity</i>, p. 243.</p> - -<p>But it should not be overlooked that the Boro depile most carefully, -while the Andoke medicine-man does not depile at all, and the Andoke are -mortal foes of the Boro. The Karahone also are said not to depile, and -on this score would be regarded by the Boro as no better than brute beasts. -So this story may be a traditional account of the actual rape of a chief’s -daughter by a hostile tribe, the Amazonian version of Helen and Troy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_400" id="Footnote_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Simson, p. 168.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_401" id="Footnote_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Spruce, i. 332. im Thurn relates of the Arawak Indians that “each -family is descended—their fathers knew how, but they themselves have -forgotten—from its eponymous animal, bird, or plant” (im Thurn, pp. 184, -376).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_402" id="Footnote_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> The general principle is well known, and is now used both by the -authorities of the United States and of Great Britain. It consists in -giving to the vowels in native words their Italian significance, and to the -consonants that which they have in the English language.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_403" id="Footnote_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> <i>Notes and Queries on Anthropology</i> (1912), pp. 187-96.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_404" id="Footnote_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Simson, p. 94.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_405" id="Footnote_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Tylor, p. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_406" id="Footnote_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> Koch-Grünberg transliterates it as <i>ingetā</i>, or <i>ingétā</i>; and gives <i>marā</i> -for good, <i>maringetā</i>, <i>marinyetā</i>, bad; <i>faréti</i>, fat; <i>faré ingetā</i>, thin (<i>Die -Uitóto Indianer</i>, pp. 10-11).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_407" id="Footnote_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> Orton stated that the Zaparo “have no words for numbers above -three, but show their fingers” (Orton, p. 170). Simson gives words for four -and five as in use among those tribes, and after that <i>manunu</i>, meaning -“many-many” (Simson, p. 179).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_408" id="Footnote_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> The reference to monkey or beast is due to the fact that the Karahone -do not depilate all body and face hair.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_409" id="Footnote_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> Spencer and Gillen, <i>Across Australia</i>, ii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_410" id="Footnote_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> Cf. Ratzel, ii. 125.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_411" id="Footnote_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> For example the Maca, the Guaharibo, and the Guahibo (Spruce, i. 477).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_412" id="Footnote_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> Chap. VI. p. 101, where it is stated that the dug-out is not the -autochthonic boat of this country.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_413" id="Footnote_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> These canoes, it must be remembered, are not affairs of everyday -manufacture. They are tribal possessions, not many in number, and -needing time, skill, and, above all, experience, to make successfully.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_414" id="Footnote_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> For instance the wrong wood might have been chosen; some trees -will not open when heated (cf. André, pp. 241-2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_415" id="Footnote_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> <i>The Decadence of Useful Arts.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_416" id="Footnote_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> There are no stones in this region it should be remembered.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_417" id="Footnote_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Wallace gives 5 feet 9 inches or 5 feet 10 inches as not uncommon for -the height of a Uaupes man (Wallace, pp. 335, 353), and the Isanna as very -similar. The Bugre are shorter, 5 feet 4 inches, and misshapen in the leg -(Oakenfull, p. 33). The Tukana, 160 to 170 centimetres (Koch-Grünberg).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_418" id="Footnote_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> I had no calipers, and the breadth in all cases is approximate only, -taken from point to point where it was individually greatest, not where, -as I subsequently discovered, scientific measurement decrees.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_419" id="Footnote_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Tukuya, two types dolichocephalic. Koch-Grünberg. Napo, brachycephalic -(Orton, p. 166). According to Orton the “long-headed hordes” -came from the south (Orton, p. 316).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_420" id="Footnote_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> Bates noted that the Tapuyo have “small hands and feet” (i. 78), and -Orton mentions it as a characteristic of races of Tupi origin (Orton, p. 316).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_421" id="Footnote_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> The women are muscular in the neck, and will carry considerable -weights in baskets slung on a band passed round the forehead. They will -carry through the thickest bush as much as sixty pounds and more in the -same manner, their strength in lilting and carrying weights being -confined to the neck.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_422" id="Footnote_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Robuchon states that the women’s mammae are pyriform, and the -photographs show distinctly pyriform breasts with digitiform nipples. I -found them resembling rather the segment of a sphere, the areola not -prominent, and the nipples hemispherical.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_423" id="Footnote_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Orton and Galt, however, note that “one will sometimes find the -skin of the Indian rough, hard, and insensible, like the skin of the larger -lower animals” (Orton, p. 591). <i>Skin—Colour and Texture.</i>—“Je remarque -que ces Indiens, comme les Roucouyennes et les Oyampis, out les plis de -la peau beaucoup plus saillants que chez les races blanches et noires. Les -plis du genou resemblent à une peau d’orange. Je voudrais représenter -exactement ces détails, qui m’intéressent au point de vue anthropologique, -mais je trouve la difficulté insurmontable. Il me vient toutefois une idée; -je fais barbouiller un Indien avec du roucou des pieds à la tête, et, à moyen -d’un papier mince que j’applique avec la main, j’obtiens tous les détails de -structure. Le roucou agit comme de l’encre d’imprimerie. Avec un pen -d’exercice je recueille les détails anatomiques de toutes les parties du corps, -et particulièrement des pieds, des mains, du genou et des coudes. Il est -à noter que la peau d’enfant à la mamelle présente des plis aussi accentués -que ceux d’un blanc à l’âge adulte. La peau d’un jeune homme vue -à l’œil me semble grossie trois fois à la loupe” (Crevaux, p. 303). We have -already noted that there Issa-Japura tribes are free from the skin diseases -that Napo and other Indians frequently develop. This probably accounts -for the contradiction of my observances with the notes of other writers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_424" id="Footnote_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> See note on Depilation, p. 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_425" id="Footnote_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> According to Wallace, though the Uaupes Indians remove facial or -body hair the Isanna tribes do not (Wallace, pp. 353, 356).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_426" id="Footnote_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Wallace, p. 354.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_427" id="Footnote_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> I have found this amongst all people who sleep on the ground, I take -it, for obvious buffer reasons.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_428" id="Footnote_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> Simson, p. 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_429" id="Footnote_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> During menstruation women wash more frequently, with intent to -arrest as well as to hide their condition. A girl at such times will bathe -as often as twenty times in a day. The cold water acts as a styptic.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_430" id="Footnote_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Bates, i. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_431" id="Footnote_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Simson, p. 234.