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diff --git a/old/55822-h/55822-h.htm b/old/55822-h/55822-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 67decec..0000000 --- a/old/55822-h/55822-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,30519 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN" -"http://www.w3.org/TR/html4/loose.dtd"> -<!-- This HTML file has been automatically generated from an XML source on 2017-10-27T19:26:13Z. --> -<html lang="en-uk"> -<head> -<meta name="generator" content= -"HTML Tidy for Windows (vers 25 March 2009), see www.w3.org"> -<title>Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native -Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New -Guinea</title> -<meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=us-ascii"> -<meta name="generator" content= -"tei2html.xsl, see https://github.com/jhellingman/tei2html"> -<meta name="author" content= -"Bronisław Kasper Malinowski (1884–1942)"> -<link rel="coverpage" href="images/new-cover.jpg"> -<link rel="schema.DC" href= -"http://dublincore.org/documents/1998/09/dces/"> -<meta name="DC.Creator" content= -"Bronisław Kasper Malinowski (1884–1942)"> -<meta name="DC.Title" content= -"Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea"> -<meta name="DC.Date" content="2017-10-27"> -<meta name="DC.Language" content="en-uk"> -<meta name="DC.Format" content="text/html"> -<meta name="DC.Publisher" content="Project Gutenberg"> -<meta name="DC.Rights" content= -"This book is not copyrighted in the United States. 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-} -.pl51width { -width:662px; -} -.pl52-1width { -width:431px; -} -.pl52-2width { -width:438px; -} -.pl53width { -width:720px; -} -.pl54width { -width:674px; -} -.pl55width { -width:684px; -} -.pl56-1width { -width:615px; -} -.pl56-2width { -width:619px; -} -.pl57width { -width:660px; -} -.pl58width { -width:665px; -} -.pl59width { -width:720px; -} -.t8 { -font-size:small; width:100%; -} -.xd26e15346 { -text-align:right; -} -.pl60width { -width:720px; -} -.pl61width { -width:661px; -} -.pl62width { -width:658px; -} -.pl63width { -width:626px; -} -.pl64width { -width:720px; -} -.pl65width { -width:556px; -} -.xd26e25169 { -text-align:center; font-size:small; -} -@media handheld { -} -/* CSS rules copied from @style attributes in TEI file */ -</style> -</head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's Argonauts of the Western Pacific, by Bronislaw Malinowski - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Argonauts of the Western Pacific - An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the - Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea - -Author: Bronislaw Malinowski - -Contributor: James George Frazer - -Release Date: October 27, 2017 [EBook #55822] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ARGONAUTS OF THE WESTERN PACIFIC *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (Italy) for Project Gutenberg. - - - - - - -</pre> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="div1 cover"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"></p> -<div class="figure cover-imagewidth"><img src="images/new-cover.jpg" -alt="Newly Designed Front Cover." width="480" height="720"></div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="div1 frontispiece"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"></p> -<div class="figure pl00width" id="pl00"><img src="images/pl00.jpg" alt= -"A Ceremonial Act of the Kula" width="720" height="408"> -<p class="figureHead">A Ceremonial Act of the Kula</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="titlePage"> -<div class="docTitle"> -<div class="mainTitle">Argonauts of the Western Pacific</div> -<br> -<div class="mainTitle"><i>An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure -in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea</i></div> -</div> -<div class="byline">By<br> -<span class="docAuthor">Bronislaw Malinowski</span><br> -PH.D. (Cracow), D.Sc. (London)<br> -With a Preface<br> -By<br> -Sir James George, Frazer, F.B.A., F.R.S.</div> -<div class="docImprint">With 5 Maps, 65 Illustrations, and 2 -Figures,<br> -London: George Routledge & Sons, Ltd.<br> -New York: E. P. Dutton & Co.<br> -<span class="docDate">1922</span></div> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e217" href="#xd26e217" name= -"xd26e217">v</a>]</span></p> -<div class="div1 dedication"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first xd26e219">To<br> -my friend and teacher<br> -Professor C. G. Seligman, F.R.S. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"xd26e225" href="#xd26e225" name="xd26e225">vii</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="pre" class="div1 preface"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e411">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Preface</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first xd26e219">By Sir James G. Frazer</p> -<p>My esteemed friend, Dr. B. Malinowski has asked me to write a -preface to his book, and I willingly comply with his request, though I -can hardly think that any words of mine will add to the value of the -remarkable record of anthropological research which he has given us in -this volume. My observations, such as they are, will deal partly with -the writer’s method and partly with the matter of his book.</p> -<p>In regard to method, Dr. Malinowski has done his work, as it appears -to me, under the best conditions and in the manner calculated to secure -the best possible results. Both by theoretical training and by -practical experience he was well equipped for the task which he -undertook. Of his theoretical training he had given proof in his -learned and thoughtful treatise on the family among the aborigines of -Australia<a class="noteref" id="xd26e235src" href="#xd26e235" name= -"xd26e235src">1</a>; of his practical experience he had produced no -less satisfactory evidence in his account of the natives of Mailu in -New Guinea, based on a residence of six months among them.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e240src" href="#xd26e240" name="xd26e240src">2</a> In -the Trobriand Islands, to the east of New Guinea, to which he next -turned his attention, Dr. Malinowski lived as a native among the -natives for many months together, watching them daily at work and at -play, conversing with them in their own tongue, and deriving all his -information from the surest sources—personal observation and -statements made to him directly by the <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"xd26e246" href="#xd26e246" name="xd26e246">viii</a>]</span>natives in -their own language without the intervention of an interpreter. In this -way he has accumulated a large mass of materials, of high scientific -value, bearing on the social, religious, and economic or industrial -life of the Trobriand Islanders. These he hopes and intends to publish -hereafter in full; meantime he has given us in the present volume a -preliminary study of an interesting and peculiar feature in Trobriand -society, the remarkable system of exchange, only in part economic or -commercial, which the islanders maintain among themselves and with the -inhabitants of neighbouring islands.</p> -<p>Little reflection is needed to convince us of the fundamental -importance of economic forces at all stages of man’s career from -the humblest to the highest. After all, the human species is part of -the animal creation, and as such, like the rest of the animals, it -reposes on a material foundation; on which a higher life, intellectual, -moral, social, may be built, but without which no such superstructure -is possible. That material foundation, consisting in the necessity of -food and of a certain degree of warmth and shelter from the elements, -forms the economic or industrial basis and prime condition of human -life. If anthropologists have hitherto unduly neglected it, we may -suppose that it was rather because they were attracted to the higher -side of man’s nature than because they deliberately ignored and -undervalued the importance and indeed necessity of the lower. In excuse -for their neglect we may also remember that anthropology is still a -young science, and that the multitude of problems which await the -student cannot all be attacked at once, but must be grappled with one -by one. Be that as it may, Dr. Malinowski has done well to emphasise -the great significance of primitive economics by singling out the -notable exchange system of the Trobriand Islanders for special -consideration.</p> -<p>Further, he has wisely refused to limit himself to a mere -description of the processes of the exchange, and has set himself to -penetrate the motives which underlie it and the feelings which it -excites in the minds of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e252" -href="#xd26e252" name="xd26e252">ix</a>]</span>natives. It appears to -be sometimes held that pure sociology should confine itself to the -description of acts and should leave the problems of motives and -feelings to psychology. Doubtless it is true that the analysis of -motives and feelings is logically distinguishable from the description -of acts, and that it falls, strictly speaking, within the sphere of -psychology; but in practice an act has no meaning for an observer -unless he knows or infers the thoughts and emotions of the agent; hence -to describe a series of acts, without any reference to the state of -mind of the agent, would not answer the purpose of sociology, the aim -of which is not merely to register but to understand the actions of men -in society. Thus sociology cannot fulfil its task without calling in at -every turn the aid of psychology.</p> -<p>It is characteristic of Dr. Malinowski’s method that he takes -full account of the complexity of human nature. He sees man, so to say, -in the round and not in the flat. He remembers that man is a creature -of emotion at least as much as of reason, and he is constantly at pains -to discover the emotional as well as the rational basis of human -action. The man of science, like the man of letters, is too apt to view -mankind only in the abstract, selecting for his consideration a single -side of our complex and many-sided being. Of this one-sided treatment -Molière is a conspicuous example among great writers. All his -characters are seen only in the flat: one of them is a miser, another a -hypocrite, another a coxcomb, and soon; but not one of them is a man. -All are dummies dressed up to look very like human beings; but the -likeness is only on the surface, all within is hollow and empty, -because truth to nature has been sacrificed to literary effect. Very -different is the presentation of human nature in the greater artists, -such as Cervantes and Shakespeare: their characters are solid, being -drawn not from one side only but from many. No doubt in science a -certain abstractness of treatment is not merely legitimate, but -necessary, since science is nothing but knowledge raised to the highest -power, and all <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e256" href="#xd26e256" -name="xd26e256">x</a>]</span>knowledge implies a process of abstraction -and generalisation: even the recognition of an individual whom we see -every day is only possible as the result of an abstract idea of him -formed by generalisation from his appearances in the past. Thus the -science of man is forced to abstract certain aspects of human nature -and to consider them apart from the concrete reality; or rather it -falls into a number of sciences, each of which considers a single part -of man’s complex organism, it may be the physical, the -intellectual, the moral, or the social side of his being; and the -general conclusions which it draws will present a more or less -incomplete picture of man as a whole, because the lines which compose -it are necessarily but a few picked out of a multitude.</p> -<p>In the present treatise Dr. Malinowski is mainly concerned with what -at first sight might seem a purely economic activity of the Trobriand -Islanders; but, with his usual width of outlook and fineness of -perception, he is careful to point out that the curious circulation of -valuables, which takes place between the inhabitants of the Trobriand -and other islands, while it is accompanied by ordinary trade, is by no -means itself a purely commercial transaction; he shows that it is not -based on a simple calculation of utility, of profit and loss, but that -it satisfies emotional and æsthetic needs of a higher order than -the mere gratification of animal wants. This leads Dr. Malinowski to -pass some severe strictures on the conception of the Primitive Economic -Man as a kind of bogey who, it appears, still haunts economic -text-books and even extends his blighting influence to the minds of -certain anthropologists. Rigged out in cast-off garments of Mr. Jeremy -Bentham and Mr. Gradgrind, this horrible phantom is apparently actuated -by no other motive than that of filthy lucre, which he pursues -relentlessly, on Spencerian principles, along the line of least -resistance. If such a dismal fiction is really regarded by serious -inquirers as having any counterpart in savage society, and not simply -as a useful abstraction, Dr. Malinowski’s account of the -<i>Kula</i> in this book should <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e263" -href="#xd26e263" name="xd26e263">xi</a>]</span>help to lay the phantom -by the heels; for he proves that the trade in useful objects, which -forms part of the <i>Kula</i> system, is in the minds of the natives -entirely subordinate in importance to the exchange of other objects, -which serve no utilitarian purpose whatever. In its combination of -commercial enterprise, social organisation, mythical background, and -magical ritual, to say nothing of the wide geographical range of its -operations, this singular institution appears to have no exact parallel -in the existing anthropological record; but its discoverer, Dr. -Malinowski, may very well be right in surmising that it is probably a -type of institution of which analogous, if not precisely similar, -instances will hereafter be brought to light by further research among -savage and barbarous peoples.</p> -<p>Not the least interesting and instructive feature of the -<i>Kula</i>, as it is described for us by Dr. Malinowski, is the -extremely important part which magic is seen to play in the -institution. From his description it appears that in the minds of the -natives the performance of magical rites and the utterance of magical -words are indispensable for the success of the enterprise in all its -phases, from the felling of the trees out of which the canoes are to be -hollowed, down to the moment when, the expedition successfully -accomplished, the argosy with its precious cargo is about to start on -its homeward voyage. And incidentally we learn that magical ceremonies -and spells are deemed no less necessary for the cultivation of gardens -and for success in fishing, the two forms of industrial enterprise -which furnish the islanders with their principal means of support; -hence the garden magician, whose business it is to promote the growth -of the garden produce by his hocus-pocus, is one of the most important -men in the village, ranking next after the chief and the sorcerer. In -short, magic is believed to be an absolutely essential adjunct of every -industrial undertaking, being just as requisite for its success as the -mechanical operations involved in it, such as the caulking, painting -and launching of a canoe, the planting of a garden, and the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e273" href="#xd26e273" name= -"xd26e273">xii</a>]</span>setting of a fish-trap. “A belief in -magic,” says Dr. Malinowski, “is one of the main -psychological forces which allow for organisation and systematisation -of economic effort in the Trobriands.”</p> -<p>This valuable account of magic as a factor of fundamental economic -importance for the welfare and indeed for the very existence of the -community should suffice to dispel the erroneous view that magic, as -opposed to religion, is in its nature essentially maleficent and -anti-social, being always used by an individual for the promotion of -his own selfish ends and the injury of his enemies, quite regardless of -its effect on the common weal. No doubt magic may be so employed, and -has in fact probably been so employed, in every part of the world; in -the Trobriand Islands themselves it is believed to be similarly -practised for nefarious purposes by sorcerers, who inspire the natives -with the deepest dread and the most constant concern. But in itself -magic is neither beneficent nor maleficent; it is simply an imaginary -power of controlling the forces of nature, and this control may be -exercised by the magician for good or evil, for the benefit or injury -of individuals and of the community. In this respect, magic is exactly -on the same footing with the sciences, of which it is the bastard -sister. They, too, in themselves, are neither good nor evil, though -they become the source of one or other according to their application. -It would be absurd, for example, to stigmatise pharmacy as antisocial, -because a knowledge of the properties of drugs is often employed to -destroy men as well as to heal them. It is equally absurd to neglect -the beneficent application of magic and to single out its maleficent -use as the characteristic property by which to define it. The processes -of nature, over which science exercises a real and magic an imaginary -control, are not affected by the moral disposition, the good or bad -intention, of the individual who uses his knowledge to set them in -motion. The action of drugs on the human body is precisely the same -whether they are administered by a physician or by a poisoner. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e277" href="#xd26e277" name= -"xd26e277">xiii</a>]</span>Nature and her handmaid Science are neither -friendly nor hostile to morality; they are simply indifferent to it and -equally ready to do the bidding of the saint and of the sinner, -provided only that he gives them the proper word of command. If the -guns are well loaded and well aimed, the fire of the battery will be -equally destructive, whether the gunners are patriots fighting in -defence of their country or invaders waging a war of unjust aggression. -The fallacy of differentiating a science or an art according to its -application and the moral intention of the agent is obvious enough with -regard to pharmacy and artillery; it is equally real, though to many -people apparently it is less obvious, with regard to magic.</p> -<p>The immense influence wielded by magic over the whole life and -thought of the Trobriand Islanders is perhaps the feature of Dr. -Malinowski’s book which makes the most abiding impression on the -mind of the reader. He tells us that “magic, the attempt of man -to govern the forces of nature directly by means of a special lore, is -all-pervading and all-important in the Trobriands”; it is -“interwoven into all the many industrial and communal -activities”; “all the data which have been so far mustered -disclose the extreme importance of magic in the Kula. But if it were a -<span class="corr" id="xd26e281" title= -"Source: questions">question</span> of treating of any other aspect of -the tribal life of these natives, it would also be found that, whenever -they approach any concern of vital importance, they summon magic to -their aid. It can be said without exaggeration that magic, according to -their ideas, governs human destinies; that it supplies man with the -power of mastering the forces of nature; and that it is his weapon and -armour against the many dangers which crowd in upon him on every -side.”</p> -<p>Thus in the view of the Trobriand Islanders, magic is a power of -supreme importance either for good or evil; it can make or mar the life -of man; it can sustain and protect the individual and the community, or -it can injure and destroy them. Compared to this universal and -deep-rooted conviction, the belief in the existence of the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="xd26e287" href="#xd26e287" name= -"xd26e287">xiv</a>]</span>spirits of the dead would seem to exercise -but little influence on the life of these people. Contrary to the -general attitude of savages towards the souls of the departed, they are -reported to be almost completely devoid of any fear of ghosts. They -believe, indeed, that the ghosts return to their villages once a year -to partake of the great annual feast; but “in general the spirits -do not influence human beings very much, for better or worse”; -“there is nothing of the mutual interaction, of the intimate -collaboration between man and spirit which are the essence of religious -cult.” This conspicuous predominance of magic over religion, at -least over the worship of the dead, is a very notable feature in the -culture of a people so comparatively high in the scale of savagery as -the Trobriand Islanders. It furnishes a fresh proof of the -extraordinary strength and tenacity of the hold which this world-wide -delusion has had, and still has, upon the human mind.</p> -<p>We shall doubtless learn much as to the relation of magic and -religion among the Trobrianders from the full report of Dr. -Malinowski’s researches in the islands. From the patient -observation which he has devoted to a single institution, and from the -wealth of details with which he has illustrated it, we may judge of the -extent and value of the larger work which he has in preparation. It -promises to be one of the completest and most scientific accounts ever -given of a savage people.</p> -<p class="signed">J. G. Frazer.</p> -<p class="dateline"><i>The Temple, London.<br> -7th March</i>, 1922. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e299" href= -"#xd26e299" name="xd26e299">xv</a>]</span></p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e235" href="#xd26e235src" name="xd26e235">1</a></span> <i>The -Family among the Australian Aborigines: A Sociological Study</i>. -London: University of London Press, 1913. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e235src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e240" href="#xd26e240src" name="xd26e240">2</a></span> “The -Natives of Mailu: Preliminary Results of the Robert Mond Research Work -in British New Guinea.” <i>Transactions of the Royal Society of -South Australia</i>, vol. xxxix., 1915. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e240src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="fore" class="div1 foreword"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e418">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Foreword</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">By the Author</p> -<p>Ethnology is in the sadly ludicrous, not to say tragic, position, -that at the very moment when it begins to put its workshop in order, to -forge its proper tools, to start ready for work on its appointed task, -the material of its study melts away with hopeless rapidity. Just now, -when the methods and aims of scientific field ethnology have taken -shape, when men fully trained for the work have begun to travel into -savage countries and study their inhabitants—these die away under -our very eyes.</p> -<p>The research which has been done on native races by men of academic -training has proved beyond doubt and cavil that scientific, methodic -inquiry can give us results far more abundant and of better quality -than those of even the best amateur’s work. Most, though not all, -of the modern scientific accounts have opened up quite new and -unexpected aspects of tribal life. They have given us, in clear -outline, the picture of social institutions often surprisingly vast and -complex; they have brought before us the vision of the native as he is, -in his religious and magical beliefs and practices. They have allowed -us to penetrate into his mind far more deeply than we have ever done -before. From this new material, scientifically hall-marked, students of -comparative Ethnology have already drawn some very important -conclusions on the origin of human customs, beliefs and institutions; -on the history of cultures, and their spread and contact; on the laws -of human behaviour in society, and of the human mind.</p> -<p>The hope of gaining a new vision of savage humanity through the -labours of scientific specialists opens out like a mirage, vanishing -almost as soon as perceived. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e311" -href="#xd26e311" name="xd26e311">xvi</a>]</span>For though at present, -there is still a large number of native communities available for -scientific study, within a generation or two, they or their cultures -will have practically disappeared. The need for energetic work is -urgent, and the time is short. Nor, alas, up to the present, has any -adequate interest been taken by the public in these studies. The number -of workers is small, the encouragement they receive scanty. I feel -therefore no need to justify an ethnological contribution which is the -result of specialised research in the field.</p> -<p>In this volume I give an account of one phase of savage life only, -in describing certain forms of inter-tribal, trading relations among -the natives of New Guinea. This account has been culled, as a -preliminary monograph, from Ethnographic material, covering the whole -extent of the tribal culture of one district. One of the first -conditions of acceptable Ethnographic work certainly is that it should -deal with the totality of all social, cultural and psychological -aspects of the community, for they are so interwoven that not one can -be understood without taking into consideration all the others. The -reader of this monograph will clearly see that, though its main theme -is economic—for it deals with commercial enterprise, exchange and -trade—constant reference has to be made to social organisation, -the power of magic, to mythology and folklore, and indeed to all other -aspects as well as the main one.</p> -<p>The geographical area of which the book treats is limited to the -Archipelagoes lying off the eastern end of New Guinea. Even within -this, the main field of research was in one district, that of the -Trobriand Islands. This, however, has been studied minutely. I have -lived in that one archipelago for about two years, in the course of -three expeditions to New Guinea, during which time I naturally acquired -a thorough knowledge of the language. I did my work entirely alone, -living for the greater part of the time right in the villages. I -therefore had constantly the daily life of the natives before my eyes, -while accidental, dramatic occurrences, deaths, quarrels, village -brawls, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e317" href="#xd26e317" name= -"xd26e317">xvii</a>]</span>public and ceremonial events, could not -escape my notice.</p> -<p>In the present state of Ethnography, when so much has still to be -done in paving the way for forthcoming research and in fixing its -scope, each new contribution ought to justify its appearance in several -Points. It ought to show some advance in method; it ought to push -research beyond its previous limits in depth, in width, or in both; -finally, it ought to endeavour to present its results in a manner -exact, but not dry. The specialist interested in method, in reading -this work, will find set out in the Introduction, Divisions <a href= -"#div0.2">II</a>–<a href="#div0.9">IX</a> and in <a href= -"#ch18">Chapter XVIII</a>, the exposition of my points of view and -efforts in this direction. The reader who is concerned with results, -rather than with the way of obtaining them, will find in Chapters -<a href="#ch4">IV</a> to <a href="#ch21">XXI</a> a consecutive -narrative of the Kula expeditions, and the various associated customs -and beliefs. The student who is interested, not only in the narrative, -but in the ethnographic background for it, and a clear definition of -the institution, will find the first in Chapters <a href="#ch1">I</a> -and <a href="#ch2">II</a>, and the latter in Chapter <a href= -"#ch3">III</a>.</p> -<p>To Mr. Robert Mond I tender my sincerest thanks. It is to his -generous endowment that I owe the possibility of carrying on for -several years the research of which the present volume is a partial -result. To Mr. Atlee Hunt, C.M.G., Secretary of the Home and -Territories Department of the Commonwealth of Australia, I am indebted -for the financial assistance of the Department, and also for much help -given on the spot. In the Trobriands, I was immensely helped in my work -by Mr. B. Hancock, pearl trader, to whom I am grateful not only for -assistance and services, but for many acts of friendship.</p> -<p>Much of the argument in this book has been greatly improved by the -criticism given me by my friend, Mr. Paul Khuner, of Vienna, an expert -in the practical affairs of modern industry and a highly competent -thinker on economic matters. Professor L. T. Hobhouse has kindly read -the proofs and given me valuable advice on several points. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="xd26e350" href="#xd26e350" name= -"xd26e350">xviii</a>]</span></p> -<p>Sir James Frazer, by writing his Preface, has enhanced the value of -this volume beyond its merit and it is not only a great honour and -advantage for me to be introduced by him, but also a special pleasure, -for my first love for ethnology is associated with the reading of the -“Golden Bough,” then in its second edition.</p> -<p>Last, not least, I wish to mention Professor C. G. Seligman, to whom -this book is dedicated. The initiative of my expedition was given by -him and I owe him more than I can express for the encouragement and -scientific counsel which he has so generously given me during the -progress of my work in New Guinea.</p> -<p class="signed">B. M.</p> -<p class="dateline"><i>El Boquin,<br> -Icod de los Vinos,<br> -Tenerife.<br> -April</i>, 1921. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e368" href= -"#xd26e368" name="xd26e368">xix</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ack" class="div1 acknowledgements"><span class= -"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Acknowledgements</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">It is in the nature of the research, that an -Ethnographer has to rely upon the assistance of others to an extent -much greater than is the case with other scientific workers. I have -therefore to express in this special place my obligations to the many -who have helped me. As said in the Preface, financially I owe most to -Mr. Robert Mond, who made my work possible by bestowing on me the -Robert Mond Travelling Scholarship (University of London) of £250 -per annum for five years (for 1914 and for 1917–1920). I was -substantially helped by a grant of £250 from the Home and -Territories Department of Australia, obtained by the good offices of -Mr. Atlee Hunt, C.M.G. The London School of Economics awarded me the -Constance Hutchinson Scholarship of £100 yearly for two years, -1915–1916. Professor Seligman, to whom in this, as in other -matters I owe so much, besides helping me in obtaining all the other -grants, gave himself £100 towards the cost of the expedition and -equipped me with a camera, a phonograph, anthropometric instruments and -other paraphernalia of ethnographic work. I went out to Australia with -the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1914, as a -guest, and at the expense, of the Commonwealth Government of -Australia.</p> -<p>It may be interesting for intending field-workers to observe that I -carried out my ethnographic research for six years—1914 to -1920—making three expeditions to the field of my work, and -devoting the intervals between expeditions to the working out of my -material and to the study of special literature, on little more than -£250 a year. I defrayed out of this, not only all the expenses of -travel and research, such as fares, wages to native servants, payments -of interpreters, but I was also able to collect a fair amount of -ethnographic specimens, of which part has been presented to the -Melbourne Museum as the Robert Mond Collection. This would not have -been possible for me, had I not received much help from residents in -New Guinea. My friend, Mr. B. Hancock, of Gusaweta, Trobriand Islands, -allowed me to use his house and store as base for my gear and -provisions; he lent me his cutter on various occasions and provided me -with a home, where I could always repair in need or sickness. He helped -me in my photographic work, and gave me a good number of his own -photographic plates, of which several are reproduced in this book -(Plates <a href="#pl11">XI</a>, <a href="#pl37">XXXVII</a>, and -<a href="#pl50">L</a>–<a href="#pl52">LII</a>).</p> -<p>Other pearl traders and buyers of the Trobriands were also very kind -to me, especially M. and Mme. Raphael Brudo, of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="xd26e390" href="#xd26e390" name= -"xd26e390">xx</a>]</span>Paris, Messrs. C. and G. Auerbach, and the -late Mr. Mick George, all of whom helped me in various ways and -extended to me their kind hospitality.</p> -<p>In my interim studies in Melbourne, I received much help from the -staff of the excellent Public Library of Victoria, for which I have to -thank the Librarian, Mr. E. La Touche Armstrong, my friend Mr. E. Pitt, -Mr. Cooke and others.</p> -<p>Two maps and two plates are reproduced by kind permission of -Professor Seligman from his “Melanesians of British New -Guinea.” I have to thank the Editor of <i>Man</i> (Captain T. A. -Joyce) for his permission to use here again the plates which were -previously published in that paper.</p> -<p>Mr. William Swan Stallybrass, Senior Managing Director of Messrs. -Geo. Routledge & Sons, Ltd., has spared no trouble in meeting all -my wishes as to scientific details in the publication of this book, for -which I wish to express my sincere thanks.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="phon" class="div1 note"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Phonetic Note.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The native names and words in this book are written -according to the simple rules, recommended by the Royal Geographical -Society and the Royal Anthropological Institute. That is, the vowels -are to be pronounced as in Italian and the consonants as in English. -This spelling suits the sounds of the Melanesian languages of New -Guinea sufficiently well. The apostrophe placed between two vowels -indicates that they should be pronounced separately and not merged into -a diphthong. The accent is almost always on the penultimate, rarely on -the anti-penultimate. All the syllables must be pronounced clearly and -distinctly. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e406" href="#xd26e406" -name="xd26e406">xxi</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="toc" class="div1 contents"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Table of Contents</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first tocChapter"><a href="#pre" id="xd26e411" name= -"xd26e411">Preface by Sir James Frazer</a> - <span class= -"tocPageNum">vii</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter"><a href="#fore" id="xd26e418" name= -"xd26e418">Foreword by the Author</a> - <span class= -"tocPageNum">xv</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter"><a href="#ch0" id="xd26e425" name= -"xd26e425">Introduction: The Subject, Method and Scope of This -Enquiry</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Sailing, and trading in the South Seas; -the Kula. II—Method in Ethnography. III—Starting field -work. Some perplexing difficulties. Three conditions of success. -IV—Life in a tent among the natives. Mechanism of “getting -in touch” with them. V—<i>Active methods of research</i>. -Order and consistency in savage cultures. Methodological consequences -of this truth. VI—Formulating the principles of tribal -constitution and of the anatomy of culture. Method of inference from -statistic accumulation of concrete data. Uses of synoptic charts. -VII—Presentation of the intimate touches of native life; of types -of behaviour. Method of systematic fixing of impressions; of detailed, -consecutive records. Importance of personal participation in native -life. VIII—Recording of stereotyped manners of thinking and -feeling. <i lang="la">Corpus inscriptionum <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e435" title="Source: Kiriwinensium">Kiriwiniensium</span></i>. -IX—Summary of argument. The native’s vision of his world - <span class= -"tocPageNum">1</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">I <a href="#ch1" id="xd26e443" name= -"xd26e443">The Country and Inhabitants of the Kula District</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Racial divisions in Eastern New Guinea. -Seligman’s classification. The Kula natives. -II—Sub-divisions of the Kula district. III—Scenery at the -Eastern end of New Guinea. Villages of the S. Massim; their customs and -social institutions. IV—The d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago. -The tribes of Dobu. The mythological associations of their country. -Some of their customs and institutions. Sorcery. A vision on Sarubwoyna -beach. V—Sailing North. The Amphlett Group. Savage monopolists - <span class="tocPageNum">27</span> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e451" href="#xd26e451" name= -"xd26e451">xxii</a>]</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">II <a href="#ch2" id="xd26e454" name= -"xd26e454">The Natives of the Trobriand Islands</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Arrival in the coral Islands. First -impression of the native. Some significant appearances and their deeper -meaning. II—Position of women; their life and conduct before and -after marriage. III—Further exploration in the villages. A cross -country walk. Gardens and gardening. IV—The native’s -working power; their motives and incentives to work. Magic and work. A -digression on Primitive Economics. V—<i>Chieftainship</i>: power -through wealth; a plutocratic community. List of the various provinces -<span class="corr" id="xd26e462" title="Source: and and">and</span> -political divisions in the Trobriands. VI—Totemism, the -solidarity of clans and the bonds of kinship. VII—Spirits of the -dead. The overweening importance of magic. Black magic. The prowling -sorcerers and the flying witches. The malevolent visitors from the -South, and epidemics. VIII—The Eastern neighbours <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e465" title="Source: of of">of</span> the Trobrianders. -The remaining districts of the Kula - <span class= -"tocPageNum">49</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">III <a href="#ch3" id="xd26e473" name= -"xd26e473">The Essentials of the Kula</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—A concise definition of the Kula. -II—Its economic character. III—The articles exchanged; the -conception of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>. IV—<i>The main -rules and aspects of the Kula</i>: the sociological aspect -(partnership); direction of movement; nature of Kula ownership; the -differential and integral effect of these rules. V—The act of -exchange; its regulations; the light it throws on the acquisitive and -“communistic” tendencies of the natives; its concrete -outlines; the sollicitory gifts. VI—<i>The associated activities -and the secondary aspects of the Kula</i>: construction of canoes; -subsidiary trade—their true relation to the Kula; the ceremonial, -mythology and magic associated with the Kula; the mortuary taboos and -distributions, in their relation to the Kula - <span class= -"tocPageNum">81</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">IV <a href="#ch4" id="xd26e493" name= -"xd26e493">Canoes and Sailing</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—The value and importance of a canoe to a -native. Its appearance, the impressions and emotions it arouses in -those who use or own it. The atmosphere of romance which surrounds it -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e498" href="#xd26e498" name= -"xd26e498">xxiii</a>]</span>for the native. II—Analysis of its -construction, in relation to its function. The three types of canoes in -the Trobriand Islands. III—V—<i>Sociology of a large -canoe</i> (<i lang="kij">masawa</i>). III—(A)—Social -organisation of labour in constructing a canoe; the division of -functions; the magical regulation of work. IV—(B)—Sociology -of canoe ownership; the <i lang="kij">toli-</i>relationship; the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, “master” or “owner” -of a canoe; the four privileges and functions of a <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>. V—(C)—The social division of functions -in manning and sailing a canoe. Statistical data about the Trobriand -shipping <span class= -"tocPageNum">105</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">V <a href="#ch5" id="xd26e521" name= -"xd26e521">The Ceremonial Building of a Waga</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Construction of canoes as part of the -Kula proceedings. Magic and mythology. The preparatory and the -ceremonial stage of construction<span class="corr" id="xd26e526" title= -"Not in source">.