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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #55548 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55548)
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fifty Years of Freedom, by Francis J. Grimke
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Fifty Years of Freedom
-       with matters of vital importance to both the white and
-       colored people of the United States
-
-Author: Francis J. Grimke
-
-Release Date: September 14, 2017 [EBook #55548]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FIFTY YEARS OF FREEDOM ***
-
-
-
-
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-Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
-file was produced from images generously made available
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-
-                         Fifty Years of Freedom
-
-              WITH MATTERS OF VITAL IMPORTANCE TO BOTH THE
-                      WHITE AND COLORED PEOPLE OF
-                           THE UNITED STATES
-
-
-                                  —BY—
-
-                     REV. FRANCIS J. GRIMKE, D. D.
-
-
-    Delivered before the Presbyterian Council in the Madison Street
-      Presbyterian Church, Baltimore, Maryland, October 17, 1913.
-          And before the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church,
-                  Washington, D. C., October 26, 1913.
-
-                "Oh, speed the moment on
-              When Wrong shall cease, and Liberty and Love
-                And Truth and Right throughout the
-                  earth be known
-                As in their home above."
-
-                                -------
-
-                   "Voice of a ransomed race, sing on
-                   Till Freedom's every right is won,
-                   And slavery's every wrong undone!"
-
-                                -------
-
-                  "Sail on! The morning cometh,
-                  The port ye yet shall win;
-                  All all the bells of God shall ring
-                  The good ship bravely in!"
-
-                               ----------
-
-                           PRINTED BY REQUEST
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                        FIFTY YEARS OF FREEDOM.
-
-                            LEVITICUS 25:11.
-
-               A JUBILEE SHALL THAT FIFTIETH YEAR BE UNTO
-                                  YOU.
-
-
-On the twenty-second of September, 1862, President Lincoln issued his
-Preliminary Proclamation, which was in the nature of a notice to the
-states in rebellion, that unless they returned to their allegiance
-within a specified time the slaves within their borders would be
-declared free. The time expired without accomplishing the desired
-result. Accordingly on January 1, 1863, the President issued his
-Supplemental Proclamation manumitting the slaves within the rebellious
-states. This did not, of course, set them free. They were still slaves
-and continued to be as long as the war lasted. Freedom did not come, as
-a matter of fact, until the surrender of Lee at Appomattox Courthouse
-April 9, 1865. The effectiveness of the Proclamation depended upon
-crushing the rebellion. It was the victorious army of the North, under
-the leadership of General Grant, that gave efficacy to the Proclamation.
-For all practical purposes, however, we may assume that fifty years have
-elapsed since freedom came to us as a race. Fifty years is a long time
-in the history of an individual, but not very long in that of a race. It
-is sufficiently long, however, to make it worth while for us to stop and
-think a little about what these fifty years have meant to us, and to see
-if there are any lessons in them that may be helpful to us as we enter
-upon the second half of a century of freedom.
-
-At the end of these fifty years we find:
-
-I. That we have made considerable progress. We are not now where we were
-fifty years ago. We are not as poor; we are not as ignorant; we are not
-as morally debased. The plane upon which we stand now is higher. This
-progress, in some respects, has been unparalleled. It is not necessary
-for me to speak in detail of what has been accomplished along
-educational lines. The record is before the whole country. No one can
-read the last report of the Commissioner of Education of the National
-Government without realizing that very marvelous changes for the better
-have taken place in the condition of the colored people. The facts as
-presented there, touching the number of public schools and public school
-teachers ministering to the intellectual wants of this race, as well as
-the large number of higher educational institutions having the same end
-in view, show conclusively that conditions now are very different and
-very much superior to what they were fifty years ago. The large number
-of teachers, lawyers, doctors, ministers, now to be found among us, as
-compared with fifty years ago, show the same thing.
-
-Nor need I speak of the changed condition that these fifty years have
-wrought in our economic condition. We are still poor; we still have to
-struggle to make ends meet, to keep the wolf from the door; but there
-can be no doubt that we are very much better off now than we were fifty
-years ago. We live in better houses; we dress better; we eat better
-food; we own more property; we have more on deposit in banks and other
-saving institutions; we have more invested in business; we travel more;
-we give more to religion, to charity, to education. Even our worst
-enemies, however, they might wish it were otherwise, will hardly be
-found affirming that we are no farther on materially than we were fifty
-years ago, that no substantial progress has been made by the race. In
-every direction the evidences are too plainly apparent to be denied. The
-following statement, taken from the declarations of the National
-Business League at its recent session in Philadelphia, tells in a word
-the simple story of what has been accomplished during these fifty years:
-"Starting half a century ago, without experience, without education, and
-without property, we to-day own and pay taxes on 20,000,000 acres of
-land, an area as large as the State of South Carolina; we own and
-control 100 insurance companies, 300 drug stores, 64 banks, 450
-newspapers, and more than 20,000 other businesses of various kinds, and
-the total wealth of American Negroes in land, homes, schools, churches,
-and other forms of property, amounts to more than $700,000,000.
-
-"In submitting this brief record of material progress, we do not
-overlook the advance made in other directions. Fifty years ago more than
-90 per cent of the race was wholly illiterate. To-day more than 70 per
-cent can both read and write."
-
-II. At the end of these fifty years we find the race still aspiring,
-still wishing to go forward. The progress that has been made is not
-something that has been forced upon the race against its will, as
-members of it are forced to ride in "Jim Crow" cars in the South; it is
-what the race has wished to do. It is not now, and never has been
-willing to remain in the condition in which slavery left it. From the
-very beginning there has been the desire for better things, for enlarged
-opportunities. And it still has dreams and visions of larger and better
-things which it hopes some day to realize and towards which it is still
-pressing. Any one who is calculating upon a retrograde movement on the
-part of the race will be sadly disappointed, if we may judge from what
-these last fifty years have revealed of capacity and aspiration on its
-part. The outlook, in some respects, may be dark, but it is not because
-of any lack of interest in matters material and educational, or because
-of any evidence of decay, of the growth of demoralizing tendencies in
-the race as a whole. There is, of course, in all races an idle, vicious,
-lawless, dare-devil, reprobate element. And such an element we find
-among us, especially in the urban population; but the existence of such
-an element in the Negro race is no more evidence of a retrograde
-tendency on the part of the race as a whole, than the presence of such
-an element among the whites is an evidence of a retrograde movement on
-the part of the white race as a whole. The Negro race makes no claim to
-superiority over other races. It is simply human like other races. The
-same evidences of depravity exhibited by other races it also exhibits,
-neither more nor less. As bad as is a certain element among us, it is no
-worse than the same element in other races. The trend of the race is not
-downward, but upward; is not backward, but forward. Moral progress, of
-course, is always slower than any other kind of progress. It is very
-much easier to train the head than to train the heart; it is very much
-easier to develop brain power than moral power. The most difficult thing
-in the world is to keep men straight morally, is to build up, to develop
-a strong, upright, virtuous character in men of all races. And this must
-be borne in mind in estimating the moral progress of the race as
-compared with its intellectual and material advancement. If progress
-here has been slower, it is simply because that kind of progress is
-slower among all races. That the race is responding, in a measure, to
-the many agencies that are at work for its moral and spiritual uplift
-can hardly be doubted; nor can there be any doubt that there is an
-element, and a steadily increasing element among us, that is laying more
-and more emphasis upon character, upon upright living.
-
-III. At the end of these fifty years, we find, and very naturally, as
-the result of the progress that has been made in knowledge, in material
-resources, in social advancement—a growing self-respect on the part of
-the race, which makes it very much more sensitive as to the deprivation
-of its rights, very much more restive under injustice, oppression, and
-all invidious distinctions. It would be strange if it were not so. You
-cannot surround a man with conditions which tend to develop his manhood,
-his self-respect, and expect him to quietly acquiesce in any line of
-conduct which aims to humiliate him, to force him down beneath the level
-of what he feels to be his due. The oppressive measures which the
-slave-holders took to keep the slaves in an attitude of subserviency by
-shutting all light, by keeping them in darkness, by depriving them of
-all opportunities of improvement, was the only safe, the only wise
-course to pursue. And even under such circumstances, under such rigid
-enforcement of repressive measures, the spirit of resistance was not
-entirely extinguished. How much less is it to be expected now that we
-should quietly submit to unjust treatment, to invidious distinctions!
-The race is becoming more and more alive to its rights, and, as it
-advances, this sense of what belongs to it, of what it is entitled to
-will increase rather than diminish. There is no way by which this
-growing insistent demand for its rights on its part can be arrested
-except by recognizing these rights, or, by forcing the race back into
-the condition of intellectual and moral darkness in which it was before
-the great era of freedom, or, by killing it off, either slowly by
-shutting it out of all productive industries, or by the wholesale
-massacre of it.
-
-The last two lines of action, on the part of the dominant race, are
-among the possibilities, but scarcely among the probabilities of the
-future. The Negro in this country can never, never again be forced back
-into the condition in which he was before the War. Nor is there any
-likelihood of a wholesale slaughter of the race. There is very little
-hesitancy or compunction about killing an individual or a small group of
-individuals, but when it comes to making war on the race as a whole,
-with a view to exterminating it, even our worst enemies will hesitate,
-will hardly venture upon so violent a measure; if not from a sense of
-right, at least, from fear of arousing the moral sentiment of the
-civilized world. The race is not likely to be less insistent in the
-future in demanding its rights than it is now at the end of the first
-half century of growth, of development.
-
-IV. At the end of these fifty years of freedom, in spite of the
-remarkable progress that we have made along all lines, we find race
-prejudice increasing instead of diminishing. The remarkable record of
-progress that we have made has had no appreciable influence, so far as
-appears on the surface, in lessening the feeling of hostility to us.
-Race prejudice is stronger, is more bitter, more aggressive to-day than
-ever before. The enemies of the race are more united and more determined
-than ever to throw themselves across the pathway of our progress and to
-compel us by sheer brute force, whatever our attainments may be, into a
-position of permanent inferiority. Not content with what has already
-been done to humiliate us, it is now demanding segregation, is now
-insisting upon restricting the rights of colored people to live in
-certain prescribed sections of communities only. And it has become so
-emboldened, so insolently aggressive that it is demanding segregation
-among the employees of the General Government itself. And its demand is
-being acceded to. Segregation, as a matter of fact, has already begun in
-some of the Departments of the Government. A bill recently introduced
-into Congress makes it a criminal offense to mix the races—to have white
-and colored clerks working together in the same room. For nearly a half
-century white and colored clerks have worked side by side, and nothing
-was thought of it; but now through this insane desire to humiliate a
-race, to impress it more and more with its inferiority, it is now
-proposed to make it a crime, not under laws enacted by Negro-hating
-Southern legislatures, but by the National Government itself, which is
-supposed to represent all the people, and to represent equality of
-rights for all the people. That prejudice is increasing; that more and
-more the effort is being made, and in ever-widening areas, to hedge us
-about with limitations, with restrictions which are not imposed upon
-other elements of the population, is manifest to any one whose eyes are
-open to what is going on in the country, not in one section only, but in
-all sections.
-
-V. At the end of these fifty years, we find nearly all the rights
-guaranteed to us under the constitution, especially under the Fourteenth
-and Fifteenth Amendments, practically nullified in a large section of
-the country. In the South we have been disfranchised. We have no rights,
-civil or political, which the white man is bound to respect. The only
-good Negro in the estimation of the dominant sentiment of the South
-to-day after fifty years of freedom, is the Negro who knows his place,
-and who is willing to keep his place of subjection, of subordination to
-the white man.
-
-VI. At the end of fifty years, in spite of the facts just narrated, with
-a full knowledge of the gross injustice from which the colored man is
-suffering, the rest of the white people of the country, as a whole, are
-found standing silently by looking on while this cruel and relentless
-warfare against the race is going on, with only occasionally a word of
-protest, or of mild remonstrance. The great mass of the white people in
-other sections of the Union, seemingly, cares nothing about what
-treatment is accorded to us. They don't seem to think that it is a
-matter about which they need to concern themselves. If there is any
-feeling at all it is rather one of sympathy with the oppressor.
-
-How white men of the North and West whose fathers fought and died to
-save the Union, and through whom freedom and the great amendments to the
-constitution came, can stand silently by and see the same rebel spirit
-that sought to destroy the Union set upon the colored man and rob him of
-his rights—the very rights that came to him as the result of the blood
-shed by their fathers, I have never been able to understand. The sons of
-the rebels are still true to the principles for which their fathers
-fought and died. It is only in the North and West, among the descendants
-of the men who fought and died for the Union, that we find the
-principles for which their fathers stood, forgotten or cowardly
-surrendered. For these men to allow the colored man to be robbed of his
-rights by the descendants of those who fought to destroy the Union and
-to perpetuate slavery is to dishonor the memory of their fathers; is
-virtually to say, that they were wrong, and that the rebels were right.
-Such an attitude is an affront to every loyal white man who fell during
-the war or who fought for the Union and the cause of freedom. It is
-amazing that the descendants of these brave men should be so little
-concerned about matters for which their fathers were willing to lay down
-their lives. Shame on such descendants!
-
-VII. At the end of these fifty years, in spite of the indifference of
-the many we still have left, however, a remnant of men and women with
-the spirit of the old abolitionists—a remnant of men and women who stand
-squarely, uncompromisingly for the principles of liberty, of equality,
-of fraternity for all; and who, in one way and another, have shown their
-sympathy with us in the efforts we are making to develop ourselves and
-to maintain our rights. The number is small; but small as it is we are
-thankful for their sympathy and support—thankful to know that we are not
-left in our weakness to fight our battles alone. It encourages us to
-know that in the city of Boston, there is an A. E. Pillsbury and a
-Moorfield Story; in the city of New York, an Oswald Garrison Villard; in
-the city of Cincinnati, a J. B. Foraker; in the city of Philadelphia, a
-John Elmer Milholland; in the city of Washington, a Wendell Phillips
-Stafford; in the city of Chicago, a Jane Addams; in the United States
-Senate, a Moses E. Clapp. There are others equally worthy of mention who
-are known to be our friends, our sympathizers, our well-wishers.