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_432" id="Footnote_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Simson, p. 235.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_433" id="Footnote_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> Four inches to fourteen inches in length (Keane, p. 551).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_434" id="Footnote_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> Orton, pp. 482-3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_435" id="Footnote_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Ratzel, ii 170.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_436" id="Footnote_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> Oakenfall, p. 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_437" id="Footnote_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> The only yellow free colour.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_438" id="Footnote_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Approximate measurements.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_439" id="Footnote_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Outer measurements not, as they should have been, from head of fibula to -top of great trochanter.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_440" id="Footnote_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> <i>N.B.</i>—As Case 2 was growing, further measurements will be useless -if not misleading. These were taken with the help of a medical man and -are therefore more correct than other measurements.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_441" id="Footnote_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> <i>Neva</i> = also sun, morning.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_442" id="Footnote_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> <i>Navena</i> = ghost, devil.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_443" id="Footnote_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> <i>Bope</i> = also disembodied soul.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_444" id="Footnote_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> <i>Yaya</i> = father.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_445" id="Footnote_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> <i>Yaperikuli</i> = heroes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_446" id="Footnote_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> Originally father or creator, not Great Spirit.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_447" id="Footnote_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Soul of father or parents.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_448" id="Footnote_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> Soul of Evil.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_449" id="Footnote_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> Heroes of the tribe.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_450" id="Footnote_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Also great-great-grandfather.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_451" id="Footnote_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> House.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_452" id="Footnote_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> <i>Ri-e-i</i>, white man.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_453" id="Footnote_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> <i>Itoma</i>, sun.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_454" id="Footnote_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> <i>Ei-fo-ke</i>, Turkey-buzzard.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_455" id="Footnote_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> Privy name. Reference to the fact that all Indians have two names. -See p. 154 for note on <i>nomen penis sui</i>.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="LIST_OF_BOOKS_REFERRED_TO">LIST OF BOOKS REFERRED TO</h2> - -<p><span class="smcap">Alcock, Frederick</span>, F.R.G.S.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Trade and Travel in South America.</i> 2nd edit. London, 1907.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">André, Eugene</span>, F.R.G.S., F.Z.S., M.S.A.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>A Naturalist in the Guianas.</i> London, 1904.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Bancroft, Hubert Howe.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Native Races of the Pacific States.</i> 1875-76.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Bancroft, Edward</span>, and <span class="smcap">Stedman</span>.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Essay on Natural History of Guiana.</i> 1769.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Bates, Henry Walter.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Naturalist on the River Amazons.</i> 2 vols. London, 1863.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Brazilian Year Book.</span> 1908.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Brinton, Daniel G.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Religions of Primitive Peoples.</i> London and New York, 1897.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Clough, R. Stewart.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Amazons.</i> London, <span class="smcapuc">N.D.</span></li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Crevaux, Dr. J.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Voyages dans l’Amérique du sud.</i> Paris, 1883.</li> -<li><i>Fleuves de l’Amérique du Sud, Yapura.</i></li> -<li><i>Vocabulaire français-roucouyennes.</i></li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Darwin, Charles.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Narrative of the Voyages of the Beagle.</i> 1839.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Deniker, Joseph, Sc.D.</span> Paris.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Races of Man.</i> 1900.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Enoch, C. Reginald</span>, F.R.G.S.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Andes and the Amazons.</i> London, 1907.</li> -<li><i>Peru.</i> London, 1908.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Fountain, Paul.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The River Amazon.</i> London, 1914.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Hardenburg, W. E.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Putumayo.</i> London, 1912.</li> -</ul> - -<p><i>History of South America</i>, by an American. 1899.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Humboldt.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions by the New Continent, 1799-1804.</i> 3 vols. Bohn edition. 1852-53.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">im Thurn, Sir Everard F.</span>, K.C.M.G.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Among the Indians of Guiana.</i> London, 1883.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Joyce, Thomas A.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>South American Archæology.</i> London, 1912.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Koch-Grünberg, Dr. Theodor.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Aruak-Sprachen Nordwestbrasiliens und der angrenzenden Gebiete.</i></li> -<li><i>Journal de la Société des Américainists de Paris.</i></li> -<li><i>Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern: Reisen in Nordwest-Brasilien, 1903-1905.</i> 2 vols. Berlin, 1910.</li> -<li><i>Zeitschrift für Ethnologie.</i></li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Markham, Sir Clements R.</span>, K.C.B.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons.</i> Hakluyt Society, 1911.</li> -<li><i>Peruvian Bark: Introduction of Chinchona Cultivation into India, 1860-1880.</i> 1880.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Maw, Henry Lister.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Journal of a Passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic.</i> London, 1829.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Nery, Baron de Santa-Anna.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Land of the Amazons.</i> London, 1901.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Oakenfull, J. C.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Brazil in 1909.</i> 1st edit. Paris, 1909.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Orton, James.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Andes and the Amazon.</i> New York, <span class="smcapuc">N.D.</span></li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ratzel, F.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>History of Mankind.</i> 3 vols. Translated from 2nd German edition by Sir A. J. Butler, M.A. London, 1897.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Rice, Hamilton.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Quito to Iquitos by the River Napo.</i></li> -<li><i>Further Explorations in the North-West Amazon Basin. The River Uaupes.</i></li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Rodway, James.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Guiana: British, Dutch, and French.</i> London, 1912.</li> -<li><i>In the Guiana Forest.</i> 1894.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Schoolcraft, H. R.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, etc., of the Indian Tribes of the United States.</i> Philadelphia, 1851.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Simson, Alfred.