</span> II—<i>The first stage</i>: expelling the -<span class="corr" id="xd26e532" title= -"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span> <i lang="kij">Tokway</i>; -transport of the log; the hollowing-out of the log and the associated -magic. III—<i>The second stage</i>: the inaugural rite of Kula -magic; the native at grips with problems of construction; the <i lang= -"kij">wayugo</i> creeper; the magical spell uttered over it; caulking; -the three magical exorcisms. IV—Some general remarks about the -two stages of canoe-building and the concomitant magic. <i lang= -"kij">Bulubwalata</i> (evil magic) of canoes. The ornamental -<span class="corr" id="xd26e548" title= -"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>. The Dobuan and the Muruwan -types of overseas canoe -<span class="tocPageNum">124</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">VI <a href="#ch6" id="xd26e556" name= -"xd26e556">Launching of a Canoe and Ceremonial Visiting—Tribal -Economics in the Trobriands</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—The procedure and magic at launching. -The trial run (<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i>). Account of the launching -and <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> seen on the beach of Kualukuba. -Reflections on the decay of customs under European influence. -II—<i>Digression on the sociology of work</i>: organisation of -labour; forms of <span class="corr" id="xd26e570" title= -"Source: communial">communal</span> labour; payment for work. -III—The custom of ceremonial visiting (<i lang= -"kij">kabigidoya</i>); local trade, done on such expeditions. -IV—VII—<i>Digression on gifts, payments, and exchange</i>. -<span class="corr" id="xd26e580" title= -"Source: V">IV</span>—Attitude of the native towards wealth. -Desire of display. Enhancement of social prestige through wealth. The -motives of accumulating food stuffs. The <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"xd26e583" href="#xd26e583" name="xd26e583">xxiv</a>]</span><i lang= -"kij">vilamalya</i> (magic of plenty). The handling of yams. Psychology -of eating. Value of manufactured goods, psychologically analysed. -V—Motives for exchange. Giving, as satisfaction of vanity and as -display of power. Fallacy of the “economically isolated -individual” or “household.” Absence of gain in -exchange. VI—Exchange of gifts and barter. List of gifts, -payments and commercial transactions: 1. Pure gifts; 2. customary -payments, repaid irregularly and without strict equivalents; 3. -payments for services rendered; 4. gifts returned in strictly -equivalent form; 5. exchange of material goods against privileges, -titles and non-material possessions; 6. ceremonial barter with deferred -payment; 7. trade pure and simple. VII—Economic duties -corresponding to various social ties; table of eight classes of social -relationship, characterised by definite economic obligations - <span class= -"tocPageNum">146</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">VII <a href="#ch7" id="xd26e592" name= -"xd26e592">The Departure of an Overseas Expedition</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">Scene laid in Sinaketa. The local chiefs. Stir -in the village. The social differentiation of the sailing party. -Magical rites, associated with the preparing and loading of a canoe. -The <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> rite. The magical bundle (<i lang= -"kij">lilava</i>). The compartments of a canoe and the <i lang= -"kij">gebobo</i> spell. Farewells on the beach - <span class= -"tocPageNum">195</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">VIII <a href="#ch8" id="xd26e611" name= -"xd26e611">The First Halt of the Fleet on Muwa</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—The definition of an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> (ceremonial, competitive expedition). II—The -<i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial distribution) on Muwa. -III—The magic of sailing -<span class="tocPageNum">207</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">IX <a href="#ch9" id="xd26e627" name= -"xd26e627">Sailing on the Sea-arm of Pilolu</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—The landscape. Mythological geography of -the regions beyond. II—<i>Sailing</i>: the winds; navigation; -technique of sailing a canoe and its dangers. III—The customs and -taboos of sailing. Privileged position of certain sub-clans. -IV—The beliefs in dreadful monsters lurking in the sea - <span class= -"tocPageNum">219</span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e639" href= -"#xd26e639" name="xd26e639">xxv</a>]</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">X <a href="#ch10" id="xd26e642" name= -"xd26e642">The Story of Shipwreck</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—<i>The flying witches, mulukwausi</i> or -<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>: essentials of the belief; initiation and -education of a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> (witch); secrecy surrounding -this condition; manner of practising this witch-craft; actual cases. -II—The flying witches at sea and in ship-wreck. Other dangerous -agents. The <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> magic; its modes of -operation. III—Account of the preparatory rites of <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i>. Some incantations quoted. IV—The story -of ship-wreck and rescue. V—The spell of the rescuing giant fish. -The myth and the magical formula of Tokulubwaydoga. - <span class= -"tocPageNum">237</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XI <a href="#ch11" id="xd26e668" name= -"xd26e668">In the Amphletts—Sociology of the Kula</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Arrival in Gumasila. Example of a Kula -conversation. Trobrianders on long visits in the Amphletts. -II—<i>Sociology of the Kula</i>: 1. sociological limitations to -participation in the Kula; 2. relation of partnership; 3. entering the -Kula relationship; 4. participation of women in the Kula. -III—<i>The Natives of the Amphletts</i>: their industries and -trade; pottery; importing the clay; technology of pot-making; -commercial relations with the surrounding districts. IV—Drift of -migrations and cultural influences in this province - <span class= -"tocPageNum">267</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XII <a href="#ch12" id="xd26e684" name= -"xd26e684">In Tewara and Sanaroa—Mythology of the Kula</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Sailing under the lee of Koytabu. The -cannibals of the unexplored jungle. Trobriand traditions and legends -about them. The history and song of Gumagabu. II—<i>Myths and -reality</i>: significance imparted to landscape by myth; line of -distinction between the mythical and the actual occurrences; magical -power and mythical atmosphere; the three strata of Trobriand myths. -III—V—<i>The myths of the Kula</i>. III—Survey of -Kula mythology and its geographical distribution. The story of -Gere’u of Muyuwa (Woodlark Island). The two stories of Tokosikuna -of Digumenu and Gumasila. IV—The Kudayuri myth of the flying -canoe. Commentary and analysis of this myth. Association between the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e695" href="#xd26e695" name= -"xd26e695">xxvi</a>]</span>canoe and the flying witches. Mythology and -the Lukuba clan. V—The myth of Kasabwaybwayreta and the necklace -Gumakarakedakeda. Comparison of these stories. VI—<i>Sociological -analysis of the myths</i>. influence of the Kula myths upon native -outlook; myth and custom. VII—The relation between myth and -actuality restated. VIII—The story, the natural monuments and the -religious ceremonial of the mythical personalities -Atu’a’ine, Aturamo’a and their sister -Sinatemubadiye’i. Other rocks of similar traditional nature - <span class= -"tocPageNum">290</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XIII <a href="#ch13" id="xd26e705" name= -"xd26e705">On the Beach of Sarubwoyna</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—The halt on the Beach. The beauty magic. -Some incantations quoted. The spell of the <i lang= -"kij">ta’uya</i> (conch shell). II—The magical onset on the -Koya. Psychological analysis of this magic. III—The <i lang= -"kij">Gwara</i> (taboo) and the <i lang= -"kij">Ka’ubana’i</i> spell - <span class= -"tocPageNum">334</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XIV <a href="#ch14" id="xd26e724" name= -"xd26e724">The Kula in Dobu—Technicalities of the -Exchange</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Reception in Dobu. II—<i>The main -transactions of the Kula and the subsidiary gifts and exchanges</i>: -some general reflections on the driving force of the Kula; regulations -of the main transaction <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening gift) and -<i lang="kij">yotile</i> (return gift); the sollicitory gifts (<i lang= -"kij">pokala, kwaypolu, kaributu, korotomna</i>); intermediary gifts -(<i lang="kij">basi</i>) and final clinching gift (<i lang= -"kij">kudu</i>); the other articles sometimes exchanged in the main -transaction of the Kula (<i lang="kij">doga, samakupa, beku</i>); -commercial honour and ethics of the Kula. III—<i>The Kula -proceedings in Dobu</i>: wooing the partner; <i lang= -"kij">kwoygapani</i> magic; the subsidiary trade; roamings of the -Boyowans in the Dobu district -<span class="tocPageNum">350</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XV <a href="#ch15" id="xd26e763" name= -"xd26e763">The Journey Home—The Fishing and Working of the Kaloma -Shell</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Visits made on the return trip. Some -articles acquired. II—<i>The spondylus shell fishing in Sanaroa -lagoon and in home waters</i>: its general character and magic; the -Kaloma myth; consecutive account of the technicalities, ceremonial -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e771" href="#xd26e771" name= -"xd26e771">xxvii</a>]</span>and magic of the diving for the shell. -III—Technology, economics and sociology of the production of the -discs and necklaces from the shell. IV—<i lang= -"kij">Tanarere</i>, display of the haul. Arrival of the party home to -Sinaketa <span class= -"tocPageNum">366</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XVI <a href="#ch16" id="xd26e781" name= -"xd26e781">The Return Visit of the Dobuans to Sinaketa</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—<i>The uvalaku (ceremonial expedition) -from Dobu to Southern Boyowa</i>: the preparations in Dobu and Sanaroa; -preparations in Gumasila; the excitement, the spreading and convergence -of news; arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Nabwageta. -II—Preparations in Sinaketa for the reception of the visiting -party. The Dobuans arrive. The scene at Kaykuyawa point. The ceremonial -reception. Speeches and gifts. The three days’ <span class="corr" -id="xd26e789" title="Source: sojurn">sojourn</span> of the Dobuans in -Sinaketa. Manner of living. Exchange of gifts and barter. -III—Return home. Results shown at the <i lang="kij">tanarere</i> - <span class= -"tocPageNum">376</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XVII <a href="#ch17" id="xd26e800" name= -"xd26e800">Magic and the Kula</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—The subject matter of Boyowan magic. Its -association with all the vital activities and with the unaccountable -aspects of reality. II—V—<i>The native conception of -magic</i>. II—The methods of arriving at its knowledge. -III—Native views about the original sources of magic. Its -primeval character. <span class="corr" id="xd26e808" title= -"Source: Inadmissability">Inadmissibility</span> to the native of -spontaneous generation in magic. Magic a power of man and not a force -of nature. Magic and myth and their super-normal atmosphere. -IV—<i>The magical acts</i>: spell and rite; relation between -these two factors; spells uttered directly without a concomitant rite; -spells accompanied by simple rite of impregnation; spells accompanied -by a rite of transference; spells accompanied by offerings and -invocations; summary of this survey. V—Place where magic is -stored in the human anatomy. VI—Condition of the performer. -Taboos and observances. Sociological position. Actual descent and -magical filiation. VII—Definition of systematic magic. The -“systems” of canoe magic and Kula magic. -VIII—<i>Supernormal or supernatural character of magic</i>; -emotional reaction of the natives to certain forms of magic; -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e817" href="#xd26e817" name= -"xd26e817">xxviii</a>]</span>the <i lang="kij">kariyala</i> (magical -portent); rôle of ancestral spirits; native terminology. -IX—Ceremonial setting of magic. X—Institution of taboo, -supported by magic. <i lang="kij">Kaytubutabu</i> and <i lang= -"kij">kaytapaku</i>. XI—Purchase of certain forms of magic. -Payments for magical services. XII—Brief summary - <span class= -"tocPageNum">392</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XVIII <a href="#ch18" id="xd26e834" name= -"xd26e834">The Power of Words in Magic—Some Linguistic -Data</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Study of linguistic data in magic to -throw light on native ideas about the power of words. II—The text -of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spell with literal translation. -III—Linguistic analysis of its <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> -(exordium). IV—Vocal technique of reciting a spell. Analysis of -the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (main part) and <i lang="kij">dogina</i> -(final part). V—The text of the Sulumwoya spell and its analysis. -VI—XII—<i>Linguistic data referring to the other spells -mentioned in this volume and some general inferences</i>. VI—The -<i lang="kij">tokway</i> spell and the opening phrases of the canoe -spells. VII—The <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (main parts) of the -canoe spells. VIII—The end parts (<i lang="kij">dogina</i>) of -these spells. IX—The <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> of the -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> spells. X—The <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> -and the <i lang="kij">dogina</i> of these spells. XI—The <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> spells. XII—Summary of the results of -this linguistic survey. XIII—Substances used in these magical -rites. XIV—XVIII—Analysis of some non-magical linguistic -texts, to illustrate ethnographic method and native way of thinking. -XIV—General remarks about certain aspects of method. -XV—Text No. 1, its literal and free translation. -XVI—Commentary. XVII—Texts No. 2 and 3 translated and -commented upon <span class= -"tocPageNum">428</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XIX <a href="#ch19" id="xd26e885" name= -"xd26e885">The Inland Kula</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—To’uluwa, the chief of Kiriwina, -on a visit in Sinaketa. The decay of his power. Some melancholy -reflections about the folly of destroying the native order of things -and of undermining native authority as now prevailing. II—The -division into “Kula communities;” the three types of Kula, -with respect to this division. The overseas Kula. III—The inland -Kula <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e890" href="#xd26e890" name= -"xd26e890">xxix</a>]</span>between two “Kula communities” -and within such a unit. IV—The “Kula communities” in -Boyowa (Trobriand Islands) -<span class="tocPageNum">464</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XX <a href="#ch20" id="xd26e897" name= -"xd26e897">Expeditions Between Kiriwina and Kitava</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I, II—<i>Account of an expedition from -Kiriwina to Kitava</i>. I—Fixing dates and preparing districts. -II—Preliminaries of the journey. Departure from Kaulukuba Beach. -Sailing. Analogies and differences between these expeditions and those -of the Sinaketans to Dobu. Entering the village. The <i lang= -"kij">youlawada</i> custom. Sojourn in Kitava and return. III—The -<i lang="kij">So’i</i> (mortuary feast) in the Eastern district -(Kitava to Muyuwa) and its association with the Kula - <span class= -"tocPageNum">478</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XXI <a href="#ch21" id="xd26e917" name= -"xd26e917">The Remaining Branches and Offshoots of the Kula</a></p> -<p class="tocArgument">I—Rapid survey of the routes between -Woodlark Island (Murua or Muyuwa) and the Engineer group and between -this latter and Dobu. II—The ordinary trade carried on between -these communities. III—An offshoot of the Kula; trading -expeditions between the Western Trobriand (Kavataria and Kayleula) and -the Western d’Entrecasteaux. IV—Production of <i lang= -"kij">mwali</i> (armshells). V—Some other offshoots and leakages -of the Kula ring. Entry of the Kula <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> -into the Ring. <span class= -"tocPageNum">494</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter">XXII <a href="#ch22" id="xd26e933" name= -"xd26e933">The Meaning of the Kula</a> - <span class= -"tocPageNum">509</span></p> -<p class="tocChapter"><a href="#index" id="xd26e940" name= -"xd26e940">Index</a> <span class= -"tocPageNum">519</span></p> -<div class="div1"> -<h2 class="main">Table of Contents</h2> -<table> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#pre">Preface</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#pre">vii</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#fore">Foreword</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#fore">xv</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href= -"#ack">Acknowledgements</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ack">xix</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#phon">Phonetic -Note.</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#phon">xx</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#toc">Table of -Contents</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#toc">xxi</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#loi">List of -Illustrations</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#loi">xxx</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#xd26e1699">Maps</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e1699">xxxi</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href= -"#xd26e1752">Tables</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e1752">xxxi</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#xd26e1788">Figures in -text</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e1788">xxxi</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch0">Introduction: The -Subject, Method and Scope of this Inquiry</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch0">1</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.1">1</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.2">2</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.3">4</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.4">6</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.5">8</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.6">VI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.6">11</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.7">VII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.7">17</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.8">VIII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.8">22</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.9">IX</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.9">24</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch1">The Country and -Inhabitants of the Kula District</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch1">27</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.1">27</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.2">29</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.3">33</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.4">38</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.5">45</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch2">The Natives of the -Trobriand Islands</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch2">49</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.1">49</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.2">52</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.3">55</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.4">58</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.5">62</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.6">VI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.6">70</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.7">VII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.7">72</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.8">VIII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.8">78</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch3">The Essentials of -the Kula</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch3">81</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.1">81</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.2">84</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.3">86</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.4">91</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.5">95</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.6">VI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.6">99</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch4">Canoes and -Sailing</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch4">105</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.1">105</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.2">108</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.3">113</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.4">116</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.5">120</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch5">The Ceremonial -Building of a Waga</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch5">124</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.1">124</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.2">126</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.3">134</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.4">141</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch6">Launching of a Canoe -and Ceremonial Visiting—Tribal Economics in the -Trobriands</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch6">146</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.1">146</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.2">156</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.3">163</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.4">166</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.5">173</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.6">VI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.6">176</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2"></td> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="6"><a href="#xd26e6189">List of Gifts, -Payments, and Commercial Transactions.</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e6189">177</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.7">VII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.7">191</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch7">The Departure of an -Overseas Expedition</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch7">195</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch8">The First Halt of -the Fleet on Muwa</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch8">207</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div8.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div8.1">207</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div8.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div8.2">211</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div8.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div8.3">215</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch9">Sailing on the -Sea-Arm of Pilolu</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch9">219</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.1">219</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.2">224</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.3">228</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.4">232</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">X.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch10">The Story of -Shipwreck</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch10">237</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.1">237</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.2">244</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.3">248</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.4">255</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.5">261</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch11">In the -Amphletts—Sociology of the Kula</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch11">267</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.1">267</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.2">274</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.3">282</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.4">288</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch12">In Tewara and -Sanaroa—Mythology of the Kula</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch12">290</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.1">290</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.2">298</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.3">306</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.4">311</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.5">322</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.6">VI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.6">326</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.7">VII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.7">328</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.8">VIII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.8">330</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch13">On the Beach of -Sarubwoyna</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch13">334</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div13.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div13.1">334</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div13.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div13.2">342</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div13.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div13.3">346</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch14">The Kula in -Dobu—Technicalities of the Exchange</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch14">350</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div14.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div14.1">350</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div14.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div14.2">351</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div14.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div14.3">360</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch15">The Journey -Home—The Fishing and Working of the Kaloma Shell</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch15">366</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.1">366</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.2">367</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.3">371</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.4">374</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch16">The Return Visit of -the Dobuans to Sinaketa</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch16">376</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div16.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div16.1">376</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div16.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div16.2">385</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div16.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div16.3">391</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch17">Magic and the -Kula</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch17">392</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.1">392</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.2">396</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.3">398</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.4">403</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.5">408</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.6">VI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.6">409</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.7">VII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.7">412</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.8">VIII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.8">420</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.9">IX</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.9">424</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">X.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.10">X</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.10">425</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.11">XI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.11">426</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.12">XII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.12">427</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch18">The Power of Words -in Magic—Some Linguistic Data</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch18">428</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.1">428</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.2">429</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.3">III.</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.3">433</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.4">436</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.5">438</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.6">VI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.6">442</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.7">VII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.7">446</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.8">VIII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.8">447</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.9">IX</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.9">447</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">X.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.10">X</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.10">449</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.11">XI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.11">450</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.12">XII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.12">451</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.13">XIII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.13">452</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.14">XIV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.14">453</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.15">XV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.15">454</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.16">XVI</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.16">458</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.17">XVII</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.17">459</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIX.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch19">The Inland -Kula</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch19">464</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.1">464</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.2">468</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.3">470</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.4">475</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XX.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch20">Expeditions Between -Kiriwina and Kitava</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch20">478</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div20.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div20.1">478</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div20.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div20.2">482</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div20.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div20.3">489</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXI.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch21">The Remaining -Branches and Offshoots of the Kula</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch21">494</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.1">I</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.1">494</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.2">II</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.2">498</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.3">III</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.3">500</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.4">IV</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.4">502</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.5">V</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.5">505</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXII.</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch22">The Meaning of the -Kula</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch22">509</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#index">Index</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#index">521</a></td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e947" href="#xd26e947" name= -"xd26e947">xxx</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="loi" class="div1 contents"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">List of Illustrations</h2> -<table class="tocList"> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum"></td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl00">A ceremonial act of -the <i lang="kij">kula</i></a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum"><i>Frontispiece</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">Plate</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">Facing page</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">I</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl01">The -ethnographer’s tent on the beach of Nu’agasi</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">6</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">II</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl02">The chief’s -<i lang="kij">lisiga</i> (personal hut) in Omarakana</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">6</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">III</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl03">Street of -Kasana’i (in Kiriwina, Trobriand Island)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">7</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl04">Scene in Yourawotu -(Trobriands)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">7</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">V</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl05">Scenes on the beach -of Silosilo (Southern Massim district)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">33</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">VI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl06">Village scenes -during a <i lang="kij">so’i</i> feast</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">37</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">VII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl07">In the -Amphletts</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">46</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">VIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl08">Group of natives in -the village of Tukwa’ukwa</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">48</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">IX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl09">Men of rank from -Kiriwina</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">49</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">X</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl10">Fishermen from -Teyava</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">49</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl11">A typical <i lang= -"kij">nakubukwabuya</i> (unmarried woman)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">52</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl12">Boyowan -girls</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">53</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl13"><i lang= -"kij">Kaydebu</i> dance</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">56</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl14">Dancers in full -decoration</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">57</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl15">A family -group</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">72</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl16">Armshells</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">80</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl17">Two men wearing -armshells</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">81</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XVIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl18">Two necklaces, made -of red spondylus discs</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">88</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XIX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl19">Two women adorned -with necklaces</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">89</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl20">A Kula gathering on -the beach of Sinaketa</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">98</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl21">A <i lang= -"kij">masawa</i> canoe</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">106</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl22">Putting a canoe -into its hangar</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">106</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl23">Canoe under -sail</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">107</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXIV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl24">The fishing canoe -(<i lang="kij">kalipoulo</i>)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">112</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl25">The dug-out in the -village</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">124</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXVI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl26">Carving a <i lang= -"kij">tabuyo</i></a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">125</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXVII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl27">Construction of a -<i lang="kij">waga</i></a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">138</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXVIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl28">Sail -making</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">139</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXIX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl29">Rolls of dried -pandanus leaf</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">139</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl30">Launching of a -canoe</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">148</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl31">The <i lang= -"kij">tasasoria</i> on the beach of Kaulukuba</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">148</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl32">A chief’s -yam-house in Kasana’i</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">149</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl33">Filling a yam-house -in Yalumugwa</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">149</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXIV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl34">Display of pigs and -yams at a distribution (<i lang="kij">sagali</i>)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">170</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl35">Communal cooking of -<i lang="kij">mona</i> (taro dumplings)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">170</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXVI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl36">Scene in the -<i lang="kij">wasi</i> (ceremonial exchange of vegetables for -fish)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">171</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXVII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl37"><i lang= -"kij">Vava</i>, direct barter of vegetables for fish</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">171</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXVIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl38">Koutau’ya, -one of the chiefs of Sinaketa</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">196</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XXXIX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl39">A loaded canoe</a> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e1398" href="#xd26e1398" name= -"xd26e1398">xxxi</a>]</span></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">197</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XL</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl40">A <i lang= -"kij">waga</i> sailing on a Kula expedition</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">224</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl41">The rigging of a -canoe</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">225</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl42">Scenery in the -Amphletts</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">268</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl43">Landing in the main -village of Gumasila</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">269</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLIV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl44">Technology of -pot-making (I)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">284</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl45">Technology of -pot-making (II)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">285</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLVI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl46">Fine specimens of -Amphlett pots</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">288</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLVII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl47">A canoe in Gumasila -loading pots</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">289</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLVIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl48">A Kula fleet -halting to perform the final rites of <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i></a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">334</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">XLIX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl49">The beauty magic of -the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i></a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">335</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">L (A)</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl50-1">Working the -<i>kaloma shell</i> (I)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">370</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">L (B)</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl50-2">working the -<i>kaloma shell</i> (II)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">371</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl51">Working the -<i>kaloma shell</i> (III)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">372</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl52">Working the -<i>kaloma shell</i> (IV)</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">373</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl53">On the beach of -Nabwageta</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">376</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LIV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl54">The Dobuan canoes -pulled up on Sinaketa beach</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">388</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl55">Some canoes moored -on the shallow lagoon near the shore</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">388</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LVI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl56">Dobuan visitors in -Sinaketa</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">389</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LVII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl57">A magical spell -associated with pregnancy</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">406</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LVIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl58">A rite of war -magic</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">406</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LIX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl59">A rite of garden -magic</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">407</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LX</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl60">Armshells brought -from Kitava</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">470</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LXI</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl61">Bringing in a -<i lang="kij">soulava</i></a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">471</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LXII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl62">Offering the -<i lang="kij">soulava</i></a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">471</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LXIII</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl63">Ceremonial -destruction during a <i lang="kij">so’i</i> feast</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">486</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LXIV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl64"><i lang= -"kij">Nagega</i> canoe</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">496</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">LXV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl65">A corpse covered -with valuables</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">512</td> -</tr> -</table> -<div id="xd26e1699" class="div2 section"><span class= -"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">Maps</h3> -<table class="tocList"> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">I</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map1">Eastern New -Guinea</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">xxxiii</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">II</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map2">Racial distribution -in Eastern New Guinea</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">26</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">III</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map3">The Kula -district</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">IV</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map4">The Trobriand -archipelago</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">50</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">V</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map5">The Kula -ring</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">82</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -</div> -<div id="xd26e1752" class="div2 section"><span class= -"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">Tables</h3> -<table class="tocList"> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">I</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#table1">Chronological -list of Kula events witnessed by the writer</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">16</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">II</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#table2">Time-table of the -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, Dobu to Sinaketa, 1918</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">381</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">III</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#table3">Table of Kula -magic and of the corresponding activities</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">415–418</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -</div> -<div id="xd26e1788" class="div2 section"><span class= -"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">Figures in text</h3> -<table class="tocList"> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">I</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#fig1">Diagram of canoe -stability and construction</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">109</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tocDivNum">II</td> -<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#fig2"><span class="corr" -id="xd26e1807" title="Source: Diagramatic">Diagrammatic</span> sections -of canoes</a></td> -<td class="tocPageNum">111</td> -</tr> -</table> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e1813" href="#xd26e1813" name= -"xd26e1813">xxxii</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="div1 frontispiece"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"></p> -<div class="figure map1width" id="map1"><a href= -"images/map1h.png"><img src="images/map1.png" alt="" width="720" -height="609"></a> -<p class="first">Map I—The native names and their spelling on -this and the following map conform to the traditional nomenclature to -be found on charts and old maps. Maps III–V show, the native -names as ascertained by myself and phonetically spelled.</p> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb1" href="#pb1" name= -"pb1">1</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="body"> -<div id="ch0" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e425">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Introduction: The Subject, Method and Scope of this -Inquiry</h2> -<div id="div0.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The coastal populations of the South Sea Islands, with -very few exceptions, are, or were before their extinction, expert -navigators and traders. Several of them had evolved excellent types of -large sea-going canoes, and used to embark in them on distant trade -expeditions or raids of war and conquest. The Papuo-Melanesians, who -inhabit the coast and the out-lying islands of New Guinea, are no -exception to this rule. In general they are daring sailors, industrious -manufacturers, and keen traders. The manufacturing centres of important -articles, such as pottery, stone implements, canoes, fine baskets, -valued ornaments, are localised in several places, according to the -skill of the inhabitants, their inherited tribal tradition, and special -facilities offered by the district; thence they are traded over wide -areas, sometimes travelling more than hundreds of miles.</p> -<p>Definite forms of exchange along definite trade routes are to be -found established between the various tribes. A most remarkable form of -intertribal trade is that obtaining between the Motu of Port Moresby -and the tribes of the Papuan Gulf. The Motu sail for hundreds of miles -in heavy, unwieldy canoes, called <i lang="kij">lakatoi</i>, which are -provided with the characteristic crab-claw sails. They bring pottery -and shell ornaments, in olden days, stone blades, to Gulf Papuans, from -whom they obtain in exchange sago and the heavy dug-outs, which are -used afterwards by the Motu for the construction of their <i lang= -"kij">lakatoi</i> canoes.