-
-VIII. At the end of these fifty years of freedom, we find ourselves shut
-out of a great many avenues of employment. There are not many things
-that we can get to do. This is due mainly to race antipathy, to a
-growing indisposition on the part of the whites, to work with us. The
-outlook in this respect is not growing brighter, but rather darker and
-darker. The disposition seems to be to limit our activities to the most
-menial occupations, or to shut us out entirely. This is especially true
-in the North; and the same sentiment is also growing in the South, and
-would grow very much more rapidly than it has, but for lack of white
-labor supply.
-
-IX. At the end of these fifty years of freedom, we find that one of the
-chief sources of demoralization to the race is strong drink. A careful
-examination of the facts as they exist, and as they have existed during
-these fifty years will show that to it, more than to any other single
-influence, the bad record of crime which the race has made and is still
-making, is due. It has been an unmitigated curse to the race, eating up
-its hard earnings, sapping its physical strength, engendering idle and
-vicious habits, and breaking down character at all points. Thousands of
-our young men are finding their way into saloons and into gambling and
-other places of demoralization closely affiliated with them. Strong
-drink is responsible for most of the things that have given us a black
-eye, that have furnished the enemies of the race with the materials
-which they have used in the assaults which they have made upon us from
-time to time. The intemperate Negro who is found lurking about these
-drinking places is the one who is taken as representative of the race;
-and in this way the race's good name has been injured and is still being
-injured. The race has not escaped during these fifty years the blighting
-effects of strong drink, especially, in the cities, is this fact most
-noticeable.
-
-X. At the end of these fifty years another fact should be noted in
-passing, we have grown in numbers, we have more than doubled in
-numerical strength. In spite of many adverse circumstances—in spite of
-disease and poverty, bad sanitary conditions and an enormous death rate,
-the race has not only during these fifty years been able to maintain its
-own, but has steadily increased in numbers. There is no evidence, at the
-end of the first half century of freedom, that the race is dying out;
-that it is deficient in physical stamina.
-
-Such are some of the facts that stand out in this record of fifty years.
-
-In the light of these facts, as we enter upon the second half of the
-century of freedom, there are a few things that we ought to impress
-ourselves with; and a few things that ought to be said to our white
-fellow citizens.
-
-I. A word to ourselves. There are certain things that we need to
-thoroughly impress ourselves with.
-
-(1). With the importance of being industrious. A lazy, thriftless,
-indolent race is bound to go to the wall. The necessity of work on the
-part of everybody must be fully appreciated ourselves and must be
-carefully instilled into the young people who are to take our places
-when we are gone. "The man who will not work," the apostle says,
-"neither shall he eat." And this should be a fundamental principle with
-us. The lazy man should be despised, should be driven out, should be
-shown no consideration. "The idle man's brain is the devil's workshop,"
-is an old saying, but it is a true one; and unless we continue to train
-the race to the idea of steady, fixed employment as the proper, normal
-condition for every one to sustain to the social organism of which he is
-a part, the devil will be sure to get his work in, and use the
-unemployed hand and brain for evil purposes.
-
-(2). We need to impress ourselves with the importance of being
-efficient. We must know how to do things; we must know how to do things
-well. It isn't enough that a thing is done; it must be well done.
-Quality in work is the thing that tells; and more and more as
-competition increases we must impress ourselves with that fact. The old
-adage, "Whatever is worth doing at all, is worth doing well," we cannot
-too strongly impress ourselves with. Inefficiency puts an individual of
-a race always at a disadvantage. It is skill; it is the ability to do
-well what is to be done that will always be preferred. It is the
-skillful mechanic; the skillful artisan, the skillful stenographer and
-typewriter that is always preferred, and that always wins out in the
-struggle of life, other things being equal. It is the fittest that
-survives in the industrial struggle and in every other avenue of life.
-In planning for the future we must lay more and more stress therefore
-upon the work of properly qualifying ourselves for service in all the
-avenues of life. Carelessness, indifference here, the disposition to be
-content with shoddy work, will be fatal to our success. We are living in
-an age when the demand for efficiency, and efficiency of the highest
-order, is becoming more and more insistent. Unless this fact is
-recognized by us, and is allowed to shape our course, the struggle in
-which we are engaged is a hopeless one; we are bound to go to the wall.
-
-(3). We must impress ourselves with the importance of being reliable,
-trustworthy. However skillful we may become, however efficient, unless
-we can be depended upon to do what we undertake to do, our efficiency
-will count for but little. If people can't depend on us; if our word
-counts for nothing; if we are deficient in a sense of obligation; if
-responsibilities weigh lightly upon us, we will be sure to lose the
-confidence of others, and will be sure also to lose their patronage.
-Even the inefficient man who can be depended upon will be preferred to
-the efficient man upon whom no dependence can be put. The two things
-must go together, reliability and efficiency, if efficiency is to be of
-any real advantage. This is a point which we need particularly to lay to
-heart, and to keep before us in the training of the young. Unfortunately
-there is considerable ground for just complaint against a large
-percentage of the race just here. It is a serious defect, and one that
-ought to be remedied, that ought to claim our immediate and earnest
-attention.
-
-(4). It is well for us to impress ourselves with the importance, with
-the transcendent importance of character. Character is the foundation
-upon which everything else must rest if it is to endure, if it is to be
-of any permanent value in the elevation of the race. There must be a
-sound moral basis. In the heart of the race there must be implanted the
-great principles of morality. The race must not only be taught, but must
-accept, must be governed by sentiments of justice, of veracity, of
-purity, of honesty. It must make up its mind to square its life by the
-Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount. There is nothing that can
-compensate for, or take the place of a sturdy, upright character. It
-isn't something which it would simply be well for us to possess, which
-it would be to our advantage to possess; it is absolutely indispensable.
-There is no future for us, no honorable future for us, without it. This
-is the way we must feel; this is the way we must make our children feel.
-Character, high character, is not something which we may or may not set
-before us as we face the future, as we enter upon the second half of the
-century of freedom; but something which we must set definitely before us
-as of transcendent importance. There is no option left us if we have any
-regard to our highest and best interest, and the best interest of those
-who are to follow us. If the moral atmosphere in which the race lives
-and moves and has its being is not kept pure and healthful and
-invigorating it can never hope to become a strong, virile,
-self-respecting race, or a race that will be likely to command much
-respect from others. The race has, be it said to its credit, all along
-attached some importance to character, but the emphasis which it puts
-upon it must steadily increase. We must come, more and more, to realize
-the fact that while knowledge is power, and while there is power in the
-possession of material things, that the greatest power lies in
-character, in a strong, sturdy, upright, virtuous manhood and womanhood.
-
-(5). In this connection it is well for us also to remember that the
-agencies that are most helpful in the development of character are the
-family, the church, the school. I heard the President of the Board of
-Education of one of our most important cities say, not long ago, after
-listening to an address highly eulogistic of the public schools, that in
-his judgment the greatest asset of the nation is the family. And in this
-I think he was right. He meant, of course, the family properly
-constituted, with the right kind of man and woman at the head of it. The
-importance of the home, as an educational force, is seen in the fact
-that the children begin life in the home, and that they are under the
-almost exclusive influence of the home when the young life is most
-plastic, is most easily moulded. Where this home influence is pure,
-elevating, ennobling, there is no other agency that is comparable with
-it. The church and school also, however, are very important agencies.
-And I have called attention, in this connection, to these three
-institutions in order that, as we face the future, we may recognize
-their importance, and may come to feel more and more the necessity of
-improving them, and of utilizing them in the development of the race. We
-need better homes and must have them—homes that will not be indifferent
-to intellectual culture and material comforts, but that will value more
-highly than either the things that make for purity of heart and life. We
-need better churches and must have them—churches that will be more
-concerned about properly instructing the people in the knowledge of the
-Word of God, with a view to spiritualizing their lives, to lifting them
-to the high plane of Christian living and thinking, rather than with
-endless entertainments and schemes for money getting. We need better
-schools—schools in which the teachers will recognize that their vocation
-is not simply to train the head, or chiefly to train the head, but the
-heart also—schools in which the teachers will recognize the
-opportunities which their calling affords of giving shape and direction
-to the budding and expanding lives entrusted to their care, and who are
-gladly availing themselves of these opportunities. There are some
-teachers, of course, who are doing this, who are making their influence
-felt in character building; but there are others who are indifferent to
-these opportunities—who are not making their influence felt and who feel
-that it is no part of their business to do so. Not long ago I was
-speaking to a school official in one of our cities about the great
-opportunities that teachers have for this kind of work; and his reply
-was, "Yes, but many of our teachers teach only for the money they get,
-and they want the money simply to decorate their bodies." How far this
-is true of our teachers as a class I do not know; but that it is true of
-some of them I have not the slightest doubt. What we need, therefore, as
-we face the future, is to endeavor to get the active and hearty
-coöperation of all the teachers in all of our schools in this higher
-mission of character building in their pupils. The teachers, if they can
-only be made to see it, hold a place second in importance only to the
-home in the service which they can render in the stupendous task which
-confronts us as a race. We must all of us, as we begin this new half
-century of freedom, be more thoughtful about our homes, more concerned
-to make them proper habitats for the rearing of children; more concerned
-about our schools and the character of the men and women who are in
-charge of them; and more concerned about our churches to see that they
-are properly manned, properly conducted, properly supported by our
-presence and by our financial aid. None of these institutions can be
-allowed to deteriorate, to fall behind, without affecting unfavorably
-the progress of the race.
-
-(6). It is important that we impress ourselves with the evil of strong
-drink, and that we set definitely before us the work of educating the
-race with reference to the poisonous nature of alcohol and its baleful
-effects. Sobriety, abstinence from all alcoholic liquors as a beverage,
-we must be at special pains to impress upon all—old and young alike. We
-must organize temperance societies; we must encourage those that are
-already in existence; we must gather the children into temperance bands,
-in our Sabbath schools and in our day schools as far as may be possible.
-In the new half century upon which we have now entered, we must firmly
-resolve, and must bend every effort towards lessening the evil of strong
-drink among us. At the end of the present half century, let us hope that
-there will be less intemperance among us; that a larger number of homes
-among us will be definitely committed to total abstinence, than we find
-to-day. Whatever we can do to lessen this evil; whatever we can do to
-produce a sober, temperate people we must do, and we must all do our
-part to secure this result. Every member of the race is interested in,
-or, at least, ought to be, in saving it from the curse of intemperance,
-not only because it will help the race economically and morally, but
-also because it will set it in a better light before its enemies, it
-will take away one serious ground of complaint against it.
-
-(7). We must not allow ourselves to become discouraged because of the
-obstacles which our enemies are constantly throwing across our pathway.
-These obstacles, if we are made of the right stuff, will help to
-strengthen us, to make us more resolute, more determined. It is in
-breasting opposition, in overcoming difficulties that we develop
-strength.
-
-(8). Nor should we allow ourselves to become embittered by the mean and
-persistent opposition of our enemies; by the studied efforts that they
-are ever making to insult and humiliate us. Unless we are watchful,
-unless we are tolerably sane, it is so easy to allow such things to
-rankle in our breasts, to engender feelings of bitterness and hatred.
-Natural as it is, however, we must resist it. It is bad business for an
-individual or a race to allow itself to become embittered against
-another individual or race. Such a spirit will destroy our own
-happiness, our own peace of mind, and will not help to win over our
-enemies. Out of a spirit of mutual hatred no good can possibly come to
-either race. The result is bound to be evil; and the evil will grow as
-the hatred grows.
-
-If we are to fight successfully, fight in the most effective way, we
-must be calm, we must not be spurred on by bitterness, by hatred, but by
-the consciousness that what we are contending for is right, and,
-therefore, is best for all, even for those against whom we are
-contending, who are foolishly trying to obstruct our way. Let us possess
-our souls in patience; let us be calm, self-possessed. These enemies who
-are fighting us deserve our pity. The course which they are pursuing, in
-the long run, will prove more injurious to them than to us. The more
-they fight us, the more they resist us, the more they seek to insult and
-humiliate us, the more are they injuring themselves, the more are they
-sinking to lower levels, the less are they becoming worthy of the
-respect of decent, right-thinking people. We may suffer in our feelings;
-we may be deprived of our rights for a time; but they are suffering in a
-way that is eating away the only thing of real value—the only thing that
-is worth having—character. We may suffer, but the penalty which we pay
-is not near so dear, so costly as the penalty which they are paying.
-
-There is something really pathetic in the spectacle here presented, of
-vast numbers of people claiming to be intelligent, claiming to be
-civilized, some claiming even to be Christians, allowing themselves to
-be dominated, to be controlled absolutely by such an utterly ignoble
-sentiment as race prejudice. You can't help asking yourself the
-question, Can these people really be sane? Jesus, we are told, wept over
-Jerusalem. As he saw her condition—saw her in her blindness, stupidity,
-obstinacy—as he saw the end towards which she was madly rushing, it
-touched his great heart with pity, and wrung tears from his eyes. And
-this is the way, it seems to me, that any right thinking man, any man
-who has a heart of pity must feel as he looks out on the multitudes in
-this land who are yielding themselves up to the sway of this bitter,
-degrading, Negro-hating spirit; as he sees how they are being driven
-more and more into doing so many utterly contemptible things; and, when
-he remembers also that the reaping is to be as the sowing. It is easy
-enough to hate such people, if you don't stop to think; but when you
-remember that they are human beings; that they are under the dominion of
-moral laws that are just as inexorable in their operations as are
-physical laws; and remember also, under these laws, what the result is
-sure to be, there is no room for hatred, for bitterness, but only for
-pity, for the deepest commiseration. The thing that we ought to do, and,
-that I wish very much that we would do, and do more than we have been in
-the habit of doing, is to pray for these misguided, unfortunate, greatly
-to be pitied individuals who are fighting us. The Spirit of God can open
-blind eyes, can unstop deaf ears, can soften the hardest hearts. The
-Spirit of God can regenerate, can give an entirely new bias or direction
-to character and life. And this is what is needed. These people need to
-be changed, to be set right. The possibility of such a change, both for
-their sakes and for ours, should lead us to work and pray earnestly for
-it.