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador and Exploration of the Putumayo River.</i> 1886.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Spix, John Baptist von</span>, and <span class="smcap">Martius, C.F.P. von</span>.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Travels in Brazil, 1817-20.</i> Translated by H. E. Lloyd. 1824.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Spruce, Richard</span>, Ph.D.</p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Notes of a Botanist on the Amazon and Andes.</i> 2 vols. London, 1908.</li> -<li><i>The Great River. Notes on the Amazon and its Tributaries.</i> London, 1904.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Tylor, E. B.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Researches into the Early History of Mankind.</i> London, 1865.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">von Martius, C. F. P.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Zeitschrift für Ethnologie.</i></li> -<li><i>Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas zumal Brasiliens.</i></li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Wallace, Alfred R.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro.</i> London, 1853.</li> -<li><i>On the Rio Negro.</i> Pamphlet. 1853.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Waterton, Charles.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>Wanderings in South America.</i> New edition. London, 1879.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Westermarck, Edward.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The History of Human Marriage.</i> 3rd edit. London, 1901.</li> -</ul> - -<p><span class="smcap">Woodroffe, Joseph F.</span></p> - -<ul> -<li><i>The Upper Reaches of the Amazon.</i> London, 1914.</li> -</ul> - -<hr /> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="map4"> -<a href="images/map-river-nw.jpg"><img src="images/map-river-nw-thumbnail.jpg" width="300" height="175" alt="" /></a> -<p class="caption">SKETCH MAP OF THE NORTH WESTERN AFFLUENTS OF THE AMAZON RIVER</p> -<p class="caption">BY CAPTAIN THOMAS W. WIFFEN.</p> -<p class="transnote">Click map for larger version</p> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="map5"> -<a href="images/map-river-n.jpg"><img src="images/map-river-n-thumbnail.jpg" width="300" height="175" alt="" /></a> -<p class="caption">THE AMAZON RIVER WITH ITS NORTHERN AFFLUENTS</p> -<p class="caption">Compiled from various sources and corrected from observations<br /> -BY CAPTAIN THOMAS W. WIFFEN.</p> -<p class="transnote">Click map for larger version</p> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span></p> - -<h2 id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Agriculture—</li> -<li class="isub1">crops, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">harvest, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plantations, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sowing, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">women’s work, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103-4</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Amazons, legends of, <a href="#Page_239">239-40</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Animals—</li> -<li class="isub1">characteristics, <a href="#Page_243">243-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">no domestic, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">scarcity of, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Agouti, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ant-bear, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">armadillo, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">bats, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">capybara, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deer, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dogs, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1" id="Jaguar">jaguar, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">monkey, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">paca, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">peccary, <a href="#Page_128">128-9</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tapir, <a href="#Page_126">126-7</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tiger (<i>see</i> <a href="#Jaguar">jaguar</a>)</li> - -<li class="indx">Anthropophagy—</li> -<li class="isub1">dances, <a href="#Page_204">204-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">feasts, <a href="#Page_119">119-23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">practices, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reasons for, <a href="#Page_120">120-21</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Arts and Crafts—</li> -<li class="isub1">basket-making, <a href="#Page_96">96-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">carving, <a href="#Page_91">91-2</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211-12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">painting, <a href="#Page_91">91</a> (<i>see</i> <a href="#Ornaments">Ornaments</a>);</li> -<li class="isub1">pottery, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bates, Henry Walter, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Birds, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">shooting, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">condor, <a href="#Page_183">183-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">parrots, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Birth—</li> -<li class="isub1">customs, <a href="#Page_146">146-52</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a> (<i>see</i> <a href="#Couvade">Couvade</a>);</li> -<li class="isub1">of twins, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Boats—</li> -<li class="isub1">how made, <a href="#Page_100">100-101</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">canoes, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rafts, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bridges, <a href="#Page_28">28-9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Brown, John, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Burial, <a href="#Page_175">175-7</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">customs, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Casement, Sir Roger, <a href="#Page_234">234-5</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Cassava">Cassava—preparation of, <a href="#Page_132">132-4</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">grater, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">squeezer, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Boro, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">manufacture of, <a href="#Page_98">98-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Witoto, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98-9</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cazes, Mr. David, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Charms, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Chief">Chiefs, <a href="#Page_64">64-5</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176-177</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dress of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">house of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">influence of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wife of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200-201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">women of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159-60</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Katenere, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Nonugamue, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Children, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124-5</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146-58</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">boys, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">capture of, <a href="#Page_69">69-70</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">girls, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157-8</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marriage of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">stealing by spirits and tigers of, <a href="#Page_219">219-20</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treatment of, <a href="#Page_155">155-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">toys, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Chorrera, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Climate, <a href="#Page_22">22-4</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Clough, R. Stewart, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Coca, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141-2</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">effects of, <a href="#Page_142">142-3</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparation of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Couvade">Couvade, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151-3</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Crevaux, Dr., <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240-41</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst" id="Dances">Dances, <a href="#CHAPTER_XV">Chapter <span class="smcapuc">XV.