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1839src" href= -"#xd26e1839" name="xd26e1839src">1</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb2" href="#pb2" name="pb2">2</a>]</span></p> -<p>Further East, on the South coast, there lives the industrious, -sea-faring population of the Mailu, who link the East End of New Guinea -with the central coast tribes by means of annual trading -expeditions.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1848src" href="#xd26e1848" -name="xd26e1848src">2</a> Finally, the natives of the islands and -archipelagoes, scattered around the East End, are in constant trading -relations with one another. We possess in Professor Seligman’s -book an excellent description of the subject, especially of the nearer -trades routes between the various islands inhabited by the Southern -Massim.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1851src" href="#xd26e1851" name= -"xd26e1851src">3</a> There exists, however, another, a very extensive -and highly complex trading system, embracing with its ramifications, -not only the islands near the East End, but also the Louisiades, -Woodlark Island, the Trobriand Archipelago, and the -d’Entrecasteaux group; it penetrates into the mainland of New -Guinea, and exerts an indirect influence over several outlying -districts, such as Rossel Island, and some parts of the Northern and -Southern coast of New Guinea. This trading system, the Kula, is the -subject I am setting out to describe in this volume, and it will be -seen that it is an economic phenomenon of <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e1854" title="Source: consideraable">considerable</span> -theoretical importance. It looms paramount in the tribal life of those -natives who live within its circuit, and its importance is fully -realised by the tribesmen themselves, whose ideas, ambitions, desires -and vanities are very much bound up with the Kula<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e1857" title="Not in source">.</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Before proceeding to the account of the Kula, it will -be well to give a description of the methods used in the collecting of -the ethnographic material. The results of scientific research in any -branch of learning ought to be presented in a manner absolutely candid -and above board. No one would dream of making an experimental -contribution to physical or chemical science, without giving a detailed -account of all the arrangements of the experiments; an exact -description of the apparatus used; of the manner in which the -observations were conducted; of their number; of the length of time -devoted to them, and of the degree of approximation with which each -measurement was made. In less exact sciences, as in biology or geology, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb3" href="#pb3" name= -"pb3">3</a>]</span>this cannot be done as rigorously, but every student -will do his best to bring home to the reader all the conditions in -which the experiment or the observations were made. In Ethnography, -where a candid account of such data is perhaps even more necessary, it -has unfortunately in the past not always been supplied with sufficient -generosity, and many writers do not ply the full searchlight of -methodic sincerity, as they move among their facts and produce them -before us out of complete obscurity.</p> -<p>It would be easy to quote works of high repute, and with a -scientific hall-mark on them, in which wholesale generalisations are -laid down before us, and we are not informed at all by what actual -experiences the writers have reached their conclusion. No special -chapter or paragraph is devoted to describing to us the conditions -under which observations were made and information collected. I -consider that only such ethnographic sources are of unquestionable -scientific value, in which we can clearly draw the line between, on the -one hand, the results of direct observation and of native statements -and interpretations, and on the other, the inferences of the author, -based on his common sense and <span class="corr" id="xd26e1869" title= -"Source: psycholgical">psychological</span> insight.<a class="noteref" -id="xd26e1872src" href="#xd26e1872" name="xd26e1872src">4</a> Indeed, -Some such survey, as that contained in the table, given below (<a href= -"#div0.6">Div. VI of this chapter</a>) ought to be forthcoming, so that -at a glance the reader could estimate with precision the degree of the -writer’s personal acquaintance with the facts which he describes, -and form an idea under what conditions information had been obtained -from the natives.</p> -<p>Again, in historical science, no one could expect to be seriously -treated if he made any mystery of his sources and spoke of the past as -if he knew it by divination. In Ethnography, the writer is his own -chronicler and the historian at the same time, while his sources are no -doubt easily accessible, but also supremely elusive and complex; they -are not embodied in fixed, material documents, but in the behaviour and -in the memory of living men. In Ethnography, the distance is often -enormous between the brute material of <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb4" href="#pb4" name="pb4">4</a>]</span>information—as it is -presented to the student in his own observations, in native statement, -in the kaleidoscope of tribal life—and the final authoritative -presentation of the results. The Ethnographer has to traverse this -distance in the laborious years between the moment when he sets foot -upon a native beach, and makes his first attempts to get into touch -with the natives, and the time when he writes down the final version of -his results. A brief outline of an Ethnographer’s tribulations, -as lived through by myself, may throw more light on the question, than -any long abstract discussion could do.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Imagine yourself suddenly set down surrounded by all -your gear, alone on a tropical beach close to a native village, while -the launch or dinghy which has brought you sails away out of sight. -Since you take up your abode in the compound of some neighbouring white -man, trader or missionary, you have nothing to do, but to start at once -on your ethnographic work. Imagine further that you are a beginner, -without previous experience, with nothing to guide you and no one to -help you. For the white man is temporarily absent, or else unable or -unwilling to waste any of his time on you. This exactly describes my -first initiation into field work on the south coast of New Guinea. I -well remember the long visits I paid to the villages during the first -weeks; the feeling of hopelessness and despair after many obstinate but -futile attempts had entirely failed to bring me into real touch with -the natives, or supply me with any material. I had periods of -despondency, when I buried myself in the reading of novels, as a man -might take to drink in a fit of tropical depression and boredom.</p> -<p>Imagine yourself then, making your first entry into the village, -alone or in company with your white cicerone. Some natives flock round -you, especially if they smell tobacco. Others, the more dignified and -elderly, remain seated where they are. Your white companion has his -routine way of treating the natives, and he neither understands, nor is -very much concerned with the manner in which you, as an ethnographer, -will have to approach them. The first visit leaves you with a hopeful -feeling that when you return alone, things will be easier. Such was my -hope at least. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb5" href="#pb5" name= -"pb5">5</a>]</span></p> -<p>I came back duly, and soon gathered an audience around me. A few -compliments in pidgin-English on both sides, some tobacco changing -hands, induced an atmosphere of mutual amiability. I tried then to -proceed to business. First, to begin with subjects which might arouse -no suspicion, I started to “do” technology. A few natives -were engaged in manufacturing some object or other. It was easy to look -at it and obtain the names of the tools, and even some technical -expressions about the proceedings, but there the matter ended. It must -be borne in mind that pidgin-English is a very imperfect instrument for -expressing one’s ideas, and that before one gets a good training -in framing questions and understanding answers one has the -uncomfortable feeling that free communication in it with the natives -will never be attained; and I was quite unable to enter into any more -detailed or explicit conversation with them at first. I knew well that -the best remedy for this was to collect concrete data, and accordingly -I took a village census, wrote down genealogies, drew up plans and -collected the terms of kinship. But all this remained dead material, -which led no further into the understanding of real native mentality or -behaviour, since I could neither procure a good native interpretation -of any of these items, nor get what could be called the hang of tribal -life. As to obtaining their ideas about religion, and magic, their -beliefs in sorcery and spirits, nothing was forthcoming except a few -superficial items of folk-lore, mangled by being forced into -<span class="corr" id="xd26e1892" title= -"Source: pidgin English">pidgin-English</span>.</p> -<p>Information which I received from some white residents in the -district, valuable as it was in itself, was more discouraging than -anything else with regard to my own work. Here were men who had lived -for years in the place with constant opportunities of observing the -natives and communicating with them, and who yet hardly knew one thing -about them really well. How could I therefore in a few months or a -year, hope to overtake and go beyond them? Moreover, the manner in -which my white informants spoke about the natives and put their views -was, naturally, that of untrained minds, unaccustomed to formulate -their thoughts with any degree of consistency and precision. And they -were for the most part, naturally enough, full of the biassed and -pre-judged opinions inevitable in the average practical man, whether -administrator, missionary, or trader; yet so strongly repulsive to a -mind striving after the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb6" href="#pb6" -name="pb6">6</a>]</span>objective, scientific view of things. The habit -of treating with a self-satisfied frivolity what is really serious to -the ethnographer; the cheap rating of what to him is a scientific -treasure, that is to say, the native’s cultural and mental -peculiarities and independence—these features, so well known in -the inferior amateur’s writing, I found in the tone of the -majority of white residents.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1899src" href= -"#xd26e1899" name="xd26e1899src">5</a></p> -<div class="figure pl01width" id="pl01"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl01width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -I</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl01.jpg" alt= -"The Ethnographer’s Tent on the Beach of Nu’agasi." width= -"664" height="409"> -<p class="figureHead">The Ethnographer’s Tent on the Beach of -Nu’agasi.</p> -<p>This is illustrates the manner of life among the natives, described -in <a href="#div1.4">Div. IV</a>. Note (with reference to <a href= -"#ch4">Chs. IV</a> and <a href="#ch5">V</a>) the dug-out log of a large -canoe beside the tent, and the <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe, beached -under Palm leaves to the left.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl02width" id="pl02"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl02width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -II</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl02.jpg" alt= -"The Chief’s Lisiga (Personal Hut) in Omarakana." width="661" -height="373"> -<p class="figureHead">The Chief’s Lisiga (Personal Hut) in -Omarakana.</p> -<p>To’uluwa, the present chief, is standing in front (cf. -<a href="#div2.5">Ch. II, Div. V</a>); to the left, among the palms, is -the Ethnographer’s tent (see <a href="#div0.4">Div. IV</a>), with -a group of natives squatting in front of it.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl03width" id="pl03"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl03width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -III</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl03.jpg" alt= -"Street of Kasana’i (Inkiriwina, Trobriand Islands)" width="668" -height="398"> -<p class="figureHead">Street of Kasana’i (Inkiriwina, Trobriand -Islands)</p> -<p>An everyday scene, showing groups of people at their ordinary -occupations. (See <a href="#div0.4">Div. IV</a>)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl04width" id="pl04"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl04width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -IV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl04.jpg" alt="Scene in Yourawotu (Trobriands)" width= -"658" height="387"> -<p class="figureHead">Scene in Yourawotu (Trobriands)</p> -<p>A complex, but well-defined, act of a <i lang="kij">sagali</i> -(ceremonial distribution) is going on. There is a definite system of -sociological, economic and ceremonial principles at the bottom of the -apparently confused proceedings. (See <a href="#div0.4">Div. -IV</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>Indeed, in my first piece of Ethnographic research on the South -coast, it was not until I was alone in the district that I began to -make some headway; and, at any rate, I found out where lay the secret -of effective field-work. What is then this ethnographer’s magic, -by which he is able to evoke the real spirit of the natives, the true -picture of tribal life? As usual, success can only be obtained by a -patient and systematic application of a number of rules of common sense -and well-known scientific principles, and not by the discovery of any -marvellous short-cut leading to the desired results without effort or -trouble. The principles of method can be grouped under three main -headings; first of all, naturally, the student must possess real -scientific aims, and know the values and criteria of modern -ethnography. Secondly, he ought to put himself in good conditions of -work, that is, in the main, to live without other white men, right -among the natives. Finally, he has to apply a number of special methods -of collecting, manipulating and fixing his evidence. A few words must -be said about these three foundation stones of fieldwork, beginning -with the second as the most elementary.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><i>Proper conditions for ethnographic work</i>. These, -as said, consist mainly in cutting oneself off from the company of -other white men, and remaining in as close contact with the natives as -possible, which really can only be achieved by camping right in their -villages (see Plates <a href="#pl01">I</a> and <a href="#pl02">II</a>). -It is very nice to have a base in a white man’s compound for the -stores, and to know there is a refuge there in times of sickness and -surfeit of native. But it must be far enough away not to become a -permanent milieu in which you live and from which you emerge at fixed -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb7" href="#pb7" name= -"pb7">7</a>]</span>hours only to “do the village.” It -should not even be near enough to fly to at any moment for recreation. -For the native is not the natural companion for a white man, and after -you have been working with him for several hours, seeing how he does -his gardens, or letting him tell you items of folk-lore, or discussing -his customs, you will naturally hanker after the company of your own -kind. But if you are alone in a village beyond reach of this, you go -for a solitary walk for an hour or so, return again and then quite -naturally seek out the natives’ society, this time as a relief -from loneliness, just as you would any other companionship. And by -means of this natural intercourse, you learn to know him, and you -become familiar with his customs and beliefs far better than when he is -a paid, and often bored, informant.</p> -<p>There is all the difference between a sporadic plunging into the -company of natives, and being really in contact with them. What does -this latter mean? On the Ethnographer’s side, it means that his -life in the village, which at first is a strange, sometimes unpleasant, -sometimes intensely interesting adventure, soon adopts quite a natural -course very much in harmony with his surroundings.</p> -<p>Soon after I had established myself in Omarakana (Trobriand -Islands), I began to take part, in a way, in the village life, to look -forward to the important or festive events, to take personal interest -in the gossip and the developments of the small village occurrences; to -wake up every morning to a day, presenting itself to me more or less as -it does to the native. I would get out from under my mosquito net, to -find around me the village life beginning to stir, or the people well -advanced in their working day according to the hour and also to the -season, for they get up and begin their labours early or late, as work -presses. As I went on my morning walk through the village, I could see -intimate details of family life, of toilet, cooking, taking of meals; I -could see the arrangements for the day’s work, people starting on -their errands, or groups of men and women busy at some manufacturing -tasks (see <a href="#pl03">Plate III</a>). Quarrels, jokes, family -scenes, events usually trivial, sometimes dramatic but always -significant, formed the atmosphere of my daily life, as well as of -theirs. It must be remembered that as the natives saw me constantly -every day, they ceased to be interested or alarmed, or made -self-conscious by my <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb8" href="#pb8" -name="pb8">8</a>]</span>presence, and I ceased to be a disturbing -element in the tribal life which I was to study, altering it by my very -approach, as always happens with a new-comer to every savage community. -In fact, as they knew that I would thrust my nose into everything, even -where a well-mannered native would not dream of intruding, they -finished by regarding me as part and parcel of their life, a necessary -evil or nuisance, mitigated by donations of tobacco.</p> -<p>Later on in the day, whatever happened was within easy reach, and -there was no possibility of its escaping my notice. Alarms about the -sorcerer’s approach in the evening, one or two big, really -important quarrels and rifts within the community, cases of illness, -attempted cures and deaths, magical rites which had to be performed, -all these I had not to pursue, fearful of missing them, but they took -place under my very eyes, at my own doorstep, so to speak (see <a href= -"#pl04">Plate IV</a>). And it must be emphasised whenever anything -dramatic or important occurs it is essential to investigate it at the -very moment of happening, because the natives cannot but talk about it, -are too excited to be reticent, and too interested to be mentally lazy -in supplying details. Also, over and over again, I committed breaches -of etiquette, which the natives, familiar enough with me, were not slow -in pointing out. I had to learn how to behave, and to a certain extent, -I acquired “the feeling” for native good and bad manners. -With this, and with the capacity of enjoying their company and sharing -some of their games and amusements, I began to feel that I was indeed -in touch with the natives, and this is certainly the preliminary -condition of being able to carry on successful field work.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">But the Ethnographer has not only to spread his nets -in the right place, and wait for what will fall into them. He must be -an active huntsman, and drive his quarry into them and follow it up to -its most inaccessible lairs. And that leads us to the more active -methods of pursuing ethnographic evidence. It has been mentioned at the -end of <a href="#div0.3">Division III</a> that the Ethnographer has to -be inspired by the knowledge of the most modern results of scientific -study, by its principles and aims. I shall not enlarge upon this -subject, except by way of one remark, to avoid the possibility of -misunderstanding. Good <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb9" href="#pb9" -name="pb9">9</a>]</span>training in theory, and acquaintance with its -latest results, is not identical with being burdened with -“preconceived ideas.” If a man sets out on an expedition, -determined to prove certain hypotheses, if he is incapable of changing -his views constantly and casting them off ungrudgingly under the -pressure of evidence, needless to say his work will be worthless. But -the more problems he brings with him into the field, the more he is in -the habit of moulding his theories according to facts, and of seeing -facts in their bearing upon theory, the better he is equipped for the -work. Preconceived ideas are pernicious in any scientific work, but -foreshadowed problems are the main endowment of a scientific thinker, -and these problems are first revealed to the observer by his -theoretical studies.</p> -<p>In Ethnology the early efforts of Bastian, Tylor, Morgan, the German -Völkerpsychologen have remoulded the older crude information of -travellers, missionaries, etc., and have shown us the importance of -applying deeper conceptions and discarding crude and misleading -ones.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2008src" href="#xd26e2008" name= -"xd26e2008src">6</a></p> -<p>The concept of animism superseded that of “fetichism” or -“devil-worship,” both meaningless terms. The understanding -of the classificatory systems of relationship paved the way for the -brilliant, modern researches on native sociology in the field-work of -the Cambridge school. The psychological analysis of the German thinkers -has brought forth an abundant crop of most valuable information in the -results obtained by the recent German expeditions to Africa, South -America and the Pacific, while the theoretical works of Frazer, -Durkheim and others have already, and will no doubt still for a long -time inspire field workers and lead them to new results. The field -worker relies entirely upon inspiration from theory. Of course he may -be also a theoretical thinker and worker, and there he can draw on -himself for stimulus. But the two functions are separate, and in actual -research they have to be separated both in time and conditions of -work.</p> -<p>As always happens when scientific interest turns towards and begins -to labour on a field so far only prospected by the curiosity of -amateurs, Ethnology has introduced law and order into what seemed -chaotic and freakish. It has transformed for us the sensational, wild -and unaccountable world of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb10" href= -"#pb10" name="pb10">10</a>]</span>“savages” into a number -of well ordered communities, governed by law, behaving and thinking -according to consistent principles. The word “savage,” -whatever association it might have had originally, connotes ideas of -boundless liberty, of irregularity, of something extremely and -extraordinarily quaint. In popular thinking, we imagine that the -natives live on the bosom of Nature, more or less as they can and like, -the prey of irregular, phantasmagoric beliefs and apprehensions. Modern -science, on the contrary, shows that their social institutions have a -very definite organisation, that they are governed by authority, law -and order in their public and personal relations, while the latter are, -besides, under the control of extremely complex ties of kinship and -clanship. Indeed, we see them entangled in a mesh of duties, functions -and privileges which correspond to an elaborate tribal, communal and -kinship organisation (see <a href="#pl04">Plate IV</a>). Their beliefs -and practices do not by any means lack consistency of a certain type, -and their knowledge of the outer world is sufficient to guide them in -many of their strenuous enterprises and activities. Their artistic -productions again lack neither meaning nor beauty.</p> -<p>It is a very far cry from the famous answer given long ago by a -representative authority who, asked, what are the manners and customs -of the natives, answered, “Customs none, manners beastly,” -to the position of the modern Ethnographer! This latter, with his -tables of kinship terms, genealogies, maps, plans and diagrams, proves -an extensive and big organisation, shows the constitution of the tribe, -of the clan, of the family; and he gives us a picture of the natives -subjected to a strict code of behaviour and good manners, to which in -comparison the life at the Court of Versailles or Escurial was free and -easy.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2022src" href="#xd26e2022" name= -"xd26e2022src">7</a></p> -<p>Thus the first and basic ideal of ethnographic field-work is to give -a clear and firm outline of the social constitution, and disentangle -the laws and regularities of all cultural phenomena <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb11" href="#pb11" name="pb11">11</a>]</span>from the -irrelevances. The firm skeleton of the tribal life has to be first -ascertained. This ideal imposes in the first place the fundamental -obligation of giving a complete survey of the phenomena, and not of -picking out the sensational, the singular, still less the funny and -quaint. The time when we could tolerate accounts presenting us the -native as a distorted, childish caricature of a human being are gone. -This picture is false, and like many other falsehoods, it has been -killed by Science. The field Ethnographer has seriously and soberly to -cover the full extent of the phenomena in each aspect of tribal culture -studied, making no difference between What is commonplace, or drab, or -ordinary, and what strikes him as astonishing and out-of-the-way. At -the same time, the whole area of tribal culture <i>in all its -aspects</i> has to be gone over in research. The consistency, the law -and order which obtain within each aspect make also for joining them -into one coherent whole.</p> -<p>An Ethnographer who sets out to study only religion, or only -technology, or only social organisation cuts out an artificial field -for inquiry, and he will be seriously handicapped in his work.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Having settled this very general rule, let us descend -to more detailed consideration of method. The Ethnographer has in the -field, according to what has just been said, the duty before him of -drawing up all the rules and regularities of tribal life; all that is -permanent and fixed; of giving an anatomy of their culture, of -depicting the constitution of their society. But these things, though -crystallised and set, are nowhere <i>formulated</i>. There is no -written or explicitly expressed code of laws, and their whole tribal -tradition, the whole structure of their society, are embodied in the -most elusive of all materials; the human being. But not even in human -mind or memory are these laws to be found definitely formulated. The -natives obey the forces and commands of the tribal code, but they do -not comprehend them; exactly as they obey their instincts and their -impulses, but could not lay down a single law of psychology. The -regularities in native institutions are an automatic result of the -interaction of the mental forces of tradition, and of the material -conditions of environment. Exactly as a humble member of any modern -institution, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb12" href="#pb12" name= -"pb12">12</a>]</span>whether it be the state, or the church, or the -army, is <i>of</i> it and <i>in</i> it, but has no vision of the -resulting integral action of the whole, still less could furnish any -account of its organisation, so it would be futile to attempt -questioning a native in abstract, sociological terms. The difference is -that, in our society, every institution has its intelligent members, -its historians, and its archives and documents, whereas in a native -society there are none of these. After this is realised an expedient -has to be found to overcome this difficulty. This expedient for an -Ethnographer consists in collecting concrete data of evidence, and -drawing the general inferences for himself. This seems obvious on the -face of it, but was not found out or at least practised in Ethnography -till field work was taken up by men of science. Moreover, in giving it -practical effect, it is neither easy to devise the concrete -applications of this method, nor to carry them out systematically and -consistently.</p> -<p>Though we cannot ask a native about abstract, general rules, we can -always enquire how a given case would be treated. Thus for instance, in -asking how they would treat crime, or punish it, it would be vain to -put to a native a sweeping question such as, “How do you treat -and punish a criminal?” for even words could not be found to -express it in native, or in pidgin. But an imaginary case, or still -better, a real occurrence, will stimulate a native to express his -opinion and to supply plentiful information. A real case indeed will -start the natives on a wave of discussion, evoke expressions of -indignation, show them taking sides—all of which talk will -probably contain a wealth of definite views, of moral censures, as well -as reveal the social mechanism set in motion by the crime committed. -From there, it will be easy to lead them on to speak of other similar -cases, to remember other actual occurrences or to discuss them in all -their implications and aspects. From this material, which ought to -cover the widest possible range of facts, the inference is obtained by -simple induction. The <i>scientific</i> treatment differs from that of -good common sense, first in that a student will extend the completeness -and minuteness of survey much further and in a pedantically systematic -and methodical manner; and secondly, in that the scientifically trained -mind, will push the inquiry along really relevant lines, and towards -aims possessing real importance. Indeed, the object of scientific -training is to provide the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb13" href= -"#pb13" name="pb13">13</a>]</span>empirical investigator with a -<i>mental chart</i>, in accordance with which he can take his bearings -and lay his course.</p> -<p>To return to our example, a number of definite cases discussed will -reveal to the Ethnographer the social machinery for punishment. This is -one part, one aspect of tribal authority. Imagine further that by a -similar method of inference from definite data, he arrives at -understanding leadership in war, in economic enterprise, in tribal -festivities—there he has at once all the data necessary to answer -the questions about tribal government and social authority. In actual -field work, the comparison of such data, the attempt to piece them -together, will often reveal rifts and gaps in the information which -lead on to further investigations.</p> -<p>From my own experience, I can say that, very often, a problem seemed -settled, everything fixed and clear, till I began to write down a short -preliminary sketch of my results. And only then, did I see the enormous -deficiencies, which would show me where lay new problems, and lead me -on to new work. In fact, I spent a few months between my first and -second expeditions, and over a year between that and the subsequent -one, in going over all my material, and making parts of it almost ready -for publication each time, though each time I knew I would have to -re-write it. Such cross-fertilisation of constructive work and -observation, I found most valuable, and I do not think I could have -made real headway without it. I give this bit of my own history merely -to show that what has been said so far is not only an empty programme, -but the result of personal experience. In this volume, the description -is given of a big institution connected with ever so many associated -activities, and presenting many aspects. To anyone who reflects on the -subject, it will be clear that the information about a phenomenon of -such high complexity and of so many ramifications, could not be -obtained with any degree of exactitude and completeness, without a -constant interplay of constructive attempts and empirical checking. In -fact, I have written up an outline of the Kula institution at least -half a dozen times while in the field and in the intervals between my -expeditions. Each time, new problems and difficulties presented -themselves.</p> -<p>The collecting of concrete data over a wide range of facts is thus -one of the main points of field method. The obligation <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb14" href="#pb14" name="pb14">14</a>]</span>is not -to enumerate a few examples only, but to exhaust as far as possible all -the cases within reach; and, on this search for cases, the investigator -will score most whose mental chart is clearest. But, whenever the -material of the search allows it, this mental chart ought to be -transformed into a real one; it ought to materialise into a diagram, a -plan, an exhaustive, synoptic table of cases. Long since, in all -tolerably good modern books on natives, we expect to find a full list -or table of kinship terms, which includes all the data relative to it, -and does not just pick out a few strange and anomalous relationships or -expressions. In the investigation of kinship, the following up of one -relation after another in concrete cases leads naturally to the -construction of genealogical tables. Practised already by the best -early writers, such as Munzinger, and, if I remember rightly, Kubary, -this method has been developed to its fullest extent in the works of -Dr. Rivers. Again, studying the concrete data of economic transactions, -in order to trace the history of a valuable object, and to gauge the -nature of its circulation, the principle of completeness and -thoroughness would lead to construct tables of transactions, such as we -find in the work of Professor Seligman.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2068src" href="#xd26e2068" name="xd26e2068src">8</a> It is in -following Professor Seligman’s example in this matter that I was -able to settle certain of the more difficult and detailed rules of the -Kula. The method of reducing information, if possible, into charts or -synoptic tables ought to be extended to the study of practically all -aspects of native life. All types of economic transactions may be -studied by following up connected, actual cases, and putting them into -a synoptic chart; again, a table ought to be drawn up of all the gifts -and presents customary in a given society, a table including the -sociological, ceremonial, and economic definition of every item. Also, -systems of magic, connected series of ceremonies, types of legal acts, -all could be charted, allowing each entry to be synoptically defined -under a number of headings. Besides this, of course, the genealogical -census of every community, studied more in detail, extensive maps, -plans and diagrams, illustrating ownership in garden land, hunting and -fishing privileges, etc., serve as the more fundamental documents of -ethnographic research.</p> -<p>A genealogy is nothing else but a synoptic chart of a number -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb15" href="#pb15" name= -"pb15">15</a>]</span>of connected relations of kinship. Its value as an -instrument of research consists in that it allows the investigator to -put questions which he formulates to himself <i lang="la">in -abstracto</i>, but can put concretely to the native informant. As a -document, its value consists in that it gives a number of authenticated -data, presented in their natural grouping. A synoptic chart of magic -fulfils the same function. As an instrument of research, I have used it -in order to ascertain, for instance, the ideas about the nature of -magical power. With a chart before me, I could easily and conveniently -go over one item after the other, and note down the relevant practices -and beliefs contained in each of them. The answer to my abstract -problem could then be obtained by drawing a general inference from all -the cases, and the procedure is illustrated in Chapters <a href= -"#ch17">XVII</a> and <a href="#ch18">XVIII</a>.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2084src" href="#xd26e2084" name="xd26e2084src">9</a> I cannot -enter further into the discussion of this question, which would need -further distinctions, such as between a chart of concrete, actual data, -such as is a genealogy, and a chart summarising the outlines of a -custom or belief, as a chart of a magical system would be.</p> -<p>Returning once more to the question of methodological candour, -discussed previously in <a href="#div0.2">Division II</a> I wish to -point out here, that the procedure of concrete and tabularised -presentation of data ought to be applied first to the -Ethnographer’s own credentials. That is, an Ethnographer, who -wishes to be trusted, must show clearly and concisely, in a tabularised -form, which are his own direct observations, and which the indirect -information that form the bases of his account. The Table on the next -page will serve as an example of this procedure and help the reader of -this book to form an idea of the trustworthiness of any statement he is -specially anxious to check. With the help of this Table and the many -references scattered throughout the text, as to how, under what -circumstances, and with what degree of accuracy I arrived at a given -item of knowledge, there will, I hope remain no obscurity whatever as -to the sources of the book. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb016" href= -"#pb016" name="pb016">16</a>]</span></p> -<p id="table1" class="h3">Chronological List of Kula Events Witnessed -by the Writer</p> -<ul> -<li><span class="sc">First Expedition</span>, August, 1914–March, -1915. -<ul> -<li><i>March</i>, 1915. In the village of Dikoyas (Woodlark Island) a -few ceremonial offerings seen. Preliminary information obtained.</li> -</ul> -</li> -<li><span class="sc">Second Expedition</span>, May, 1915–May, -1916. -<ul> -<li><i>June</i>, 1915. A Kabigidoya visit arrives from Vakuta to -Kiriwina. Its anchoring at Kavataria witnessed and the men seen at -Omarakana, where information collected.</li> -<li><i>July</i>, 1915. Several parties from Kitava land on the beach of -Kaulukuba. The men examined in Omarakana. Much information collected in -that period.</li> -<li><i>September</i>, 1915. Unsuccessful attempt to sail to Kitava with -To’uluwa, the chief of Omarakana.</li> -<li><i>October–November</i>, 1915. Departure noticed of three -expeditions from Kiriwina to Kitava. Each time To’uluwa brings -home a haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshells).</li> -<li><i>November</i>, 1915–<i>March</i>, 1916. Preparations for a -big overseas expedition from Kiriwina to the Marshall Bennett Islands. -Construction of a canoe; renovating of another; sail making in -Omarakana; launching; <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> on the beach of -Kaulukuba. At the same time, information is being obtained about these -and the associated subjects. Some magical texts of canoe building and -Kula magic obtained.</li> -</ul> -</li> -<li><span class="sc">Third Expedition</span>, October, -1917–October, 1918. -<ul> -<li><i>November</i>, 1917–<i>December</i>, 1917. Inland Kula; -some data obtained in Tukwaukwa.</li> -<li><i>December–February</i>, 1918. Parties from Kitava arrive in -Wawela. Collection of information about the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>. -Magic and spells of Kaygau obtained.</li> -<li><i>March</i>, 1918. Preparations in Sanaroa; preparations in the -Amphletts; the Dobuan fleet arrives in the Amphletts. The <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition from Dobu followed to Boyowa.</li> -<li><i>April</i>, 1918. Their arrival; their reception in Sinaketa; the -Kula transactions; the big intertribal gathering. Some magical -formulæ obtained.</li> -<li><i>May</i>, 1918. Party from Kitava seen in Vakuta.</li> -<li><i>June, July</i>, 1918. Information about Kula magic and customs -checked and amplified in Omarakana, especially with regard to its -Eastern branches.</li> -<li><i>August, September</i>, 1918. Magical texts obtained in -Sinaketa.</li> -<li><i>October</i>, 1918. Information obtained from a number of natives -in Dobu and Southern Massim district (examined in Samarai).</li> -</ul> -</li> -</ul> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb17" href="#pb17" name= -"pb17">17</a>]</span></p> -<p>To summarise the first, cardinal point of method, I may say each -phenomenon ought to be studied through the broadest range possible of -its concrete manifestations; each studied by an exhaustive survey of -detailed examples. If possible, the results ought to be embodied into -some sort of synoptic chart, both to be used as an instrument of study, -and to be presented as an ethnological document. With the help of such -documents and such study of actualities the clear outline of the -framework of the natives’ culture in the widest sense of the -word, and the constitution of their society, can be presented. This -method could be called <i>the method of statistic documentation by -concrete evidence</i>.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Needless to add, in this respect, the scientific -field-work is far above even the best amateur productions. There is, -however, one point in which the latter often excel. This is, in the -presentation of intimate touches of native life, in bringing home to us -these aspects of it with which one is made familiar only through being -in close contact with the natives, one way or the other, for a long -period of time. In certain results of scientific work—especially -that which has been called “survey work”—we are given -an excellent skeleton, so to speak, of the tribal constitution, but it -lacks flesh and blood. We learn much about the framework of their -society, but within it, we cannot perceive or imagine the realities of -human life, the even flow of everyday events, the occasional ripples of -excitement over a feast, or ceremony, or some singular occurrence. In -working out the rules and regularities of native custom, and in -obtaining a precise formula for them from the collection of data and -native statements, we find that this very precision is foreign to real -life, which never adheres rigidly to any rules. It must be supplemented -by the observation of the manner in which a given custom is carried -out, of the behaviour of the natives in obeying the rules so exactly -formulated by the ethnographer, of the very exceptions which in -sociological phenomena almost always occur.</p> -<p>If all the conclusions are solely based on the statements of -informants, or deduced from objective documents, it is of course -impossible to supplement them in actually observed data of real -behaviour. And that is the reason why certain works of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb18" href="#pb18" name="pb18">18</a>]</span>amateur -residents of long standing, such as educated traders and planters, -medical men and officials, and last, not least, of the few intelligent -and unbiassed missionaries to whom Ethnography owes so much, this is -the reason why these works surpass in plasticity and in vividness most -of the purely scientific accounts. But if the specialised field-worker -can adopt the conditions of living described above, he is in a far -better position to be really in touch with the natives than any other -white resident. For none of them lives right in a native village, -except for very short periods, and everyone has his own business, which -takes up a considerable part of his time. Moreover, if, like a trader -or a missionary or an official he enters into active relations with the -native, if he has to transform or influence or make use of him, this -makes a real, unbiassed, impartial observation impossible, and -precludes all-round sincerity, at least in the case of the missionaries -and officials.</p> -<p>Living in the village with no other business but to follow native -life, one sees the customs, ceremonies and transactions over and over -again, one has examples of their beliefs as they are actually lived -through, and the full body and blood of actual native life fills out -soon the skeleton of abstract constructions. That is the reason why, -working under such conditions as previously described, the Ethnographer -is enabled to add something essential to the bare outline of tribal -constitution, and to supplement it by all the details of behaviour, -setting and small incident. He is able in each case to state whether an -act is public or private; how a public assembly behaves, and what it -looks like; he can judge whether an event is ordinary or an exciting -and singular one; whether natives bring to it a great deal of sincere -and earnest spirit, or perform it in fun; whether they do it in a -perfunctory manner, or with zeal and deliberation.</p> -<p>In other words, there is a series of phenomena of great importance -which cannot possibly be recorded by questioning or computing -documents, but have to be observed in their full actuality. Let us call -them the <i><span class="corr" id="xd26e2220" title= -"Source: inponderabilia">imponderabilia</span> of actual life</i>. Here -belong such things as the routine of a man’s working day, the -details of his care of the body, of the manner of taking food and -preparing it; the tone of conversational and social life around the -village fires, the existence of strong friendships or hostilities, and -of passing sympathies and dislikes between <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb19" href="#pb19" name="pb19">19</a>]</span>people; -the subtle yet unmistakable manner in which personal vanities and -ambitions are reflected in the behaviour of the individual and in the -emotional reactions of those who surround him. All these facts can and -ought to be scientifically <span class="corr" id="xd26e2226" title= -"Source: formalated">formulated</span> and recorded, but it is -necessary that this be done, not by a superficial registration of -details, as is usually done by untrained observers, but with an effort -at penetrating the mental attitude expressed in them. And that is the -reason why the work of scientifically trained observers, once seriously -applied to the study of this aspect, will, I believe, yield results of -surpassing value. So far, it has been done only by amateurs, and -therefore done, on the whole, indifferently.