-
-(9). It is also well for us, as we face the future, not to be deceived,
-not to be misguided by the assumption upon which some of our race
-leaders have been proceeding. It has been assumed by some that the
-reason why we are treated as we are is because we are poor, because we
-are ignorant, because we are degraded, in a word, because of our
-condition; and, that if we will only improve ourselves—will only work
-hard and better our condition—will get more knowledge, more money, more
-character, it will be all right in the end. Those who act upon this
-assumption think that the wise thing for us to do, therefore, is to lose
-sight entirely of the manner in which we are treated, to take no account
-of it, to make no ado about it, to bear it patiently and give ourselves
-up entirely to the work of improving ourselves. This is what they
-counsel; this is the way, they say, this race problem is to be solved.
-
-Looked at in the abstract this seems to be very plausible. The
-assumption that if we improve ourselves; if we show ourselves worthy of
-being treated properly, that we would be, is what would naturally be
-expected. Unfortunately, however, the facts are all against it. Things
-have not panned out as might have been expected, under this theory of
-race adjustment. The race problem, as we understand it, may mean one of
-two things. It may mean the problem of the race's development, which
-would include all the agencies to be employed in securing this result;
-or it may mean the problem of getting the white man to behave
-himself—getting him to treat the colored man properly, as a man, as a
-brother, as a citizen, having common and equal rights with himself. That
-the race's development may go on without at all affecting favorably the
-white man's attitude towards it, is clearly evident from what is going
-on about us, and from the experience of the last forty or fifty years.
-During these years the colored people have steadily improved along all
-lines; and yet the same feeling of antipathy, of hostility to them
-exists. There is no indication of a desire to treat them any better. The
-progress that they have made has counted for nothing in their favor; has
-not lessened, in the least, the opposition to them.
-
-A short while ago a Congressman from Louisiana, J. B. Aswell, introduced
-a bill in the House of Representatives to segregate colored employees of
-the Government. Among other things in presenting his bill, he said:
-
-"Every informed and right-thinking white man, while sympathizing with
-and anxious to help the Negro in his place, recognizes the necessity of
-preserving the integrity and supremacy of the white race. The purpose of
-this bill is to check a bad tendency in this country, before it is too
-late, and cause thinking people everywhere to find themselves in
-relation to the race problem and thus deal fairly and give justice to
-both races. The bill seeks to help the Negro by making him proficient in
-his own sphere and by correcting a false idea of his proper
-circumscribed position in the republic, and, at the same time, relieve
-the white man in the public service from the intolerable humiliation of
-being compelled, in order to earn his daily bread, to work side by side
-with an objectionable people, the continuation of which practice must
-result in irreparable injury to both races, and ultimately destroy the
-efficiency of the public service. Such practices will drive the
-self-respecting proficient white man and woman from the civil service of
-the Government."
-
-The bill provides, "That the heads of all executive departments shall
-issue all such orders as shall be necessary to secure in all branches of
-the civil service of the United States to the utmost extent consistent
-with public interests, the segregation of civil employees of the white
-race from those of African blood or descent, in the performance of their
-services."
-
-It also provides that, "In all executive departments within the District
-of Columbia, clerks or employees shall not be required to occupy the
-same office or work rooms with clerks or employees of African blood or
-descent; nor shall any white clerk or employee be placed under the
-orders, direction, or supervision of any person of African blood or
-descent."
-
-It also provides that, "In the railway mail service of the Post-office
-Department white clerks shall not, except in cases of emergency, be
-ordered to duty in the same mail car with postal clerks of African blood
-or descent."
-
-You will notice that the course which he recommends here, and which he
-seeks to enforce by law, is not because the Negro is ignorant, not
-because he is inefficient, not because he is ungentlemanly in his
-deportment; but simply because he is a Negro, or has Negro blood in his
-veins. The fact that he is in the service at all proves that he isn't
-ignorant, that he isn't inefficient, for he is there as the result of
-civil service examination. It makes no difference how much he knows, how
-efficient he is, how gentlemanly he is, the thing that makes him
-objectionable is that he is a Negro, or is of Negro descent. It doesn't
-make any difference how highly cultivated he is, it becomes, in the
-language of the Representative from Louisiana, "an intolerable
-humiliation for a white man to be compelled, in order to earn his daily
-bread, to work side by side with an objectionable people." It isn't the
-condition of the people; it isn't their backwardness that discounts
-them, but the fact that they are of African blood or descent.
-
-Senator Vardaman, in his insane ravings over the nomination by President
-Wilson of Adam E. Patterson, a colored man from Oklahoma, as Register of
-the Treasury, speaks in the same strain. He says:
-
-"The appointment of Patterson is a most unfortunate thing. Two races
-cannot mix; it is contrary to the laws of nature. I am not acquainted
-with Patterson. It is not he, personally, I am fighting; it is the
-principle involved. I do not think any government office should be held
-by a Negro. I think the defeat of this appointment of a Negro is of more
-importance than the passage of the tariff bill and the enactment of
-currency legislation. It rises like a mountain peak above all other
-questions of the day. It seems that the appointment was made in view of
-Patterson's campaign activities in the interest of Democracy. I do not
-think much of the policy that pays party obligations at the expense of
-the purity of the greatest race on the globe. I shall fight every Negro
-appointment that is made."
-
-It is not necessary, he admits, to know anything personally of the
-candidate—anything about his character or qualifications; it is enough
-to know that he is a Negro or of Negro descent, to disqualify him for
-any office under the Government. And this, he affirms, is the sentiment
-of all Southern senators. Even a man like President Wilson, with all his
-brains and culture and high Christian character, or rather, I would say,
-avowal of high Christian principles, after nominating Patterson for the
-position permitted him to withdraw from the contest in the face of
-Vardaman's declaration, "No government office should be held by a
-Negro." And instead of sending in the name of another colored man, in
-order to rebuke that sentiment, he sent in the name of an Indian, which
-was a virtual acceptance, on the part of the President, of the position
-taken by Vardaman and other Negro-hating senators. And the fact that a
-white man was named almost immediately afterwards for the post at Hayti
-shows how completely the President has surrendered to the dictation of
-Southern Negro haters. If the progress we have made during these fifty
-years has had so little effect upon a man like Woodrow Wilson, how much
-is it likely to have upon the average white man? Any one who has kept in
-touch with the movements of the last half century that have had to do
-with this vexed question, cannot fail to see that the two phases of the
-race issue have very little to do with each other. The development
-within the race has had no appreciable influence in creating within the
-white man a disposition to behave any better towards the colored man, to
-accord to him his rights, to treat him as a man, as a citizen, as a
-brother. So far as we may judge from the experiences of the last fifty
-years and from what is transpiring about us to-day, there is no hope of
-things ever being any better as the result of race improvement. It is
-right, of course, for us to make the most of our opportunities, and to
-press forward as rapidly as possible along all lines of endeavor,
-material, intellectual, moral, spiritual; but let us not be deceived,
-let us not imagine, though we ourselves will be greatly benefited by
-such a course, that the attitude of the white man towards us will change
-for the better in consequence. There may be a change in him, let us hope
-that there may be, but if it comes at all, it will come in some other
-way. It will not be because we are improving ourselves, because we are
-getting to be more intelligent, are getting more property, getting on a
-higher social plane, getting to be more virtuous, more self-respecting.
-That kind of thing has little or no influence in favorably inclining the
-average white man towards the Negro. It makes no difference what he has,
-what he has achieved, what he has made of himself, he is still only a
-Negro, is still undesirable, is still to be hedged about by limitations
-and restrictions.
-
-Senator Vardaman in his "high-blown pride" speaks of the white race as
-"the greatest race on the globe." If the Senator is a specimen of its
-greatness, the so-called inferior races need not concern themselves very
-much about catching up with it in the march of progress. As a matter of
-fact, there are scores of colored men who, in intelligence, in brain
-power, in scholarship, in all the elements that go to make up true
-manhood, are superior to Mr. Vardaman. The only respect in which the
-Senator shows any superiority, in the sense of surpassing others, so far
-as I can see, is in the exhibition of a coarse, vulgar, and brutal
-spirit. The white race may be the greatest race on the globe, but the
-assertion of that fact would come with a little better grace from one
-who reflects its greatness rather than from one who is a reproach to it,
-who discredits it. The white people themselves would hardly select Mr.
-Vardaman as a specimen by which it would care to be judged in this or in
-future generations. The Negro may be inferior, greatly inferior to the
-white race, but there would have to be some better specimen of the white
-race than Mr. Vardaman to prove it. My purpose, however, is not to
-criticise the honorable Senator from Mississippi. I have mentioned his
-name in this connection merely as illustrative of the aggressive,
-ever-growing spirit of race hatred, of race antagonism, which still
-confronts us after fifty years of freedom.
-
-(10). In this connection we ought to impress ourselves also, as we leave
-the first half century of freedom and enter upon the second half, with
-the fact that God is and that he is a present help in time of need. We
-need to emphasize, more strongly than we are in the habit of doing, the
-importance of religion as a factor in this race struggle in which we are
-engaged. In Exodus 14, we are told that after Pharaoh had given the
-children of Israel permission to leave Egypt, and after they had left,
-he repented, changed his mind, and started in pursuit of them with all
-his hosts, his chariots and horsemen, to bring them back. We are also
-told that when the children of Israel saw them approaching they were
-terrified. And then occurs this passage: "And the angel of the Lord,
-which went before the camp of Israel, removed and went behind them; and
-the pillar of cloud went from before their face, and stood behind them:
-and it came between the camp of the Egyptians, and the camp of Israel,
-and it was a cloud of darkness to them, but it gave light by night to
-these: so that the one came not near the other all the night." God stood
-between Israel and the enemy. And that is just where we want to have him
-stand, between us and our enemies. What we need to do is to rest in the
-Lord, is to put our trust in him. He is more than a match for our
-enemies. The song which Moses and the children of Israel sang after they
-had seen the advancing hosts of the enemy approaching was,
-
-          "The Lord hath triumphed gloriously.
-          The horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea.
-          The Lord is my strength and song,
-          And he is become my salvation."
-
-And if we trust him, if we make him our hope, we will be able in the end
-to sing the same song; we, too, will triumph gloriously.
-
-In the voyage of the apostle Paul to Rome the ship was caught in a
-terrible storm. For fourteen days and nights it raged. The wind blew
-furiously; heavy, dark clouds shut out the light of the sun by day and
-of the stars by night. There seemed no hope of escape. Of the nearly
-three hundred souls on board, all except one man were filled with the
-most appalling apprehension. That man was the apostle Paul. During all
-those awful days and nights he alone was calm, self-possessed; he alone
-showed no fear, no apprehension. And why? It was because the angel of
-the Lord had stood by him and had said to him, "Fear not, Paul; thou
-must be brought before Caesar: and lo, God hath given thee all them that
-sail with thee." And it was because he believed what the angel had said
-to him. The fierceness of the storm, the raging of the elements, the
-appalling darkness that enveloped them, had no disquieting effect upon
-him. It was the triumph of faith—faith that saw safety, and rested in
-sweet content in the face of the raging storm. And faith in God is what
-we need if we are not to become discouraged in face of the gathering
-hosts of darkness, in face of the constant accessions to the ranks of
-the enemy. David once exclaimed,
-
-               "Jehovah, how are mine enemies increased!
-               Many are they that rise up against me."
-
-But he comforted himself with the thought,
-
-              "But thou, O Jehovah, art a shield about me;
-              My glory and the lifter up of my head."
-
-And we may find comfort in the same thought. Let this new half century
-be one of abounding trust in God; let us more and more accustom
-ourselves to dwell in the secret place of the Most High, under the
-shadow of the Almighty.
-
-II. In leaving this first half century of freedom and in entering upon
-the second half, a word also ought to be said to the white people of the
-country. There are four things that I want to say to them:
-
-(1). I want to remind them of the fact that we came here originally
-through no volition of our own. We were brought here against our will,
-and brought here for purely selfish purposes, to serve their interest.
-We are not responsible for being here—the responsibility is with the
-white race. That fact ought to be remembered by them. If our presence in
-this country is undesirable, as is frequently alleged, it is not for the
-white man to set that up as an excuse or justification for ill-treating
-us. If it had not been for their selfishness we would not be here. If
-our presence here is an evil, they are not the ones to complain, they at
-least, ought to be willing quietly to accept it as it is an evil of
-their own making. This is one of the things that has always seemed to me
-to render the treatment of the Negro by the white man particularly
-contemptible. After forcing him away from his home against his will; and
-after getting out of him all that he could without compensation, when
-that is no longer possible, then to turn upon him and tell him to get
-out, that he is no longer wanted, is conduct of which even savages ought
-to be ashamed. Whenever you are tempted to ill-treat the colored man, to
-deny him a man's chance in the race of life, remember that you brought
-him here, and that the least that you can do, the least that you owe
-him, is to treat him decently, humanely.
-
-(2). I want to say, that for two hundred and fifty years you had our
-unrequited toil; we tilled your soil, we gathered your crops, we cut
-down your forests, we built your houses, made your clothes, worked for
-you in manifold ways. We worked for you in the days of slavery, and you
-seemed satisfied with our labor; why do you withhold your work from us
-now? Why do you now shut us out of employment? We are just as able, and
-just as willing to work now as then. Work is what we need; work is what
-we must have if we are to support ourselves in decency, if we are to
-live honestly and honorably. You are bound by every consideration of
-justice, of fair play, to make a place for us, to give us the same
-chance that is given to others to support themselves and their families.
-For two hundred and fifty years we worked for you, as your slaves; are
-you unwilling to help us now that we are free and are working for
-ourselves? You, who brought us here; you, who are responsible for our
-presence here, ought to want to encourage us to be industrious, to be
-self-respecting.