</span></a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">complaints at, <a href="#Page_196">196-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">decoration and dress for, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">effect of, <a href="#Page_202">202-3</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">invitation to, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparation for, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191-2</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Varieties—</li> -<li class="isub2">animal, <a href="#Page_201">201-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">harvest, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199-201</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">initiation, <a href="#Page_197">197-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">Jurupari, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212-13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">riddle, <a href="#Page_201">201-2</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">war, <a href="#Page_203">203-5</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dancing-ground, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dancing staff, <a href="#Page_193">193-4</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dancing steps, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195-6</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Death, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">how regarded, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">of chief, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">homicide, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">infanticide, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149-51</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170-71</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Deniker, J., <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Depilation, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181-2</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241-2</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Disease, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">chronic, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">infections, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">mental, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">skin, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>beriberi, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fever, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">smallpox, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sun-sickness, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Divorce, <a href="#Page_165">165-6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dress, <a href="#Page_71">71-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ceremonial, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">travellers’, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">men’s, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">women’s, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">breech-cloth, manufacture of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">never removed, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ligatures, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Chief">Chief</a>, <a href="#Medicine_man">Medicine-man</a>, etc.</li> - -<li class="indx">Drinks, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fruit, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">herb, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">intoxicating, <a href="#Page_139">139-41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">unfermented, <a href="#Page_138">138-9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Drugs, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182-3</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Poison">Poison</a>, <a href="#Snuff">Snuff</a>, etc.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Escort, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">management of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Field of exploration, <a href="#Page_17">17-18</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fire, <a href="#Page_48">48-50</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">by friction, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">method of making unknown, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plan of, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Fish">Fish, <a href="#Page_130">130-31</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fishing, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">nets, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">poison, <a href="#Page_113">113-14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">spears, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Floods, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">traditions of, <a href="#Page_238">238-9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Folk tales, <a href="#Page_221">221-3</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236-45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">animal stories, <a href="#Page_243">243-4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Food, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128-30</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">difficulty of obtaining, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">eggs not taken for, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">influence of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparation of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">scarcity of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">when eaten, <a href="#Page_134">134-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">animal, <a href="#Page_128">128-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">peppers, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pepper-pot, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reptiles, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">salt, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sauces, <a href="#Page_133">133-4</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sugar, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">turtles, <a href="#Page_129">129-30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">vermin, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Cassava">Cassava</a>, <a href="#Fish">Fish</a>, <a href="#Fruit">Fruit</a>, etc.</li> - -<li class="indx">Forest—</li> -<li class="isub1">birds in, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description of, <a href="#Page_26">26-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">depressing influence of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35-6</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">lost in, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">noises in, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">silence of, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tracks in, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">travellers’ danger in, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">travelling in, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34-5</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Fruit">Fruit, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136-7</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Games, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">singing, <a href="#Page_208">208-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">toys, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Geophagy, <a href="#Page_124">124-5</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Hair, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">how worn, <a href="#Page_77">77-8</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hammocks, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">how slung, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">made by women, <a href="#Page_97">97-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Witoto, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hardenburg, W. E., <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Head hunters, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Houses—</li> -<li class="isub1">private, <a href="#Page_47">47-8</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">temporary, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tribal—</li> -<li class="isub2" id="Maloka">Maloka, <a href="#Page_40">40-52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">construction of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">light in, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">plan of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">sites of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">thatch of, <a href="#Page_43">43-4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hunting, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107-9</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rights, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">traps, <a href="#Page_110">110-11</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Weapons">Weapons</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Igarape Falls, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Implements—</li> -<li class="isub1">household, earthenware, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">human bone, <a href="#Page_123">123-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">knives, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pestle and mortar, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tools, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">troughs, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140-41</a></li> - -<li class="indx">im Thurn, Sir Everard, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Indian—</li> -<li class="isub1">beliefs, <a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">Chapter <span class="smcapuc">XVII.