</p> -<p>Indeed, if we remember that these imponderable yet all important -facts of actual life are part of the real substance of the social -fabric, that in them are spun the innumerable threads which keep -together the family, the clan, the village community, the -tribe—their significance becomes clear. The more crystallised -bonds of social grouping, such as the definite ritual, the economic and -legal duties, the obligations, the ceremonial gifts and formal marks of -regard, though equally important for the student, are certainly felt -less strongly by the individual who has to fulfil them. Applying this -to ourselves, we all know that “family life” means for us, -first and foremost, the atmosphere of home, all the innumerable small -acts and attentions in which are expressed the affection, the mutual -interest, the little preferences, and the little antipathies which -constitute intimacy. That we may inherit from this person, that we -shall have to walk after the hearse of the other, though sociologically -these facts belong to the definition of “family” and -“family life,” in personal perspective of what family truly -is to us, they normally stand very much in the background.</p> -<p>Exactly the same applies to a native community, and if the -Ethnographer wants to bring their real life home to his readers, he -must on no account neglect this. Neither aspect, the intimate, as -little as the legal, ought to be glossed over. Yet as a rule in -ethnographic accounts we have not both but either the one or the -other—and, so far, the intimate one has hardly ever been properly -treated. In all social relations besides the family ties, even those -between mere tribesmen and, beyond that, between hostile or friendly -members of different tribes, meeting on any sort of social business, -there is this intimate <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb20" href="#pb20" -name="pb20">20</a>]</span>side, expressed by the typical details of -intercourse, the tone of their behaviour in the presence of one -another. This side is different from the definite, crystalised legal -frame of the relationship, and it has to be studied and stated in its -own right.</p> -<p>In the same way, in studying the conspicuous acts of tribal life, -such as ceremonies, rites, festivities, etc., the details and tone of -behaviour ought to be given, besides the bare outline of events. The -importance of this may be exemplified by one instance. Much has been -said and written about survival. Yet the survival character of an act -is expressed in nothing as well as in the concomitant behaviour, in the -way in which it is carried out. Take any example from our own culture, -whether it be the pomp and pageantry of a state ceremony, or a -picturesque custom kept up by street urchins, its “outline” -will not tell you whether the rite flourishes still with full vigour in -the hearts of those who perform it or assist at the performance or -whether they regard it as almost a dead thing, kept alive for -tradition’s sake. But observe and fix the data of their -behaviour, and at once the degree of vitality of the act will become -clear. There is no doubt, from all points of sociological, or -psychological analysis, and in any question of theory, the manner and -type of behaviour observed in the performance of an act is of the -highest importance. Indeed behaviour is a fact, a relevant fact, and -one that can be recorded. And foolish indeed and short-sighted would be -the man of science who would pass by a whole class of phenomena, ready -to be garnered, and leave them to waste, even though he did not see at -the moment to what theoretical use they might be put!</p> -<p>As to the actual method of observing and recording in field-work -these <i>imponderabilia of actual life and of typical behaviour</i>, -there is no doubt that the personal equation of the observer comes in -here more prominently, than in the collection of crystalised, -ethnographic data. But here also the main endeavour must be to let -facts speak for themselves. If in making a daily round of the village, -certain small incidents, characteristic forms of taking food, of -conversing, of doing work (see for instance <a href="#pl03">Plate -III</a>) are found <span class="corr" id="xd26e2245" title= -"Source: occuring">occurring</span> over and over again, they should be -noted down at once. It is also important that this work of collecting -and fixing impressions should begin early in the course of working out -a district. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb21" href="#pb21" name= -"pb21">21</a>]</span>Because certain subtle peculiarities, which make -an impression as long as they are novel, cease to be noticed as soon as -they become familiar. Others again can only be perceived with a better -knowledge of the local conditions. An ethnographic diary, carried on -systematically throughout the course of one’s work in a district -would be the ideal instrument for this sort of study. And if, side by -side with the normal and typical, the ethnographer carefully notes the -slight, or the more pronounced deviations from it, he will be able to -indicate the two extremes within which the normal moves.</p> -<p>In observing ceremonies or other tribal events, such, for instance -as the scene depicted in <a href="#pl04">Plate IV</a>, it is necessary, -not only to note down those occurrences and details which are -prescribed by tradition and custom to be the essential course of the -act, but also the Ethnographer ought to record carefully and precisely, -one after the other, the actions of the actors and of the spectators. -Forgetting for a moment that he knows and understands the structure of -this ceremony, the main dogmatic ideas underlying it, he might try to -find himself only in the midst of an assembly of human-beings, who -behave seriously or jocularly, with earnest concentration or with bored -frivolity, who are either in the same mood as he finds them every day, -or else are screwed up to a high pitch of excitement, and so on and so -on. With his attention constantly directed to this aspect of tribal -life, with the constant endeavour to fix it, to express it in terms of -actual fact, a good deal of reliable and expressive material finds its -way into his notes. He will be able to “set” the act into -its proper place in tribal life, that is to show whether it is -exceptional or commonplace, one in which the natives behave ordinarily, -or one in which their whole behaviour is transformed. And he will also -be able to bring all this home to his readers in a clear, convincing -manner.</p> -<p>Again, in this type of work, it is good for the Ethnographer -sometimes to put aside camera, note book and pencil, and to join in -himself in what is going on. He can take part in the natives’ -games, he can follow them on their visits and walks, sit down and -listen and share in their conversations. I am not certain if this is -equally easy for everyone—perhaps the Slavonic nature is more -plastic and more naturally savage than that of Western -Europeans—but though the degree of success varies, the attempt is -possible for everyone. Out of such <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb22" -href="#pb22" name="pb22">22</a>]</span>plunges into the life of the -natives—and I made them frequently not only for study’s -sake but because everyone needs human company—I have carried away -a distinct feeling that their behaviour, their manner of being, in all -sorts of tribal transactions, became more transparent and easily -understandable than it had been before. All these methodological -remarks, the reader will find again illustrated in the following -chapters.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VIII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Finally, let us pass to the third and last aim of -scientific field-work, to the last type of phenomenon which ought to be -recorded in order to give a full and adequate picture of native -culture. Besides the firm outline of tribal constitution and -crystallised cultural items which form the skeleton, besides the data -of daily life and ordinary behaviour, which are, so to speak, its flesh -and blood, there is still to be recorded the spirit—the -natives’ views and opinions and utterances. For, in every act of -tribal life, there is, first, the routine prescribed by custom and -tradition, then there is the manner in which it is carried out, and -lastly there is the commentary to it, contained in the natives’ -mind. A man who submits to various customary obligations, who follows a -traditional course of action, does it impelled by certain motives, to -the accompaniment of certain feelings, guided by certain ideas. These -ideas, feelings, and impulses are moulded and conditioned by the -culture in which we find them, and are therefore an ethnic peculiarity -of the given society. An attempt must be made therefore, to study and -record them.</p> -<p>But is this possible? Are these subjective states not too elusive -and shapeless? And, even granted that people usually do feel or think -or experience certain psychological states in association with the -performance of customary acts, the majority of them surely are not able -to formulate these states, to put them into words. This latter point -must certainly be granted, and it is perhaps the real Gordian knot in -the study of the facts of social psychology. Without trying to cut or -untie this knot, that is to solve the problem theoretically, or to -enter further into the field of general methodology, I shall make -directly for the question of practical means to overcome some of the -difficulties involved. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb23" href="#pb23" -name="pb23">23</a>]</span></p> -<p>First of all, it has to be laid down that we have to study here -stereotyped manners of thinking and feeling. As sociologists, we are -not interested in what A or B may feel <i>qua</i> individuals, in the -accidental course of their own personal experiences—we are -interested only in what they feel and think <i>qua</i> members of a -given community. Now in this capacity, their mental states receive a -certain stamp, become stereotyped by the institutions in which they -live, by the influence of tradition and folk-lore, by the very vehicle -of thought, that is by language. The social and cultural environment in -which they move forces them to think and feel in a definite manner. -Thus, a man who lives in a polyandrous community cannot experience the -same feelings of jealousy, as a strict monogynist, though he might have -the elements of them. A man who lives within the sphere of the Kula -cannot become permanently and sentimentally attached to certain of his -possessions, in spite of the fact that he values them most of all. -These examples are crude, but better ones will be found in the text of -this book.</p> -<p>So, the third commandment of field-work runs: Find out the typical -ways of thinking and feeling, corresponding to the institutions and -culture of a given community, and formulate the results in the most -convincing manner. What will be the method of procedure? The best -ethnographical writers—here again the Cambridge school with -Haddon, Rivers, and Seligman rank first among English -Ethnographers—have always tried to quote <i>verbatim</i> -statements of crucial importance. They also adduce terms of native -classification; sociological, psychological and industrial <i lang= -"la">termini technici</i>, and have rendered the verbal contour of -native thought as precisely as possible. One step further in this line -can be made by the Ethnographer, who acquires a knowledge of the native -language and can use it as an instrument of inquiry. In working in the -Kiriwinian language, I found still some difficulty in writing down the -statement directly in translation which at first I used to do in the -act of taking notes. The translation often robbed the text of all its -significant characteristics—rubbed off all its points—so -that gradually I was led to note down certain important phrases just as -they were spoken, in the native tongue. As my knowledge of the language -progressed, I put down more and more in Kiriwinian, till at last I -found myself writing exclusively in that language, rapidly taking -notes, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb24" href="#pb24" name= -"pb24">24</a>]</span>word for word, of each statement. No sooner had I -arrived at this point, than I recognised that I was thus acquiring at -the same time an abundant linguistic material, and a series of -ethnographic documents which ought to be reproduced as I had fixed -them, besides being utilised in the writing up of my account.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e2285src" href="#xd26e2285" name= -"xd26e2285src">10</a> This <i lang="la">corpus inscriptionum -Kiriwiniensium</i> can be utilised, not only by myself, but by all -those who, through their better penetration and ability of interpreting -them, may find points which escape my attention, very much as the other -<i>corpora</i> form the basis for the various interpretations of -ancient and prehistoric cultures; only, these ethnographic inscriptions -are all decipherable and clear, have been almost all translated fully -and unambiguously, and have been provided with native -cross-commentaries or <i>scholia</i> obtained from living sources.</p> -<p>No more need be said on this subject here, as later on a whole -chapter (<a href="#ch18">Chapter XVIII</a>) is devoted to it, and to -its exemplification by several native texts. The <i>Corpus</i> will of -course be published separately at a later date.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div0.9" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IX</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Our considerations thus indicate that the goal of -ethnographic field-work must be approached through three avenues:</p> -<p>1. <i>The organisation of the tribe, and the anatomy</i> of <i>its -culture</i> must be recorded in firm, clear outline. The method of -<i>concrete, statistical documentation</i> is the means through which -such an outline has to be given.</p> -<p>2. Within this frame, the <i>imponderabilia of actual life</i>, and -the <i>type of behaviour</i> have to be filled in. They have to be -collected through minute, detailed observations, in the form of some -sort of ethnographic diary, made possible by close contact with native -life.</p> -<p>3. A collection of ethnographic statements, characteristic -narratives, typical utterances, items of folk-lore and magical -formulæ has to be given as a <i lang="la">corpus -inscriptionum</i>, as documents of native mentality. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb25" href="#pb25" name="pb25">25</a>]</span></p> -<p>These three lines of approach lead to the final goal, of which an -Ethnographer should never lose sight. This goal is, briefly, to grasp -the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realise -<i>his</i> vision of <i>his</i> world. We have to study man, and we -must study what concerns him most intimately, that is, the hold which -life has on him. In each culture, the values are slightly different; -people aspire after different aims, follow different impulses, yearn -after a different form of happiness. In each culture, we find different -institutions in which man pursues his life-interest, different customs -by which he satisfies his aspirations, different codes of law and -morality which reward his virtues or punish his defections. To study -the institutions, customs, and codes or to study the behaviour and -mentality without the subjective desire of feeling by what these people -live, of realising the substance of their happiness—is, in my -opinion, to miss the greatest reward which we can hope to obtain from -the study of man.</p> -<p>These generalities the reader will find illustrated in the following -chapters. We shall see there the savage striving to satisfy certain -aspirations, to attain his type of value, to follow his line of social -ambition. We shall see him led on to perilous and difficult enterprises -by a tradition of magical and heroical exploits, shall see him -following the lure of his own romance. Perhaps as we read the account -of these remote customs there may emerge a feeling of solidarity with -the endeavours and ambitions of these natives. Perhaps man’s -mentality will be revealed to us, and brought near, along some lines -which we never have followed before. Perhaps through realising human -nature in a shape very distant and foreign to us, we shall have some -light shed on our own. In this, and in this case only, we shall be -justified in feeling that it has been worth our while to understand -these natives, their institutions and customs, and that we have -gathered some profit from the Kula.</p> -<div class="figure map2width" id="map2"><a href= -"images/map2h.png"><img src="images/map2.png" alt="" width="720" -height="389"></a> -<p class="first">Map II—Diagram showing the geographical area of -the Massim and its relation to the districts inhabited by W. -Papuo-Melanesians and by Papuans. Reproduced from the -“Melanesians of British New Guinea” by kind permission of -Professor C. G. Seligman.</p> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb27" href="#pb27" name= -"pb27">27</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e1839" href="#xd26e1839src" name="xd26e1839">1</a></span> The -<i lang="kij">hiri</i>, as these expeditions are called in Motuan, have -been described with a great wealth of detail and clearness of outline -by Captain F. Barton, in C. G. Seligman’s “The Melanesians -of British New Guinea,” Cambridge, 1910, Chapter -viii. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1839src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e1848" href="#xd26e1848src" name="xd26e1848">2</a></span> Cf: -“The Mailu,” by B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the R. -Society of S. Australia, 1915; Chapter iv. 4, pp. 612 to -629. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1848src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e1851" href="#xd26e1851src" name="xd26e1851">3</a></span> Op. cit. -Chapter xl. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1851src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e1872" href="#xd26e1872src" name="xd26e1872">4</a></span> On this -point of method again, we are indebted to the Cambridge School of -Anthropology for having introduced the really scientific way of dealing -with the question. More especially in the writings of Haddon, Rivers -and Seligman, the distinction between inference and observation is -always clearly drawn, and we can visualise with perfect precision the -conditions under which the work was done. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e1872src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e1899" href="#xd26e1899src" name="xd26e1899">5</a></span> I may -note at once that there were a few delightful exceptions to that, to -mention only my friends Billy Hancock in the Trobriands; M. Raffael -Brudo, another pearl trader; and the missionary, Mr. M. K. -Gilmour. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1899src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2008" href="#xd26e2008src" name="xd26e2008">6</a></span> -According to a useful habit of the terminology of science, I use the -word Ethnography for the empirical and descriptive results of the -science of Man, and the word Ethnology for speculative and comparative -theories. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2008src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2022" href="#xd26e2022src" name="xd26e2022">7</a></span> The -legendary “early authority” who found the natives only -beastly and without customs is left behind by a modern writer, who, -speaking about the Southern Massim with whom he lived and worked -“in close contact” for many years, -says:—“… We teach lawless men to become -obedient, inhuman men to love, and savage men to change.” And -again:—“Guided in his conduct by nothing but his instincts -and propensities, and governed by his unchecked -passions ….” “Lawless, inhuman and -savage!” A grosser misstatement of the real state of things could -not be invented by anyone wishing to parody the Missionary point of -view. Quoted from the Rev. C. W. Abel, of the London Missionary -Society, “Savage Life in New Guinea,” no -date. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2022src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2068" href="#xd26e2068src" name="xd26e2068">8</a></span> For -instance, the tables of circulation of the valuable axe blades, op. -cit., pp. 531, 532. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e2068src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2084" href="#xd26e2084src" name="xd26e2084">9</a></span> In this -book, besides the adjoining Table, which does not strictly belong to -the class of document of which I speak here, the reader will find only -a few samples of synoptic tables, such as the list of Kula partners -mentioned and analysed in <a href="#div13.2">Chapter XIII, Division -II</a>, the list of gifts and presents in <a href="#div6.6">Chapter VI, -Division VI</a>, not tabularised, only described; the synoptic data of -a Kula expedition in <a href="#ch16">Chapter XVI</a>, and the table of -Kula magic given in <a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>. Here, I have not -wanted to overload the account with charts, etc., preferring to reserve -them till the full publication of my material. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e2084src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2285" href="#xd26e2285src" name="xd26e2285">10</a></span> It was -soon after I had adopted this course that I received a letter from Dr. -A. H. Gardiner, the well-known Egyptologist, urging me to do this very -thing. From his point of view as archæologist, he naturally saw -the enormous possibilities for an Ethnographer of obtaining a similar -body of written sources as have been preserved to us from ancient -cultures, plus the possibility of illuminating them by personal -knowledge of the full life of that culture. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e2285src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch1" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e443">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter I</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Country and Inhabitants of the Kula District</h2> -<div id="div1.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The tribes who live within the sphere of the Kula -system of trading belong, one and all—with the exception perhaps, -of the Rossel Island natives, of whom we know next to nothing—to -the same racial group. These tribes inhabit the easternmost end of the -mainland of New Guinea and those islands, scattered in the form of the -long-drawn archipelago, which continue in the same south-easternly -trend as the mainland, as if to bridge over the gap between New Guinea -and the Solomons.</p> -<p>New Guinea is a mountainous island-continent, very difficult of -access in its interior, and also at certain portions of the coast, -where barrier reefs, swamps and rocks practically prevent landing or -even approach for native craft. Such a country would obviously not -offer the same opportunities in all its parts to the drifting -migrations which in all probability are responsible for the composition -of the present population of the South Seas. The easily accessible -portions of the coast and the outlying islands would certainly offer a -hospitable reception to immigrants of a higher stock; but, on the other -hand, the high hills, the impregnable fastnesses in swampy flats and -shores where landing was difficult and dangerous, would give easy -protection to the aborigines, and discourage the influx of -migrators.</p> -<p>The actual distribution of races in New Guinea completely justifies -these hypotheses. <a href="#map2">Map II</a> shows the Eastern part of -the main island and archipelagoes of New Guinea and the racial -distribution of the natives. The interior of the continent, the low -sago swamps and deltas of the Gulf of Papua—probably the greater -part of the North Coast and of the South-West Coast of New Guinea, are -inhabited by a “relatively <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb28" -href="#pb28" name="pb28">28</a>]</span>tall, dark-skinned, -frizzly-haired” race, called by Dr. Seligman <i>Papuan</i>, and -in the hills more especially by pygmy tribes. We know little about -these people, swamp tribes and hill tribes alike, who probably are the -autochtons in this part of the world.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2374src" href="#xd26e2374" name="xd26e2374src">1</a> As we shall -also not meet them in the following account, it will be better to pass -to the tribes who inhabit the accessible parts of New Guinea. -“The Eastern Papuasians, that is, the generally smaller, lighter -coloured, frizzly-haired races of the eastern peninsula of New Guinea -and its archipelagoes now require a name, and since the true Melanesian -element is dominant in them, they may be called Papuo-Melanesians. With -regard to these Eastern Papuasians, Dr. A. C. Haddon first recognised -that they came into the country as the result of a ‘Melanesian -migration into New Guinea,’ and further, ‘That a single -wandering would not account for certain puzzling -facts.’ ”<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2383src" href= -"#xd26e2383" name="xd26e2383src">2</a> The Papuo-Melanesians again can -be divided into two groups, a Western and an Eastern one, which, -following Dr. Seligman’s terminology, we shall call the Western -Papuo-Melanesians and the Massim respectively. It is with these latter -we shall become acquainted in the following pages.</p> -<p>If we glance at a map and follow the orographical features of -Eastern New Guinea and its coast line, we see at once that the high -main range of mountains drops off between the 149th and 150th -meridians, and again that the fringing reef disappears at the same -point, that is, at the west end of Orangerie Bay. This means that the -extreme East End of New Guinea, with its archipelagoes, in other words, -the Massim country, is the most easily accessible area, and might be -expected to be inhabited by a homogeneous stock of people, consisting -of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb29" href="#pb29" name= -"pb29">29</a>]</span>immigrants almost unmixed with the autochtons (Cf. -<a href="#map2">Map II</a>). “Indeed, while the condition -actually existing in the Massim area suggests that there was no slow -mingling of the invaders with a previous stock, the geographical -features of the territory of the Western Papuo-Melanesians with its -hills, mountains and swamps, are such that invaders could not have -speedily overrun the country, nor failed to have been influenced by the -original inhabitants …”<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2393src" href="#xd26e2393" name="xd26e2393src">3</a></p> -<p>I shall assume that the reader is acquainted with the quoted work of -Dr. Seligman, where a thorough account is given of all the main types -of Papuo-Melanesian sociology and culture one after the other. But the -tribes of the Eastern Papuo-Melanesian or Massim area, must be -described here somewhat more in detail, as it is within this fairly -homogeneous area that the Kula takes place. Indeed, the Kula sphere of -influence and the ethnographic area of the Massim tribes almost -completely overlap, and we can speak about the Kula type of culture and -the Massim culture almost synonymously.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div1.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The adjacent <a href="#map3">Map III</a> shows the -Kula district, that is, the easternmost end of the main island and the -archipelagoes lying to its East and North-East. As Professor C. G. -Seligman says: “This area can be divided into two parts, a small -northern portion comprising the Trobriands, the Marshall Bennets, the -Woodlarks (Murua), as well as a number of smaller islands such as the -Laughlans (Nada), and a far larger southern portion comprising the -remainder of the Massim domain” (op. cit., p. 7).</p> -<p>This division is represented on <a href="#map3">Map III</a> by the -thick line isolating to the North the Amphletts, the Trobriands, the -small Marshall Bennet Group, Woodlark Island and the Laughlan Group. -The Southern portion, I found convenient to divide further into two -divisions by a vertical line, leaving to the East Misima, Sud-Est -Island and Rossel Island. As our information about this district is -extremely scanty, I have preferred to exclude it from the area of the -Southern Massim. In this excluded area, only the natives of Misima -enter into the Kula, but their participation will play a very small -part only in the following account. The western segment, and this is -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb31" href="#pb31" name= -"pb31">31</a>]</span>the part of which we shall speak as the district -of the Southern Massim, comprises first the East End of the mainland, -the few adjacent islands, Sariba, Roge’a, Side’a, and -Basilaki; to the South, the island of Wari, to the East the important, -though small archipelago of Tubetube (Engineer Group); and to the -North, the big archipelago of the d’Entrecasteaux Islands. From -this latter, only one district, that of Dobu, interests us more -specially. The culturally homogeneous tribes of the Southern Massim -have been marked off on our map as district V, the Doubans as district -IV.</p> -<div class="figure map3width" id="map3"><a href= -"images/map3h.png"><img src="images/map3.png" alt="" width="720" -height="403"></a> -<p class="first">Map III—The Kula district. Sketch map, showing -the sub-divisions of the Massim and the principal places of importance -in the Kula.</p> -</div> -<p>Returning to the two main divisions into the Southern and Northern -portion, this latter is occupied by a very homogeneous population, -homogeneous both in language and culture, and in the clear recognition -of their own ethnic unity. To quote further Professor Seligman, it -“is characterised by the absence of cannibalism, which, until put -down by the Government, existed throughout the remaining portion of the -district; another peculiarity of the Northern Massim is their -recognition” in certain districts, though not in all, of -chieftains who wield extensive powers (op. cit. p. 7). The natives of -that northern area used to practise—I say used because wars are a -thing of the past—a type of warfare open and chivalrous, very -different from the raids of the Southern Massim. Their villages are -built in big compact blocks, and they have storehouses on piles for -storing food, distinct from their rather miserable dwellings, which -stand directly on the ground and are not raised on piles. As can be -seen on the map, it has been necessary to sub-divide this Northern -Massim further into three groups, first, that of the Trobriand -Islanders, or the Boyowans (the Western Branch); secondly that of the -natives of Woodlark Island and the Marshall Bennets (the Eastern -Branch); and, thirdly, the small group of the Amphlett natives.</p> -<p>The other big sub-division of the Kula tribes is composed of the -Southern Massim, of which, as just said, the western branch mainly -concerns us. These last natives are smaller in stature, and with, -broadly speaking, a much less attractive appearance than those of the -North.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2422src" href="#xd26e2422" name= -"xd26e2422src">4</a> They live in widely <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb32" href="#pb32" name="pb32">32</a>]</span>scattered communities, -each house or group of houses standing in its own little grove of palm -and fruit trees, apart from the others. Formerly they were cannibals -and head-hunters, and used to make unexpected raids on their -adversaries. There is no chieftainship, authority being exercised by -the elders in each community. They build very elaborately constructed -and beautifully decorated houses on piles.</p> -<p>I have found it necessary for the purpose of this study to cut out -of the western branch of the southern portion of the Massim the two -areas (marked IV and V on the <a href="#map3">Map III</a>), as they are -of special importance to the Kula. It must, however, be borne in mind -that our present knowledge does not allow of any final classification -of the Southern Massim.</p> -<p>Such are the general characteristics of the Northern and Southern -Massim respectively, given in a few words. But before proceeding with -our subject, it will be good to give a short but more detailed sketch -of each of these tribes. I shall begin with the southernmost section, -following the order in which a visitor, travelling from Port Moresby -with the Mail boat, would come in contact with these districts, the way -indeed in which I received my first impressions of them. My personal -knowledge of the various tribes is, however, very uneven, based on a -long residence among the Trobriand Islanders (District I), on a -month’s study of the Amphletts (District III); on a few weeks -spent in Woodlark Island or Murua (District II), the neighbourhood of -Samarai (District V), and the South Coast of New Guinea (also V); and -on three short visits to Dobu (District IV). My knowledge of some of -the remaining localities which enter into the Kula is derived only from -a few conversations I had with natives of this district, and on -second-hand information derived from white residents. The work of -Professor C. G. Seligman, however, supplements my personal acquaintance -in so far as the districts of Tubetube, Woodlark Island, the Marshall -Bennets, and several others are concerned.</p> -<p>The whole account of the Kula will therefore naturally be given from -the perspective, so to speak, of the Trobriand district. This district -is often called in this book by its native name, Boyowa, and the -language is spoken of as Kiriwinian, Kiriwina being the main province -of the district, and its language considered by the natives as a -standard speech. But <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb33" href="#pb33" -name="pb33">33</a>]</span>I may add at once that in studying the Kula -in that part, I <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> studied its adjacent -branches between the Trobriands and the Amphletts, between the -Trobriands and Kitava, and between the Trobriands and Dobu; seeing not -only the preparations and departures in Boyowa, but also the arrival of -the natives from other districts, in fact, following one or two of such -expeditions in person.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2441src" href= -"#xd26e2441" name="xd26e2441src">5</a> Moreover, the Kula being an -international affair, the natives of one tribe know more about Kula -customs abroad than they would about any other subject. And in all its -essentials, the customs and tribal rules of the exchange are identical -throughout the whole Kula area.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div1.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us imagine that we are sailing along the South -coast of New Guinea towards its Eastern end. At about the middle of -Orangerie Bay we arrive at the boundary of the Massim, which runs from -this point north-westwards till it strikes the northern coast near Cape -Nelson (see <a href="#map2">Map II</a>). As mentioned before, the -boundary of the district inhabited by this tribe corresponds to -definite geographical conditions, that is, to the absence of natural, -inland fastnesses, or of any obstacles to landing. Indeed, it is here -that the Great Barrier Reef becomes finally submerged, while again the -Main Range of mountains, which follows up to this point, always -separated from the foreshore by minor ranges, comes to an end.</p> -<p>Orangerie Bay is closed, on its Eastern side, by a headland, the -first of a series of hills, rising directly out of the sea. As we -approach the land, we can see distinctly the steep, folded slopes, -covered with dense, rank jungle, brightened here and there by bold -patches of lalang grass. The coast is broken first by a series of -small, land-locked bays or lagoons; then, after Fife Bay, come one or -two larger bays, with a flat, alluvial foreshore, and then from South -Cape the coast stretches in an almost unbroken line, for several miles, -to the end of the mainland.</p> -<p>The East End of New Guinea is a tropical region, where the -distinction between the dry and wet season is not felt very sharply. In -fact, there is no pronounced dry season there, and so the land is -always clad in intense, shining green, which forms a crude contrast -with the blue sea. The summits of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb34" href="#pb34" name="pb34">34</a>]</span>hills are often shrouded -in trailing mist, whilst white clouds brood or race over the sea, -breaking up the monotony of saturated, stiff blue and green. To someone -not acquainted with the South Sea landscape it is difficult to convey -the permanent impression of smiling festiveness, the alluring clearness -of the beach, fringed by jungle trees and palms, skirted by white foam -and blue sea, above it the slopes ascending in rich, stiff folds of -dark and light green, piebald and shaded over towards the summit by -steamy, tropical mists.</p> -<p>When I first sailed along this coast, it was after a few -months’ residence and field work in the neighbouring district of -the Mailu. From Toulon Island, the main centre and most important -settlement of the Mailu, I used to look towards the East end of -Orangerie Bay, and on clear days I could see the pyramidal hills of -Bonabona, of Gadogado’a, as blue silhouettes in the distance. -Under the influence of my work, I came to regard this country within -the somewhat narrow native horizon, as the distant land to which -perilous, seasonal voyages are made, from whence come certain -objects—baskets, decorated carvings, weapons, -ornaments—particularly well formed, and superior to the local -ones; the land to which the natives point with awe and distrust, when -speaking of specially evil and virulent forms of sorcery; the home of a -folk mentioned with horror as cannibals. Any really fine touch of -artistic taste, in Mailu carvings, would always be directly imported or -imitated from the East, and I also found that the softest and most -melodious songs and the finest dances came from the Massim. Many of -their customs and institutions would be quoted to me as quaint and -unusual, and thus, I, the ethnographer working on the borderland of two -cultures, naturally had my interest and curiosity aroused. It seemed as -if the Eastern people must be much more complex, in one direction -towards the cruel, man-eating savage, in the other towards the -finely-gifted, poetical lord of primitive forest and seas, when I -compared them with the relatively coarse and dull native of Mailu. No -wonder, therefore, that on approaching their coast—travelling on -that occasion in a small launch—I scanned the landscape with keen -interest, anxious to catch my first glimpse of natives, or of their -traces.</p> -<p>The first distinctly visible signs of human existence in this -neighbourhood are the patches of garden land. These big <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb35" href="#pb35" name= -"pb35">35</a>]</span>clearings, triangular in shape, with the apex -pointing uphill, look as if they were plastered on to the steep slopes. -From August to November, the season when the natives cut and burn the -bush, they can be seen, at night, alight with slowly-blazing logs, and -in daytime, their smoke clings over the clearings, and slowly drifts -along the hill side. Later on in the year, when the plantation sprouts, -they form a bright spot, with the light green of their fresh -leaves.</p> -<p>The villages in this district are to be found only on the foreshore, -at the foot of the hills, hidden in groves of trees, with here and -there a golden or purplish bit of thatch showing through the dark green -of the leaves. In calm weather a few canoes are probably not far off, -fishing. If the visitor is lucky enough to pass at the time of feasts, -trading expeditions, or any other big tribal gathering, many a fine -sea-going canoe may be seen approaching the village with the sound of -conch shells blowing melodiously.</p> -<p>In order to visit one of the typical, large settlements of these -natives, let us say near Fife Bay, on the South coast, or on the island -of Sariba, or Roge’a, it would be best to go ashore in some big, -sheltered bay, or on one of the extensive beaches at the foot of a -hilly island. We enter a clear, lofty grove, composed of palms, bread -fruit, mangoes, and other fruit trees, often with a sandy subsoil, well -weeded-out and clean, where grow clumps of ornamental bushes, such as -the red-flowering hybiscus, croton or aromatic shrub. Here we find the -village. Fascinating as may be the Motuan habitations standing on high -piles in the middle of a lagoon, or the neat streets of an Aroma or -Mailu settlement, or the irregular warren of small huts on the -Trobriand coast, all these cannot compete in picturesqueness or charm -with the villages of the Southern Massim. When, on a hot day, we enter -the deep shadow of fruit trees and palms, and find ourselves in the -midst of the wonderfully designed and ornamented houses hiding here and -there in irregular groups among the green, surrounded by little -decorative gardens of shells and flowers, with pebble-bordered paths -and stone-paved sitting circles, it seems as if the visions of a -primeval, happy, savage life were suddenly realised, even if only in a -fleeting impression. Big bodies of canoes are drawn high up the beach -and covered with palm leaves; here and there nets are drying, spread -out on special <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb36" href="#pb36" name= -"pb36">36</a>]</span>stands, and on the platforms in front of the -houses sit groups of men and women, busy at some domestic work, smoking -and chatting.</p> -<p id="pl05"></p> -<div class="figure pl05-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl05-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -V</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl05-1.jpg" alt="" width="516" height="360"></div> -<div class="figure pl05-2width"><img src="images/pl05-2.jpg" alt= -"Scenes on the Beach of Silosilo (Southern Massim District)." width= -"518" height="353"> -<p class="figureHead">Scenes on the Beach of Silosilo (Southern Massim -District).</p> -<p class="first">These represent phases of a big annual feast, the -<i lang="kij">so’i</i>. (See <a href="#div1.3">Div. III.</a>, and -compare also <a href="#ch21">Ch. XXI.</a>) Note the prominent part -taken by women in the proceedings; the use of the -“ceremonial” axe handles; the manner of carrying pigs, and -the canoes beached on the shore.</p> -</div> -<p id="pl06"></p> -<div class="figure pl06-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl06-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -VI</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl06-1.jpg" alt="" width="519" height="397"></div> -<div class="figure pl06-2width"><img src="images/pl06-2.jpg" alt= -"Village Scenes During a So’i Feast." width="520" height="411"> -<p class="figureHead">Village Scenes During a So’i Feast.</p> -<p class="first">These show types of Southern Massim and their -decorations again note the prominent part taken by women in the -ceremonial actions. (See <a href="#div1.3">Div. III.</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>Walking along the paths which lead on for miles, we come every few -hundred yards on another hamlet of a few houses. Some of these are -evidently new and freshly decorated, while others are abandoned, and a -heap of broken household objects is lying on the ground, showing that -the death of one of the village elders has caused it to be deserted. As -the evening approaches, the life becomes more active, fires are -kindled, and the natives busy themselves cooking and eating food. In -the dancing season, towards dusk, groups of men and women foregather, -singing, dancing, and beating drums.</p> -<p>When we approach the natives closer and scan their personal -appearance, we are struck—if we compare them with their Western -neighbours—by the extreme lightness of their skin, their sturdy, -even lumpy stature, and a sort of soft, almost effete general -impression which their physique produces. Their fat, broad faces, their -squashed noses, and frequently oblique eyes, make them appear quaint -and grotesque rather than impressively savage. Their hair, not so -woolly as that of the pure Papuans, nor growing into the enormous halo -of the Motuans, is worn in big mops, which they often cut at the sides -so as to give the head an oblong, almost cylindrical shape. Their -manner is shy and diffident, but not unfriendly—rather smiling -and almost servile, in very great contrast to the morose Papuan, or the -unfriendly, reserved South Coast Mailu or Aroma. On the whole, they -give at first approach not so much the impression of wild savages as of -smug and self-satisfied bourgeois.</p> -<p>Their ornaments are much less elaborate and more toned down than -those of their Western neighbours. Belts and armlets plaited of a dark -brown fern vine, small red shell disks and turtle shell rings as ear -ornaments are the only permanent, every-day decorations worn. Like all -Melanesians of Eastern New Guinea, they are quite cleanly in their -persons, and a personal approach to them does not offend any of our -senses. They are very fond of red hibiscus flowers stuck in their hair, -of scented flower wreaths on their head, of aromatic leaves thrust into -their belts and armlets. Their grand, festive head-dress is extremely -modest compared with the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb37" href= -"#pb37" name="pb37">37</a>]</span>enormous erections of feathers used -by the Western tribes, and consists mainly of a round halo of white -cockatoo feathers stuck into their hair (see <a href="#pl05">Plate -V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a>).</p> -<p>In olden days, before the advent of white men, these pleasant, -apparently effete people were inveterate cannibals and head-hunters, -and in their large war-canoes they carried on treacherous, cruel raids, -falling upon sleeping villages, killing man, woman and child, and -feasting on their bodies. The attractive stone circles in their -villages were associated with their cannibal feasts.