-
-(3). I want to remind you of the fact that we are now free; that we are
-American citizens; that under the laws we are entitled to the same
-rights and privileges as yourselves. Slavery no longer exists in this
-country—all are now free men. What is freedom to mean to us? Why were we
-made free? Why were the fetters stricken from our limbs? Why were we
-made citizens? Why have schools been provided for our intellectual
-development? Why emancipation at all, if we are not to have the same
-chance as other freemen? What is the value of freedom if it doesn't
-carry with it the guarantee of protection in the enjoyment of all rights
-that are common to all citizens? Is freedom to mean one thing to the
-white man, and another thing to the colored man? Freedom and citizenship
-cannot mean one thing to a white man and another to a black man in a
-republic without creating needless and endless trouble; and without in
-the end destroying the spirit that is essential to the perpetuity of
-republican or democratic institutions. Is it wise? Is it consistent? Is
-it the part of true patriotism to continue longer to make invidious
-distinctions between citizens who must forever live side by side, and
-upon the mutual co-operation and sympathy of whom, the welfare and
-happiness of the whole will depend? Is it wise to encourage, to help fan
-the flame of race prejudice from which no good can possibly come, but
-only evil, and evil more and more as it is encouraged? Isn't it a great
-deal better to use a little common sense, now that we are here, now that
-we are here to stay, now that we are free, now that we are citizens, to
-recognize us as such, and to accord to us the same treatment as is
-accorded to others? One thing you may be assured of, we will never be
-satisfied with anything less. Unless these rights be conceded; unless we
-be treated as we have a right to expect you to treat us, this friction,
-which is doing so much to demoralize the whole country, will continue.
-Is it not better for the thoughtful, sane, sober, right-thinking men and
-women among you to call a halt to those, who, keeping the humiliation of
-the Negro before them as their chief aim, are willing to sacrifice
-everything else to it? The humiliation of the Negro; the hedging of him
-about with degrading restrictions; the forcing him down into a position
-of subordination, of inferiority, even if you should succeed in doing
-it, after all, is it worth the price that must be paid; that you are
-paying? The policy of giving the Negro a man's chance in the Republic;
-of treating him with the same consideration as others are treated, has
-vastly more good in it for the Republic than the measure of repression,
-of enforced subordination, of invidious distinctions upon which you are
-now insisting. Such a policy will make the Negro forget that he is a
-Negro, and will lead him to think of himself simply as an American
-citizen; will stimulate his patriotism; will render it no longer
-necessary for him to be particularly concerned about race interests, but
-will leave him free to be concerned about those interests which are
-common to all the people. Such a policy will also set free for higher
-and nobler uses all the ability, the energy, the resources that are now
-being expended in efforts to keep the Negro down and which will be of
-incalculable benefit to the Nation. Think of how much time, how much
-thought, how much energy are used up in this needless race friction, and
-how much the Nation is losing by this misuse of valuable time, thought,
-energy! If you, who are fighting the Negro,—you who are determined to
-reduce him to a pariah class, would only turn your thought and energy
-towards upbuilding the Republic—materially, intellectually, morally,
-spiritually,—towards fighting those evils that are really endangering
-the Republic,—greed, corruption, impurity, lawlessness, intemperance,
-how much more valuable your services would be. There never was a time
-when the Republic needed your services more than if does to-day, in
-harmonizing the elements of its population, in encouraging a spirit of
-fraternity, of brotherhood. It is not the function of a patriot, of a
-lover of his country to array class against class, race against race;
-that is the role of the demagogue, the low panderer to passion and
-prejudice for selfish ends. This race friction ought to cease; and it
-will cease if you will do the right thing; if you will listen to reason
-and common sense. It is not the Negro that is keeping up the friction,
-but the white man.
-
-(4). I want to say to those who are friendly to us; who believe that we
-have rights under the constitution, and that those rights ought to be
-recognized:
-
-(1). We are profoundly thankful to you for your sympathy, for your
-good-will, and for all that you have done to cheer and encourage us.
-Some of you have taught in our schools, have worked among us as
-missionaries, have contributed of your means to aid us in our education,
-in our development; for all of which we are grateful.
-
-(2). We wish very much that you would be a little more outspoken in your
-sympathy. We have, it may be, many silent friends among you. It is
-better, of course, in some respects to have a silent friend than to have
-no friend at all. Such friends constitute a reserve force which may
-serve us well at some future time, in an emergency which may arise
-unexpectedly. The friendship, however, that counts for most, that is of
-most value, is the friendship that is known, that openly, publicly
-expresses itself. The importance of thus openly showing your sympathy,
-your friendship is to be seen in that in this way public sentiment is
-made and influenced. The people who speak out, or, who act out their
-sentiment are the ones who count in shaping, in moulding public
-sentiment. Our enemies are never silent. The opposition, the hostility
-which they feel is never concealed, it always comes to the surface,
-always expresses itself. And this is one reason why they have influence,
-why they are so potential. Take the segregation idea which has been
-projecting itself upon the attention of the country. When the agitation
-was started, e. g., in the city of Washington, there were many meetings
-held in various parts of the city among the whites; but they were all in
-the interest of segregation, they were gotten up and managed by those
-who wanted to force this humiliation upon the colored people. I cannot
-believe that the purpose of these meetings met the approval of all the
-white people of the capital; I know that it did not of some of them. And
-yet no meeting was held; no public expression was given to indicate that
-such was the case, that there was any dissenting opinion among the
-whites. Not one white church; not one ministerial association; not one
-Christian Endeavor society, nor any other organization among the whites,
-including the Young Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's
-Christian Association, gave expression to any dissenting opinion. So far
-as any public expression was concerned, it looked as if the entire white
-population approved of the movement to segregate the colored people in
-street cars and otherwise. What we are asking of you, our white friends,
-is to show your colors, is to be just as pronounced in your sympathy for
-us as our enemies are pronounced in their opposition to us. If you will
-do this; if you will let the people about you know where you stand, it
-will greatly help matters. Lowell, in his sonnet on Wendell Phillips,
-says,
-
-               "He saw God stand upon the weaker side,—
-               And humbly joined him to the weaker part."
-
-And it is necessary that this be done—that the weaker part be joined,
-and joined openly as he did, if it is to be strengthened. There is a
-good deal in numbers. Somehow people have a great deal more respect, are
-inclined to be very much more considerate of a cause that has many
-adherents, or whose adherents are increasing in numbers. Where we are
-silent we are never counted. Elijah is sometimes criticised for his
-so-called pessimistic statement when he was running from Jezebel—"The
-children of Israel have forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thine altars,
-and slain thy prophets with the sword; and I, even I only am left." In
-this he was mistaken. It seems there were seven thousand who had not
-bowed the knee to Baal. But, as some one said, no one knew it, and
-therefore they counted for nothing. Now we don't want our friends among
-the whites who want us to get our rights, who think that we ought to be
-treated fairly, justly, to count for nothing; we don't want them to be
-so silently sympathetic that no one will know of it. We want them to be
-outspoken; to be openly for us, and thus help to mould public sentiment
-in our favor. It would have helped greatly if, during this segregation
-agitation there had been some meetings held among the whites giving
-expression to a different sentiment. Even a simple protest from a single
-individual helps. A letter like the one published not long ago by the
-Hon. A. E. Pillsbury of Boston, Massachusetts, declining to pay his
-annual dues to the treasurer of the National Bar Association, and giving
-as his reason his positive and emphatic dissent from the action of the
-Association in discriminating against colored men, is bound to have its
-effect in educating public sentiment, in helping to break down invidious
-distinctions. Carl Schurz, in his Life of Henry Clay, in speaking of the
-Abolitionists, says, "The immediate effect of their work has frequently
-been much underrated. They served to keep alive in the Northern mind
-that secret trouble of conscience about slavery which later, in a ripe
-political situation, was to break out as a great force." And so here,
-the protest of our white friends in the struggle we are making now will
-serve to keep alive in others the sense of right, which will ultimately
-become a great force before which the wrongs from which we are now
-suffering will be righted. Silent sympathy is better than no sympathy;
-but the sympathy that expresses itself in word and act is greatly to be
-preferred. If you think we are not treated right; if you think that
-invidious distinctions based upon color, upon race ought not to exist,
-say so; and say it so loud that all about you will hear it. This is the
-request that we make of you, as we enter upon another half century of
-freedom.
-
-And now just a word more. The struggle before us is a long and hard one;
-but with faith in God, and faith in ourselves, and indomitable
-perseverance, and the purpose to do right, in spite of the forces that
-are arrayed against us, we need have no fears as to the ultimate result.
-Success is sure to crown our efforts. We are not always going to be
-behind; we are not always going to be discriminated against; we are not
-always going to be denied our rights. For as Sojourner Truth said, "God
-is not dead." And some day, in his own good time, the right will
-triumph. As the poet has expressed it,
-
-                   "Right is right since God is God,
-                   And Right the day will win."
-
-What is needed is a New EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION—a proclamation that
-will set the white man free from the degrading influence of race
-prejudice—a proclamation that will register a decree or purpose on the
-part of the white race to free itself not only from the narrowing lust
-of gold, but from the still more narrowing lust of race hatred and
-proscription. O, for another and greater Lincoln to speak the word of
-power,—another and greater Lincoln to set the thought and heart of white
-America going in a new and better way—the way of righteousness—the way
-of the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. In the inspired
-record we read: "The wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard
-shall lie down with the kid; and the calf and the young lion and the
-fatling together; and a little child shall lead them. And the cow and
-the bear shall feed; their young ones shall lie down together; and the
-lion shall eat straw like the ox. And the sucking child shall play on
-the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand on the
-adder's den. They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain;
-for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of Jehovah as the waters
-cover the sea." Surely if this be true; if this is a prophecy of what is
-to be, there is reason and good reason to believe that the savage
-element in the white man's nature, which corresponds to the nature of
-these ferocious animals, and which leads him to devise and execute his
-various schemes of disfranchisement, of segregation, of restricted
-opportunities, in order to annoy and degrade us, will yet undergo a
-change. If the wolf and lamb can dwell together, and the lamb be
-perfectly safe, surely the white man in this country is not so
-absolutely beyond being amenable to reason and common sense and decency
-as to make it impossible, some time in the future, for him and his
-brother in black to dwell together, and the brother in black feel no
-uneasiness, no fear of being molested, or of having his rights infringed
-upon by him. The white man, when it comes to the Negro, is pretty bad, I
-know, but I cannot believe that he is so hopelessly bad as to render it
-impossible for the colored man to dwell with him and be treated by him
-as a man and brother. It may ultimately turn out to be true; but I am
-not yet willing to believe it. It cannot be that this white race, which
-prides itself upon its superiority to all other races, under this
-highest test of superiority—the ability to accord to every man his right
-and to treat every man as a brother of whatever race or nationality, is
-going to be found so sadly deficient. It is a great race. It has done
-many wonderful things. All the greater is the reason, therefore, why it
-should not permit itself to be controlled by such an ignoble spirit. It
-has done, too, many wonderful things to have its greatness marred by
-settling down permanently on the low level of race prejudice. No; I
-cannot believe that the white man is so hopelessly bad, so absolutely
-possessed by this demon of race hatred that there is no honorable future
-in this country for the colored man. The Tillmans, Vardamans, Hoke
-Smiths are not always going to be the leaders of even Southern public
-sentiment. A better day is coming, with truer, saner, wiser leaders. Dr.
-Josiah Strong, in his last volume, "Our World," in the chapter on "The
-New Race Problem," after some remarks on the improbability and the
-undesirability of blending all races into one says,—"If we recognize any
-plan in creation, we must accept a differentiation of the human family
-as an expression of the divine purpose, infinitely wise and benevolent.
-And it behooves us as colaborers together with God to find that purpose,
-if possible, that we may work with him and not against him."
-
-"This conclusion affords not the slightest excuse for race antipathy.
-The experience of mankind has convinced all peoples that close
-consanguinity must be a bar to marriage; and scientific observation
-seems likely to show that the mixture of races most widely divergent is
-perhaps hardly less a violation of nature. But there is in this fact no
-reason why there should not be as genuine respect and esteem and
-fellowship between the races as between brother and sister; no reason
-why the spirit of brotherhood which obtains in the home should not
-extend to the family of nations and races." And Hamilton W. Mabie, in
-his article in the Outlook for August 2nd on "Americans and the Far
-East," says: "Race differences must be clearly and frankly recognized;
-economical differences must be candidly faced; but race hatred must be
-driven beyond the pale of civilization; it is a survival of barbarism
-and it must go back where it belongs."
-
-This great white race will some day, I believe, in its sober second
-thought, recognize the truth of these words; and will augment its
-greatness by emancipating itself from this detestable spirit of race
-hatred. It cannot be that this great white race is always going to be
-content to prostrate itself before this mean and degrading spirit. It
-owes it to itself, as well as to this black race and to all the other
-races to free itself from so debasing an influence. If it is to maintain
-its leadership in the world, under the ever-growing influence of
-Christianity, which knows neither Greek nor Jew, barbarian, Scythian
-bond, nor free, it cannot hope to do so with race prejudice inscribed on
-its banner. It must change, or else it will be relegated to the rear.
-RIGHTEOUSNESS AND BROTHERHOOD are the great forces that are to dominate
-the future. The white man may be strong enough to fight the black man in
-this country, but he is not strong enough to fight God Almighty and his
-eternal and inexorable laws of RIGHTEOUSNESS and BROTHERHOOD. These laws
-will ultimately remake him, or break him and cast him "as rubbish to the
-void." Which shall it be? Let this great white race take warning.
-
-            "Short is the triumph of evil.
-              Long is the reign of right.
-            The men who win by the aid of sin,
-              The nation that rules by might,
-            The party that lives by corruption,
-              The trickster, the knave, the thief,
-            May thrive for a time on the fruits of crime,
-              But their seeming success is brief.
-
-            Know that the truth shall triumph,
-              That evil shall find its doom;
-            That the cause of right, tho' subdued by might,
-              Shall break from the strongest tomb,
-            That wrong, tho' it seems to triumph,
-              Lasts only for a day,
-            While the cause of truth has eternal youth,
-              And shall rule o'er the world for aye."
-
-                               ----------
-
-
-                           TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
-
-
-Some spelling mistakes have been corrected.
-
-Italicized words and phrases are presented by surrounding the text with
-underscores.