</span></a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">character, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256-64</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cruelty to infirm, <a href="#Page_169">169-70</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ethics, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260-62</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">kinship, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">life, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276-7</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">origin not decadent remnants, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">physical traits, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#APPENDICES">Appendices</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treachery, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">types, classification of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Neolithic, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">voice, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">woodcraft, <a href="#Page_106">106-7</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Indians, story of white, <a href="#Page_240">240-41</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Initiation, <a href="#Page_157">157-8</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dances, <a href="#Page_197">197-9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Insects, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ants, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">beetles, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">bees, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">butterflies and moths, <a href="#Page_31">31-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">flies, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">harvest boys, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">jiggers, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173-4</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">lice, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">mosquito, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pium, <a href="#Page_30">30-31</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sand-fly, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">spiders, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ticks, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wasps, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Joyce, Thomas A., <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Jurupari, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Dances">Dances</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Koch-Grünberg, Dr., <a href="#Page_46">46-7</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Language, <a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">Chapter <span class="smcapuc">XIX.</span></a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">drum, <a href="#Page_215">215-216</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">gesture, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">groups, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Manioc, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104-5</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cultivation of, <a href="#Page_104">104-5</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparation of, <a href="#Page_98">98-99</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131-4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Map—Witoto, <a href="#Page_92">92-3</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Markham, Sir Clements, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marriage, <a href="#Page_60">60-61</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66-7</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159-67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrangement of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159-60</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">betrothal, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ceremonies, <a href="#Page_160">160-164</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fidelity in, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166-7</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Medicine_man">Medicine-man, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">Chapter <span class="smcapuc">XIV.</span></a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dress of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">functions of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168-9</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">influence of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>magic powers of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179-81</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183-4</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186-7</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188-9</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">poison made by, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">succession of, <a href="#Page_181">181-2</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Music, <a href="#Page_207">207-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">instruments, <a href="#Page_210">210-17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">castanets, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">drums, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214-17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">signal drums, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214-17</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">flutes, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211-12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pan-pipes, <a href="#Page_192">192-3</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210-211</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rattles, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213-14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trumpets, <a href="#Page_211">211-12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">whistles, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Jurupari, <a href="#Page_212">212-213</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Names, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">boys’ and girls’, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not mentioned, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153-4</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226-7</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nery, Baron de Santa-Anna, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst" id="Ornaments">Ornaments, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">beaded garlands, <a href="#Page_79">79-80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">beads, <a href="#Page_79">79-80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82-3</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">bracelets, <a href="#Page_82">82-3</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">combs, <a href="#Page_77">77-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">earrings, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">feather head-dress, <a href="#Page_75">75-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">feathers, <a href="#Page_76">76-7</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">labret, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">necklaces, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">nose-pin, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">paint, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">scarification, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tattoo, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Orton, James, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Palms, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Aeta</i>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Astrocaryum</i>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Chambiri</i>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">edible varieties, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Iriartea ventricosa</i>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Poison">Poisons, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116-17</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168-9</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259-260</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparation of, <a href="#Page_144">144-5</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Proverbs, <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Rainfall, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Reptiles, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">anaconda, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">boa-constrictor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">frogs, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">iguana, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">lizard, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">snakes, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fear