<a class="noteref" -id="xd26e2532src" href="#xd26e2532" name="xd26e2532src">6</a></p> -<p>The traveller, who could settle down in one of their villages and -remain there sufficiently long to study their habits and enter into -their tribal life, would soon be struck by the absence of a well -recognised general authority. In this, however, the natives resemble -not only the other Western Melanesians of New Guinea, but also the -natives of the Melanesian Archipelago. The authority in the Southern -Massim tribe, as in many others, is vested in the village elders. In -each hamlet the eldest man has a position of personal influence and -power, and these collectively would in all cases represent the tribe -and carry out and enforce their decisions—always arrived at in -strict accord with tribal tradition.</p> -<p>Deeper sociological study would reveal the characteristic totemism -of these natives, and also the matrilineal construction of their -society. Descent, inheritance, and social position follow the female -line—a man always belongs to his mother’s totemic division -and local group, and inherits from his mother’s brother. Women -also enjoy a very independent position, and are exceedingly well -treated, and in tribal and festive affairs they play a prominent part -(see Plates <a href="#pl05">V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a>). Some -women, even, owing to their magical powers, wield a considerable -influence.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2545src" href="#xd26e2545" name= -"xd26e2545src">7</a></p> -<p>The sexual life of these natives is extremely lax. Even when we -remember the very free standard of sex morals in the Melanesian tribes -of New Guinea, such as the Motu or the Mailu, we still find these -natives exceedingly loose in such matters. Certain reserves and -appearances which are usually kept up in other tribes, are here -completely abandoned. As is probably the case in many communities where -sex morals are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb38" href="#pb38" name= -"pb38">38</a>]</span>lax, there is a complete absence of unnatural -practices and sex perversions. Marriage is concluded as the natural end -of a long and lasting liaison.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2552src" -href="#xd26e2552" name="xd26e2552src">8</a></p> -<p>These natives are efficient and industrious manufacturers, and great -traders. They own large sea-going canoes, which, however, they do not -manufacture themselves, but which they import from the Northern Massim -district, or from Panayati. Another feature of their culture, which we -shall meet again, consists of their big feasts, called <i lang= -"kij">So’i</i> (see Plates <a href="#pl05">V</a> and <a href= -"#pl06">VI</a>), associated with mortuary celebrations and with a -special mortuary taboo called <i lang="kij">gwara</i>. In the big -inter-tribal trading of the Kula, these feasts play a considerable -rôle.</p> -<p>This general, and necessarily somewhat superficial description, is -meant to give the reader a definite impression of these tribes, provide -them, so to speak, with a physiognomy, rather than to give a full -account of their tribal constitution. For this the reader is referred -to Professor C. G. Seligman’s treatise, our main source of -knowledge on the Melanesians of New Guinea. The above sketch refers to -what Professor Seligman calls the Southern Massim, or more exactly to -the portion marked off in the Ethnographic sketch <a href="#map3">Map -No. III</a> as “V, the Southern Massim”—the -inhabitants of the Easternmost mainland and the adjacent -archipelago.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div1.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us now move North, towards the district marked -“IV, the Dobu,” in our map, which forms one of the most -important links in the chain of Kula and a very influential centre of -cultural influence. As we sail North, passing East Cape, the -Easternmost point of the main island—a long, flat promontory -covered with palms and fruit belts, and harbouring a very dense -population—a new world, new both geographically and -ethnographically, opens up before us. At first it is only a faint, -bluish silhouette, like a shadow of a distant mountain range, hovering -far north over the horizon. As we approach, the hills of Normanby, the -nearest of three big islands of the d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago, -become clearer and take more definite shape and substance. A few high -summits stand out more distinctly through the usual tropical haze, -among them the characteristic double-peaked top of Bwebweso, the -mountain <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb39" href="#pb39" name= -"pb39">39</a>]</span>where, according to native legend, the spirits of -the dead in these parts lead their latter existence. The South Coast of -Normanby, and the interior are inhabited by a tribe or tribes of which -we know nothing ethnographically, except that they differ culturally -from the rest of their neighbours. These tribes also take no direct -part in the Kula.</p> -<p>The Northern end of Normanby, both sides of the Dawson Straits which -separate the two islands of Normanby and Fergusson, and the -South-eastern tip of Fergusson, are inhabited by a very important -tribe, the Dobu. The heart of their district is the small extinct -volcano forming an island at the Eastern entrance to Dawson -Straits—Dobu, after which island they are named. To reach it, we -have to sail through this extremely picturesque channel. On either side -of the winding, narrow strait, green hills descend, and close it in, -till it is more like a mountain lake. Here and there they recede, and a -lagoon opens out. Or again they rise in fairly steep slopes, on which -there can be plainly seen triangular gardens, native houses on piles, -large tracts of unbroken jungle and patches of grass land. As we -proceed, the narrow straits broaden, and we see on our right a wide -flank of Mt. Sulomona’i on Normanby Island. On our left, there is -a shallow bay, and behind it a large, flat plain, stretching far into -the interior of Fergusson Island, and over it, we look into wide -valleys, and on to several distant mountain ranges. After another turn, -we enter a big bay, on both sides bordered by a flat foreshore, and in -the middle of it rises out of a girdle of tropical vegetation, the -creased cone of an extinct volcano, the island of Dobu.</p> -<p>We are now in the centre of a densely populated and ethnographically -important district. From this island, in olden days, fierce and daring -cannibal and head-hunting expeditions were periodically launched, to -the dread of the neighbouring tribes. The natives of the immediately -surrounding districts, of the flat foreshore on both sides of the -straits, and of the big neighbouring islands were allies. But the more -distant districts, often over a hundred miles away by sail, never felt -safe from the Dobuans. Again, this was, and still is, one of the main -links in the Kula, a centre of trade, industries and general cultural -influence. It is characteristic of the international position of the -Dobuans that their language is spoken as a lingua franca all over the -d’Entrecasteaux <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb40" href="#pb40" -name="pb40">40</a>]</span>Archipelago, in the Amphletts, and as far -north as the Trobriands. In the southern part of these latter islands, -almost everyone speaks Dobuan, although in Dobu the language of the -Trobriands or Kiriwinian is hardly spoken by anyone. This is a -remarkable fact, which cannot be easily explained in terms of the -present conditions, as the Trobrianders, if anything, are on a higher -level of cultural development than Dobuans, are more numerous, and -enjoy the same general prestige.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2587src" -href="#xd26e2587" name="xd26e2587src">9</a></p> -<p>Another remarkable fact about Dobu and its district is that it is -studded with spots of special, mythological interest. Its charming -scenery, of volcanic cones, of wide, calm bays, and lagoons overhung by -lofty, green mountains, with the reef-riddled, island-strewn ocean on -the North, has deep, legendary meaning for the native. Here is the land -and sea where the magically inspired sailors and heroes of the dim past -performed feats of daring and power. As we sail from the entrance into -Dawson Straits, through Dobu and the Amphletts to Boyowa, almost every -new configuration of the land which we pass is the scene of some -legendary exploit. Here the narrow gorge has been broken through by a -magic canoe flying in the air. There the two rocks standing in the sea -are the petrified bodies of two mythological heroes who were stranded -at this spot after a quarrel. Here again, a land-locked lagoon has been -a port of refuge to a mythical crew. Apart from its legends, the -scenery before us, fine as it is, derives still more charm from the -knowledge that it is, and has been a distant Eldorado, a land of -promise and hope to generation after generation of really daring native -sailors from the Northern islands. And in the past these lands and seas -must have been the scene of migrations and fights, of tribal invasions, -and of gradual infiltrations of peoples and cultures.</p> -<p>In personal appearance, the Dobuans have a very distinct physique, -which differentiates them sharply from the Southern Massim and from the -Trobrianders; very dark-skinned, small of stature, with big heads and -rounded shoulders, they give a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb41" -href="#pb41" name="pb41">41</a>]</span>strange, almost gnome-like -impression on a first encounter. In their manner, and their tribal -character, there is something definitely pleasant, honest and -open—an impression which long acquaintance with them confirms and -strengthens. They are the general favourites of the whites, form the -best and most reliable servants, and traders who have resided long -among them compare them favourably with other natives.</p> -<p>Their villages, like those of the previously described Massim, are -scattered over wide areas. The fertile and flat foreshores which they -inhabit are studded with small, compact hamlets of a dozen or so -houses, hidden in the midst of one continuous plantation of fruit -trees, palms, bananas and yams. The houses are built on piles, but are -cruder architecturally than those of the S. Massim, and almost without -any decorations, though in the olden days of head-hunting some of them -were ornamented with skulls.</p> -<p>In their social constitution, the people are totemic, being divided -into a number of exogamous clans with linked totems. There is no -institution of regular chieftainship, nor have they any system of rank -or caste such as we shall meet in the Trobriands. Authority is vested -in the elders of the tribe. In each hamlet there is a man who wields -the greatest influence locally, and acts as its representative on such -tribal councils as may arise in connection with ceremonies and -expeditions.</p> -<p>Their system of kinship is matrilineal, and women hold a very good -position, and wield great influence. They also seem to take a much more -permanent and prominent part in tribal life than is the case among the -neighbouring populations. There is notably one of the features of -Dobuan society, which seems to strike the Trobrianders as peculiar, and -to which they will direct attention while giving information, even -although in the Trobriands also women have a good enough social -position. In Dobu, women take an important part in gardening, and have -a share in performing garden magic, and this in itself gives them a -high status. Again, the main instrument for wielding power and -inflicting penalties in these lands, sorcery, is to a great extent in -the hands of women. The flying witches, so characteristic of the -Eastern New Guinea type of culture, here have one of their strongholds. -We shall have to go into this subject more in detail when speaking -about shipwreck and the dangers of sailing. Besides this, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb42" href="#pb42" name="pb42">42</a>]</span>women -practice ordinary sorcery, which in other tribes is only man’s -prerogative.</p> -<p>As a rule, amongst natives, a high position of women is associated -with sex laxity. In this, Dobu is an exception. Not only are married -women expected to remain faithful, and adultery considered a great -crime, but, in sharp contrast to all surrounding tribes, the unmarried -girls of Dobu remain strictly chaste. There are no ceremonial or -customary forms of licence, and an intrigue would be certainly regarded -as an offence.</p> -<p>A few more words must be said here about sorcery, as this is a -matter of great importance in all inter-tribal relations. The dread of -sorcery is enormous, and when the natives visit distant parts, this -dread is enhanced by the additional awe of the unknown and foreign. -Besides the flying witches, there are, in Dobu, men and women who, by -their knowledge of magical spells and rites, can inflict disease and -cause death. The methods of these sorcerers, and all the beliefs -clustering round this subject are very much the same as those in the -Trobriands which we shall meet later on. These methods are -characterised by being very rational and direct, and implying hardly -any supernatural element. The sorcerer has to utter a spell over some -substance, and this must be administered by mouth, or else burnt over -the fire in the victim’s hut. The pointing stick is also used by -the sorcerers in certain rites.</p> -<p>If his methods are compared with those used by flying witches, who -eat the heart and lungs, drink the blood, snap the bones of their -enemies, and moreover possess the powers of invisibility and of flying, -the Dobuan sorcerer seems to have but simple and clumsy means at his -disposal. He is also very much behind his Mailu or Motu -namesakes—I say namesakes, because sorcerers throughout the -Massim are called <i lang="kij">Bara’u</i>, and the same word is -used in Mailu, while the Motu use the reduplicated <i lang= -"kij">Babara’u</i>. The magicians in these parts use such -powerful methods as those of killing the victim first, opening up the -body, removing, lacerating or charming the inside, then bringing the -victim to life again, only that he may soon sicken and eventually -die.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2617src" href="#xd26e2617" name= -"xd26e2617src">10</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb43" href="#pb43" -name="pb43">43</a>]</span></p> -<p>According to Dobuan belief, the spirits of the dead go to the top of -Mt. Bwebweso on Normanby Island. This confined space harbours the -shades of practically all the natives of the d’Entrecasteaux -Archipelago, except those of Northern Goodenough Island, who, as I was -told by some local informants, go after death to the spirit land of the -Trobrianders.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2626src" href="#xd26e2626" -name="xd26e2626src">11</a> The Dobuans have also the belief in a double -soul—one, shadowy and impersonal, surviving the bodily death for -a few days only, and remaining in the vicinity of the grave, the other -the real spirit, who goes to Bwebweso.</p> -<p>It is interesting to note how natives, living on the boundary -between two cultures and between two types of belief, regard the -ensuing differences. A native of, say, Southern Boyowa, confronted with -the question:—how it is that the Dobuans place spirit-land on -Bwebweso, whereas they, the Trobrianders, place it in Tuma?—does -not see any difficulty in solving the problem. He does not regard the -difference as due to a dogmatic conflict in doctrine. Quite simply he -answers:—“Their dead go to Bwebweso and ours to -Tuma.” The metaphysical laws of existence are not yet considered -subject to one invariable truth. As human destinies in life change, -according to varieties in tribal custom, so also the doings of the -spirit! An interesting theory is evolved to harmonise the two beliefs -in a mixed case. There is a belief that if a Trobriander were to die in -Dobu, when on a Kula expedition, he would go for a time to Bwebweso. In -due season, the spirits of the Trobrianders would sail from Tuma, the -spirit land, to Bwebweso, on a spirit Kula, and the newly departed one -would join their party and sail with them back to Tuma.</p> -<p>On leaving Dobu, we sail the open sea, a sea studded with coral -patches and sand-banks, and seamed with long barrier reefs, where -treacherous tides, running sometimes as much as five knots, make -sailing really dangerous, especially for helpless native craft. This is -the Kula sea, the scene of the inter-tribal expeditions and adventures -which will be the theme of our future descriptions.</p> -<p>The Eastern shore of Ferguson Island, near Dobu, along which we are -sailing, consists first of a series of volcanic cones and capes, giving -the landscape the aspect of something <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb44" href="#pb44" name="pb44">44</a>]</span>unfinished and crudely -put together. At the foot of the hills there stretches for several -miles beyond Dobu a broad alluvial flat covered with -villages—Deide’i, Tu’utauna, Bwayowa, all important -centres of trade, and the homes of the direct Kula partners of the -Trobrianders. Heavy fumes can be seen floating above the jungle, coming -from the hot geysers of Deide’i, which spurt up in high jets -every few minutes.</p> -<p>Soon we come abreast of two characteristically shaped, dark rocks, -one half hidden in the vegetation of the shore, the other standing in -the sea at the end of a narrow sand-spit dividing the two. These are -Atu’a’ine and Aturamo’a, two men turned into stone, -as mythical tradition has it. Here the big sailing expeditions, those -starting northwards from Dobu, as well as those arriving from the -North, still make a halt—just as they have done for centuries, -and, under observation of many taboos, give sacrificial offerings to -the stones, with ritual invocations for propitious trade.</p> -<p>In the lee of these two rocks, runs a small bay with a clean, sandy -beach, called Sarubwoyna. Here a visitor, lucky enough to pass at the -right moment of the right season would see a picturesque and -interesting scene. There before him would lie a huge fleet of some -fifty to a hundred canoes, anchored in the shallow water, with swarms -of natives upon them, all engaged in some strange and mysterious task. -Some of these, bent over heaps of herbs, would be mumbling -incantations; others would be painting and adorning their bodies. An -onlooker of two generations ago coming upon the same scene would no -doubt have been led to suspect that he was watching the preparations -for some dramatic tribal contest, for one of those big onslaughts in -which the existence of whole villages and tribes were wiped out. It -would even have been difficult for him to discern from the behaviour of -the natives whether they were moved more by fear or by the spirit of -aggression, as both these passions might have been read—and -correctly so—into their attitudes and movements. That the scene -contained no element of warfare; that this fleet had come here from -about a hundred miles sailing distance on a well regulated tribal -visit; that it had drawn up here for the final and most important -preparations—this would not have been an easy guess to make. -Nowadays—for this is carried out to this day with undiminished -pomp—it would be an equally <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb45" -href="#pb45" name="pb45">45</a>]</span>picturesque, but of course, -tamer affair, since the romance of danger has gone from native life. As -we learn in the course of this study to know more about these natives, -their general ways and customs, and more especially about their Kula -cycle of beliefs, ideas and sentiments, we shall be able to look with -understanding eyes upon this scene, and comprehend this mixture of awe -with intense, almost aggressive eagerness and this behaviour, which -appears cowed and fierce at the same time.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div1.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Immediately after leaving Sarubwoyna and rounding the -promontory of the two rocks, we come in sight of the island of Sanaroa, -a big, sprawling, coral flat, with a range of volcanic hills on its -western side. On the wide lagoon to the East of this island are the -fishing grounds, where year after year the Trobrianders, returning from -Dobu, look for the valuable spondylus shell, which, after their arrival -home, is worked into the red discs, which form one of the main objects -of native wealth. In the North of Sanaroa there is a stone in one of -the tidal creeks called Sinatemubadiye’i, once a woman, the -sister of Atu’a’ine and Aturamo’a, who, with her -brothers came in here and was petrified before the last stage of the -journey. She also receives offerings from canoes, coming either way on -Kula expeditions.</p> -<p>Sailing further, some fine scenery unfolds itself on our left, where -the high mountain range comes nearer to the sea shore, and where small -bays, deep valleys and wooded slopes succeed one another. By carefully -scanning the slopes, we can see small batches of some three to six -miserable huts. These are the dwellings of the inhabitants, who are of -a distinctly lower culture than the Dobuans, take no part in the Kula, -and in olden days were the cowed and unhappy victims of their -neighbours.</p> -<p>On our right there emerge behind Sanaroa the islands of Uwama and -Tewara, the latter inhabited by Dobuan natives. Tewara is of interest -to us, because one of the myths which we shall get to know later on -makes it the cradle of the Kula. As we sail on, rounding one after the -other the Eastern promontories of Fergusson Island, a group of strongly -marked monumental profiles appears far on the horizon from behind the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb46" href="#pb46" name= -"pb46">46</a>]</span>receding headlands. These are the Amphlett -Islands, the link, both geographically and culturally, between the -coastal tribes of the volcanic region of Dobu and the inhabitants of -the flat coral archipelago of the Trobriands. This portion of the sea -is very picturesque, and has a charm of its own even in this land of -fine and varied scenery. On the main island of Fergusson, overlooking -the Amphletts from the South, and ascending straight out of the sea in -a slim and graceful pyramid, lies the tall mountain of Koyatabu, the -highest peak on the island. Its big, green surface is cut in half by -the white ribbon of a watercourse, starting almost half-way up and -running down to the sea. Scattered under the lea of Koyatabu are the -numerous smaller and bigger islands of the Amphlett -Archipelago—steep, rocky hills, shaped into pyramids, -<span class="corr" id="xd26e2654" title= -"Source: sphynxes">sphinxes</span> and cupolas, the whole a strange and -picturesque assemblage of characteristic forms.</p> -<div class="figure pl07width" id="pl07"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl07width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -VII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl07.jpg" alt="In the Amphletts." width="622" height= -"491"> -<p class="figureHead">In the Amphletts.</p> -<p>The sea-front of the main village on Gumasila (or Gumawana). (See -<a href="#div1.5">Div. V.</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>With a strong South-Easterly wind, which blows here for three -quarters of the year, we approach the islands very fast, and the two -most important ones, Gumawana and Ome’a, almost seem to leap out -of the mist. As we anchor in front of Gumawana village at the S.E. end -of the island, we cannot but feel impressed. Built on a narrow strip of -foreshore, open to the breakers, and squeezed down to the water’s -edge by an almost precipitously rising jungle at its back, the village -has been made sea-proof by walls of stone surrounding the houses with -several bulwarks, and by stone dykes forming small artificial harbours -along the sea front. The shabby and unornamented huts, built on piles, -look very picturesque in these surroundings (see Plates <a href= -"#pl07">VII</a> and <a href="#pl43">XLIII</a>).</p> -<p>The inhabitants of this village, and of the four remaining ones in -the archipelago, are a queer people. They are a numerically weak tribe, -easily assailable from the sea, getting hardly enough to eat from their -rocky islands; and yet, through their unique skill in pottery, their -great daring and efficiency as sailors, and their central position half -way between Dobu and the Trobriands, they have succeeded in becoming in -several respects the monopolists of this part of the world. They have -also the main characteristics of monopolists: grasping and mean, -inhospitable and greedy, keen on keeping the trade and exchange in -their own hands, yet unprepared to make any sacrifice towards improving -it; shy, yet arrogant <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb47" href="#pb47" -name="pb47">47</a>]</span>to anyone who has any dealings with them; -they contrast unfavourably with their southern and northern neighbours. -And this is not only the white man’s impression.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e2681src" href="#xd26e2681" name= -"xd26e2681src">12</a> The Trobrianders, as well as the Dobuans, give -the Amphlett natives a very bad name, as being stingy and unfair in all -Kula transactions, and as having no real sense of generosity and -hospitality.</p> -<p>When our boat anchors there, the natives approach it in their -canoes, offering clay pots for sale. But if we want to go ashore and -have a look at their village, there is a great commotion, and all the -women disappear from the open places. The younger ones run and hide in -the jungle behind the village, and even the old hags conceal themselves -in the houses. So that if we want to see the making of pottery, which -is almost exclusively women’s work, we must first lure some old -woman out of her retreat with generous promises of tobacco and -assurances of honourable intentions.</p> -<p>This has been mentioned here, because it is of ethnographic -interest, as it is not only white men who inspire this shyness; if -native strangers, coming from a distance for trade, put in for a short -time in the Amphletts, the women also disappear in this fashion. This -very ostentatious coyness is, however, not a sham, because in the -Amphletts, even more than in Dobu, married and unmarried life is -characterised by strict chastity and fidelity. Women here have also a -good deal of influence, and take a great part in gardening and the -performance of garden magic. In social institutions and customs, the -natives present a mixture of Northern and Southern Massim elements. -There are no chiefs, but influential elders wield authority, and in -each village there is a head man who takes the lead in ceremonies and -other big tribal affairs. Their totemic clans are identical with those -of Murua (District II). Their somewhat precarious food supply comes -partly from the poor gardens, partly from fishing with kite and fish -trap, which, however, can only seldom be carried out, and does not -yield very much. They are not self-supporting, and receive, in form of -presents and by trade, a good deal of vegetable food as well as pigs -from the mainland, from Dobu and the <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb48" href="#pb48" name="pb48">48</a>]</span>Trobriands. In personal -appearance they are very much like the Trobrianders, that is, taller -than the Dobuans, lighter skinned, and with finer features.</p> -<p>We must now leave the Amphletts and proceed to the Trobriand -Islands, the scene of most of the occurrences described in this book, -and the country concerning which I possess by far the largest amount of -ethnographic information.</p> -<div class="figure pl08width" id="pl08"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl08width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -VIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl08.jpg" alt= -"Group of Natives in the Village of Tukwa’ukwa." width="505" -height="720"> -<p class="figureHead">Group of Natives in the Village of -Tukwa’ukwa.</p> -<p>This shows the type of coastal village, with the natives squatting -round, to illustrate Div. I.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl09width" id="pl09"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl09width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -IX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl09.jpg" alt="Men of Rank From Kiriwina." width="659" -height="374"> -<p class="figureHead">Men of Rank From Kiriwina.</p> -<p>Tokulubakiki, a chief’s son; Towese’i and -Yobukwa’u, of the highest and somewhat inferior rank -respectively. All three show fine features and intelligent expressions; -they were among my best informants. (See <a href="#div1.1">Divs. I</a> -and <a href="#div1.5">V.</a>)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl10width" id="pl10"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl10width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -X</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl10.jpg" alt="Fishermen From Teyava." width="655" -height="380"> -<p class="figureHead">Fishermen From Teyava.</p> -<p>Types of commoners from a Lagoon village. (See <a href= -"#div1.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb49" href="#pb49" name= -"pb49">49</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2374" href="#xd26e2374src" name="xd26e2374">1</a></span> The best -accounts we possess of the inland tribes are those of W. H. Williamson, -“The Mafulu,” 1912, and of C. Keysser, “<span lang= -"de">Aus dem Leben der Kaileute</span>,” in R. Neuhauss, -“<span lang="de">Deutsch Neu Guinea</span>,” Vol. III. -Berlin, 1911. The preliminary publications of G. Landtmann on the -Kiwai, “Papuan magic in the Building of Houses,” -“Acta Arboenses, Humanora.” I. Abo, 1920, and “The -Folk-Tales of the Kiwai Papuans,” Helsingfors, 1917, promise that -the full account will dispel some of the mysteries surrounding the Gulf -of Papua. Meanwhile a good semi-popular account of these natives is to -be found in W. N. Beaver’s “Unexplored New Guinea,” -1920. Personally I doubt very much whether the hill tribes and the -swamp tribes belong to the same stock or have the same culture. Compare -also the most recent contribution to this problem: “Migrations of -Cultures in British New Guinea,” by A. C. Haddon, Huxley Memorial -Lecture for 1921, published by the R. Anthrop. -Institute. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2374src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2383" href="#xd26e2383src" name="xd26e2383">2</a></span> See C. -G. Seligman, “The Melanesians of British New Guinea,” -Cambridge, 1910. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e2383src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2393" href="#xd26e2393src" name="xd26e2393">3</a></span> Cf. C. -G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 5. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e2393src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2422" href="#xd26e2422src" name="xd26e2422">4</a></span> A number -of good portraits of the S. Massim type are to be found in the valuable -book of the Rev. H. Newton, “In Far New Guinea,” 1914, and -in the amusingly written though superficial and often unreliable -booklet of the Rev. C. W. Abel (London Missionary Society), -“Savage Life in New Guinea” (No date). <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2422src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2441" href="#xd26e2441src" name="xd26e2441">5</a></span> See -Table in the Introduction (<a href="#pb016">p. 16</a>), and also -Chapters <a href="#ch16">XVI</a> and <a href= -"#ch20">XX</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e2441src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2532" href="#xd26e2532src" name="xd26e2532">6</a></span> Cf. -Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XL and -XLII. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2532src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2545" href="#xd26e2545src" name="xd26e2545">7</a></span> -Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XXXV, XXXVI, -XXXVII. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2545src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2552" href="#xd26e2552src" name="xd26e2552">8</a></span> Cf. -Professor C. G. Seligman, Chapters XXXVII and XXXVIII. <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2552src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2587" href="#xd26e2587src" name="xd26e2587">9</a></span> My -knowledge of the Dobuans is fragmentary, derived from three short -visits in their district, from conversation with several Dobu natives -whom I had in my service, and from frequent parallels and allusions -about Dobuan customs, which are met when doing field-work among the -Southern Trobrianders. There is a short, sketchy account of certain of -their customs and beliefs by the Rev. W. E. Bromilow, first missionary -in Dobu, which I have also consulted, in the records of the -Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science. <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2587src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2617" href="#xd26e2617src" name="xd26e2617">10</a></span> -Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 170 and 171; 187 and 188 about -the Koita and Motu; and B. Malinowski, <i>The Mailu</i>, pp. -647–652. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e2617src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2626" href="#xd26e2626src" name="xd26e2626">11</a></span> Comp. -D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, “The Northern -d’Entrecasteaux,” Oxford, 1920, Chapter XII. <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2626src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2681" href="#xd26e2681src" name="xd26e2681">12</a></span> I spent -about a month in these islands, and found the natives surprisingly -intractable and difficult to work with ethnographically. The Amphlett -“boys” are renowned as good boat-hands, but in general they -are not such capable and willing workers as the Dobuans. <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2681src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch2" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e454">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter II</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Natives of the Trobriand Islands</h2> -<div id="div2.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Leaving the bronzed rocks and the dark jungle of the -Amphletts for the present—for we shall have to revisit them in -the course of our study, and then shall learn more about their -inhabitants—we sail North into an entirely different world of -flat coral islands; into an ethnographic district, which stands out by -ever so many peculiar manners and customs from the rest of -Papuo-Melanesia. So far, we have sailed over intensely blue, clear -seas, where in shallow places the coral bottom, with its variety of -colour and form, with its wonderful plant and fish life, is a -fascinating spectacle in itself—a sea framed in all the -splendours of tropical jungle, of volcanic and mountainous scenery, -with lively watercourses and falls, with steamy clouds trailing in the -high valleys. From all this we take a final farewell as we sail North. -The outlines of the Amphletts soon fade away in tropical haze, till -only Koyatabu’s slender pyramid, lifted over them, remains on the -horizon, the graceful form, which follows us even as far as the Lagoon -of Kiriwina.</p> -<p>We now enter an opaque, greenish sea, whose monotony is broken only -by a few sandbanks, some bare and awash, others with a few pandanus -trees squatting on their air roots, high in the sand. To these banks, -the Amphlett natives come and there they spend weeks on end, fishing -for turtle and dugong. Here is also laid the scene of several of the -mythical incidents of primeval Kula. Further ahead, through the misty -spray, the line of horizon thickens here and there, as if faint pencil -marks had been drawn upon it. These become more substantial, one of -them lengthens and broadens, the others spring into the distinct shapes -of small islands, and we find ourselves in the big Lagoon of the -Trobriands, with Boyowa, the largest island, on our right, and with -many others, inhabited and uninhabited, to the North and -North-West.</p> -<div class="figure map4width" id="map4"><a href= -"images/map4h.png"><img src="images/map4.png" alt="" width="544" -height="720"></a> -<p class="first">Map IV—The Trobriand Archipelago, also called -Boyowa or Kiriwina.</p> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb50" href="#pb50" name= -"pb50">50</a>]</span><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb51" href="#pb51" -name="pb51">51</a>]</span></p> -<p>As we sail in the Lagoon, following the intricate passages between -the shallows, and as we approach the main island, the thick, tangled -matting of the low jungle breaks here and there over a beach, and we -can see into a palm grove, like an interior, supported by pillars. This -indicates the site of a village. We step ashore on to the sea front, as -a rule covered with mud and refuse, with canoes drawn up high and dry, -and passing through the grove, we enter the village itself (see -<a href="#pl08">Plate VIII</a>).</p> -<p>Soon we are seated on one of the platforms built in front of a -yam-house, shaded by its overhanging roof. The round, grey logs, worn -smooth by contact with naked feet and bodies; the trodden ground of the -village-street; the brown skins of the natives, who immediately -surround the visitor in large groups—all these form a colour -scheme of bronze and grey, <span class="corr" id="xd26e2756" title= -"Source: unforgetable">unforgettable</span> to anyone, who, like -myself, has lived among these people.</p> -<p>It is difficult to convey the feelings of intense interest and -suspense with which an Ethnographer enters for the first time the -district that is to be the future scene of his field-work. Certain -salient features, characteristic of the place, at once rivet his -attention, and fill him with hopes or apprehensions. The appearance of -the natives, their manners, their types of behaviour, may augur well or -ill for the possibilities of rapid and easy research. One is on the -lookout for symptoms of deeper, sociological facts, one suspects many -hidden and mysterious ethnographic phenomena behind the commonplace -aspect of things. Perhaps that queer-looking, intelligent native is a -renowned sorcerer; perhaps between those two groups of men there exists -some important rivalry or vendetta which may throw much light on the -customs and character of the people if one can only lay hands upon it? -Such at least were my thoughts and feelings as on the day of my arrival -in Boyowa I sat scanning a chatting group of Trobriand natives.</p> -<p>The great variety in their physical appearance is what strikes one -first in Boyowa.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2763src" href="#xd26e2763" -name="xd26e2763src">1</a> There are men and women of tall stature, fine -bearing, and delicate features, with clear-cut aquiline profile and -high foreheads, well formed nose and chin, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb52" href="#pb52" name="pb52">52</a>]</span>and an -open, intelligent expression (see Plates <a href="#pl09">IX</a>, -<a href="#pl15">XV</a>, <a href="#pl17">XVII</a>). And besides these, -there are others with <span class="corr" id="xd26e2778" title= -"Source: prognatic">prognathic</span>, negroid faces, broad, -thick-lipped mouths, narrow foreheads, and a coarse expression (see -Plates <a href="#pl10">X</a>, <a href="#pl11">XI</a>, <a href= -"#pl12">XII</a>). The better featured have also a markedly lighter -skin. Even their hair differs, varying from quite straight locks to the -frizzly mop of the typical Melanesian. They wear the same classes of -ornaments as the other Massim, consisting mainly of fibre armlets and -belts, earrings of turtle shell and spondylus discs, and they are very -fond of using, for personal decoration, flowers and aromatic herbs. In -manner they are much freer, more familiar and confident, than any of -the natives we have so far met. As soon as an interesting stranger -arrives, half the village assembles around him, talking loudly and -making remarks about him, frequently uncomplimentary, and altogether -assuming a tone of jocular familiarity.</p> -<div class="figure pl11width" id="pl11"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl11width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl11.jpg" alt= -"A Typical Nakubukwabuya (Unmarried Woman)." width="519" height="666"> -<p class="figureHead">A Typical Nakubukwabuya (Unmarried Woman).</p> -<p>This shows the coarse, though fine-looking, type of a commoner -woman. (See <a href="#div2.2">Div. II</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p id="pl12"></p> -<div class="figure pl12-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl12-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XII</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl12-1.jpg" alt="" width="515" height="388"></div> -<div class="figure pl12-2width"><img src="images/pl12-2.jpg" alt= -"Boyowan Girls." width="513" height="386"> -<p class="figureHead">Boyowan Girls.</p> -<p class="first">Such facial painting and decorations are used when -they go on a <i lang="kij">katuyausi</i> expedition. (See <a href= -"#div2.2">Div. II</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>One of the main sociological features at once strikes an observant -newcomer—the existence of rank and social differentiation. Some -of the natives—very frequently those of the finer looking -type—are treated with most marked deference by others, and in -return, these chiefs and persons of rank behave in quite a different -way towards the strangers. In fact, they show excellent manners in the -full meaning of this word.</p> -<p>When a chief is present, no commoner dares to remain in a physically -higher position; he has to bend his body or squat. Similarly, when the -chief sits down, no one would dare to stand. The institution of -definite chieftainship, to which are shown such extreme marks of -deference, with a sort of rudimentary Court ceremonial, with insignia -of rank and authority, is so entirely foreign to the whole spirit of -Melanesian tribal life, that at first sight it transports the -Ethnographer into a different world. In the course of our inquiry, we -shall constantly meet with manifestation of the Kiriwinian -chief’s authority, we shall notice the difference in this respect -between the Trobrianders and the other tribes, and the resulting -adjustments of tribal usage.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div2.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Another sociological feature, which forcibly obtrudes -itself on the visitor’s notice is the social position of the -women. Their behaviour, after the cool aloofness of the Dobuan women, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb53" href="#pb53" name= -"pb53">53</a>]</span>and the very uninviting treatment which strangers -receive from those of the Amphletts, comes almost as a shock in its -friendly familiarity. Naturally, here also, the manners of women of -rank are quite different from those of low class commoners. But, on the -whole, high and low alike, though by no means reserved, have a genial, -pleasant approach, and many of them are very fine-looking (see Plates -<a href="#pl11">XI</a>, <a href="#pl12">XII</a>). Their dress is also -different from any so far observed. All the Melanesian women in New -Guinea wear a petticoat made of fibre. Among the Southern Massim, this -fibre skirt is long, reaching to the knees or below, whereas in the -Trobriands it is much shorter and fuller, consisting of several layers -standing out round the body like a ruff (compare the S. Massim women on -Plates <a href="#pl05">V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a> with the -Trobrianders on <a href="#pl04">Plate IV</a>). The highly ornamental -effect of that dress is enhanced by the elaborate decorations made in -three colours on the several layers forming the top skirt. On the -whole, it is very becoming to fine young women, and gives to small -slender girls a graceful, elfish appearance.</p> -<p>Chastity is an unknown virtue among these natives. At an incredibly -early age they become initiated into sexual life, and many of the -innocent looking plays of childhood are not as innocuous as they -appear. As they grow up, they live in promiscuous free-love, which -gradually develops into more permanent attachments, one of which ends -in marriage. But before this is reached, unmarried girls are openly -supposed to be quite free to do what they like, and there are even -ceremonial arrangements by which the girls of a village repair in a -body to another place; there they publicly range themselves for -inspection, and each is chosen by a local boy, with whom she spends a -night. This is called <i lang="kij">katuyausi</i> (see <a href= -"#pl12">Plate XII</a>). Again, when a visiting party arrives from -another district, food is brought to them by the unmarried girls, who -are also expected to satisfy their sexual wants. At the big mortuary -vigils round the corpse of a newly deceased person, people from -neighbouring villages come in large bodies to take part in the wailing -and singing. The girls of the visiting party are expected by usage to -comfort the boys of the bereaved village, in a manner which gives much -anguish to their official lovers. There is another remarkable form of -ceremonial licence, in which indeed women are openly the initiators. -During the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb54" href="#pb54" name= -"pb54">54</a>]</span>gardening season, at the time of weeding, the -women do communal work, and any strange man who ventures to pass -through the district runs a considerable risk, for the women will run -after him, seize him, tear off his pubic leaf, and ill-treat him -orgiastically in the most <span class="corr" id="xd26e2858" title= -"Source: ignominous">ignominious</span> manner. Side by side with these -ceremonial forms of licence, there go, in the normal course of events, -constant private intrigues, more intense during the festive seasons, -becoming less prominent as garden work, trading expeditions, or -harvesting take up the energies and attention of the tribe.