-
-
-
-
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fifty Years of Freedom, by Francis J. Grimke
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
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-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: Fifty Years of Freedom
-       with matters of vital importance to both the white and
-              colored people of the United States
-
-Author: Francis J. Grimke
-
-Release Date: September 14, 2017 [EBook #55548]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
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-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FIFTY YEARS OF FREEDOM ***
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-
-
-<div>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_I'>I</span>
-  <h1 class='c001'>Fifty Years of Freedom</h1>
-</div>
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-<div class='nf-center c000'>
-    <div>WITH MATTERS OF VITAL IMPORTANCE TO BOTH THE</div>
-    <div>WHITE AND COLORED PEOPLE OF</div>
-    <div>THE UNITED STATES</div>
-    <div class='c003'>—BY—</div>
-    <div class='c000'>REV. FRANCIS J. GRIMKE, D. D.</div>
-    <div class='c003'>Delivered before the Presbyterian Council in the Madison Street</div>
-    <div>Presbyterian Church, Baltimore, Maryland, October 17, 1913.</div>
-    <div>And before the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church,</div>
-    <div>Washington, D. C., October 26, 1913.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_001.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line in2'>"Oh, speed the moment on</div>
-      <div class='line'>When Wrong shall cease, and Liberty and Love</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>And Truth and Right throughout the</div>
-      <div class='line in4'>earth be known</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>As in their home above."</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class='c008' />
-
-<div class='lg-container-b'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"Voice of a ransomed race, sing on</div>
-      <div class='line'>Till Freedom's every right is won,</div>
-      <div class='line'>And slavery's every wrong undone!"</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class='c008' />
-
-<div class='lg-container-b'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"Sail on! The morning cometh,</div>
-      <div class='line'>The port ye yet shall win;</div>
-      <div class='line'>All all the bells of God shall ring</div>
-      <div class='line'>The good ship bravely in!"</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class='c007' />
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div>PRINTED BY REQUEST</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c000' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>
-  <h2 class='c002'>FIFTY YEARS OF FREEDOM.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-<div class='nf-center c003'>
-    <div>LEVITICUS 25:11.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div>A JUBILEE SHALL THAT FIFTIETH YEAR BE UNTO</div>
-    <div>YOU.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c004'>On the twenty-second of September, 1862, President Lincoln
-issued his Preliminary Proclamation, which was in the nature of a
-notice to the states in rebellion, that unless they returned to their
-allegiance within a specified time the slaves within their borders
-would be declared free. The time expired without accomplishing
-the desired result. Accordingly on January 1, 1863, the President
-issued his Supplemental Proclamation manumitting the slaves within
-the rebellious states. This did not, of course, set them free.
-They were still slaves and continued to be as long as the war lasted.
-Freedom did not come, as a matter of fact, until the surrender of
-Lee at Appomattox Courthouse April 9, 1865. The effectiveness
-of the Proclamation depended upon crushing the rebellion. It was
-the victorious army of the North, under the leadership of General
-Grant, that gave efficacy to the Proclamation. For all practical
-purposes, however, we may assume that fifty years have elapsed
-since freedom came to us as a race. Fifty years is a long time
-in the history of an individual, but not very long in that of a race.
-It is sufficiently long, however, to make it worth while for us to
-stop and think a little about what these fifty years have meant to
-us, and to see if there are any lessons in them that may be helpful
-to us as we enter upon the second half of a century of freedom.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>At the end of these fifty years we find:</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>I. That we have made considerable progress. We are not
-now where we were fifty years ago. We are not as poor; we are
-not as ignorant; we are not as morally debased. The plane upon
-which we stand now is higher. This progress, in some respects,
-has been unparalleled. It is not necessary for me to speak in detail
-of what has been accomplished along educational lines. The
-record is before the whole country. No one can read the last report
-of the Commissioner of Education of the National Government
-without realizing that very marvelous changes for the better
-have taken place in the condition of the colored people. The facts
-as presented there, touching the number of public schools and public
-school teachers ministering to the intellectual wants of this race,
-as well as the large number of higher educational institutions having
-the same end in view, show conclusively that conditions now
-are very different and very much superior to what they were fifty
-years ago. The large number of teachers, lawyers, doctors, ministers,
-now to be found among us, as compared with fifty years
-ago, show the same thing.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>Nor need I speak of the changed condition that these fifty years
-have wrought in our economic condition. We are still poor; we
-still have to struggle to make ends meet, to keep the wolf from the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>door; but there can be no doubt that we are very much better off
-now than we were fifty years ago. We live in better houses; we
-dress better; we eat better food; we own more property; we have
-more on deposit in banks and other saving institutions; we have
-more invested in business; we travel more; we give more to religion,
-to charity, to education. Even our worst enemies, however,
-they might wish it were otherwise, will hardly be found affirming
-that we are no farther on materially than we were fifty
-years ago, that no substantial progress has been made by the race.
-In every direction the evidences are too plainly apparent to be
-denied. The following statement, taken from the declarations of
-the National Business League at its recent session in Philadelphia,
-tells in a word the simple story of what has been accomplished
-during these fifty years: "Starting half a century ago, without
-experience, without education, and without property, we to-day
-own and pay taxes on 20,000,000 acres of land, an area as large
-as the State of South Carolina; we own and control 100 insurance
-companies, 300 drug stores, 64 banks, 450 newspapers, and more
-than 20,000 other businesses of various kinds, and the total wealth
-of American Negroes in land, homes, schools, churches, and other
-forms of property, amounts to more than $700,000,000.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>"In submitting this brief record of material progress, we do not
-overlook the advance made in other directions. Fifty years ago
-more than 90 per cent of the race was wholly illiterate. To-day
-more than 70 per cent can both read and write."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>II. At the end of these fifty years we find the race still aspiring,
-still wishing to go forward. The progress that has been
-made is not something that has been forced upon the race against
-its will, as members of it are forced to ride in "Jim Crow" cars
-in the South; it is what the race has wished to do. It is not now,
-and never has been willing to remain in the condition in which
-slavery left it. From the very beginning there has been the desire
-for better things, for enlarged opportunities. And it still has
-dreams and visions of larger and better things which it hopes some
-day to realize and towards which it is still pressing. Any one who
-is calculating upon a retrograde movement on the part of the race
-will be sadly disappointed, if we may judge from what these last
-fifty years have revealed of capacity and aspiration on its part.
-The outlook, in some respects, may be dark, but it is not because
-of any lack of interest in matters material and educational, or because
-of any evidence of decay, of the growth of demoralizing tendencies
-in the race as a whole. There is, of course, in all races
-an idle, vicious, lawless, dare-devil, reprobate element. And such
-an element we find among us, especially in the urban population;
-but the existence of such an element in the Negro race is no more
-evidence of a retrograde tendency on the part of the race as a
-whole, than the presence of such an element among the whites is
-an evidence of a retrograde movement on the part of the white
-race as a whole. The Negro race makes no claim to superiority
-over other races. It is simply human like other races. The same
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>evidences of depravity exhibited by other races it also exhibits,
-neither more nor less. As bad as is a certain element among us,
-it is no worse than the same element in other races. The trend of
-the race is not downward, but upward; is not backward, but forward.
-Moral progress, of course, is always slower than any other
-kind of progress. It is very much easier to train the head than to
-train the heart; it is very much easier to develop brain power than
-moral power. The most difficult thing in the world is to keep
-men straight morally, is to build up, to develop a strong, upright,
-virtuous character in men of all races. And this must be borne in
-mind in estimating the moral progress of the race as compared
-with its intellectual and material advancement. If progress here
-has been slower, it is simply because that kind of progress is slower
-among all races. That the race is responding, in a measure, to the
-many agencies that are at work for its moral and spiritual uplift
-can hardly be doubted; nor can there be any doubt that there is an
-element, and a steadily increasing element among us, that is laying
-more and more emphasis upon character, upon upright living.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>III. At the end of these fifty years, we find, and very naturally,
-as the result of the progress that has been made in knowledge, in
-material resources, in social advancement—a growing self-respect
-on the part of the race, which makes it very much more sensitive
-as to the deprivation of its rights, very much more restive under
-injustice, oppression, and all invidious distinctions. It would be
-strange if it were not so. You cannot surround a man with conditions
-which tend to develop his manhood, his self-respect, and expect
-him to quietly acquiesce in any line of conduct which aims
-to humiliate him, to force him down beneath the level of what he
-feels to be his due. The oppressive measures which the slave-holders
-took to keep the slaves in an attitude of subserviency by
-shutting all light, by keeping them in darkness, by depriving
-them of all opportunities of improvement, was the only safe, the
-only wise course to pursue. And even under such circumstances,
-under such rigid enforcement of repressive measures, the spirit of
-resistance was not entirely extinguished. How much less is it to
-be expected now that we should quietly submit to unjust treatment,
-to invidious distinctions! The race is becoming more and
-more alive to its rights, and, as it advances, this sense of what
-belongs to it, of what it is entitled to will increase rather than
-diminish. There is no way by which this growing insistent demand
-for its rights on its part can be arrested except by recognizing
-these rights, or, by forcing the race back into the condition of
-intellectual and moral darkness in which it was before the great
-era of freedom, or, by killing it off, either slowly by shutting it
-out of all productive industries, or by the wholesale massacre of it.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>The last two lines of action, on the part of the dominant race,
-are among the possibilities, but scarcely among the probabilities of
-the future. The Negro in this country can never, never again be
-forced back into the condition in which he was before the War.
-Nor is there any likelihood of a wholesale slaughter of the race.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>There is very little hesitancy or compunction about killing an individual
-or a small group of individuals, but when it comes to
-making war on the race as a whole, with a view to exterminating
-it, even our worst enemies will hesitate, will hardly venture upon so
-violent a measure; if not from a sense of right, at least, from fear
-of arousing the moral sentiment of the civilized world. The race
-is not likely to be less insistent in the future in demanding its rights
-than it is now at the end of the first half century of growth, of
-development.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>IV. At the end of these fifty years of freedom, in spite of the
-remarkable progress that we have made along all lines, we find
-race prejudice increasing instead of diminishing. The remarkable
-record of progress that we have made has had no appreciable influence,
-so far as appears on the surface, in lessening the feeling
-of hostility to us. Race prejudice is stronger, is more bitter, more
-aggressive to-day than ever before. The enemies of the race are
-more united and more determined than ever to throw themselves
-across the pathway of our progress and to compel us by sheer brute
-force, whatever our attainments may be, into a position of permanent
-inferiority. Not content with what has already been done
-to humiliate us, it is now demanding segregation, is now insisting
-upon restricting the rights of colored people to live in certain prescribed
-sections of communities only. And it has become so emboldened,
-so insolently aggressive that it is demanding segregation
-among the employees of the General Government itself. And its
-demand is being acceded to. Segregation, as a matter of fact,
-has already begun in some of the Departments of the Government.
-A bill recently introduced into Congress makes it a criminal
-offense to mix the races—to have white and colored clerks working
-together in the same room. For nearly a half century white
-and colored clerks have worked side by side, and nothing was
-thought of it; but now through this insane desire to humiliate a
-race, to impress it more and more with its inferiority, it is now
-proposed to make it a crime, not under laws enacted by Negro-hating
-Southern legislatures, but by the National Government
-itself, which is supposed to represent all the people, and to represent
-equality of rights for all the people. That prejudice is increasing;
-that more and more the effort is being made, and in
-ever-widening areas, to hedge us about with limitations, with restrictions
-which are not imposed upon other elements of the population,
-is manifest to any one whose eyes are open to what is going
-on in the country, not in one section only, but in all sections.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>V. At the end of these fifty years, we find nearly all the rights
-guaranteed to us under the constitution, especially under the Fourteenth
-and Fifteenth Amendments, practically nullified in a large
-section of the country. In the South we have been disfranchised.
-We have no rights, civil or political, which the white man is bound
-to respect. The only good Negro in the estimation of the dominant
-sentiment of the South to-day after fifty years of freedom, is
-the Negro who knows his place, and who is willing to keep his
-place of subjection, of subordination to the white man.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>VI. At the end of fifty years, in spite of the facts just narrated,
-with a full knowledge of the gross injustice from which the colored
-man is suffering, the rest of the white people of the country,
-as a whole, are found standing silently by looking on while this
-cruel and relentless warfare against the race is going on, with only
-occasionally a word of protest, or of mild remonstrance. The
-great mass of the white people in other sections of the Union,
-seemingly, cares nothing about what treatment is accorded to us.
-They don't seem to think that it is a matter about which they need
-to concern themselves. If there is any feeling at all it is rather
-one of sympathy with the oppressor.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>How white men of the North and West whose fathers fought
-and died to save the Union, and through whom freedom and the
-great amendments to the constitution came, can stand silently by
-and see the same rebel spirit that sought to destroy the Union set
-upon the colored man and rob him of his rights—the very rights
-that came to him as the result of the blood shed by their fathers, I
-have never been able to understand. The sons of the rebels are
-still true to the principles for which their fathers fought and died.
-It is only in the North and West, among the descendants of the
-men who fought and died for the Union, that we find the principles
-for which their fathers stood, forgotten or cowardly surrendered.
-For these men to allow the colored man to be robbed
-of his rights by the descendants of those who fought to destroy
-the Union and to perpetuate slavery is to dishonor the memory of
-their fathers; is virtually to say, that they were wrong, and that
-the rebels were right. Such an attitude is an affront to every
-loyal white man who fell during the war or who fought for the
-Union and the cause of freedom. It is amazing that the descendants
-of these brave men should be so little concerned about matters
-for which their fathers were willing to lay down their lives.