of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rice, Hamilton, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rivers, Dr. W. H. R., <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rivers—</li> -<li class="isub1">Acre, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Aiary, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Amazon, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">fascination of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">scenery of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">soil of basin, <a href="#Page_24">24-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Apaporis, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Avio Parana, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">black water streams, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Fue, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Igara Parana, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">description of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Ira, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Issa, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">description of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">fish in, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Issanna, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Japura, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">camp on, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">scenery, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Kahuinari, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">description of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">journey up, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Kara Parana, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Kuemani, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Miriti, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Napo, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses on, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">trip up, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Negro, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Papunya, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Tapajos, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Tauauru, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Tikie, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Uaupes, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">black water, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">description of, <a href="#Page_18">18-19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses on, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">proposed journey up, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Wama, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">white water streams, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Robuchon, Eugene, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deserted by carriers, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disappearance of, <a href="#Page_5">5-12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dog “Othello,” <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">last camp of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">last message from, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">previously lost, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">relief expedition, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">survivors of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Route, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rubber—</li> -<li class="isub1">Belt, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">gatherers, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63-4</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Simson, Alfred, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Slaves, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69-70</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Maku">Tribes, Maku</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Snuff">Snuff, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Songs, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196-7</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199-201</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206-10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">meaning of words lost, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207-8</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Spelling, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248-9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Spines, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">used for combs, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Spirits, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">Chapter <span class="smcapuc">XVII.</span></a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">evil, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219-20</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223-5</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228-9</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Good, <a href="#Page_218">218-19</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-5</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appeared to man, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221-3</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">land of, <a href="#Page_225">225-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">return of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">transmigratory, <a href="#Page_224">224-5</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227-8</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Spruce, Richard, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stone—</li> -<li class="isub1">absence of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">found at Chorrera, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">axes, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">magic stones, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst" id="Tabu">Tabu, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">birth, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">coca, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">food, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147-148</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">medicine-man’s, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">removal of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tobacco, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">women’s, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143-4</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147-8</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212-13</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Teeth, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">necklaces of human, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">painted black, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Theft, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tobacco, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ceremonial licking, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">drinking, <a href="#Page_65">65-6</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not smoked, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparation of, <a href="#Page_143">143-4</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Tabu">Tabu</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tobacco palaver, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65-6</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>Tobacco pot, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Trade, <a href="#Page_61">61-2</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105-6</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Travelling in bush, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dress, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">equipment, <a href="#Page_15">15-16</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tree-climbing, method of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tribal Council, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">house (<i>see</i> <a href="#Maloka">Houses, Maloka</a>);</li> -<li class="isub1">marks, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">signals, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">system, <a href="#Page_62">62-5</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tribes, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">localities changing, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Aiary, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Akaroa, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Andoke, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">cannibals, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">chief, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">manufactures, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">medicine-man, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Apaporis, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Arekaine, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Arawak, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Auhishiri, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Bara, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Boro, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274-5</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">beliefs of, <a href="#Page_230">230-31</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">cannibals, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">chief, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dances, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199-201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">folk-tales, <a