</p> -<p>Marriage is associated with hardly any public or private rite or -ceremony. The woman simply joins her husband in his house, and later -on, there is a series of exchanges of gifts, which in no way can be -interpreted as purchase money for the wife. As a matter of fact, the -most important feature of the Trobriand marriage is the fact that the -wife’s family have to contribute, and that in a very substantial -manner, to the economics of her household, and also they have to -perform all sorts of services for the husband. In her married life, the -woman is supposed to remain faithful to her husband, but this rule is -neither very strictly kept nor enforced. In all other ways, she retains -a great measure of independence, and her husband has to treat her well -and with consideration. If he does not, the woman simply leaves him and -returns to her family, and as the husband is as a rule economically the -loser by her action, he has to exert himself to get her -back—which he does by means of presents and persuasions. If she -chooses, she can leave him for good, and she can always find someone -else to marry.</p> -<p>In tribal life, the position of women is also very high. They do not -as a rule join the councils of men, but in many matters they have their -own way, and control several aspects of tribal life. Thus, some of the -garden work is their business; and this is considered a privilege as -well as a duty. They also look after certain stages in the big, -ceremonial divisions of food, associated with the very complete and -elaborate mortuary ritual of the Boyowans (see <a href="#pl04">Plate -IV</a>). Certain forms of magic—that performed over a first-born -baby, beauty-magic made at tribal ceremonies, some classes of -sorcery—are also the monopoly of women. Women of rank share the -privileges incidental to it, and men of low caste will bend before them -and observe all the necessary formalities and taboos due <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb55" href="#pb55" name="pb55">55</a>]</span>to a -chief. A woman of chief’s rank, married to commoner, retains her -status, even with regard to her husband, and has to be treated -accordingly.</p> -<p>The Trobrianders are matrilineal, that is, in tracing descent and -settling inheritance, they follow the maternal line. A child belongs to -the clan and village community of its mother, and wealth, as well as -social position, are inherited, not from father to son, but from -maternal uncle to nephew. This rule admits of certain important and -interesting exceptions, which we shall come across in the course of -this study.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div2.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Returning to our imaginary first visit ashore, the -next interesting thing to do, after we have sufficiently taken in the -appearance and manners of the natives, is to walk round the village. In -doing this, again we would come across much, which to a trained eye, -would reveal at once deeper sociological facts. In the Trobriands, -however, it would be better to make our first observations in one of -the large, inland villages, situated on even, flat ground with plenty -of space, so that it has been possible to build it in the typical -pattern. In the coastal villages, placed on marshy ground and coral -outcrop, the irregularity of the soil and cramped space have -obliterated the design, and they present quite a chaotic appearance. -The big villages of the central districts, on the other hands, are -built one and all with an almost geometrical regularity.</p> -<p>In the middle, a big circular space is surrounded by a ring of yam -houses. These latter are built on piles, and present a fine, decorative -front, with walls of big, round logs, laid crosswise on one another, so -as to leave wide interstices through which the stored yams can be seen -(see Plates <a href="#pl15">XV</a>, <a href="#pl32">XXXII</a>, <a href= -"#pl33">XXXIII</a>). Some of the store-houses strike us at once as -being better built, larger, and higher than the rest, and these have -also big, ornamented boards, running round the gable and across it. -These are the yam houses of the chief or of persons of rank. Each yam -house also has, as a rule, a small platform in front of it, on which -groups of men will sit and chat in the evening, and where visitors can -rest.</p> -<p>Concentrically with the circular row of yam houses, there runs a -ring of dwelling huts, and thus a street going all round the village is -formed between the two rows (see Plates <a href="#pl03">III</a>, -<a href="#pl04">IV</a>, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb56" href= -"#pb56" name="pb56">56</a>]</span><a href="#pl08">VIII</a>). The -dwellings are lower than the yam houses, and instead of being on piles, -are built directly on the ground. The interior is dark and very stuffy, -and the only opening into it is through the door, and that is usually -closed. Each hut is occupied by one family (see <a href="#pl15">Plate -XV</a>), that is, husband, wife and small children, while adolescent -and grown-up boys and girls live in separate small bachelor’s -houses, harbouring some two to six inmates. Chiefs and people of rank -have their special, personal houses, besides those of their wives. The -Chief’s house often stands in the central ring of the -store-houses facing the main place.</p> -<div class="figure pl13width" id="pl13"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl13width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl13.jpg" alt="Kaydebu Dance" width="720" height= -"406"> -<p class="figureHead">Kaydebu Dance</p> -<p>The circular dance with the carved shiled on the <i lang= -"kij">baku</i> of Omarakana. (See <a href="#div2.3">Div. III</a>) Note -the plain, though <span class="corr" id="xd26e2917" title= -"Source: pictureseque">picturesque</span>, headdress of cockatoo -feathers.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl14width" id="pl14"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl14width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XIV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl14.jpg" alt="Dancers in Full Decoration" width="720" -height="413"> -<p class="figureHead">Dancers in Full Decoration</p> -<p>A segment of the dancing circle, in a <i lang="kij">kaydebu</i> -dance, village of Yalaka. (See <a href="#div2.3">Div. III</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>The broad inspection of the village would therefore reveal to us the -rôle of decoration as insignia of rank, the existence of -bachelors’ and spinsters’ houses, the great importance -attached to the yam-harvest—all these small symptoms which, -followed up, would lead us deep into the problems of native sociology. -Moreover, such an inspection would have led us to inquire as to the -part played by the different divisions of the village in tribal life. -We should then learn that the <i lang="kij">baku</i>, the central -circular space, is the scene of public ceremonies and festivities, such -as dancing (see Plates <a href="#pl13">XIII</a>, <a href= -"#pl14">XIV</a>), division of food, tribal feasts, mortuary vigils, in -short, of all doings that represent the village as a whole. In the -circular street between the stores and living houses, everyday life -goes on, that is, the preparation of food, the eating of meals, and the -usual exchange of gossip and ordinary social amenities. The interior of -the houses is only used at night, or on wet days, and is more a -sleeping than a living room. The backs of the houses and the contiguous -groves are the scene of the children’s play and the women’s -occupations. Further away, remote parts of the grove are reserved for -sanitary purposes, each sex having its own retreat.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">baku</i> (central place) is the most picturesque -part, and there the somewhat monotonous colour scheme of the brown and -grey is broken by the overhanging foliage of the grove, seen above the -neat fronts and gaudy ornamentation of the yam-houses and by the -decorations worn by the crowd when a dance or ceremony is taking place -(see Plates <a href="#pl13">XIII</a>, <a href="#pl33">XXXIII</a>). -Dancing is done only at one time in the year, in connection with the -harvest festivities, called <i lang="kij">milamala</i>, at which season -also the spirits of the dead return from Tuma, the nether-world, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb57" href="#pb57" name= -"pb57">57</a>]</span>to the villages from which they hail. Sometimes -the dancing season lasts only for a few weeks or even days, sometimes -it is extended into a special dancing period called <i lang= -"kij">usigola</i>. During such a time of festivities, the inhabitants -of a village will dance day after day, for a month or longer, the -period being inaugurated by a feast, punctuated by several more, and -ending in a big culminating performance. At this many villages assist -as spectators, and distributions of food take place. During an <i lang= -"kij">usigola</i>, dancing is done in full dress, that is, with facial -painting, floral decorations, valuable ornaments, and a head-dress of -white cockatoo feathers (see Plates <a href="#pl13">XIII</a>, <a href= -"#pl14">XIV</a>). A <span class="corr" id="xd26e2976" title= -"Source: performmance">performance</span> consists always of a dance -executed in a ring to the accompaniment of singing and drum-beating, -both of which are done by a group of people standing in the middle. -Some dances are done with the carved dancing shield.</p> -<p>Sociologically, the village is an important unit in the Trobriands. -Even the mightiest chief in the Trobriands wields his authority -primarily over his own village and only secondarily over the district. -The village community exploit jointly their garden lands, perform -ceremonies, wage warfare, undertake trading expeditions, and sail in -the same canoe or fleet of canoes as one group.</p> -<p>After the first inspection of the village, we would be naturally -interested to know more of the surrounding country, and would take a -walk through the bush. Here, however, if we hoped for a picturesque and -varied landscape, we should receive a great disappointment. The -extensive, flat island consists only of one fertile plain, with a low -coral ridge running along portions of the coast. It is almost entirely -under intermittent cultivation, and the bush, regularly cleared away -every few years, has no time to grow high. A low, dense jungle grows in -a matted tangle, and practically wherever we move on the island we walk -along between two green walls, presenting no variety, allowing of no -broader view. The monotony is broken only by an occasional clump of old -trees left standing—usually a tabooed place—or by one of -the numerous villages which we meet with every mile or two in this -densely populated country. The main element, both of picturesqueness -and ethnographic interest, is afforded by the native gardens. Each year -about one quarter or one fifth of the total area is under actual -cultivation as gardens, and these <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb58" -href="#pb58" name="pb58">58</a>]</span>are well tended, and present a -pleasant change from the monotony of the scrub. In its early stages, -the garden site is simply a bare, cleared space, allowing of a Wider -outlook upon the distant coral ridge in the East, and upon the tall -groves, scattered over the horizon, which indicate villages or tabooed -tree clumps. Later on, when the yam-vines, taro, and sugar cane begin -to grow and bud, the bare brown soil is covered with the fresh green of -the tender plants. After some more time still, tall, stout poles are -planted over each yam-plant; the vine climbs round them, grows into a -full, shady garland of foliage, and the whole makes the impression of a -large, exuberant hop-yard.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div2.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Half of the natives’ working life is spent in -the garden, and around it centres perhaps more than half of his -interests and ambitions. And here we must pause and make an attempt to -understand his attitude in this matter, as it is typical of the way in -which he goes about all his work. If we remain under the delusion that -the native is a happy-go-lucky, lazy child of nature, who shuns as far -as possible all labour and effort, waiting till the ripe fruits, so -bountifully supplied by generous tropical Nature, fall into his mouth, -we shall not be able to understand in the least his aims and motives in -carrying out the Kula or any other enterprise. On the contrary, the -truth is that the native can and, under circumstances, does work hard, -and work systematically, with endurance and purpose, nor does he wait -till he is pressed to work by his immediate needs.</p> -<p>In gardening, for instance, the natives produce much more than they -actually require, and in any average year they harvest perhaps twice as -much as they can eat. Nowadays, this surplus is exported by Europeans -to feed plantation hands in other parts of New Guinea; in olden days it -was simply allowed to rot. Again, they produce this surplus in a manner -which entails much more work than is strictly necessary for obtaining -the crops. Much time and labour is given up to æsthetic purposes, -to making the gardens tidy, clean, cleared of all debris; to building -fine, solid<a id="xd26e2992" name="xd26e2992"></a> fences, to providing -specially strong and big yam-poles. All these things are to some extent -required for the growth of the plant; but there can be no doubt that -the natives push their conscientiousness far <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb59" href="#pb59" name="pb59">59</a>]</span>beyond -the limit of the purely necessary. The non-utilitarian element in their -garden work is still more clearly perceptible in the various tasks -which they carry out entirely for the sake of ornamentation, in -connection with magical ceremonies, and in obedience to tribal usage. -Thus, after the ground has been scrupulously cleared and is ready for -planting, the natives divide each garden plot into small squares, each -a few yards in length and width, and this is done only in obedience to -usage, in order to make the gardens look neat. No self-respecting man -would dream of omitting to do this. Again, in especially well trimmed -gardens, long horizontal poles are tied to the yam supports in order to -embellish them. Another, and perhaps the most interesting example of -non-utilitarian work is afforded by the big, prismatic erections called -<i lang="kij">kamkokola</i>, which serve ornamental and magical -purposes, but have nothing to do with the growth of plants (comp. -<a href="#pl59">Plate LIX</a>).</p> -<p>Among the forces and beliefs which bear upon and regulate garden -work, perhaps magic is the most important. It is a department of its -own, and the garden magician, next to the chief and the sorcerer, is -the most important personage of the village. The position is -hereditary, and, in each village, a special system of magic is handed -on in the female line from one generation to another. I have called it -a system, because the magician has to perform a series of rites and -spells over the garden, which run parallel with the labour, and which, -in fact, initiate each stage of the work and each new development of -the plant life. Even before any gardening is begun at all, the magician -has to consecrate the site with a big ceremonial performance in which -all the men of the village take part. This ceremony officially opens -the season’s gardening, and only after it is performed do the -villagers begin to cut the scrub on their plots. Then, in a series of -rites, the magician inaugurates successively all the various stages -which follow one another—the burning of the scrub, the clearing, -the planting, the weeding and the harvesting. Also, in another series -of rites and spells, he magically assists the plant in sprouting, in -budding, in bursting into leaf, in climbing, in forming the rich -garlands of foliage, and in producing the edible tubers.</p> -<p>The garden magician, according to native ideas, thus controls both -the work of man and the forces of Nature. He also acts directly as -supervisor of gardening, sees to it that <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb60" href="#pb60" name="pb60">60</a>]</span>people do not skimp their -work, or lag behind with it. Thus magic is a systematising, regulating, -and controlling influence in garden work. The magician, in carrying out -the rites, sets the pace, compels people to apply themselves to certain -tasks, and to accomplish them properly and in time. Incidentally, magic -also imposes on the tribe a good deal of extra work, of apparently -unnecessary, hampering taboos and regulations. In the long run, -however, there is no doubt that by its influence in ordering, -systematising and regulating work, magic is economically invaluable for -the natives.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3008src" href="#xd26e3008" -name="xd26e3008src">2</a></p> -<p>Another notion which must be exploded, once and for ever, is that of -the Primitive Economic Man of some current economic text books. This -fanciful, dummy creature, who has been very tenacious of existence in -popular and semi-popular economic literature, and whose shadow haunts -even the minds of competent anthropologists, blighting their outlook -with a preconceived idea, is an imaginary, primitive man, or savage, -prompted in all his actions by a rationalistic conception of -self-interest, and achieving his aims directly and with the minimum of -effort. Even <i>one</i> well established instance should show how -preposterous is this assumption that man, and especially man on a low -level of culture, should be actuated by pure economic motives of -enlightened self-interest. The primitive Trobriander furnishes us with -such an instance, contradicting this fallacious theory. He works -prompted by motives of a highly complex, social and traditional nature, -and towards aims which are certainly not directed towards the -satisfaction of present wants, or to the direct achievement of -utilitarian purposes. Thus, in the first place, as we have seen, work -is not carried out on the principle of the least effort. On the -contrary, much time and energy is spent on wholly unnecessary effort, -that is, from a utilitarian point of view. Again, work and effort, -instead of being merely a means to an end, are, in a way an end in -themselves. A good garden worker in the Trobriands derives a direct -prestige from the amount of labour he can do, and the size of garden he -can till. The title <i lang="kij">tokwaybagula</i>, which means -“good” or “efficient gardener,” is bestowed -with discrimination, and borne with pride. Several of my friends, -renowned as <i lang="kij">tokwaybagula</i>, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb61" href="#pb61" name="pb61">61</a>]</span>would -boast to me how long they worked, how much ground they tilled, and -would compare their efforts with those of less efficient men. When the -labour, some of which is done communally, is being actually carried -out, a good deal of competition goes on. Men vie with one another in -their speed, in their thoroughness, and in the weights they can lift, -when bringing big poles to the garden, or in carrying away the -harvested yams.</p> -<p>The most important point about this is, however, that all, or almost -all the fruits of his work, and certainly any surplus which he can -achieve by extra effort, goes not to the man himself, but to his -relatives-in-law. Without entering into details of the system of the -apportionment of the harvest, of which the sociology is rather complex -and would require a preliminary account of the Trobriand kinship system -and kinship ideas, it may be said that about three quarters of a -man’s crops go partly as tribute to the chief, partly as his due -to his sister’s (or mother’s) husband and family.</p> -<p>But although he thus derives practically no personal benefit in the -utilitarian sense from his harvest, the gardener receives much praise -and renown from its size and quality, and that in a direct and -circumstantial manner. For all the crops, after being harvested, are -displayed for some time afterwards in the gardens, piled up in neat, -conical heaps under small shelters made of yam vine. Each man’s -harvest is thus exhibited for criticism in his own plot, and parties of -natives walk about from garden to garden, admiring, comparing and -praising the best results. The importance of the food display can be -gauged by the fact that, in olden days, when the chief’s power -was much more considerable than now, it was dangerous for a man who was -not either of high rank himself, or working for such a one, to show -crops which might compare too favourably with those of the chief.</p> -<p>In years when the harvest promises to be plentiful, the chief will -proclaim a <i lang="kij">kayasa</i> harvest, that is to say, -ceremonial, competitive display of food, and then the straining for -good results and the interest taken in them are still higher. We shall -meet later on with ceremonial enterprises of the <i lang= -"kij">kayasa</i> type, and find that they play a considerable part in -the Kula. All this shows how entirely the real native of flesh and bone -differs from the shadowy Primitive Economic Man, on whose imaginary -behaviour many of the scholastic deductions of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb62" href="#pb62" name="pb62">62</a>]</span>abstract -economics are based.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3041src" href= -"#xd26e3041" name="xd26e3041src">3</a> The Trobriander works in a -roundabout way, to a large extent for the sake of the work itself, and -puts a great deal of æsthetic polish on the arrangement and -general appearance of his garden. He is not guided primarily by the -desire to satisfy his wants, but by a very complex set of traditional -forces, duties and obligations, beliefs in magic, social ambitions and -vanities. He wants, if he is a <i>man</i>, to achieve social -distinction as a <i>good gardener</i> and a good worker in general.</p> -<p>I have dwelt at this length upon these points concerning the motives -and aims of the Trobrianders in their garden work, because, in the -chapters that follow, we shall be studying economic activities, and the -reader will grasp the attitude of the natives best if he has it -illustrated to him by various examples. All that has been said in this -matter about the Trobrianders applies also to the neighbouring -tribes.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div2.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">With the help of this new insight gained into the mind -of the native, and into their social scheme of harvest distribution, it -will be easier to describe the nature of the chief’s authority. -Chieftainship in the Trobriands is the combination of two institutions: -first, that of headmanship, or village authority; secondly, that of -totemic clanship, that is the division of the community into classes or -castes, each with a certain more or less definite rank.</p> -<p>In every community in the Trobriands, there is one man who wields -the greatest authority, though often this does not amount to very much. -He is, in many cases, nothing more than the <i lang="la">Primus inter -pares</i> in a group of village elders, who deliberate on all important -matters together, and arrive at a decision by common consent. It must -not be forgotten that there is hardly ever much room for doubt or -deliberation, as natives communally, as well as individually, never act -except on traditional and conventional lines. This village headman is, -as a rule, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb63" href="#pb63" name= -"pb63">63</a>]</span>therefore, not much more than a master of tribal -ceremonies, and the main speaker within and without the tribe, whenever -one is needed.</p> -<p>But the position of headman becomes much more than this, when he is -a person of high rank, which is by no means always the case. In the -Trobriands there exist four totemic clans, and each of these is divided -into a number of smaller sub-clans,—which could also be called -families or castes, for the members of each claim common descent from -one ancestress, and each of them holds a certain, specified rank. These -sub-clans have also a local character, because the original ancestress -emerged from a hole in the ground, as a rule somewhere in the -neighbourhood of their village community. There is not one sub-clan in -the Trobriands whose members cannot indicate its original locality, -where their group, in the form of the ancestress, first saw the light -of the sun. Coral outcrops, water-holes, small caves or grottoes, are -generally pointed out as the original “holes” or -“houses,” as they are called. Often such a hole is -surrounded by one of the tabooed clumps of trees alluded to before. -Many of them are situated in the groves surrounding a village, and a -few near the sea shore. Not one is on the cultivable land.</p> -<p>The highest sub-clan is that of the Tabalu, belonging to the Malasi -totem clan. To this sub-clan belongs the main chief of Kiriwina, -To’uluwa, who resides in the village of Omarakana (see <a href= -"#pl02">Plate II</a> and <a href="#pl00">Frontispiece</a>). He is in -the first place the headman of his own village, and in contrast to the -headmen of low rank, he has quite a considerable amount of power. His -high rank inspires everyone about him with the greatest and most -genuine respect and awe, and the remnants of his power are still -surprisingly large, even now, when white authorities, very foolishly -and with fatal results, do their utmost to undermine his prestige and -influence.</p> -<p>Not only does the chief—by which word I shall designate a -headman of rank—possess a high degree of authority within his own -village, but his sphere of influence extends far beyond it. A number of -villages are tributary to him, and in several respects subject to his -authority. In case of war, they are his allies, and have to foregather -in his village. When he needs men to perform some task, he can send to -his subject villages, and they will supply him with workers. In all big -festivities <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb64" href="#pb64" name= -"pb64">64</a>]</span>the villages of his district will join, and the -chief will act as master of ceremonies. Nevertheless, for all these -services rendered to him he has to pay. He even has to pay for any -tributes received out of his stores of wealth. Wealth, in the -Trobriands, is the outward sign and the substance of power, and the -means also of exercising it. But how does he acquire his wealth? And -here we come to the main duty of the vassal villages to the chief. From -each subject village, he takes a wife, whose family, according to the -Trobriand law, has to supply him with large amounts of crops. This wife -is always the sister or some relation of the headman of the subject -village, and thus practically the whole community has to work for him. -In olden days, the chief of Omarakana had up to as many as forty -consorts, and received perhaps as much as thirty to fifty per cent. of -all the garden produce of Kiriwina. Even now, when his wives number -only sixteen, he has enormous storehouses, and they are full to the -roof with yams every harvest time.</p> -<p>With this supply, he is able to pay for the many services he -requires, to furnish with food the participants in big feasts, in -tribal gatherings or distant expeditions. Part of the food he uses to -acquire objects of native wealth, or to pay for the making of them. In -brief, through his privilege of practising polygamy, the chief is kept -supplied with an abundance of wealth in food stuffs and in valuables, -which he uses to maintain his high position; to organise tribal -festivities and enterprises, and to pay, according to custom, for the -many personal services to which he is entitled.</p> -<p>One point in connection with the chief’s authority deserves -special mention. Power implies not only the possibility of rewarding, -but also the means of punishing. This in the Trobriands is as a rule -done indirectly, by means of sorcery. The chief has the best sorcerers -of the district always at his beck and call. Of course he also has to -reward them when they do him a service. If anyone offends him, or -trespasses upon his authority, the chief summons the sorcerer, and -orders that the culprit shall die by black magic. And here the chief is -powerfully helped in achieving his end by the fact that he can do this -openly, so that everybody, and the victim himself knows that a sorcerer -is after him. As the natives are very deeply and genuinely afraid of -sorcery, the feeling of being <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb65" href= -"#pb65" name="pb65">65</a>]</span>hunted, of imagining themselves -doomed, is in itself enough to doom them in reality. Only in extreme -cases, does a chief inflict direct punishment on a culprit. He has one -or two hereditary henchmen, whose duty it is to kill the man who has so -deeply offended him, that actual death is the only sufficient -punishment. As a matter of fact, very few cases of this are on record, -and it is now, of course, entirely in abeyance.</p> -<p>Thus the chief’s position can be grasped only through the -realisation of the high importance of wealth, of the necessity of -paying for everything, even for services which are due to him, and -which could not be withheld. Again, this wealth comes to the chief from -his relations-in-law, and it is through his right to practise polygamy -that he actually achieves his position, and exercises his power.</p> -<p>Side by side with this rather complex mechanism of authority, the -prestige of rank, the direct recognition of his personal superiority, -give the chief an immense power, even outside his district. Except for -the few of his own rank, no native in the Trobriands will remain erect -when the great chief of Omarakana approaches, even in these days of -tribal disintegration. Wherever he goes, he is considered as the most -important person, is seated on a high platform, and treated with -consideration. Of course the fact that he is accorded marks of great -deference, and approached in the manner as if he were a supreme despot, -does not mean that perfect good fellowship and sociability do not reign -in his personal relations with his companions and vassals. There is no -difference in interests or outlook between him and his subjects. They -sit together and chat, they exchange village gossip, the only -difference being that the chief is always on his guard, and much more -reticent and diplomatic than the other, though he is no less -interested. The chief, unless he is too old, joins in dances and even -in games, and indeed he takes precedence as a matter of course.</p> -<p>In trying to realise the social conditions among the Trobrianders -and their neighbours, it must not be forgotten that their social -organisation is in certain respects complex and ill-defined. Besides -very definite laws which are strictly obeyed, there exist a number of -quaint usages, of vague graduations in rules, of others where the -exceptions are so many, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb66" href= -"#pb66" name="pb66">66</a>]</span>that they rather obliterate the rule -than confirm it. The narrow social outlook of the native who does not -see beyond his own district, the prevalence of singularities and -exceptional cases is one of the leading characteristics of native -sociology, one which for many reasons has not been sufficiently -recognised. But the main outlines of chieftainship here presented, will -be enough to give a clear idea of it and of some of the flavour of -their institutions, as much, in fact, as is necessary, in order to -understand the chief’s rôle in the Kula. But it must to a -certain extent be supplemented by the concrete data, bearing upon the -political divisions of the Trobriands.</p> -<p>The most important chief is, as said, the one who resides in -Omarakana and rules Kiriwina, agriculturally the richest and most -important district. His family, or sub-clan, the Tabalu, are -acknowledged to have by far the highest rank in all the Archipelago. -Their fame is spread over the whole Kula district; the entire province -of Kiriwina derives prestige from its chief, and its inhabitants also -keep all his personal taboos, which is a duty but also a distinction. -Next to the high chief, there resides in a village some two miles -distant, a personage who, though in several respects his vassal, is -also his main foe and rival, the headman of Kabwaku, and ruler of the -province of Tilataula. The present holder of this title is an old rogue -named Moliasi. From time to time, in the old days, war used to break -out between the two provinces, each of which could muster some twelve -villages for the fight. These wars were never very bloody or of long -duration, and they were in many ways fought in a competitive, sporting -manner, since, unlike with the Dobuans and Southern Massim, there were -neither head-hunting nor cannibalistic practices among the Boyowans. -Nevertheless, defeat was a serious matter. It meant a temporary -destruction of the loser’s villages, and exile for a year or two. -After that, a ceremony of reconciliation took place, and friend and foe -would help to rebuild the villages.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3096src" -href="#xd26e3096" name="xd26e3096src">4</a> The ruler of Tilataula has -an intermediate rank, and outside his district he does not enjoy much -prestige; but within it, he has a considerable amount of power, and a -good <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb67" href="#pb67" name= -"pb67">67</a>]</span>deal of wealth, in the shape of stored food and -ceremonial articles. All the villages under his rule, have, of course, -their own independent headman, who, being of low rank, have only a -small degree of local authority.</p> -<p>In the West of the big, Northern half of Boyowa (that is of the main -island of the Trobriand Group) are again two districts, in past times -often at war with one another. One of them, Kuboma, subject to the -chief of Gumilababa, of high rank, though inferior to the chief of -Kiriwina, consists of some ten inland villages, and is very important -as a centre of industry. Among these villages are included those of -Yalaka, Buduwaylaka, Kudukwaykela, where the quicklime is prepared for -betel chewing, and also the lime pots made. The highly artistic -designs, burnt in on the lime pots, are the speciality of these -villagers, but unfortunately the industry is fast decaying. The -<span class="corr" id="xd26e3106" title= -"Source: inhabitabts">inhabitants</span> of Luya are renowned for their -basket work, of which the finest specimens are their production. But -the most remarkable of all is the village of Bwoytalu, whose -inhabitants are at the same time the most despised pariahs, the most -dreaded sorcerers, and the most skilful and industrious craftsmen in -the island. They belong to several sub-clans, all originating in the -neighbourhood of the village, near which also, according to tradition, -the original sorcerer came out of the soil in the form of a crab. They -eat the flesh of bush-pigs, and they catch and eat the stingaree, both -objects of strict taboos and of genuine loathing to the other -inhabitants of Northern Boyowa. For this reason they are despised and -regarded as unclean by the others. In olden days they would have to -crouch lower and more abjectly than anyone else. No man or woman would -mate with anyone from Bwoytalu, whether in marriage or in an intrigue. -Yet in wood carving, and especially in the working out of the -wonderful, round dishes, in the manufacture of plaited fibre work, and -in the production of combs, they are far more skilful than anyone else, -and acknowledged to be such; they are the wholesale manufacturers of -these objects for export, and they can produce work not to be rivalled -by any other village.</p> -<p>The five villages lying on the western coast of the northern half, -on the shores of the Lagoon, form the district of Kulumata. They are -all fishing villages, but differ in their methods, and each has its own -fishing grounds and its own methods of <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb68" href="#pb68" name="pb68">68</a>]</span>exploiting them.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e3113src" href="#xd26e3113" name="xd26e3113src">5</a> -The district is much less homogeneous than any of those before -mentioned. It <span class="corr" id="xd26e3119" title= -"Source: posesses">possesses</span> no paramount chief, and even in war -the villagers used not to fight on the same side. But it is impossible -to enter here into all these shades and singularities of political -organisation.</p> -<p>In the southern part of Boyowa, there is first the province of Luba, -occupying the waist of the island, the part where it narrows down to a -long isthmus. This part is ruled by a chief of high rank, who resides -in Olivilevi. He belongs to the same family as the chief of Omarakana, -and this southern dominion is the result of a younger line’s -having branched off some three generations ago. This happened after an -unsuccessful war, when the whole tribe of Kiriwina fled south to Luba, -and lived there for two years in a temporary village. The main body -returned afterwards, but a number remained behind with the -chief’s brother, and thus the village of Olivilevi was founded. -Wawela, which was formerly a very big village, now consists of hardly -more than twenty huts. The only one on the Eastern shore which lies -right on the sea, it is very picturesquely situated, overlooking a wide -bay with a clean beach. It is of importance as the traditional centre -of astronomical knowledge. From here, for generation after generation -up to the present day, the calendar of the natives has been regulated. -This means that some of the most important dates are fixed, especially -that of the great annual festival, the <i lang="kij">Milamala</i>, -always held at full moon. Again, Wawela is one of the villages where -the second form of sorcery, that of the flying witches, has its main -Trobriand home. In fact, according to native belief, this form of -sorcery has its seat only in the Southern half, and is unknown to the -women in the North, though the Southern witches extend their field of -operations all over Boyowa. Wawela, which lies facing the East, and -which is always in close touch with the villages of Kitava and the rest -of the Marshall Bennetts, shares with these islands the reputation of -harbouring many women who can fly, kill by magic, who also feed on -corpses, and are especially dangerous to seamen in peril.</p> -<p>Further down to the South, on the Western shore of the Lagoon, we -come to the big settlement of Sinaketa, consisting of some six villages -lying within a few hundred yards from one <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb69" href="#pb69" name="pb69">69</a>]</span>another, but each having -its own headman and a certain amount of local characteristics. These -villages form, however, one community for purposes of war and of the -Kula. Some of the local headmen of Sinaketa claim the highest rank, -some are commoners; but on the whole, both the principle of rank and -the power of the chief break down more and more as we move South. -Beyond Sinaketa, we meet a few more villages, who practice a local -Kula, and with whom we shall have to deal later on. Sinaketa itself -will loom very largely in the descriptions that follow. The Southern -part of the island is sometimes called Kaybwagina, but it does not -constitute a definite political unit, like the Northern districts.</p> -<p>Finally, south of the main island, divided from it by a narrow -channel, lies the half-moon-shaped island of Vakuta, to which belong -four small villages and one big one. Within recent times, perhaps four -to six generations ago, there came down and settled in this last -mentioned one a branch of the real Tabalu, the chiefly family of -highest rank. But their power here never assumed the proportions even -of the small chiefs of Sinaketa. In Vakuta, the typical -Papuo-Melanesian system of government by tribal elders—with one -more prominent than the others, but not paramount—is in full -vigour.</p> -<p>The two big settlements of Sinaketa and Vakuta play a great part in -the Kula, and they also are the only two communities in the whole -Trobriands where the red shell discs are made. This industry, as we -shall see, is closely associated with the Kula. Politically, Sinaketa -and Vakuta are rivals, and in olden days were periodically at war with -one another.</p> -<p>Another district which forms a definite political and cultural unit -is the large island of Kayleula, in the West. The inhabitants are -fishermen, canoe-builders, and traders, and undertake big expeditions -to the western d’Entrecasteaux islands, trading for <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e3137" title="Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span>, sago, -pottery and turtle shell in exchange for their own industrial -produce.</p> -<p>It has been necessary to give a somewhat detailed description of -chieftainship and political divisions, as a firm grasp of the main, -political institutions is essential to the understanding of the Kula. -All departments of tribal life, religion, magic, economics are -interwoven, but the <i>social organisation</i> of the tribe lies at the -foundation of everything else. Thus it is <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb70" href="#pb70" name="pb70">70</a>]</span>essential to bear in mind -that the Trobriands form one cultural unit, speaking the same language, -having the same institutions, obeying the same laws and regulations, -swayed by the same beliefs and conventions. The districts just -enumerated, into which the Trobriands are <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e3147" title="Source: subdivided">sub-divided</span>, are distinct -politically and not culturally; that is, each of them comprises the -same kind of natives, only obeying or at least acknowledging their own -chief, having their own interests and pursuits, and in case of war each -fighting their own fight.</p> -<p>Again, within each district, the several village communities have -each a great deal of independence. A village community is represented -by a headman, its members make their gardens in one block and under the -guidance of their own garden magician; they carry on their own feasts -and ceremonial arrangements, mourn their dead in common, and perform, -in remembrance of their departed ones, an endless series of food -distributions. In all big affairs, whether of the district or of the -tribe, members of a village community keep together, and act in one -group.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div2.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Right across the political and local divisions cut the -totemic clans, each having a series of linked totems, with a bird as -principal one.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3157src" href="#xd26e3157" -name="xd26e3157src">6</a> The members of these four clans are scattered -over the whole tribe of Boyowa, and in each village community, members -of all four are to be found, and even in every house, there are at -least two classes represented, since a husband must be of a different -clan from his wife and children. There is a certain amount of -solidarity within the clan, based on the very vague feeling of communal -affinity to the totem birds and animals, but much more on the many -social duties, such as the performance of certain ceremonies, -especially the mortuary ones, which band the members of a clan -together. But real solidarity obtains only between members of a -sub-clan. A sub-clan is a local division of a clan, whose members claim -common ancestry, and hence real identity of bodily substance, and also -are attached to the locality where their ancestors emerged. It is to -these sub-clans that the idea of a definite <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb71" href="#pb71" name="pb71">71</a>]</span>rank -attaches. One of the totemic clans, the Malasi, includes the most -aristocratic sub-clan, the Tabalu, as well as the lowest one, the local -division of the Malasi in Bwoytalu. A chief of the Tabalu feels very -insulted if it is ever hinted that he is akin to one of the -stingaree-eaters of the unclean village, although they are Malasi like -himself. The principle of rank attached to totemic divisions is to be -met only in Trobriand sociology; it is entirely foreign to all the -other Papuo-Melanesian tribes.</p> -<p>As regards kinship, the main thing to be remembered is that the -natives are matrilineal, and that the succession of rank, membership in -all the social groups, and the inheritance of possessions descend in -the maternal line. The mother’s brother is considered the real -guardian of a boy, and there is a series of mutual duties and -obligations, which establish a very close and important relation -between the two. The real kinship, the real identity of substance is -considered to exist only between a man and his mother’s -relations. In the first rank of these, his brothers and sisters are -specially near to him. For his sister or sisters he has to work as soon -as they are grown up and married. But, in spite of that, a most -rigorous taboo exists between them, beginning quite early in life. No -man would joke and talk freely in the presence of his sister, or even -look at her. The slightest allusion to the sexual affairs, whether -illicit or matrimonial, of a brother or sister in the presence of the -other, is the deadliest insult and mortification. When a man approaches -a group of people where his sister is talking, either she withdraws or -he turns away.</p> -<p>The father’s relation to his children is remarkable. -Physiological fatherhood<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3166src" href= -"#xd26e3166" name="xd26e3166src">7</a> is unknown, and no tie of -kinship or relationship is supposed to exist between father and child, -except that between a mother’s husband and the wife’s -child. Nevertheless, the father is by far the nearest and most -affectionate friend of his children. In ever so many cases, I could -observe that when a child, a young boy or girl, was in trouble or sick; -when there was a question of some one exposing himself to difficulties -or danger for the child’s sake, it was <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb72" href="#pb72" name="pb72">72</a>]</span>always -the father who worried, who would undergo all the hardships needed, and -never the maternal uncle. This state of things is quite clearly -recognised, and explicitly put into words by the natives. In matters of -inheritance and handing over of possessions, a man always shows the -tendency to do as much for his children as he is able, considering his -obligations to his sister’s family.