-Shame on such descendants!</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>VII. At the end of these fifty years, in spite of the indifference
-of the many we still have left, however, a remnant of men
-and women with the spirit of the old abolitionists—a remnant of
-men and women who stand squarely, uncompromisingly for the
-principles of liberty, of equality, of fraternity for all; and who, in
-one way and another, have shown their sympathy with us in the
-efforts we are making to develop ourselves and to maintain our
-rights. The number is small; but small as it is we are thankful for
-their sympathy and support—thankful to know that we are not left
-in our weakness to fight our battles alone. It encourages us to
-know that in the city of Boston, there is an A. E. Pillsbury and a
-Moorfield Story; in the city of New York, an Oswald Garrison
-Villard; in the city of Cincinnati, a J. B. Foraker; in the city of
-Philadelphia, a John Elmer Milholland; in the city of Washington,
-a Wendell Phillips Stafford; in the city of Chicago, a Jane Addams;
-in the United States Senate, a Moses E. Clapp. There are
-others equally worthy of mention who are known to be our friends,
-our sympathizers, our well-wishers.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'><span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>VIII. At the end of these fifty years of freedom, we find ourselves
-shut out of a great many avenues of employment. There are
-not many things that we can get to do. This is due mainly to race
-antipathy, to a growing indisposition on the part of the whites, to
-work with us. The outlook in this respect is not growing brighter,
-but rather darker and darker. The disposition seems to be to
-limit our activities to the most menial occupations, or to shut us
-out entirely. This is especially true in the North; and the same
-sentiment is also growing in the South, and would grow very much
-more rapidly than it has, but for lack of white labor supply.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>IX. At the end of these fifty years of freedom, we find that
-one of the chief sources of demoralization to the race is strong
-drink. A careful examination of the facts as they exist, and as
-they have existed during these fifty years will show that to it, more
-than to any other single influence, the bad record of crime which
-the race has made and is still making, is due. It has been an unmitigated
-curse to the race, eating up its hard earnings, sapping
-its physical strength, engendering idle and vicious habits, and
-breaking down character at all points. Thousands of our young
-men are finding their way into saloons and into gambling and
-other places of demoralization closely affiliated with them. Strong
-drink is responsible for most of the things that have given us a
-black eye, that have furnished the enemies of the race with the materials
-which they have used in the assaults which they have made
-upon us from time to time. The intemperate Negro who is found
-lurking about these drinking places is the one who is taken as representative
-of the race; and in this way the race's good name has been
-injured and is still being injured. The race has not escaped during
-these fifty years the blighting effects of strong drink, especially, in
-the cities, is this fact most noticeable.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>X. At the end of these fifty years another fact should be noted
-in passing, we have grown in numbers, we have more than doubled
-in numerical strength. In spite of many adverse circumstances—in
-spite of disease and poverty, bad sanitary conditions and an
-enormous death rate, the race has not only during these fifty years
-been able to maintain its own, but has steadily increased in numbers.
-There is no evidence, at the end of the first half century of
-freedom, that the race is dying out; that it is deficient in physical
-stamina.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>Such are some of the facts that stand out in this record of fifty
-years.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>In the light of these facts, as we enter upon the second half of
-the century of freedom, there are a few things that we ought to
-impress ourselves with; and a few things that ought to be said to
-our white fellow citizens.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>I. A word to ourselves. There are certain things that we need
-to thoroughly impress ourselves with.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(1). With the importance of being industrious. A lazy, thriftless,
-indolent race is bound to go to the wall. The necessity of
-work on the part of everybody must be fully appreciated ourselves
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>and must be carefully instilled into the young people who are to
-take our places when we are gone. "The man who will not work,"
-the apostle says, "neither shall he eat." And this should be a fundamental
-principle with us. The lazy man should be despised, should
-be driven out, should be shown no consideration. "The idle man's
-brain is the devil's workshop," is an old saying, but it is a true one;
-and unless we continue to train the race to the idea of steady, fixed
-employment as the proper, normal condition for every one to sustain
-to the social organism of which he is a part, the devil will be
-sure to get his work in, and use the unemployed hand and brain
-for evil purposes.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(2). We need to impress ourselves with the importance of being
-efficient. We must know how to do things; we must know
-how to do things well. It isn't enough that a thing is done; it
-must be well done. Quality in work is the thing that tells; and
-more and more as competition increases we must impress ourselves
-with that fact. The old adage, "Whatever is worth doing at all, is
-worth doing well," we cannot too strongly impress ourselves with.
-Inefficiency puts an individual of a race always at a disadvantage.
-It is skill; it is the ability to do well what is to be done that will
-always be preferred. It is the skillful mechanic; the skillful artisan,
-the skillful stenographer and typewriter that is always preferred,
-and that always wins out in the struggle of life, other
-things being equal. It is the fittest that survives in the industrial
-struggle and in every other avenue of life. In planning for the
-future we must lay more and more stress therefore upon the work
-of properly qualifying ourselves for service in all the avenues of
-life. Carelessness, indifference here, the disposition to be content
-with shoddy work, will be fatal to our success. We are living in
-an age when the demand for efficiency, and efficiency of the
-highest order, is becoming more and more insistent. Unless this
-fact is recognized by us, and is allowed to shape our course, the
-struggle in which we are engaged is a hopeless one; we are bound
-to go to the wall.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(3). We must impress ourselves with the importance of being
-reliable, trustworthy. However skillful we may become, however
-efficient, unless we can be depended upon to do what we undertake to do,
-our efficiency will count for but little. If people can't
-depend on us; if our word counts for nothing; if we are deficient
-in a sense of obligation; if responsibilities weigh lightly upon us,
-we will be sure to lose the confidence of others, and will be sure
-also to lose their patronage. Even the inefficient man who can be
-depended upon will be preferred to the efficient man upon whom
-no dependence can be put. The two things must go together,
-reliability and efficiency, if efficiency is to be of any real advantage.
-This is a point which we need particularly to lay to heart, and to
-keep before us in the training of the young. Unfortunately there
-is considerable ground for just complaint against a large percentage
-of the race just here. It is a serious defect, and one that ought
-to be remedied, that ought to claim our immediate and earnest attention.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'><span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>(4). It is well for us to impress ourselves with the importance,
-with the transcendent importance of character. Character is the
-foundation upon which everything else must rest if it is to endure,
-if it is to be of any permanent value in the elevation of the race.
-There must be a sound moral basis. In the heart of the race there
-must be implanted the great principles of morality. The race
-must not only be taught, but must accept, must be governed by
-sentiments of justice, of veracity, of purity, of honesty. It must
-make up its mind to square its life by the Ten Commandments and
-the Sermon on the Mount. There is nothing that can compensate
-for, or take the place of a sturdy, upright character. It isn't
-something which it would simply be well for us to possess, which
-it would be to our advantage to possess; it is absolutely indispensable.
-There is no future for us, no honorable future for us, without
-it. This is the way we must feel; this is the way we must
-make our children feel. Character, high character, is not something
-which we may or may not set before us as we face the
-future, as we enter upon the second half of the century of freedom;
-but something which we must set definitely before us as of
-transcendent importance. There is no option left us if we have
-any regard to our highest and best interest, and the best interest
-of those who are to follow us. If the moral atmosphere in which
-the race lives and moves and has its being is not kept pure and
-healthful and invigorating it can never hope to become a strong,
-virile, self-respecting race, or a race that will be likely to command
-much respect from others. The race has, be it said to its
-credit, all along attached some importance to character, but the
-emphasis which it puts upon it must steadily increase. We must
-come, more and more, to realize the fact that while knowledge is
-power, and while there is power in the possession of material
-things, that the greatest power lies in character, in a strong, sturdy,
-upright, virtuous manhood and womanhood.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(5). In this connection it is well for us also to remember that
-the agencies that are most helpful in the development of character
-are the family, the church, the school. I heard the President of
-the Board of Education of one of our most important cities say,
-not long ago, after listening to an address highly eulogistic of the
-public schools, that in his judgment the greatest asset of the nation
-is the family. And in this I think he was right. He meant, of
-course, the family properly constituted, with the right kind of
-man and woman at the head of it. The importance of the home,
-as an educational force, is seen in the fact that the children begin
-life in the home, and that they are under the almost exclusive influence
-of the home when the young life is most plastic, is most
-easily moulded. Where this home influence is pure, elevating,
-ennobling, there is no other agency that is comparable with it.
-The church and school also, however, are very important agencies.
-And I have called attention, in this connection, to these three institutions
-in order that, as we face the future, we may recognize
-their importance, and may come to feel more and more the necessity
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>of improving them, and of utilizing them in the development
-of the race. We need better homes and must have them—homes
-that will not be indifferent to intellectual culture and material
-comforts, but that will value more highly than either the things
-that make for purity of heart and life. We need better churches
-and must have them—churches that will be more concerned about
-properly instructing the people in the knowledge of the Word of
-God, with a view to spiritualizing their lives, to lifting them to
-the high plane of Christian living and thinking, rather than with
-endless entertainments and schemes for money getting. We need
-better schools—schools in which the teachers will recognize that
-their vocation is not simply to train the head, or chiefly to train
-the head, but the heart also—schools in which the teachers will
-recognize the opportunities which their calling affords of giving
-shape and direction to the budding and expanding lives entrusted
-to their care, and who are gladly availing themselves of these opportunities.
-There are some teachers, of course, who are doing
-this, who are making their influence felt in character building; but
-there are others who are indifferent to these opportunities—who
-are not making their influence felt and who feel that it is no part
-of their business to do so. Not long ago I was speaking to a
-school official in one of our cities about the great opportunities
-that teachers have for this kind of work; and his reply was, "Yes,
-but many of our teachers teach only for the money they get, and
-they want the money simply to decorate their bodies." How far
-this is true of our teachers as a class I do not know; but that it is
-true of some of them I have not the slightest doubt. What we
-need, therefore, as we face the future, is to endeavor to get the
-active and hearty coöperation of all the teachers in all of our
-schools in this higher mission of character building in their pupils.
-The teachers, if they can only be made to see it, hold a place second
-in importance only to the home in the service which they can
-render in the stupendous task which confronts us as a race. We
-must all of us, as we begin this new half century of freedom, be
-more thoughtful about our homes, more concerned to make them
-proper habitats for the rearing of children; more concerned about
-our schools and the character of the men and women who are in
-charge of them; and more concerned about our churches to see
-that they are properly manned, properly conducted, properly supported
-by our presence and by our financial aid. None of these
-institutions can be allowed to deteriorate, to fall behind, without
-affecting unfavorably the progress of the race.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(6). It is important that we impress ourselves with the evil
-of strong drink, and that we set definitely before us the work of
-educating the race with reference to the poisonous nature of
-alcohol and its baleful effects. Sobriety, abstinence from all alcoholic
-liquors as a beverage, we must be at special pains to impress
-upon all—old and young alike. We must organize temperance societies;
-we must encourage those that are already in existence; we
-must gather the children into temperance bands, in our Sabbath
-schools and in our day schools as far as may be possible. In the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>new half century upon which we have now entered, we must firmly
-resolve, and must bend every effort towards lessening the evil of
-strong drink among us. At the end of the present half century, let
-us hope that there will be less intemperance among us; that a
-larger number of homes among us will be definitely committed to
-total abstinence, than we find to-day. Whatever we can do to
-lessen this evil; whatever we can do to produce a sober, temperate
-people we must do, and we must all do our part to secure this result.
-Every member of the race is interested in, or, at least, ought
-to be, in saving it from the curse of intemperance, not only because
-it will help the race economically and morally, but also because
-it will set it in a better light before its enemies, it will take
-away one serious ground of complaint against it.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(7). We must not allow ourselves to become discouraged because
-of the obstacles which our enemies are constantly throwing
-across our pathway. These obstacles, if we are made of the right
-stuff, will help to strengthen us, to make us more resolute, more
-determined. It is in breasting opposition, in overcoming difficulties
-that we develop strength.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(8). Nor should we allow ourselves to become embittered by
-the mean and persistent opposition of our enemies; by the studied
-efforts that they are ever making to insult and humiliate us. Unless
-we are watchful, unless we are tolerably sane, it is so easy to
-allow such things to rankle in our breasts, to engender feelings of
-bitterness and hatred. Natural as it is, however, we must resist
-it. It is bad business for an individual or a race to allow itself to
-become embittered against another individual or race. Such a
-spirit will destroy our own happiness, our own peace of mind, and
-will not help to win over our enemies. Out of a spirit of mutual
-hatred no good can possibly come to either race. The result is
-bound to be evil; and the evil will grow as the hatred grows.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>If we are to fight successfully, fight in the most effective way,
-we must be calm, we must not be spurred on by bitterness, by
-hatred, but by the consciousness that what we are contending for is
-right, and, therefore, is best for all, even for those against whom
-we are contending, who are foolishly trying to obstruct our way.
-Let us possess our souls in patience; let us be calm, self-possessed.
-These enemies who are fighting us deserve our pity. The course
-which they are pursuing, in the long run, will prove more injurious
-to them than to us. The more they fight us, the more they
-resist us, the more they seek to insult and humiliate us, the more
-are they injuring themselves, the more are they sinking to lower
-levels, the less are they becoming worthy of the respect of decent,
-right-thinking people. We may suffer in our feelings; we may
-be deprived of our rights for a time; but they are suffering in a
-way that is eating away the only thing of real value—the only
-thing that is worth having—character. We may suffer, but the
-penalty which we pay is not near so dear, so costly as the penalty
-which they are paying.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>There is something really pathetic in the spectacle here presented,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>of vast numbers of people claiming to be intelligent, claiming
-to be civilized, some claiming even to be Christians, allowing
-themselves to be dominated, to be controlled absolutely by such an
-utterly ignoble sentiment as race prejudice. You can't help asking
-yourself the question, Can these people really be sane? Jesus,
-we are told, wept over Jerusalem. As he saw her condition—saw
-her in her blindness, stupidity, obstinacy—as he saw the end
-towards which she was madly rushing, it touched his great heart
-with pity, and wrung tears from his eyes. And this is the way, it
-seems to me, that any right thinking man, any man who has a heart
-of pity must feel as he looks out on the multitudes in this land who
-are yielding themselves up to the sway of this bitter, degrading,
-Negro-hating spirit; as he sees how they are being driven more
-and more into doing so many utterly contemptible things; and,
-when he remembers also that the reaping is to be as the sowing.
-It is easy enough to hate such people, if you don't stop to think;
-but when you remember that they are human beings; that they are
-under the dominion of moral laws that are just as inexorable in
-their operations as are physical laws; and remember also, under
-these laws, what the result is sure to be, there is no room for hatred,
-for bitterness, but only for pity, for the deepest commiseration.