href="#Page_221">221-2</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241-2</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, and <a href="#APPENDICES">Appendices</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">localities, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">manufactures, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">tribal marks, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">tribes, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">women, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Botocudo, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Carib, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Catanixi, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Chepei, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Cobeu, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Coto, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Issa, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Issanna, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Japura, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Jivaro, <a href="#Page_115">115-16</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Karahone, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174-5</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_257">257-8</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">manufactures, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">poisons made by, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">slave boy, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">women, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Kuretu, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language-group, <a href="#Page_58">58-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1" id="Maku">Maku, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">slaves, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Makuna, country, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Menimehe, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">beehives made by, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">monkeys kept by, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">pottery, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">shooting fish, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">tribal marks, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">weapons, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">women, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Muenane, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dance, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Napo, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Nonuya, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">chief, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Okaina, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dances, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">tribes, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Opaina, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Orahone, country, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">medicine-man, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">name, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Orahone, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Ouayana, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Pegua, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Piohe, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Resigero, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">baskets for ants, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">cannibals, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">chief, <a href="#Page_63">63-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Rio Negro, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Roucouyennes, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Saha, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Saka, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>Tapajos, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Tikie, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Tukana, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Tureka, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Turuka, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Tutapishco, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Tuyuka, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Uacarra, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Uaenambeu, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Uaupes, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Umaua, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Witoto, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">appearance, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">arts, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">character, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">country, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dance, <a href="#Page_209">209-10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">dress, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">fishing, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">houses, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">language-group, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">manufactures, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">ornaments, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">statistics, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">tribes, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">tree venerated by, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">women, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Yahabana, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Yahua, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Yahuna, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Yakuna, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Yuri, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> -<li class="isub1">Zaparo, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tylor, E. B., <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Vampires, <a href="#Page_51">51-2</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vegetable life, <a href="#Page_24">24-5</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">von Martius, Dr., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Wallace, Dr. Russell, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> - -<li class="indx">War, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117-19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">blood feuds, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">causes, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dance, <a href="#Page_203">203-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">defensive, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dress, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparations for, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">prisoners in, <a href="#Page_118">118-19</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120-21</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159-60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">strategy, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Waterton, Charles, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Weapons">Weapons, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrows and darts, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115-17</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">blow-pipes, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">club, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fish-spears, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">guns, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">javelins, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">shields, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">swords, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">traps, <a href="#Page_110">110-11</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Women, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67-9</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">behaviour of, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">duties and work of, <a href="#Page_90">90-91</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173-4</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">mothers, <a href="#Page_147">147-55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">physical traits, <a href="#Page_271">271-2</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">position of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159-160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164-5</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">prostitutes, <a href="#Page_159">159-60</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">widows, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -</ul> - -<p class="titlepage">THE END</p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The North-West Amazons, by Thomas Whiffen - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORTH-WEST AMAZONS *** - -***** This file should be named 55540-h.htm or 55540-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/5/4/55540/ - -Produced by deaurider and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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