</p> -<div class="figure pl15width" id="pl15"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl15width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl15.jpg" alt="A Family Group" width="720" height= -"406"> -<p class="figureHead">A Family Group</p> -<p>Tokuulubakiki of Omarakana, with his mother, wife and children. (See -<a href="#div2.3">Div. III</a>) Note the storehouse, with yams showing -through the interstices.</p> -</div> -<p>It is difficult, in one phrase or two, to epitomise the distinction -between the two relations, that between a boy and his maternal uncle, -and that between a son and a father. The best way to put it shortly -might be by saying that the maternal uncle’s position of close -relation is regarded as right by law and usage, whereas the -father’s interest and affection for his children are due to -sentiment, and to the intimate personal relations existing between -them. He has watched the children grow up, he has assisted the mother -in many of the small and tender cares given to an infant, he has -carried the child about, and given it such education as it gets from -watching the elder ones at work, and gradually joining in. In matters -of inheritance, the father gives the children all that he can, and -gives it freely and with pleasure; the maternal uncle gives under the -compulsion of custom what he cannot withhold and keep for his own -children.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div2.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">A few more words must be said about some of the -magico-religious ideas of the Trobrianders. The main thing that struck -me in connection with their belief in the spirits of the dead, was that -they are almost completely devoid of any fear of ghosts, of any of -these uncanny feelings with which we face the idea of a possible return -of the dead. All the fears and dreads of the natives are reserved for -black magic, flying witches, malevolent disease-bringing beings, but -above all for sorcerers and witches. The spirits migrate immediately -after death to the island of Tuma, lying in the North-West of Boyowa, -and there they exist for another span of time, underground, say some, -on the surface of the earth, though invisible, say others. They return -to visit their own villages once a year, and take part in the big -annual feast, <i lang="kij">milamala</i>, where they receive offerings. -Sometimes, at this season, they show themselves to the living, who are, -however, not alarmed by it, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb73" href= -"#pb73" name="pb73">73</a>]</span>and in general the spirits do not -influence human beings very much, for better or worse.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e3198src" href="#xd26e3198" name="xd26e3198src">8</a> -In a number of magical formulæ, there is an invocation of -ancestral spirits, and they receive offerings in several rites. But -there is nothing of the mutual interaction, of the intimate -collaboration between man and spirit which are the essence of religious -cult.</p> -<p>On the other hand, magic, the attempt of man to govern the forces of -nature directly, by means of a special lore, is all-pervading, and -all-important in the Trobriands.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3203src" -href="#xd26e3203" name="xd26e3203src">9</a> Sorcery and garden magic -have already been mentioned. Here it must suffice to add, that -everything that vitally affects the native is accompanied by magic. All -economic activities have their magic; love, welfare of babies, talents -and crafts, beauty and agility—all can be fostered or frustrated -by magic. In dealing with the Kula—a pursuit of immense -importance to the natives, and playing on almost all their social -passions and ambitions—we shall meet with another system of -magic, and we shall have then to go more into detail about the subject -in general.</p> -<p>Disease, health, or death are also the result of magic or -counter-magic. The Trobrianders have a very complex and very definite -set of theoretical views on these matters. Good health is primarily of -course the natural, normal state. Minor ills may be contracted by -exposure, over-eating, over-strain, bad food, or other ordinary causes. -Such ailments never last, and have never any really bad effects, nor -are they of immediate danger. But, if a man sickens for any length of -time, and his strength seems to be really sapped, then the evil forces -are at work. By far the most prevalent form of black magic, is that of -the <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i>, that is the black sorcerer, of -whom there are a number in each district. Usually even in each village -there are one or two men more or less dreaded as <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i>. To be one does not require any special -initiation except the knowledge of the spells. To learn -these—that is, to learn them in such a manner as to become an -acknowledged <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb74" href="#pb74" name= -"pb74">74</a>]</span><i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i>—can only be -done by means of high payment, or in exceptional circumstances. Thus, a -father will often “give” his sorcery to his son, always, -however, without payment; or a commoner will teach it to a man of rank, -or a man to his sister’s son. In these two latter cases a very -high payment would have to be given. It is important as a -characteristic of the kinship conditions of this people, that a man -receives sorcery gratis from his father, who according to the -traditional kinship system is no blood-relation, whereas he has to pay -for it to his maternal uncle, whose natural heir he is.</p> -<p>When a man has acquired the black art, he applies it to a first -victim, and this has always to be some one of his own family. It is a -firm and definite belief among all the natives that if a man’s -sorcery has to be any good, it must first be practised on his mother or -sister, or any of his maternal kindred. Such a matricidal act makes him -a genuine <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i>. His art then can be -practised on others, and becomes an established source of income.</p> -<p>The beliefs about sorcery are complex; they differ according as to -whether taken from a real sorcerer, or from an outsider; and there are -also evidently strata of belief, due perhaps to local variation, -perhaps to superimposed versions. Here a short summary must -suffice.</p> -<p>When a sorcerer wants to attack someone, the first step is to cast a -light spell over his habitual haunts, a spell which will affect him -with a slight illness and compel him to keep to his bed in his house, -where he will try to cure himself by lying over a small fire and -warming his body. His first ailment, called <i lang= -"kij">kaynagola</i>, comprises pains in the body, such as (speaking -from our point of view) would be brought about by rheumatism, general -cold, influenza, or any incipient disease. When the victim is in bed, -with a fire burning under him, and also, as a rule, one in the middle -of the hut, the <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i> stealthily approaches -the house. He is accompanied by a few nightbirds, owls and night-jars, -which keep guard over him, and he is surrounded by a halo of legendary -terrors which make all natives shiver at the idea of meeting a sorcerer -on such a nocturnal visit. He then tries to insert through the thatch -wall a bunch of herbs impregnated with some deadly charm and tied to a -long stick, and these he attempts to thrust into the fire over which -the sick man is lying. If he succeeds, the fumes <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb75" href="#pb75" name="pb75">75</a>]</span>of the -burnt leaves will be inhaled by the victim, whose name has been uttered -in the charm, and he will be seized by one or other of the deadly -diseases of which the natives have a long list, with a definite -symptomatology, as well as a magical etiology. Thus the preliminary -sorcery was necessary, in order to keep the victim to his house, in -which spot only can the mortal magic be performed.</p> -<p>Of course, the sick man is on the defensive as well. First of all, -his friends and relatives—this is one of the main duties of the -wife’s brothers—will keep a close watch over him, sitting -with spears round the hut, and at all approaches to it. Often have I -come across such vigils, when walking late at night through some -village. Then, the services of some rival <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> are invoked (for the art of killing and curing -is always in the same hand), and he utters counter-spells, so that at -times the efforts of the first sorcerer, even should he succeed in -burning the herbs according to the dreaded <i lang="kij">toginivayu</i> -rite, are fruitless.</p> -<p>Should this be so, he resorts to the final and most fatal rite, that -of the pointing-bone. Uttering powerful spells, the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> and one or two accomplices, boil some coco-nut -oil in a small pot, far away in a dense patch of jungle. Leaves of -herbs are soaked in the oil, and then wrapped round a sharp stingaree -spine, or some similar pointed object, and the final incantation, most -deadly of all, is chanted over it. Then the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> steals towards the village, catches sight of -his victim, and hiding himself behind a shrub or house, points the -magical dagger at him. In fact, he violently and viciously turns it -round in the air, as if to stab the victim, and to twist and wrench the -point in the wound. This, if carried out properly, and not counteracted -by a still more powerful magician, will never fail to kill a man.</p> -<p>I have here summarised the bare outlines of the successive -application of black magic as it is believed by sorcerer and outsider -alike to be done, and to act in producing disease and death. There can -be no doubt that the acts of sorcery are really carried out by those -who believe themselves to possess the black powers. It is equally -certain that the nervous strain of knowing one’s life to be -threatened by a <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i> is very great, and -probably it is much worse when a man knows that behind the sorcerer -stands the might of the chief, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb76" -href="#pb76" name="pb76">76</a>]</span>and this apprehension certainly -contributes powerfully towards the success of black magic. On the other -hand, a chief, if attacked, would have a good guard to protect him, and -the most powerful wizards to back him up, and also the authority to -deal directly with anyone suspected of plotting against him. Thus -sorcery, which is one of the means of carrying on the established -order, is in its turn strengthened by it.</p> -<p>If we remember that, as in all belief in the miraculous and -supernatural, so also here, there is the loophole of counterforces, and -of the sorcery being incorrectly or inefficiently applied, spoilt by -broken taboos, mispronounced spells, or what not; again, that -suggestion strongly influences the victim, and undermines his natural -resistance; further that all disease is invariably traced back to some -sorcerer or other, who, whether it is true or not, often frankly admits -his responsibility in order to enhance his reputation, there is then no -difficulty in understanding why the belief in black magic flourishes, -why no empirical evidence can ever dispel it, and why the sorcerer no -less than the victim, has confidence in his own powers. At least, the -difficulty is the same as in explaining many contemporary examples of -results achieved by miracles and faith healing, such as Christian -Science or Lourdes, or in any cure by prayers and devotion.</p> -<p>Although by far the most important of them all, the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> is only one among the beings who can cause -disease and death. The often-mentioned flying-witches, who come always -from the Southern half of the island, or from the East, from the -islands of Kitava, Iwa, Gava, or Murua, are even more deadly. All very -rapid and violent diseases, more especially such as show no direct, -perceptible symptoms, are attributed to the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i>, as they are called. Invisible, they fly through -the air, and perch on trees, house-tops, and other high places. From -there, they pounce upon a man or woman and remove and hide “the -inside,” that is, the lungs, heart and guts, or the brains and -tongue. Such a victim will die within a day or two, unless another -witch, called for the purpose and well paid, goes in search and -restores the missing “inside.” Of course, sometimes it is -too late to do it, as the meal has been eaten in the meantime! Then the -victim must die.</p> -<p>Another powerful agency of death consists of the <i lang= -"kij">tauva’u</i>, non-human though anthropomorphic beings, who -cause all <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb77" href="#pb77" name= -"pb77">77</a>]</span>epidemic disease. When, at the end of the rainy -season the new and unripe yams have come in, and dysentery rages, -decimating the villages; or, when in hot and damp years an infectious -disease passes over the district, taking heavy toll, this means that -the <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> have come from the South, and that, -invisible, they march through the villages, rattling their lime gourds, -and with their sword-clubs or sticks hitting their victims, who -immediately sicken and die. The <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> can, at -will, assume the shape of man or reptile. He appears then as a snake, -or crab, or lizard, and you recognise him at once, for he will not run -away from you, and he has as a rule a patch of some gaudy colour on his -skin. It would be a fatal thing to kill such a reptile. On the -contrary, it has to be taken up cautiously and treated as a chief; that -is to say, it is placed on a high platform, and some of the valuable -tokens of wealth—a polished green stone blade, or a pair of -arm-shells, or a necklace of spondylus shell beads must be put before -it as an offering.</p> -<p>It is very interesting to note that the <i lang= -"kij">tauva’u</i> are believed to come from the Northern coast of -Normanby Island, from the district of Du’a’u, and more -especially from a place called Sewatupa. This is the very place where, -according to Dobuan belief and myth, their sorcery originated. Thus, -what to the local tribes of the originating place is ordinary sorcery, -practised by men, becomes, when looked at from a great distance, and -from an alien tribe, a non-human agency, endowed with such super-normal -powers as changing of shape, invisibility, and a direct, infallible -method of inflicting death.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> have sometimes sexual -intercourse with women; several present cases are on record, and such -women who have a <span class="corr" id="xd26e3298" title= -"Source: familar">familiar</span> <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> -become dangerous witches, though how they practise their witchcraft is -not quite clear to the natives.</p> -<p>A much less dangerous being is the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, a -<span class="corr" id="xd26e3309" title= -"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>, living in trees and rocks, -stealing crops from the field and from the yam-houses, and inflicting -slight ailments. Some men in the past have acquired the knowledge of -how to do this from the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, and have handed it on -to their descendants.</p> -<p>So we see that, except for the very light ailments which pass -quickly and easily, all disease is attributed to sorcery. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb78" href="#pb78" name="pb78">78</a>]</span>Even -accidents are not believed to happen without cause. That this is the -case also with drowning, we shall learn more in detail, when we have to -follow the Trobrianders in their dangerous sea-trips. Natural death, -caused by old age, is admittedly possible, but when I asked in several -concrete cases, in which age was obviously the cause, why such and such -a man died, I was always told that a <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i> -was at the back of it. Only suicide and death in battle have a -different place in the mind of the natives, and this is also confirmed -by the belief that people killed in war, those that commit suicide, and -those who are bewitched to death have, each class, their own way to the -other world.</p> -<p>This sketch of Trobriand tribal life, belief and customs must -suffice, and we shall still have opportunities of enlarging upon these -subjects that most matter to us for the present study.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div2.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VIII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Two more districts remain to be mentioned, through -which the Kula trade passes on its circuit, before it returns to the -place from where we started. One of them is the Eastern portion of the -Northern Massim, comprising the Marshall Bennett Islands (Kitava, Iwa, -Gawa, Kwayawata), and Woodlark Island (Murua), with the small group of -Nada Islands<span class="corr" id="xd26e3329" title= -"Not in source">.</span> The other district is that of St. Aignan -Island, called by the natives Masima, or Misima, with the smaller -island Panayati.</p> -<p>Looking from the rocky shores of Boyowa, at its narrowest point, we -can see over the white breakers on the fringing reef and over the sea, -here always blue and limpid, the silhouette of a flat-topped, low rock, -almost due East. This is Kitava. To the Trobrianders of the Eastern -districts, this island and those behind it are the promised land of the -Kula, just as Dobu is to the natives of Southern Boyowa. But here, -unlike in the South, they have to deal with tribesmen who speak their -own language, with dialectic differences only, and who have very much -the same institutions and customs. In fact, the nearest island, Kitava, -differs only very little from the Trobriands. Although the more distant -islands, especially Murua, have a slightly different form of totemism, -with hardly any idea of rank attached to the sub-clans, and -consequently no chieftainship in the Trobriand sense, yet their social -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb79" href="#pb79" name= -"pb79">79</a>]</span>organisation is also much the same as in the -Western province.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3336src" href="#xd26e3336" -name="xd26e3336src">10</a> I know the natives only from having seen -them very frequently and in great numbers in the Trobriands, where they -come on Kula expeditions. In Murua, however, I spent a short time doing -<span class="corr" id="xd26e3342" title= -"Source: field work">field-work</span> in the village of Dikoyas. In -appearance, dress, ornaments and manners, the natives are -indistinguishable from the Trobrianders. Their ideas and customs in -matters of sex, marriage, and kinship are, with variations in detail -only, the same as in Boyowa. In beliefs and mythology, they also belong -to the same culture.</p> -<p>To the Trobrianders, the Eastern islands are also the chief home and -stronghold of the dreaded <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> (flying -witches); the land whence love magic came, originating in the island of -Iwa; the distant shores towards which the mythical hero Tudava sailed, -performing many feats, till he finally disappeared, no one knows where. -The most recent version is that he most likely finished his career in -the white man’s country. To the Eastern islands, says native -belief, the spirits of the dead, killed by sorcery, go round on a short -visit not stopping there, only floating through the air like clouds, -before they turn round to the North-West to Tuma.</p> -<p>From these islands, many important products come to Boyowa (the -Trobriands), but none half as important as the tough, homogeneous -green-stone, from which all their implements were made in the past, and -of which the ceremonial axes are made up till now. Some of these places -are renowned for their yam gardens, especially Kitava, and it is -recognised that the best carving in black ebony comes from there. The -most important point of difference between the natives of this district -and the Trobrianders, lies in the method of mortuary distributions, to -which subject we shall have to return in a later part of the book, as -it is closely connected with Kula.</p> -<p>From Murua (Woodlark Island) the Kula track curves over to the South -in two different branches, one direct to Tubetube, and the other to -Misima, and thence to Tubetube and Wari. The district of Misima is -almost entirely unknown to me—I have only spoken once or twice -with natives of this island, and there is not, to my knowledge, any -reliable published <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb80" href="#pb80" -name="pb80">80</a>]</span>information about that district, so we shall -have to pass it over with a very few words. This is, however, not so -alarming, because it is certain, even from the little I know about -them, that the natives do not essentially differ from the other Massim. -They are totemic and matrilineal; there is no chieftainship, and the -form of authority is the same as in the Southern Massim. Their -sorcerers and witches resemble those of the Southern Massim and -Dobuans. In industries, they specialise in canoe-building, and in the -small island of Panayati produce the same type of craft as the natives -of Gawa and Woodlark Island, slightly different only from the Trobriand -canoe. In the island of Misima, a very big supply of areca (betel) nut -is produced, as there is a custom of planting a number of these nuts -after a man’s death.</p> -<p>The small islands of Tubetube and Wari, which form the final link of -the Kula, lie already within the district of the Southern Massim. In -fact, the island of Tubetube is one of the places studied in detail by -Professor Seligman, and its ethnographical description is one of three -parallel monographs which form the division of the Southern Massim in -the treatise so often quoted.</p> -<p>Finally, I want to point out again that the descriptions of the -various Kula districts given in this and in the previous chapter, -though accurate in every detail, are not meant to be an exhaustive -ethnographic sketch of the tribes. They have been given with a few -light touches in order to produce a vivid and so-to-speak personal -impression of the various type of natives, and countries and of -cultures. If I have succeeded in giving a physiognomy to each of the -various tribes, to the Trobrianders, to the Amphlettans, the Dobuans, -and the Southern Massim, and in arousing some interest in them, the -main purpose has been achieved, and the necessary ethnographic -background for the Kula has been supplied.</p> -<div class="figure pl16width" id="pl16"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl16width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XVI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl16.jpg" alt="Armshells" width="720" height="517"> -<p class="figureHead">Armshells</p> -<p>This shows the several varieties, differing in size and finish. (See -<a href="#div2.1">Div. I</a>)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl17width" id="pl17"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl17width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XVII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl17.jpg" alt="Two Men Wearing Armshells" width="720" -height="409"> -<p class="figureHead">Two Men Wearing Armshells</p> -<p>This illustrates the manner in which the armshells are ususally -adorned with beads, pendants and ribbons of dried pandanus. I do not -remember having seen more than once or twice men wearing armshells, and -then they were in full dancing array. (See <a href="#div2.1">Div. -I</a>)</p> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb81" href="#pb81" name= -"pb81">81</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e2763" href="#xd26e2763src" name="xd26e2763">1</a></span> Already -Dr. C. G. Seligman has noticed that there are people of an outstanding -fine physical type among the Northern Massim, of whom the Trobrianders -form the Western section, people who are “generally taller (often -very notably so) than the individuals of the short-faced, broad-nosed -type, in whom the bridge of the nose is very low.” Op. cit., p. -8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2763src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3008" href="#xd26e3008src" name="xd26e3008">2</a></span> I have -dealt with the subject of garden work in the Trobriands and with its -economic importance more fully in an article entitled “The -Primitive Economics of the Trobriand Islanders” in <i>The -Economic Journal</i>, March, 1921. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e3008src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3041" href="#xd26e3041src" name="xd26e3041">3</a></span> This -does not mean that the general economic conclusions are wrong. The -economic nature of Man is as a rule illustrated on imaginary savages -for didactic purposes only, and the conclusions of the authors are in -reality based on their study of the facts of developed economics. But, -nevertheless, quite apart from the fact that pedagogically it is a -wrong principle to make matters look more simple by introducing a -falsehood, it is the Ethnographer’s duty and right to protest -against the introduction from outside of false facts into his own field -of study. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3041src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3096" href="#xd26e3096src" name="xd26e3096">4</a></span> Compare -Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 663–668; also the Author, -article on “War and Weapons among the Trobriand Islanders,” -in <i>Man</i>, January, 1918. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e3096src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3113" href="#xd26e3113src" name="xd26e3113">5</a></span> Compare -the Author’s article on “Fishing and Fishing Magic in the -Trobriands,” <i>Man</i>, June, 1918. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e3113src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3157" href="#xd26e3157src" name="xd26e3157">6</a></span> The -discovery of the existence of “linked” totems, and the -introduction of this term and conception are due to Professor C. G. -Seligman. op. cit., pp. 9, 11; see also Index. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e3157src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3166" href="#xd26e3166src" name="xd26e3166">7</a></span> See the -Author’s article, “Baloma, Spirits of the Dead,” Part -VII, <i>J.R.A.I.,</i> 1917, where this statement has been substantiated -with abundant evidence. Further information obtained during another -expedition to the Trobriands, established by an additional wealth of -detail the complete ignorance of physiological -fatherhood. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3166src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3198" href="#xd26e3198src" name="xd26e3198">8</a></span> See the -Author’s article “Baloma, Spirits of the Dead,” -quoted above. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e3198src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3203" href="#xd26e3203src" name="xd26e3203">9</a></span> I am -using the words <i>religion</i> and <i>magic</i> according to Sir James -Frazer’s distinction (see “Golden Bough,” vol. I). -Frazer’s definition suits the Kiriwinian facts much better than -any other one. In fact, although I started my field work convinced that -the theories of religion and magic expounded in the “Golden -Bough” are inadequate, I was forced by all my observations in New -Guinea to come over to Frazer’s position. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e3203src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3336" href="#xd26e3336src" name="xd26e3336">10</a></span> Compare -Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., the parallel description of the -social institutions in the Trobriands, Marshall Bennetts, Woodlark -Island and the <span class="corr" id="xd26e3338" title= -"Source: Loughlands">Loughlans</span>, Chapters -XLIX–LV. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e3336src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch3" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e473">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter III</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Essentials of the Kula</h2> -<div id="div3.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Having thus described the scene, and the actors, let -us now proceed to the performance. The Kula is a form of exchange, of -extensive, inter-tribal character; it is carried on by communities -inhabiting a wide ring of islands, which form a closed circuit. This -circuit can be seen on <a href="#map5">Map V</a>, where it is -represented by the lines joining a number of islands to the North and -East of the East end of New Guinea. Along this route, articles of two -kinds, and these two kinds only, are constantly travelling in opposite -directions. In the direction of the hands of a clock, moves constantly -one of these kinds—long necklaces of red shell, called <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i> (Plates <a href="#pl18">XVIII</a> and <a href= -"#pl19">XIX</a>). In the opposite direction moves the other -kind—bracelets of white shell called <i lang="kij">mwali</i> -(Plates <a href="#pl16">XVI</a> and <a href="#pl17">XVII</a>). Each of -these articles, as it travels in its own direction on the closed -circuit, meets on its way articles of the other class, and is -constantly being exchanged for them. Every movement of the Kula -articles, every detail of the transactions is fixed and regulated by a -set of traditional rules and conventions, and some acts of the Kula are -accompanied by an elaborate magical ritual and public ceremonies.</p> -<p>On every island and in every village, a more or less limited number -of men take part in the Kula—that is to say, receive the goods, -hold them for a short time, and then pass them on. Therefore every man -who is in the Kula, periodically though not regularly, receives one or -several <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (arm-shells), or a <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i> (necklace of red shell discs), and then has to hand -it on to one of his partners, from whom he receives the opposite -commodity in exchange. Thus no man ever keeps any of the articles for -any length of time in his possession. One transaction does not finish -the Kula relationship, the rule being <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb82" href="#pb82" name="pb82">82</a>]</span>“once in the Kula, -always in the Kula,” and a partnership between two men is a -permanent and lifelong affair. Again, any given <i lang="kij">mwali</i> -or <i lang="kij">soulava</i> may always be found travelling and -changing hands, and there is no question of its ever settling down, so -that the principle “once in the Kula, always in the Kula” -applies also to the valuables themselves.</p> -<div class="figure map5width" id="map5"><a href= -"images/map5h.png"><img src="images/map5.png" alt= -"Map V—The Kula Ring." width="720" height="542"></a> -<p class="figureHead">Map V—The Kula Ring.</p> -</div> -<p>The ceremonial exchange of the two articles is the main, the -fundamental aspect of the Kula. But associated with it, and done under -its cover, we find a great number of secondary activities and features. -Thus, side by side with the ritual exchange of arm-shells and -necklaces, the natives carry on ordinary trade, bartering from one -island to another a great number of utilities, often unprocurable in -the district to which they are imported, and indispensable there. -Further, there are other activities, preliminary to the Kula, or -associated with it, such as the building of sea-going canoes for the -expeditions, certain big forms of mortuary ceremonies, and preparatory -taboos.</p> -<p>The Kula is thus an extremely big and complex institution, both in -its geographical extent, and in the manifoldness of its component -pursuits. It welds together a <span class="corr" id="xd26e3442" title= -"Source: condiderable">considerable</span> number of tribes, and it -embraces a vast complex of activities, interconnected, and playing into -one another, so as to form one organic whole.</p> -<p>Yet it must be remembered that what appears to us an extensive, -complicated, and yet well ordered institution is the outcome of ever so -many doings and pursuits, carried on by savages, who have no laws or -aims or charters definitely laid down. They have no knowledge of the -<i>total outline</i> of any of their social structure. They know their -own motives, know the purpose of individual actions and the rules which -apply to them, but how, out of these, the whole collective institution -shapes, this is beyond their mental range. Not even the most -intelligent native has any clear idea of the Kula as a big, organised -social construction, still less of its sociological function and -implications. If you were to ask him what the Kula is, he would answer -by giving a few details, most likely by giving his personal experiences -and subjective views on the Kula, but nothing approaching the -definition just given here. Not even a partial coherent account could -be obtained. For the integral picture does not exist in his mind; he is -in it, and cannot see the whole from the outside. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb84" href="#pb84" name="pb84">84</a>]</span></p> -<p>The integration of all the details observed, the achievement of a -sociological synthesis of all the various, relevant symptoms, is the -task of the Ethnographer. First of all, he has to find out that certain -activities, which at first sight might appear incoherent and not -correlated, have a meaning. He then has to find out what is constant -and relevant in these activities, and what accidental and inessential, -that is, to find out the laws and rules of all the transactions. Again, -the Ethnographer has to <i>construct</i> the picture of the big -institution, very much as the physicist constructs his theory from the -experimental data, which always have been within reach of everybody, -but which needed a consistent interpretation. I have touched on this -point of method in the Introduction (Divisions <a href="#div0.5">V</a> -and <a href="#div0.6">VI</a>), but I have repeated it here, as it is -necessary to grasp it clearly in order not to lose the right -perspective of conditions as they really exist among the natives.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div3.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In giving the above abstract and concise definition, I -had to reverse the order of research, as this is done in ethnographic -field-work, where the most generalised inferences are obtained as the -result of long inquiries and laborious inductions. The general -definition of the Kula will serve as a sort of plan or diagram in our -further concrete and detailed descriptions. And this is the more -necessary as the Kula is concerned with the exchange of wealth and -utilities, and therefore it is an economic institution, and there is no -other aspect of primitive life where our knowledge is more scanty and -our understanding more superficial than in Economics. Hence -misconception is rampant, and it is necessary to clear the ground when -approaching any economic subject.</p> -<p>Thus in the Introduction we called the Kula a “form of -trade,” and we ranged it alongside other systems of barter. This -is quite correct, if we give the word “<i>trade</i>” a -sufficiently wide interpretation, and mean by it any exchange of goods. -But the word “trade” is used in current Ethnography and -economic literature with so many different implications that a whole -lot of misleading, preconceived ideas have to be brushed aside in order -to grasp the facts correctly. Thus the aprioric current notion of -primitive trade would be that of an exchange of indispensable or useful -articles, done without much ceremony <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb85" href="#pb85" name="pb85">85</a>]</span>or regulation, under -stress of dearth or need, in spasmodic, irregular intervals—and -this done either by direct barter, everyone looking out sharply not to -be done out of his due, or, if the savages were too timid and -distrustful to face one another, by some customary arrangement, -securing by means of heavy penalties compliance in the obligations -incurred or imposed.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3474src" href= -"#xd26e3474" name="xd26e3474src">1</a> Waiving for the present the -question how far this conception is valid or not in general—in my -opinion it is quite misleading—we have to realise clearly that -the Kula contradicts in almost every point the above definition of -“savage trade.” It shows to us primitive exchange in an -entirely different light.</p> -<p>The Kula is not a surreptitious and precarious form of exchange. It -is, quite on the contrary, rooted in myth, backed by traditional law, -and surrounded with magical rites. All its main transactions are public -and ceremonial, and carried out according to definite rules. It is not -done on the spur of the moment, but happens periodically, at dates -settled in advance, and it is carried on along definite trade routes, -which must lead to fixed trysting places. Sociologically, though -transacted between tribes differing in language, culture, and probably -even in race, it is based on a fixed and permanent status, on a -partnership which binds into couples some thousands of individuals. -This partnership is a lifelong relationship, it implies various mutual -duties and privileges, and constitutes a type of inter-tribal -relationship on an enormous scale. As to the economic mechanism of the -transactions, this is based on a specific form of credit, which implies -a high degree of mutual <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb86" href= -"#pb86" name="pb86">86</a>]</span>trust and commercial honour—and -this refers also to the subsidiary, minor trade, which accompanies the -Kula proper. Finally, the Kula is not done under stress of any need, -since its main aim is to exchange articles which are of no practical -use.</p> -<p>From the concise definition of Kula given at the beginning of this -chapter, we see that in its final essence, divested of all trappings -and accessories, it is a very simple affair, which at first sight might -even appear tame and unromantic. After all, it only consists of an -exchange, interminably repeated, of two articles intended for -ornamentation, but not even used for that to any extent. Yet this -simple action—this passing from hand to hand of two meaningless -and quite useless objects—has somehow succeeded in becoming the -foundation of a big inter-tribal institution, in being associated with -ever so many other activities. Myth, magic and tradition have built up -around it definite ritual and ceremonial forms, have given it a halo of -romance and value in the minds of the natives, have indeed created a -passion in their hearts for this simple exchange.</p> -<p>The definition of the Kula must now be amplified, and we must -describe one after the other its fundamental characteristics and main -rules, so that it may be clearly grasped by what mechanism the mere -exchange of two articles results in an institution so vast, complex, -and deeply rooted.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div3.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">First of all, a few words must be said about the two -principal objects of exchange, the arm-shells (<i lang="kij">mwali</i>) -and the necklaces (<i lang="kij">soulava</i>). The arm-shells are -obtained by breaking off the top and the narrow end of a big, -cone-shaped shell (<i lang="la">Conus millepunctatus</i>), and then -polishing up the remaining ring. These bracelets are highly coveted by -all the Papuo-Melanesians of New Guinea, and they spread even into the -pure Papuan district of the Gulf.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3513src" -href="#xd26e3513" name="xd26e3513src">2</a> The manner of wearing the -arm-shells is illustrated by <a href="#pl17">Plate XVII</a>, where the -men have put them on on purpose to be photographed.</p> -<p>The use of the small discs of red spondylus shell, out of which the -<i lang="kij">soulava</i> are made, is also of a very wide diffusion. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb87" href="#pb87" name= -"pb87">87</a>]</span>There is a manufacturing centre of them in one of -the villages in Port Moresby, and also in several places in Eastern New -Guinea, notably in Rossell Island, and in the Trobriands. I have said -“<i>use</i>” on purpose here, because these small beads, -each of them a flat, round disc with a hole in the centre, coloured -anything from muddy brown to carmine red, are employed in various ways -for ornamentation. They are most generally used as part of earrings, -made of rings of turtle shell, which are attached to the ear lobe, and -from which hang a cluster of the shell discs. These earrings are very -much worn, and, especially among the Massim, you see them on the ears -of every second man or woman, while others are satisfied with turtle -shell alone, unornamented with the shell discs. Another everyday -ornament, frequently met with and worn, especially by young girls and -boys, consists of a short necklace, just encircling the neck, made of -the red spondylus discs, with one or more cowrie shell pendants. These -shell discs can be, and often are, used in the make-up of the various -classes of the more elaborate ornaments, worn on festive occasions -only. Here, however, we are more especially concerned with the very -long necklaces, measuring from two to five metres, made of spondylus -discs, of which there are two main varieties, one, much the finer, with -a big shell pendant, the other made of bigger discs, and with a few -cowrie shells or black banana seeds in the centre (see <a href= -"#pl18">Plate XVIII</a>).</p> -<p>The arm-shells on the one hand, and the long spondylus shell strings -on the other, the two main Kula articles, are primarily ornaments. As -such, they are used with the most elaborate dancing dress only, and on -very festive occasions such as big ceremonial dances, great feasts, and -big gatherings, where several villages are represented, as can be seen -in <a href="#pl06">Plate VI</a>. Never could they be used as everyday -ornaments, nor on occasions of minor importance, such as a small dance -in the village, a harvest gathering, a love-making expedition, when -facial painting, floral decoration and smaller though not quite -everyday ornaments are worn (see Plates <a href="#pl12">XII</a> and -<a href="#pl13">XIII</a>). But even though usable and sometimes used, -this is not the main function of these articles. Thus, a chief may have -several shell strings in his possession, and a few arm-shells. -Supposing that a big dance is held in his or in a neighbouring village, -he will not put on his ornaments himself if he goes to <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb88" href="#pb88" name="pb88">88</a>]</span>assist -at it, unless he intends to dance and decorate himself, but any of his -relatives, his children or his friends and even vassals, can have the -use of them for the asking. If you go to a feast or a dance where there -are a number of men wearing such ornaments, and ask anyone of them at -random to whom it belongs, the chances are that more than half of them -will answer that they themselves are not the owners, but that they had -the articles lent to them. These objects are not owned in order to be -used; the privilege of decorating oneself with them is not the real aim -of possession.</p> -<div class="figure pl18width" id="pl18"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl18width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XVIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl18.jpg" alt= -"Two Necklaces, Made of Red Spondylus Discs" width="334" height="720"> -<p class="figureHead">Two Necklaces, Made of Red Spondylus Discs</p> -<p>On the left, the <i lang="kij">soulava</i>, or <i lang= -"kij">bagi</i>, the real Kula article. On the right, the <i lang= -"kij">katudababile</i> (or <i lang="kij">samakupa</i>, as it is called -among the Southern Massim), made of bigger discs, manufactured in the -villages of Sinaketa and Vakuta (Trobriand Islands). This latter -article does not play any important part in the Kula. (See <a href= -"#div3.4">Div. III</a>; <a href="#div14.2">Ch. XIV, Div. II</a>; -<a href="#div15.2">Ch. XV, Divs. II</a> and <a href= -"#div15.3">III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl19width" id="pl19"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl19width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XIX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl19.jpg" alt="Two Women Adorned with Necklaces" -width="720" height="426"> -<p class="figureHead">Two Women Adorned with Necklaces</p> -<p>This shows the manner in which a soulava is worn, when used as a -decoration. (See <a href="#div3.1">Div. I</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>Indeed—and this is more significant—by far the greater -number of the arm-shells, easily ninety per cent., are of too small a -size to be worn even by young boys and girls. A few are so big and -valuable that they would not be worn at all, except once in a decade by -a very important man on a very festive day. Though all the -shell-strings can be worn, some of them are again considered too -valuable, and are cumbersome for frequent use, and would be worn on -very exceptional occasions only.