-The thing that we ought to do, and, that I wish very much
-that we would do, and do more than we have been in the habit of
-doing, is to pray for these misguided, unfortunate, greatly to be
-pitied individuals who are fighting us. The Spirit of God can
-open blind eyes, can unstop deaf ears, can soften the hardest
-hearts. The Spirit of God can regenerate, can give an entirely
-new bias or direction to character and life. And this is what is
-needed. These people need to be changed, to be set right. The
-possibility of such a change, both for their sakes and for ours,
-should lead us to work and pray earnestly for it.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(9). It is also well for us, as we face the future, not to be deceived,
-not to be misguided by the assumption upon which some of
-our race leaders have been proceeding. It has been assumed by
-some that the reason why we are treated as we are is because we
-are poor, because we are ignorant, because we are degraded, in a
-word, because of our condition; and, that if we will only improve
-ourselves—will only work hard and better our condition—will get
-more knowledge, more money, more character, it will be all right
-in the end. Those who act upon this assumption think that the
-wise thing for us to do, therefore, is to lose sight entirely of the
-manner in which we are treated, to take no account of it, to make
-no ado about it, to bear it patiently and give ourselves up entirely
-to the work of improving ourselves. This is what they counsel;
-this is the way, they say, this race problem is to be solved.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>Looked at in the abstract this seems to be very plausible. The
-assumption that if we improve ourselves; if we show ourselves
-worthy of being treated properly, that we would be, is what would
-naturally be expected. Unfortunately, however, the facts are all
-against it. Things have not panned out as might have been expected,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>under this theory of race adjustment. The race problem,
-as we understand it, may mean one of two things. It may mean
-the problem of the race's development, which would include all the
-agencies to be employed in securing this result; or it may mean
-the problem of getting the white man to behave himself—getting
-him to treat the colored man properly, as a man, as a brother, as a
-citizen, having common and equal rights with himself. That the
-race's development may go on without at all affecting favorably
-the white man's attitude towards it, is clearly evident from what is
-going on about us, and from the experience of the last forty or
-fifty years. During these years the colored people have steadily
-improved along all lines; and yet the same feeling of antipathy, of
-hostility to them exists. There is no indication of a desire to treat
-them any better. The progress that they have made has counted
-for nothing in their favor; has not lessened, in the least, the opposition
-to them.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>A short while ago a Congressman from Louisiana, J. B. Aswell,
-introduced a bill in the House of Representatives to segregate colored
-employees of the Government. Among other things in presenting
-his bill, he said:</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>"Every informed and right-thinking white man, while sympathizing
-with and anxious to help the Negro in his place, recognizes
-the necessity of preserving the integrity and supremacy of the
-white race. The purpose of this bill is to check a bad tendency
-in this country, before it is too late, and cause thinking people
-everywhere to find themselves in relation to the race problem and
-thus deal fairly and give justice to both races. The bill seeks to
-help the Negro by making him proficient in his own sphere and by
-correcting a false idea of his proper circumscribed position in the
-republic, and, at the same time, relieve the white man in the public
-service from the intolerable humiliation of being compelled, in
-order to earn his daily bread, to work side by side with an objectionable
-people, the continuation of which practice must result
-in irreparable injury to both races, and ultimately destroy the
-efficiency of the public service. Such practices will drive the self-respecting
-proficient white man and woman from the civil service
-of the Government."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>The bill provides, "That the heads of all executive departments
-shall issue all such orders as shall be necessary to secure in all
-branches of the civil service of the United States to the utmost
-extent consistent with public interests, the segregation of civil employees
-of the white race from those of African blood or descent,
-in the performance of their services."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>It also provides that, "In all executive departments within the
-District of Columbia, clerks or employees shall not be required to
-occupy the same office or work rooms with clerks or employees of
-African blood or descent; nor shall any white clerk or employee
-be placed under the orders, direction, or supervision of any person
-of African blood or descent."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>It also provides that, "In the railway mail service of the Post-office
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>Department white clerks shall not, except in cases of emergency,
-be ordered to duty in the same mail car with postal clerks
-of African blood or descent."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>You will notice that the course which he recommends here, and
-which he seeks to enforce by law, is not because the Negro is ignorant,
-not because he is inefficient, not because he is ungentlemanly
-in his deportment; but simply because he is a Negro, or
-has Negro blood in his veins. The fact that he is in the service
-at all proves that he isn't ignorant, that he isn't inefficient, for he is
-there as the result of civil service examination. It makes no difference
-how much he knows, how efficient he is, how gentlemanly
-he is, the thing that makes him objectionable is that he is a Negro,
-or is of Negro descent. It doesn't make any difference how highly
-cultivated he is, it becomes, in the language of the Representative
-from Louisiana, "an intolerable humiliation for a white man to be
-compelled, in order to earn his daily bread, to work side by side
-with an objectionable people." It isn't the condition of the people;
-it isn't their backwardness that discounts them, but the fact that
-they are of African blood or descent.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>Senator Vardaman, in his insane ravings over the nomination
-by President Wilson of Adam E. Patterson, a colored man from
-Oklahoma, as Register of the Treasury, speaks in the same strain.
-He says:</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>"The appointment of Patterson is a most unfortunate thing.
-Two races cannot mix; it is contrary to the laws of nature. I am
-not acquainted with Patterson. It is not he, personally, I am fighting;
-it is the principle involved. I do not think any government
-office should be held by a Negro. I think the defeat of this appointment
-of a Negro is of more importance than the passage of
-the tariff bill and the enactment of currency legislation. It rises
-like a mountain peak above all other questions of the day. It
-seems that the appointment was made in view of Patterson's campaign
-activities in the interest of Democracy. I do not think much
-of the policy that pays party obligations at the expense of the
-purity of the greatest race on the globe. I shall fight every Negro
-appointment that is made."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>It is not necessary, he admits, to know anything personally of
-the candidate—anything about his character or qualifications; it is
-enough to know that he is a Negro or of Negro descent, to disqualify
-him for any office under the Government. And this, he
-affirms, is the sentiment of all Southern senators. Even a man
-like President Wilson, with all his brains and culture and high
-Christian character, or rather, I would say, avowal of high Christian
-principles, after nominating Patterson for the position permitted
-him to withdraw from the contest in the face of Vardaman's
-declaration, "No government office should be held by a Negro."
-And instead of sending in the name of another colored man, in
-order to rebuke that sentiment, he sent in the name of an Indian,
-which was a virtual acceptance, on the part of the President, of
-the position taken by Vardaman and other Negro-hating senators.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>And the fact that a white man was named almost immediately afterwards
-for the post at Hayti shows how completely the President
-has surrendered to the dictation of Southern Negro haters.
-If the progress we have made during these fifty years has had
-so little effect upon a man like Woodrow Wilson, how much is it
-likely to have upon the average white man? Any one who has
-kept in touch with the movements of the last half century that have
-had to do with this vexed question, cannot fail to see that the two
-phases of the race issue have very little to do with each other.
-The development within the race has had no appreciable influence
-in creating within the white man a disposition to behave any better
-towards the colored man, to accord to him his rights, to treat him
-as a man, as a citizen, as a brother. So far as we may judge from
-the experiences of the last fifty years and from what is transpiring
-about us to-day, there is no hope of things ever being any better
-as the result of race improvement. It is right, of course, for us
-to make the most of our opportunities, and to press forward as
-rapidly as possible along all lines of endeavor, material, intellectual,
-moral, spiritual; but let us not be deceived, let us not imagine,
-though we ourselves will be greatly benefited by such a course, that
-the attitude of the white man towards us will change for the better in
-consequence. There may be a change in him, let us hope that there
-may be, but if it comes at all, it will come in some other way. It will
-not be because we are improving ourselves, because we are getting
-to be more intelligent, are getting more property, getting on a
-higher social plane, getting to be more virtuous, more self-respecting.
-That kind of thing has little or no influence in favorably inclining
-the average white man towards the Negro. It makes no
-difference what he has, what he has achieved, what he has made
-of himself, he is still only a Negro, is still undesirable, is still to be
-hedged about by limitations and restrictions.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>Senator Vardaman in his "high-blown pride" speaks of the white
-race as "the greatest race on the globe." If the Senator is a specimen
-of its greatness, the so-called inferior races need not concern
-themselves very much about catching up with it in the march of
-progress. As a matter of fact, there are scores of colored men
-who, in intelligence, in brain power, in scholarship, in all the elements
-that go to make up true manhood, are superior to Mr.
-Vardaman. The only respect in which the Senator shows any
-superiority, in the sense of surpassing others, so far as I can see,
-is in the exhibition of a coarse, vulgar, and brutal spirit. The
-white race may be the greatest race on the globe, but the assertion
-of that fact would come with a little better grace from one who reflects
-its greatness rather than from one who is a reproach to it,
-who discredits it. The white people themselves would hardly
-select Mr. Vardaman as a specimen by which it would care to be
-judged in this or in future generations. The Negro may be inferior,
-greatly inferior to the white race, but there would have to
-be some better specimen of the white race than Mr. Vardaman to
-prove it. My purpose, however, is not to criticise the honorable
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>Senator from Mississippi. I have mentioned his name in this connection
-merely as illustrative of the aggressive, ever-growing spirit
-of race hatred, of race antagonism, which still confronts us after
-fifty years of freedom.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(10). In this connection we ought to impress ourselves also, as
-we leave the first half century of freedom and enter upon the second
-half, with the fact that God is and that he is a present help
-in time of need. We need to emphasize, more strongly than we are
-in the habit of doing, the importance of religion as a factor in this
-race struggle in which we are engaged. In Exodus 14, we are told
-that after Pharaoh had given the children of Israel permission to
-leave Egypt, and after they had left, he repented, changed his mind,
-and started in pursuit of them with all his hosts, his chariots and
-horsemen, to bring them back. We are also told that when the
-children of Israel saw them approaching they were terrified. And
-then occurs this passage: "And the angel of the Lord, which went
-before the camp of Israel, removed and went behind them; and
-the pillar of cloud went from before their face, and stood behind
-them: and it came between the camp of the Egyptians, and the
-camp of Israel, and it was a cloud of darkness to them, but it gave
-light by night to these: so that the one came not near the other all
-the night." God stood between Israel and the enemy. And that
-is just where we want to have him stand, between us and our enemies.
-What we need to do is to rest in the Lord, is to put our
-trust in him. He is more than a match for our enemies. The
-song which Moses and the children of Israel sang after they had
-seen the advancing hosts of the enemy approaching was,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c000'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"The Lord hath triumphed gloriously.</div>
-      <div class='line'>The horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea.</div>
-      <div class='line'>The Lord is my strength and song,</div>
-      <div class='line'>And he is become my salvation."</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c006'>And if we trust him, if we make him our hope, we will be able
-in the end to sing the same song; we, too, will triumph gloriously.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>In the voyage of the apostle Paul to Rome the ship was caught
-in a terrible storm. For fourteen days and nights it raged. The
-wind blew furiously; heavy, dark clouds shut out the light of the
-sun by day and of the stars by night. There seemed no hope of
-escape. Of the nearly three hundred souls on board, all except
-one man were filled with the most appalling apprehension. That
-man was the apostle Paul. During all those awful days and nights
-he alone was calm, self-possessed; he alone showed no fear, no
-apprehension. And why? It was because the angel of the Lord
-had stood by him and had said to him, "Fear not, Paul; thou must
-be brought before Caesar: and lo, God hath given thee all them
-that sail with thee." And it was because he believed what the angel
-had said to him. The fierceness of the storm, the raging of the
-elements, the appalling darkness that enveloped them, had no disquieting
-effect upon him. It was the triumph of faith—faith that
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>saw safety, and rested in sweet content in the face of the raging
-storm. And faith in God is what we need if we are not to become
-discouraged in face of the gathering hosts of darkness, in face of
-the constant accessions to the ranks of the enemy. David once
-exclaimed,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c000'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"Jehovah, how are mine enemies increased!</div>
-      <div class='line'>Many are they that rise up against me."</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c006'>But he comforted himself with the thought,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c000'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"But thou, O Jehovah, art a shield about me;</div>
-      <div class='line'>My glory and the lifter up of my head."</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c006'>And we may find comfort in the same thought. Let this new
-half century be one of abounding trust in God; let us more and
-more accustom ourselves to dwell in the secret place of the Most
-High, under the shadow of the Almighty.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>II. In leaving this first half century of freedom and in entering
-upon the second half, a word also ought to be said to the white
-people of the country. There are four things that I want to say
-to them:</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(1). I want to remind them of the fact that we came here
-originally through no volition of our own. We were brought here
-against our will, and brought here for purely selfish purposes, to
-serve their interest. We are not responsible for being here—the
-responsibility is with the white race. That fact ought to be remembered
-by them. If our presence in this country is undesirable,
-as is frequently alleged, it is not for the white man to set that up
-as an excuse or justification for ill-treating us. If it had not been
-for their selfishness we would not be here. If our presence here
-is an evil, they are not the ones to complain, they at least, ought to
-be willing quietly to accept it as it is an evil of their own making.
-This is one of the things that has always seemed to me to render
-the treatment of the Negro by the white man particularly contemptible.
-After forcing him away from his home against his will;
-and after getting out of him all that he could without compensation,
-when that is no longer possible, then to turn upon him and
-tell him to get out, that he is no longer wanted, is conduct of which
-even savages ought to be ashamed. Whenever you are tempted to
-ill-treat the colored man, to deny him a man's chance in the race
-of life, remember that you brought him here, and that the least
-that you can do, the least that you owe him, is to treat him decently,
-humanely.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(2). I want to say, that for two hundred and fifty years you
-had our unrequited toil; we tilled your soil, we gathered your
-crops, we cut down your forests, we built your houses, made your
-clothes, worked for you in manifold ways. We worked for you
-in the days of slavery, and you seemed satisfied with our labor;
-why do you withhold your work from us now? Why do you now
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>shut us out of employment? We are just as able, and just as
-willing to work now as then. Work is what we need; work is
-what we must have if we are to support ourselves in decency, if we
-are to live honestly and honorably. You are bound by every consideration
-of justice, of fair play, to make a place for us, to give
-us the same chance that is given to others to support themselves
-and their families. For two hundred and fifty years we worked
-for you, as your slaves; are you unwilling to help us now that we
-are free and are working for ourselves? You, who brought us
-here; you, who are responsible for our presence here, ought to
-want to encourage us to be industrious, to be self-respecting.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(3). I want to remind you of the fact that we are now free;
-that we are American citizens; that under the laws we are entitled
-to the same rights and privileges as yourselves. Slavery no longer
-exists in this country—all are now free men. What is freedom
-to mean to us? Why were we made free? Why were the fetters
-stricken from our limbs? Why were we made citizens? Why
-have schools been provided for our intellectual development? Why
-emancipation at all, if we are not to have the same chance as other
-freemen? What is the value of freedom if it doesn't carry with
-it the guarantee of protection in the enjoyment of all rights that
-are common to all citizens? Is freedom to mean one thing to the
-white man, and another thing to the colored man? Freedom and
-citizenship cannot mean one thing to a white man and another to a
-black man in a republic without creating needless and endless
-trouble; and without in the end destroying the spirit that is essential
-to the perpetuity of republican or democratic institutions. Is
-it wise? Is it consistent? Is it the part of true patriotism to continue
-longer to make invidious distinctions between citizens who
-must forever live side by side, and upon the mutual co-operation
-and sympathy of whom, the welfare and happiness of the whole
-will depend? Is it wise to encourage, to help fan the flame of
-race prejudice from which no good can possibly come, but only
-evil, and evil more and more as it is encouraged? Isn't it a great
-deal better to use a little common sense, now that we are here, now
-that we are here to stay, now that we are free, now that we are
-citizens, to recognize us as such, and to accord to us the same
-treatment as is accorded to others? One thing you may be assured
-of, we will never be satisfied with anything less. Unless these
-rights be conceded; unless we be treated as we have a right to expect
-you to treat us, this friction, which is doing so much to demoralize
-the whole country, will continue. Is it not better for the
-thoughtful, sane, sober, right-thinking men and women among you
-to call a halt to those, who, keeping the humiliation of the Negro
-before them as their chief aim, are willing to sacrifice everything
-else to it? The humiliation of the Negro; the hedging of him
-about with degrading restrictions; the forcing him down into a
-position of subordination, of inferiority, even if you should succeed
-in doing it, after all, is it worth the price that must be paid;
-that you are paying? The policy of giving the Negro a man's
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>chance in the Republic; of treating him with the same consideration
-as others are treated, has vastly more good in it for the Republic
-than the measure of repression, of enforced subordination,
-of invidious distinctions upon which you are now insisting. Such
-a policy will make the Negro forget that he is a Negro, and will
-lead him to think of himself simply as an American citizen; will
-stimulate his patriotism; will render it no longer necessary for him
-to be particularly concerned about race interests, but will leave him
-free to be concerned about those interests which are common to
-all the people. Such a policy will also set free for higher and
-nobler uses all the ability, the energy, the resources that are now
-being expended in efforts to keep the Negro down and which will
-be of incalculable benefit to the Nation. Think of how much time,
-how much thought, how much energy are used up in this needless
-race friction, and how much the Nation is losing by this misuse of
-valuable time, thought, energy! If you, who are fighting the
-Negro,—you who are determined to reduce him to a pariah class,
-would only turn your thought and energy towards upbuilding the
-Republic—materially, intellectually, morally, spiritually,—towards
-fighting those evils that are really endangering the Republic,—greed,
-corruption, impurity, lawlessness, intemperance, how much
-more valuable your services would be. There never was a time
-when the Republic needed your services more than if does to-day,
-in harmonizing the elements of its population, in encouraging a
-spirit of fraternity, of brotherhood. It is not the function of a
-patriot, of a lover of his country to array class against class, race
-against race; that is the role of the demagogue, the low panderer to
-passion and prejudice for selfish ends. This race friction ought to
-cease; and it will cease if you will do the right thing; if you will
-listen to reason and common sense. It is not the Negro that is
-keeping up the friction, but the white man.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(4). I want to say to those who are friendly to us; who believe
-that we have rights under the constitution, and that those
-rights ought to be recognized:</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(1). We are profoundly thankful to you for your sympathy, for
-your good-will, and for all that you have done to cheer and encourage
-us. Some of you have taught in our schools, have worked among
-us as missionaries, have contributed of your means to aid us in
-our education, in our development; for all of which we are grateful.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>(2). We wish very much that you would be a little more outspoken
-in your sympathy. We have, it may be, many silent friends
-among you. It is better, of course, in some respects to have a
-silent friend than to have no friend at all. Such friends constitute
-a reserve force which may serve us well at some future time, in an
-emergency which may arise unexpectedly. The friendship, however,
-that counts for most, that is of most value, is the friendship
-that is known, that openly, publicly expresses itself. The importance
-of thus openly showing your sympathy, your friendship
-is to be seen in that in this way public sentiment is made and influenced.
-The people who speak out, or, who act out their sentiment
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>are the ones who count in shaping, in moulding public sentiment.
-Our enemies are never silent. The opposition, the hostility
-which they feel is never concealed, it always comes to the
-surface, always expresses itself. And this is one reason why they
-have influence, why they are so potential. Take the segregation
-idea which has been projecting itself upon the attention of the
-country. When the agitation was started, e. g., in the city of
-Washington, there were many meetings held in various parts of
-the city among the whites; but they were all in the interest of segregation,
-they were gotten up and managed by those who wanted to
-force this humiliation upon the colored people. I cannot believe
-that the purpose of these meetings met the approval of all the
-white people of the capital; I know that it did not of some of
-them. And yet no meeting was held; no public expression was
-given to indicate that such was the case, that there was any dissenting
-opinion among the whites. Not one white church; not one
-ministerial association; not one Christian Endeavor society, nor
-any other organization among the whites, including the Young
-Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's Christian Association,
-gave expression to any dissenting opinion. So far as any
-public expression was concerned, it looked as if the entire white
-population approved of the movement to segregate the colored
-people in street cars and otherwise. What we are asking of you,
-our white friends, is to show your colors, is to be just as pronounced
-in your sympathy for us as our enemies are pronounced
-in their opposition to us. If you will do this; if you will let the
-people about you know where you stand, it will greatly help matters.
-Lowell, in his sonnet on Wendell Phillips, says,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c000'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"He saw God stand upon the weaker side,—</div>
-      <div class='line'>And humbly joined him to the weaker part."</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c006'>And it is necessary that this be done—that the weaker part be
-joined, and joined openly as he did, if it is to be strengthened.
-There is a good deal in numbers. Somehow people have a great
-deal more respect, are inclined to be very much more considerate
-of a cause that has many adherents, or whose adherents are increasing
-in numbers. Where we are silent we are never counted.
-Elijah is sometimes criticised for his so-called pessimistic statement
-when he was running from Jezebel—"The children of Israel
-have forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thine altars, and slain
-thy prophets with the sword; and I, even I only am left." In this
-he was mistaken. It seems there were seven thousand who had not
-bowed the knee to Baal. But, as some one said, no one knew it,
-and therefore they counted for nothing. Now we don't want our
-friends among the whites who want us to get our rights, who think
-that we ought to be treated fairly, justly, to count for nothing; we
-don't want them to be so silently sympathetic that no one will know
-of it. We want them to be outspoken; to be openly for us, and
-thus help to mould public sentiment in our favor. It would have
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>helped greatly if, during this segregation agitation there had been
-some meetings held among the whites giving expression to a different
-sentiment. Even a simple protest from a single individual
-helps. A letter like the one published not long ago by the Hon. A.
-E. Pillsbury of Boston, Massachusetts, declining to pay his annual
-dues to the treasurer of the National Bar Association, and giving
-as his reason his positive and emphatic dissent from the action of
-the Association in discriminating against colored men, is bound to
-have its effect in educating public sentiment, in helping to break
-down invidious distinctions. Carl Schurz, in his Life of Henry
-Clay, in speaking of the Abolitionists, says, "The immediate effect
-of their work has frequently been much underrated. They served
-to keep alive in the Northern mind that secret trouble of conscience
-about slavery which later, in a ripe political situation, was
-to break out as a great force." And so here, the protest of our
-white friends in the struggle we are making now will serve to keep
-alive in others the sense of right, which will ultimately become a
-great force before which the wrongs from which we are now suffering
-will be righted. Silent sympathy is better than no sympathy;
-but the sympathy that expresses itself in word and act is
-greatly to be preferred. If you think we are not treated right;
-if you think that invidious distinctions based upon color, upon
-race ought not to exist, say so; and say it so loud that all about
-you will hear it. This is the request that we make of you, as we
-enter upon another half century of freedom.</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>And now just a word more. The struggle before us is a long
-and hard one; but with faith in God, and faith in ourselves, and
-indomitable perseverance, and the purpose to do right, in spite of
-the forces that are arrayed against us, we need have no fears as to
-the ultimate result. Success is sure to crown our efforts. We are
-not always going to be behind; we are not always going to be discriminated
-against; we are not always going to be denied our
-rights. For as Sojourner Truth said, "God is not dead." And
-some day, in his own good time, the right will triumph. As the
-poet has expressed it,</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c000'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"Right is right since God is God,</div>
-      <div class='line'>And Right the day will win."</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c006'>What is needed is a New EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION—a
-proclamation that will set the white man free from the
-degrading influence of race prejudice—a proclamation that will
-register a decree or purpose on the part of the white race to free
-itself not only from the narrowing lust of gold, but from the still
-more narrowing lust of race hatred and proscription. O, for another
-and greater Lincoln to speak the word of power,—another
-and greater Lincoln to set the thought and heart of white America
-going in a new and better way—the way of righteousness—the way
-of the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. In the inspired
-record we read: "The wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>the leopard shall lie down with the kid; and the calf and the young
-lion and the fatling together; and a little child shall lead them.
-And the cow and the bear shall feed; their young ones shall lie
-down together; and the lion shall eat straw like the ox. And the
-sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp, and the weaned
-child shall put his hand on the adder's den. They shall not hurt
-nor destroy in all my holy mountain; for the earth shall be full of
-the knowledge of Jehovah as the waters cover the sea." Surely
-if this be true; if this is a prophecy of what is to be, there is reason
-and good reason to believe that the savage element in the white
-man's nature, which corresponds to the nature of these ferocious
-animals, and which leads him to devise and execute his various
-schemes of disfranchisement, of segregation, of restricted opportunities,
-in order to annoy and degrade us, will yet undergo a change.
-If the wolf and lamb can dwell together, and the lamb be perfectly
-safe, surely the white man in this country is not so absolutely beyond
-being amenable to reason and common sense and decency as
-to make it impossible, some time in the future, for him and his
-brother in black to dwell together, and the brother in black feel no
-uneasiness, no fear of being molested, or of having his rights infringed
-upon by him. The white man, when it comes to the Negro,
-is pretty bad, I know, but I cannot believe that he is so hopelessly
-bad as to render it impossible for the colored man to dwell
-with him and be treated by him as a man and brother. It may ultimately
-turn out to be true; but I am not yet willing to believe it.
-It cannot be that this white race, which prides itself upon its superiority
-to all other races, under this highest test of superiority—the
-ability to accord to every man his right and to treat every man
-as a brother of whatever race or nationality, is going to be found
-so sadly deficient. It is a great race. It has done many wonderful
-things. All the greater is the reason, therefore, why it should
-not permit itself to be controlled by such an ignoble spirit. It has
-done, too, many wonderful things to have its greatness marred by
-settling down permanently on the low level of race prejudice. No;
-I cannot believe that the white man is so hopelessly bad, so absolutely
-possessed by this demon of race hatred that there is no honorable
-future in this country for the colored man. The Tillmans,
-Vardamans, Hoke Smiths are not always going to be the leaders
-of even Southern public sentiment. A better day is coming, with
-truer, saner, wiser leaders. Dr. Josiah Strong, in his last volume,
-"Our World," in the chapter on "The New Race Problem," after
-some remarks on the improbability and the undesirability of blending
-all races into one says,—"If we recognize any plan in creation,
-we must accept a differentiation of the human family as an expression
-of the divine purpose, infinitely wise and benevolent.
-And it behooves us as colaborers together with God to find that
-purpose, if possible, that we may work with him and not against
-him."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>"This conclusion affords not the slightest excuse for race antipathy.
-The experience of mankind has convinced all peoples
-that close consanguinity must be a bar to marriage; and scientific
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>observation seems likely to show that the mixture of races most
-widely divergent is perhaps hardly less a violation of nature. But
-there is in this fact no reason why there should not be as genuine
-respect and esteem and fellowship between the races as between
-brother and sister; no reason why the spirit of brotherhood which
-obtains in the home should not extend to the family of nations and
-races." And Hamilton W. Mabie, in his article in the Outlook
-for August 2nd on "Americans and the Far East," says: "Race
-differences must be clearly and frankly recognized; economical
-differences must be candidly faced; but race hatred must be driven
-beyond the pale of civilization; it is a survival of barbarism and it
-must go back where it belongs."</p>
-
-<p class='c005'>This great white race will some day, I believe, in its sober second
-thought, recognize the truth of these words; and will augment its
-greatness by emancipating itself from this detestable spirit of race
-hatred. It cannot be that this great white race is always going to
-be content to prostrate itself before this mean and degrading
-spirit. It owes it to itself, as well as to this black race and to all
-the other races to free itself from so debasing an influence. If it
-is to maintain its leadership in the world, under the ever-growing
-influence of Christianity, which knows neither Greek nor Jew,
-barbarian, Scythian bond, nor free, it cannot hope to do so with
-race prejudice inscribed on its banner. It must change, or else it
-will be relegated to the rear. RIGHTEOUSNESS AND
-BROTHERHOOD are the great forces that are to dominate the
-future. The white man may be strong enough to fight the black
-man in this country, but he is not strong enough to fight God Almighty
-and his eternal and inexorable laws of RIGHTEOUSNESS
-and BROTHERHOOD. These laws will ultimately remake
-him, or break him and cast him "as rubbish to the void."
-Which shall it be? Let this great white race take warning.</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c000'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>"Short is the triumph of evil.</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Long is the reign of right.</div>
-      <div class='line'>The men who win by the aid of sin,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>The nation that rules by might,</div>
-      <div class='line'>The party that lives by corruption,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>The trickster, the knave, the thief,</div>
-      <div class='line'>May thrive for a time on the fruits of crime,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>But their seeming success is brief.</div>
-    </div>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>Know that the truth shall triumph,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>That evil shall find its doom;</div>
-      <div class='line'>That the cause of right, tho' subdued by might,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Shall break from the strongest tomb,</div>
-      <div class='line'>That wrong, tho' it seems to triumph,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>Lasts only for a day,</div>
-      <div class='line'>While the cause of truth has eternal youth,</div>
-      <div class='line in2'>And shall rule o'er the world for aye."</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class='c007' />
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c003'>
-    <div><span class='large'>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE</span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c004'>Some spelling mistakes have been corrected.</p>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
-End of Project Gutenberg's Fifty Years of Freedom, by Francis J. Grimke
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