</p> -<p>This negative description leaves us with the questions: why, then, -are these objects valued, what purpose do they serve? The full answer -to this question will emerge out of the whole story contained in the -following chapters, but an approximate idea must be given at once. As -it is always better to approach the unknown through the known, let us -consider for a moment whether among ourselves we have not some type of -objects which play a similar rôle and which are used and -possessed in the same manner. When, after a six years’ absence in -the South Seas and Australia, I returned to Europe and did my first bit -of sight-seeing in Edinburgh Castle, I was shown the Crown jewels. The -keeper told many stories of how they were worn by this or that king or -queen on such and such occasion, of how some of them had been taken -over to London, to the great and just indignation of the whole Scottish -nation, how they were restored, and how now everyone can be pleased, -since they are safe under lock and key, and no one can touch them. As I -was looking at them and thinking how ugly, useless, ungainly, even -tawdry they were, I had the feeling that something similar had been -told to me of late, and that I had seen many other objects of this -sort, which made a similar impression on me. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb89" href="#pb89" name="pb89">89</a>]</span></p> -<p>And then arose before me the vision of a native village on coral -soil, <span class="corr" id="xd26e3601" title="Source: ond">and</span> -a small, rickety platform temporarily erected under a pandanus thatch, -surrounded by a number of brown, naked men, and one of them showing me -long, thin red strings, and big, white, worn-out objects, clumsy to -sight and greasy to touch. With reverence he also would name them, and -tell their history, and by whom and when they were worn, and how they -changed hands, and how their temporary possession was a great sign of -the importance and glory of the village. The analogy between the -European and the Trobriand <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> (valuables) -must be delimited with more precision. The Crown jewels, in fact, any -heirlooms too valuable and too cumbersome to be worn, represent the -same type as <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> in that they are merely -possessed for the sake of possession itself, and the ownership of them -with the ensuing renown is the main source of their value. Also both -heirlooms and <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> are cherished because of -the historical sentiment which surrounds them. However ugly, useless, -and—according to current standards—valueless an object may -be, if it has figured in historical scenes and passed through the hands -of historic persons, and is therefore an unfailing vehicle of important -sentimental associations, it cannot but be precious to us. This -historic sentimentalism, which indeed has a large share in our general -interest in studies of past events, exists also in the South Seas. -Every really good Kula article has its individual name, round each -there is a sort of history and romance in the traditions of the -natives. Crown jewels or heirlooms are insignia of rank and symbols of -wealth respectively, and in olden days with us, and in New Guinea up -till a few years ago, both rank and wealth went together. The main -point of difference is that the Kula goods are only in possession for a -time, whereas the European treasure must be permanently owned in order -to have full value.</p> -<p>Taking a broader, ethnological view of the question, we may class -the Kula valuables among the many “ceremonial” objects of -wealth; enormous, carved and decorated weapons, stone implements, -articles of domestic and industrial nature, too well decorated and too -clumsy for use. Such things are usually called -“ceremonial,” but this word seems to cover a great number -of meanings and much that has no meaning at all. In fact, very often, -especially on museum labels, an article <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb90" href="#pb90" name="pb90">90</a>]</span>is called -“ceremonial” simply because nothing is known about its uses -and general nature. Speaking only about museum exhibits from New -Guinea, I can say that many so-called ceremonial objects are nothing -but simply overgrown objects of use, which preciousness of material and -amount of labour expended have transformed into reservoirs of condensed -economic value. Again, others are used on festive occasions, but play -no part whatever in rites and ceremonies, and serve for decoration -only, and these might be called <i>objects of parade</i> (comp. -<a href="#div6.1">Chap. VI, Div. I</a>). Finally, a number of these -articles function actually as instruments of a magical or religious -rite, and belong to the intrinsic apparatus of a ceremony. Such and -such only could be correctly called <i>ceremonial</i>. During the -<i lang="kij">So’i</i> feasts among the Southern Massim, women -carrying polished axe blades in fine carved handles, accompany with a -<span class="corr" id="xd26e3630" title= -"Source: rythmic">rhythmic</span> step to the beat of drums, the entry -of the pigs and mango saplings into the village (see Plates <a href= -"#pl05">V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a>). As this is part of the -ceremony and the axes are an indispensable accessory, their use in this -case can be legitimately called “ceremonial.” Again, in -certain magical ceremonies in the Trobriands, the <i lang= -"kij">towosi</i> (garden magician) has to carry a mounted axe blade on -his shoulders, and with it he delivers a ritual blow at a <i lang= -"kij">kamkokola</i> structure (see Plate <a href="#pl59">LIX</a>; -compare <a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Division IV</a>).</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>—the Kula -valuables—in one of their aspects are overgrown objects of use. -They are also, however, <i>ceremonial</i> objects in the narrow and -correct sense of the word. This will become clear after perusal of the -following pages, and to this point we shall return in the <a href= -"#ch22">last chapter</a>.</p> -<p>It must be kept in mind that here we are trying to obtain a clear -and vivid idea of what the Kula valuables are to the natives, and not -to give a detailed and circumstantial description of them, nor to -define them with precision. The comparison with the European heirlooms -or Crown jewels was given in order to show that this type of ownership -is not entirely a fantastic South Sea custom, untranslatable into our -ideas. For—and this is a point I want to stress—the -comparison I have made is not based on purely external, superficial -similarity. The psychological and sociological forces at work are the -same, it is really the same mental attitude which <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb91" href="#pb91" name="pb91">91</a>]</span>makes us -value our heirlooms, and makes the natives in New Guinea value their -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div3.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The exchange of these two classes of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, of the armshells and the necklaces, -constitutes the main act of the Kula. This exchange is not done freely, -right and left, as opportunity offers, and where the whim leads. It is -subject indeed to strict limitations and regulations. One of these -refers to the sociology of the exchange, and entails that Kula -transactions can be done only between partners. A man who is in the -Kula—for not everyone within its district is entitled to carry it -on—has only a limited number of people with whom he does it. This -partnership is entered upon in a definite manner, under fulfilment of -certain formalities, and it constitutes a life-long relationship. The -number of partners a man has varies with his rank and importance. A -commoner in the Trobriands would have a few partners only, whereas a -chief would number hundreds of them. There is no special social -mechanism to limit the partnership of some people and extend that of -the others, but a man would naturally know to what number of partners -he was entitled by his rank and position. And there would be always the -example of his immediate ancestors to guide him. In other tribes, where -the distinction of rank is not so pronounced, an old man of standing, -or a headman of a hamlet or village would also have hundreds of Kula -associates, whereas a man of minor importance would have but few.</p> -<p>Two Kula partners have to <i lang="kij">kula</i> with one another, -and exchange other gifts incidentally; they behave as friends, and have -a number of mutual duties and obligations, which vary with the distance -between their villages and with their reciprocal status. An average man -has a few partners near by, as a rule his relations-in-law or his -friends, and with these partners, he is generally on very friendly -terms. The Kula partnership is one of the special bonds which unite two -men into one of the standing relations of mutual exchange of gifts and -services so characteristic of these natives. Again, the average man -will have one or two chiefs in his or in the neighbouring districts -with whom he <i>kulas</i>. In such a case, he would be bound to assist -and serve them in various ways, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb92" -href="#pb92" name="pb92">92</a>]</span>to offer them the pick of his -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> when he gets a fresh supply. On the -other hand he would expect them to be specially liberal to him.</p> -<p>The overseas partner is, on the other hand, a host, patron and ally -in a land of danger and insecurity. Nowadays, though the feeling of -danger still persists, and natives never feel safe and comfortable in a -strange district, this danger is rather felt as a magical one, and it -is more the fear of foreign sorcery that besets them. In olden days, -more tangible dangers were apprehended, and the partner was the main -guarantee of safety. He also provides with food, gives presents, and -his house, though never used to sleep in, is the place in which to -foregather while in the village. Thus the Kula partnership provides -every man within its ring with a few friends near at hand, and with -some friendly allies in the far-away, dangerous, foreign districts. -These are the only people with whom he can <i lang="kij">kula</i>, but, -of course, amongst all his partners, he is free to choose to which one -he will offer which object.</p> -<p>Let us now try to cast a broad glance at the cumulative effects of -the rules of partnership. We see that all around the ring of Kula there -is a network of relationships, and that naturally the whole forms one -interwoven fabric. Men living at hundreds of miles’ sailing -distance from one another are bound together by direct or intermediate -partnership, exchange with each other, know of each other, and on -certain occasions meet in a large intertribal gathering (<a href= -"#pl20">Plate XX</a>). Objects given by one, in time reach some very -distant indirect partner or other, and not only Kula objects, but -various articles of domestic use and minor gifts. It is easy to see -that in the long run, not only objects of material culture, but also -customs, songs, art motives and general cultural influences travel -along the Kula route. It is a vast, inter-tribal net of relationships, -a big institution, consisting of thousands of men, all bound together -by one common passion for Kula exchange, and secondarily, by many minor -ties and interests.</p> -<p>Returning again to the personal aspect of the Kula, let us take a -concrete example, that of <i>an average man</i> who lives, let us -assume, in the village of Sinaketa, an important Kula centre in the -Southern Trobriands. He has a few partners, near and far, but they -again fall into categories, those who give him arm-shells, and those -who give him necklaces. For it is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb93" -href="#pb93" name="pb93">93</a>]</span>naturally an invariable rule of -the Kula that arm-shells and necklaces are never received from the same -man, since they must travel in different directions. If one partner -gives the armshells, and I return to him a necklace, all future -operations have to be of the same type. More than that, the nature of -the operation between me, the man of Sinaketa, and my partner, is -determined by our relative positions with regard to the points of the -compass. Thus I, in Sinaketa, would receive from the North and East -only arm-shells; from the South and West, necklaces are given to me. If -I have a near partner next door to me, if his abode is North or East of -mine, he will always be giving me arm-shells and receiving necklaces -from me. If, at a later time he were to shift his residence within the -village, the old relationship would obtain, but if he became a member -of another village community on the other side of me the relationship -would be reversed. The partners in villages to the North of Sinaketa, -in the district of Luba, Kulumata, or Kiriwina all supply me with -arm-shells. These I hand over to my partners in the South, and receive -from them necklaces. The South in this case means the southern -districts of Boyowa, as well as the Amphletts and Dobu.</p> -<p>Thus every man has to obey definite rules as to the geographical -direction of his transactions. At any point in the Kula ring, if we -imagine him turned towards the centre of the circle, he receives the -arm-shells with his left hand, and the necklaces with his right, and -then hands them both on. In other words, he constantly passes the -arm-shells from left to right, and the necklaces from right to -left.</p> -<p>Applying this rule of personal conduct to the whole Kula ring, we -can see at once what the aggregate result is. The sum total of -exchanges will not result in an aimless shifting of the two classes of -article, in a fortuitous come and go of the armshells and necklaces. -Two continuous streams will constantly flow on, the one of necklaces -following the hands of a clock, and the other, composed of the -arm-shells, in the opposite direction. We see thus that it is quite -correct to speak of the <i>circular</i> exchange of the Kula, of a ring -or circuit of moving articles (comp. <a href="#map5">Map V</a>). On -this ring, all the villages are placed in a definitely fixed position -with regard to one another, so that one is always on either the -arm-shell or on the necklace side of the other. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb94" href="#pb94" name="pb94">94</a>]</span></p> -<p>Now we pass to another rule of the Kula, of the greatest importance. -As just explained “the armshells and shell-strings always travel -in their own respective directions on the ring, and they are never, -under any circumstances, traded back in the wrong direction. Also, they -never stop. It seems almost incredible at first, but it is the fact, -nevertheless, that no one ever keeps any of the Kula: valuables for any -length of time. Indeed, in the whole of the Trobriands there are -perhaps only one or two specially fine armshells and shell-necklaces -permanently owned as heirlooms, and these are set apart as a special -class, and are once and for all out of the Kula. -‘Ownership,’ therefore, in Kula, is quite a special -economic relation. A man who is in the Kula never keeps any article for -longer than, say, a year or two. Even this exposes him to the reproach -of being niggardly, and certain districts have the bad reputation of -being ‘slow’ and ‘hard’ in the Kula. On the -other hand, each man has an enormous number of articles passing through -his hands during his life time, of which he enjoys a temporary -possession, and which he keeps in trust for a time. This possession -hardly ever makes him use the articles, and he remains under the -obligation soon again to hand them on to one of his partners. But the -temporary ownership allows him to draw a great deal of renown, to -exhibit his article, to tell how he obtained it, and to plan to whom he -is going to give it. And all this forms one of the favourite subjects -of tribal conversation and gossip, in which the feats and the glory in -Kula of chiefs or commoners are constantly discussed and -re-discussed.”<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3722src" href= -"#xd26e3722" name="xd26e3722src">3</a> Thus every article moves in one -direction only, never comes back, never permanently stops, and takes as -a rule some two to ten years to make the round.</p> -<p>This feature of the Kula is perhaps its most remarkable one, since -it creates a new type of ownership, and places the two Kula articles in -a class of their own. Here we can return to the comparison drawn -between the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> (Kiriwinian valuables) and -the European heirlooms. This comparison broke down on one point: in the -European objects of this class, permanent ownership, lasting -association with the hereditary dignity or rank or with a family, is -one of its main features. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb95" href= -"#pb95" name="pb95">95</a>]</span>In this the Kula articles differ from -heirlooms, but resemble another type of valued object, that is, -trophies, gauges of superiority, sporting cups, objects which are kept -for a time only by the winning party, whether a group or an individual. -Though held only in trust, only for a period, though never used in any -utilitarian way, yet the holders get from them a special type of -pleasure by the mere fact of owning them, of being entitled to them. -Here again, it is not only a superficial, external resemblance, but -very much the same mental attitude, favoured by similar social -arrangements. The resemblance goes so far that in the Kula there exists -also the element of pride in merit, an element which forms the main -ingredient in the pleasure felt by a man or group holding a trophy. -Success in Kula is ascribed to special, personal power, due mainly to -magic, and men are very proud of it. Again, the whole community glories -in a specially fine Kula trophy, obtained by one of its members.</p> -<p>All the rules so far enumerated—looking at them from the -individual point of view—limit the social range and the direction -of the transactions as well as the duration of ownership of the -articles. Looking at them from the point of view of their integral -effect, they shape the general outline of the Kula, give it the -character of the double-closed circuit. Now a few words must be said -about the nature of each individual transaction, in so far as its -<i>commercial technicalities</i> are concerned. Here very definite -rules also obtain.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div3.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The main principle underlying the regulations of -actual exchange is that the Kula consists in the bestowing of a -ceremonial gift, which has to be repaid by an equivalent counter-gift -after a lapse of time, be it a few hours or even minutes, though -sometimes as much as a year or more may elapse between -payments.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3745src" href="#xd26e3745" name= -"xd26e3745src">4</a> But it can never be exchanged from hand to hand, -with the equivalence between the two objects discussed, bargained about -and computed. The decorum of the Kula transaction is strictly kept, and -highly <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb96" href="#pb96" name= -"pb96">96</a>]</span>valued. The natives sharply distinguish it from -barter, which they practise extensively, of which they have a clear -idea, and for which they have a settled term—in Kiriwinian: -<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>. Often, when criticising an incorrect, too -hasty, or indecorous procedure of Kula, they will say: “He -conducts his Kula as if it were <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>.”</p> -<p>The second very important principle is that the equivalence of the -counter-gift is left to the giver, and it cannot be enforced by any -kind of coercion. A partner who has received a Kula gift is expected to -give back fair and full value, that is, to give as good an arm-shell as -the necklace he receives, or vice versa. Again, a very fine article -must be replaced by one of equivalent value, and not by several minor -ones, though intermediate gifts may be given to mark time before the -real repayment takes place.</p> -<p>If the article given as counter-gift is not equivalent, the -recipient will be disappointed and angry, but he has no direct means of -redress, no means of coercing his partner, or of putting an end to the -whole transaction. What then are the forces at work which keep the -partners to the terms of the bargain? Here we come up against a very -important feature of the native’s mental attitude towards wealth -and value. The great misconception of attributing to the savage a pure -economic nature, might lead us to reason incorrectly thus: “The -passion of acquiring, the loathing to lose or give away, is the -fundamental and most primitive element in man’s attitude to -wealth. In primitive man, this primitive characteristic will appear in -its simplest and purest form. <i>Grab and never let go</i> will be the -guiding principle of his life.”<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3763src" href="#xd26e3763" name="xd26e3763src">5</a> The -fundamental error in this reasoning is that it assumes that -“primitive man,” as represented by the present-day savage, -lives, at least in economic matters, untrammelled by conventions and -social restrictions. Quite the reverse is the case<span class="corr" -id="xd26e3766" title="Not in source">.</span> Although, like every -human being, the Kula native loves to possess and therefore desires to -acquire and dreads to lose, the social code of rules, with regard to -give and take by far overrides his natural acquisitive tendency. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb97" href="#pb97" name= -"pb97">97</a>]</span></p> -<p>This social code, such as we find it among the natives of the Kula -is, however, far from weakening the natural desirability of possession; -on the contrary, it lays down that to possess is to be great, and that -wealth is the indispensable appanage of social rank and attribute of -personal virtue. But the important point is that with them to possess -is to give—and here the natives differ from us notably. A man who -owns a thing is naturally expected to share it, to distribute it, to be -its trustee and dispenser. And the higher the rank the greater the -obligation. A chief will naturally be expected to give food to any -stranger, visitor, even loiterer from another end of the village. He -will be expected to share any of the betel-nut or tobacco he has about -him. So that a man of rank will have to hide away any surplus of these -articles which he wants to preserve for his further use. In the Eastern -end of New Guinea a type of large basket, with three layers, -manufactured in the Trobriands, was specially popular among people of -consequence, because one could hide away one’s small treasures in -the lower compartments. Thus the main symptom of being powerful is to -be wealthy, and of wealth is to be generous. Meanness, indeed, is the -most despised vice, and the only thing about which the natives have -strong moral views, while generosity is the essence of goodness.</p> -<p>This moral injunction and ensuing habit of generosity, superficially -observed and misinterpreted, is responsible for another wide-spread -misconception, that of the <i>Primitive communism of savages</i>. This, -quite as much as the diametrically opposed figment of the acquisitive -and ruthlessly tenacious native, is definitely erroneous, and this will -be seen with sufficient clearness in the following chapters.</p> -<p>Thus the fundamental principle of the natives’ moral code in -this matter makes a man do his fair share in Kula transaction and the -more important he is, the more will he desire to shine by his -generosity. <i lang="fr">Noblesse oblige</i> is in reality the social -norm regulating their conduct<span class="corr" id="xd26e3782" title= -"Not in source">.</span> This does not mean that people are always -satisfied, and that there are no squabbles about the transactions, no -resentments and even feuds. It is obvious that, however much a man may -want to give a good equivalent for the object received, he may not be -able to do so. And then, as there is always a keen competition to be -the most generous giver, a man who has received less than he gave will -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb98" href="#pb98" name= -"pb98">98</a>]</span>not keep his grievance to himself, but will brag -about his own generosity and compare it to his partner’s -meanness; the other resents it, and the quarrel is ready to break out. -But it is very important to realise that there is no actual haggling, -no tendency to do a man out of his share. The giver is quite as keen as -the receiver that the gift should be generous, though for different -reasons. Then, of course, there is the important consideration that a -man who is fair and generous in the Kula will attract a larger stream -to himself than a mean one.</p> -<p>The two main principles, namely, first that the Kula is a gift -repaid after an interval of time by a counter-gift, and not a -bartering; and second, that the equivalent rests with the giver, and -cannot be enforced, nor can there be any haggling or going back on the -exchange—these underlie all the transactions. A concrete outline -of how they are carried on, will give a sufficient preliminary -idea.</p> -<p>“Let us suppose that I, a Sinaketa man, am in possession of a -pair of big armshells. An overseas expedition from Dobu in the -d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago, arrives at my village. Blowing a -conch shell, I take my armshell pair and I offer it to my overseas -partner, with some such words as ‘This is a <i lang= -"kij">vaga</i> (opening gift)—in due time, thou returnest to me a -big <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklace) for it!’ Next year, when -I visit my partner’s village, he either is in possession of an -equivalent necklace, and this he gives to me as <i lang= -"kij">yotile</i> (return gift), or he has not a necklace good enough to -repay my last gift. In this case he will give me a small -necklace—avowedly not equivalent to my gift—and he will -give it to me as <i lang="kij">basi</i> (intermediary gift). This means -that the main gift has to be repaid on a future occasion, and the -<i lang="kij">basi</i> is given in token of good faith—but it, in -turn, must be repaid by me in the meantime by a gift of small -arm-shells. The final gift, which will be given to me to clinch the -whole transaction, would then be called <i lang="kij">kudu</i> -(clinching gift) in contrast to <i lang="kij">basi</i>” (loc. -cit., p. 99).</p> -<div class="figure pl20width" id="pl20"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl20width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl20.jpg" alt= -"A Kula Gathering on the Beach of Sinaketa" width="720" height="427"> -<p class="figureHead">A Kula Gathering on the Beach of Sinaketa</p> -<p>Along about half a mile’s length of shore, over eighty canoes -are beached or moored, and in the village, on the beach, and in the -surrounding country there are assembled some two thousand natives from -several districts, ranging from Kitava to Dobu. This illustrates the -manner in which the Kula brings together large numbers of people -belonging to different cultures; in this case, that of Kitava, Boyowa, -the Amphletts and Dobu. (See <a href="#div3.4">Div. IV</a>, and -<a href="#div16.2">Ch. XVI, Div. II.</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>Although haggling and bargaining are completely ruled out of the -Kula, there are customary and regulated ways of bidding for a piece of -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> known to be in the possession of -one’s partner. This is done by the offer of what we shall call -solicitary gifts, of which there are several types. “If I, an -inhabitant of Sinaketa, happen to be in possession of a pair of -arm-shells more than usually good, the fame of it spreads, for -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb99" href="#pb99" name= -"pb99">99</a>]</span>it must be remembered that each one of the -first-class armshells and necklaces has a personal name and a history -of its own, and as they circulate around the big ring of the Kula, they -are all well known, and their appearance in a given district always -creates a sensation. Now, all my partners—whether from overseas -or from within the district—compete for the favour of receiving -this particular article of mine, and those who are specially keen try -to obtain it by giving me <i lang="kij">pokala</i> (offerings) and -<i lang="kij">kaributu</i> (solicitary gifts). The former (<i lang= -"kij">pokala</i>) consist as a rule of pigs, especially fine bananas, -and yams or taro; the latter (<i lang="kij">kaributu</i>) are of -greater value: the valuable, large axe-blades (called <i lang= -"kij">beku</i>), or lime spoons of whale bone are given” (<i>loc. -cit<span class="corr" id="xd26e3853" title= -"Not in source">.</span></i>, p. 100). The further complication in the -repayment of these solicitary gifts and a few more technicalities and -technical expressions connected herewith will be given later on in -<a href="#ch4">Chapter IV</a>.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div3.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">I have enumerated the main rules of the Kula in a -manner sufficient for a preliminary definition, and now a few words -must be said about the associated activities and secondary aspects of -the Kula. If we realise that at times the exchange has to take place -between districts divided by dangerous seas, over which a great number -of people have to travel by sail, and do so keeping to appointed dates, -it becomes clear at once that considerable preparations are necessary -to carry out the expedition. Many preliminary activities are intimately -associated with the Kula. Such are, particularly, the building of -canoes, preparation of the outfit, the provisioning of the expedition, -the fixing of dates and social organisation of the enterprise. All -these are subsidiary to the Kula, and as they are carried on in pursuit -of it, and form one connected series, a description of the Kula must -embrace an account of these preliminary activities. The detailed -account of canoe building, of the ceremonial attached to it, of the -incidental magical rites, of the launching and trial run, of the -associated customs which aim at preparing the outfit—all this -will be described in detail in the next few chapters.</p> -<p>Another important pursuit inextricably bound up with the Kula, is -that of the <i>secondary trade</i>. Voyaging to far-off countries, -endowed with natural resources unknown in their <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb100" href="#pb100" name="pb100">100</a>]</span>own -homes, the Kula sailors return each time richly laden with these, the -spoils of their enterprise. Again, in order to be able to offer -presents to his partner, every outward bound canoe carries a cargo of -such things as are known to be most desirable in the overseas district. -Some of this is given away in presents to the partners, but a good deal -is carried in order to pay for the objects desired at home. In certain -cases, the visiting natives exploit on their own account during the -journey some of the natural resources overseas. For example, the -Sinaketans dive for the spondylus in Sanaroa Lagoon, and the Dobuans -fish in the Trobriands on a beach on the southern end of the island. -The secondary trade is complicated still more by the fact that such big -Kula centres as, for instance, Sinaketa, are not efficient in any of -the industries of special value to the Dobuans. Thus, Sinaketans have -to procure the necessary store of goods from the inland villages of -Kuboma, and this they do on minor trading expeditions preliminary to -the Kula. Like the canoe-building, the secondary trading will be -described in detail later on, and has only to be mentioned here.</p> -<p>Here, however, these subsidiary and associated activities must be -put in proper relation with regard to one another and to the main -transaction. Both the canoe-building and the ordinary trade have been -spoken of as secondary or subsidiary to the Kula proper. This requires -a comment. I do not, by thus subordinating the two things in importance -to the Kula, mean to express a philosophical reflection or a personal -opinion as to the relative value of these pursuits from the point of -view of some social teleology. Indeed, it is clear that if we look at -the acts from the outside, as comparative sociologists, and gauge their -real utility, trade and canoe-building will appear to us as the really -important achievements, whereas we shall regard the Kula only as an -indirect stimulus, impelling the natives to sail and to trade. Here, -however, I am not dealing in sociological, but in pure ethnographical -description, and any sociological analysis I have given is only what -has been absolutely indispensable to clear away misconceptions and to -define terms.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3873src" href="#xd26e3873" -name="xd26e3873src">6</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb101" href= -"#pb101" name="pb101">101</a>]</span></p> -<p>By ranging the Kula as the primary and chief activity, and the rest -as secondary ones, I mean that this precedence is implied in the -institutions themselves. By studying the behaviour of the natives and -all the customs in question, we see that the Kula is in all respects -the main aim: the dates are fixed, the preliminaries settled, the -expeditions arranged, the social organisation determined, not with -regard to trade, but with regard to Kula. On an expedition, the big -ceremonial feast, held at the start, refers to the Kula; the final -ceremony of reckoning and counting the spoil refers to Kula, not to the -objects of trade obtained. Finally, the magic, which is one of the main -factors of all the procedure, refers only to the Kula, and this applies -even to a part of the magic carried out over the canoe. Some rites in -the whole cycle are done for the sake of the canoe itself, and others -for the sake of Kula. The construction of the canoes is always carried -on directly in connection with a Kula expedition. All this, of course, -will become really clear and convincing only after the detailed account -is given. But it was necessary at this point to set the right -perspective in the relation between the main Kula and the trade.</p> -<p>Of course not only many of the surrounding tribes who know nothing -of the Kula do build canoes and sail far and daringly on trading -expeditions, but even within the Kula ring, in the Trobriands for -instance, there are several villages who do not kula, yet have canoes -and carry on energetic overseas trade. But where the Kula is practised, -it governs all the other allied activities, and canoe building and -trade are made subsidiary to it. And this is expressed both by the -nature of the institutions and the working of all the arrangements on -the one hand, and by the behaviour and explicit statements of the -natives on the other.</p> -<p>The Kula—it becomes, I hope, more and more clear—is a -big, complicated institution, insignificant though its nucleus might -appear. To the natives, it represents one of the most vital interests -in life, and as such it has a ceremonial character and is surrounded by -magic. We can well imagine that articles of wealth might pass from hand -to hand without ceremony or ritual, but in the Kula they never do. Even -when at times only small parties in one or two canoes sail overseas and -bring back <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, certain taboos are -observed, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb102" href="#pb102" name= -"pb102">102</a>]</span>and a customary course is taken in departing, in -sailing, and in arriving; even the smallest expedition in one canoe is -a tribal event of some importance, known and spoken of over the whole -district. But the characteristic expedition is one in which a -considerable number of canoes take part, organised in a certain manner, -and forming one body. Feasts, distributions of food, and other public -ceremonies are held, there is one leader and master of the expedition, -and various rules are adhered to, in addition to the ordinary Kula -taboos and observances.</p> -<p>The ceremonial nature of the Kula is strictly bound up with another -of its aspects—magic. “The belief in the efficiency of -magic dominates the Kula, as it does ever so many other tribal -activities of the natives. Magical rites must be performed over the -sea-going canoe when it is built, in order to make it swift, steady and -safe; also magic is done over a canoe to make it lucky in the Kula. -Another system of magical rites is done in order to avert the dangers -of sailing. The third system of magic connected with overseas -expeditions is the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> or the Kula magic proper. -This system consists in numerous rites and spells, all of which act -directly on the mind (<i lang="kij">nanola</i>) of one’s partner, -and make him soft, unsteady in mind, and eager to give Kula -gifts” (loc. cit., p. 100).</p> -<p>It is clear that an institution so closely associated with magical -and ceremonial elements, as is the Kula, not only rests on a firm, -traditional foundation, but also has its large store of legends. -“There is a rich mythology of the Kula, in which stories are told -about far-off times when mythical ancestors sailed on distant and -daring expeditions. Owing totheir magical knowledge they were able to -escape dangers, to conquer their enemies, to surmount obstacles, and by -their feats they established many a precedent which is now closely -followed by tribal custom. But their importance for their descendants -lies mainly in the fact that they handed on their magic, and this made -the Kula possible for the following generations” (loc. cit., p. -100).</p> -<p>The Kula is also associated in certain districts, to which the -Trobriands do not belong, with the mortuary feasts, called <i lang= -"kij">so’i</i>. The association is interesting and important, and -in <a href="#ch20">Chapter XX</a> an account of it will be given.</p> -<p>The big Kula expeditions are carried on by a great number of -natives, a whole district together. But the geographical <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb103" href="#pb103" name= -"pb103">103</a>]</span>limits, from which the members of an expedition -are recruited, are well defined. Glancing at <a href="#map5">Map V</a>, -“we see a number of circles, each of which represents a certain -sociological unit which we shall call a Kula community. A Kula -community consists of a village or a number of villages, who go out -together on big overseas expeditions, and who act as a body in the Kula -transactions, perform their magic in common, have common leaders, and -have the same outer and inner social sphere, within which they exchange -their valuables. The Kula consists, therefore, first of the small, -internal transactions within a Kula community or contiguous -communities, and secondly, of the big over-seas expeditions in which -the exchange of articles takes place between two communities divided by -sea. In the first, there is a chronic, permanent trickling of articles -from one village to another, and even within the village. In the -second, a whole lot of valuables, amounting to over a thousand articles -at a time, are exchanged in one enormous transaction, or, more -correctly, in ever so many transactions taking place -simultaneously” (loc. cit., p. 101). “The Kula trade -consists of a series of such periodical overseas expeditions, which -link together the various island groups, and annually bring over big -quantities of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> and of subsidiary trade -from one district to another. The trade is used and used up, but the -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>—the armshells and -necklets—go round and round the ring” (loc. cit., p. -105).</p> -<p>In this chapter, a short, summary definition of the Kula has been -given. I enumerated one after the other its most salient features, the -most remarkable rules as they are laid down in native custom, belief -and behaviour. This was necessary in order to give a general idea of -the institution before describing its working in detail. But no -abridged definition can give to the reader the full understanding of a -human social institution. It is necessary for this, to explain its -working concretely, to bring the reader into contact with the people, -show how they proceed at each successive stage, and to describe all the -actual manifestations of the general rules laid down in abstract.</p> -<p>As has been said above, the Kula exchange is carried on by -enterprises of two sorts; first there are the big overseas expeditions, -in which a more or less considerable amount of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb104" href="#pb104" name= -"pb104">104</a>]</span>valuables are carried at one time. Then there is -the inland trade in which the articles are passed from hand to hand, -often changing several owners before they move a few miles.</p> -<p>The big overseas expeditions are by far the more spectacular part of -the Kula. They also contain much more public ceremonial, magical -ritual, and customary usage. They require also, of course, more of -preparation and preliminary activity. I shall therefore have a good -deal more to say about the overseas Kula expeditions than about the -internal exchange.</p> -<p>As the Kula customs and beliefs have been mainly studied in Boyowa, -that is, the Trobriand Islands, and from the Boyowan point of view, I -shall describe, in the first place, the typical course of an overseas -expedition, as it is prepared, organised, and carried out from the -Trobriands. Beginning with the construction of the canoes, proceeding -to the ceremonial launching and the visits of formal presentation of -canoes, we shall choose then the community of Sinaketa, and follow the -natives on one of their overseas trips, describing it in all details. -This will serve us as a type of a Kula expedition to distant lands. It -will then be indicated in what particulars such expeditions may differ -in other branches of the Kula, and for this purpose I shall describe an -expedition from Dobu, and one between Kiriwina and Kitava. An account -of inland Kula in the Trobriands, of some associated forms of trading -and of Kula in the remaining branches will complete the account.</p> -<p>In the <a href="#ch4">next chapter</a> I pass, therefore, to the -preliminary stages of the Kula, in the Trobriands, beginning with a -description of the canoes. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb105" href= -"#pb105" name="pb105">105</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3474" href="#xd26e3474src" name="xd26e3474">1</a></span> By -“current view,” I mean such as is to be found in text-books -and in passing remarks, scattered through economic and ethnological -literature. As a matter of fact, Economics is a subject very seldom -touched upon either in theoretical works on Ethnology, or in accounts -of field-work. I have enlarged on this deficiency in the article on -“Primitive Economics,” published in the <i>Economic -Journal</i>, March, 1921.</p> -<p class="footnote cont">The best analysis of the problem of savage -economy is to be found, in spite of its many shortcomings, in K. -Bücher’s “Industrial Evolution,” English -Translation, 1901. on primitive trade, however, his views are -inadequate. In accordance with his general view that savages have no -national economy, he maintains that any spread of goods among natives -is achieved by non-economic means, such as robbery, tributes and gifts. -The information contained in the present volume is incompatible with -Bücher’s views, nor could he have maintained them had he -been acquainted with Barton’s description of the Hiri (contained -in Seligman’s “Melanesians.”)</p> -<p class="footnote cont">A summary of the research done on Primitive -Economics, showing incidentally, how little real, sound work has been -accomplished, will be found in Pater W. Kopper’s -“<span lang="de">Die Ethnologische -Wirtschaftsforschung</span>” in <i>Anthropos</i>, X—XI, -1915–16, pp. 611–651, and 971–1079. The article is -very useful, where the author summarises the views of -others. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3474src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3513" href="#xd26e3513src" name="xd26e3513">2</a></span> -Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 93, states that arm-shells -<i lang="kij">toea</i>, as they are called by the Motu, are traded from -the Port Moresby district westward to the Gulf of Papua. Among the Motu -and Koita, near Port Moresby, they are highly valued, and nowadays -attain very high prices, up to £30, much more than is paid for -the same article among the Massim. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e3513src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3722" href="#xd26e3722src" name="xd26e3722">3</a></span> This and -the following quotations are from the Author’s preliminary -article on the Kula in <i>Man</i>, July, 1920. Article number 51, p. -100. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3722src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3745" href="#xd26e3745src" name="xd26e3745">4</a></span> In order -not to be guilty of inconsistency in using loosely the word -“ceremonial” I shall define it briefly. I shall call an -action ceremonial, if it is (1) public; (2) carried on under observance -of definite formalities; (3) if it has sociological, religious, or -magical import, and carries with it obligations. <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e3745src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3763" href="#xd26e3763src" name="xd26e3763">5</a></span> This is -not a fanciful construction of what an erroneous opinion might be, for -I could give actual examples proving that such opinions have been set -forth, but as I am not giving here a criticism of existing theories of -Primitive Economics, I do not want to overload this chapter with -quotations. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3763src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3873" href="#xd26e3873src" name="xd26e3873">6</a></span> It is -hardly necessary perhaps to make it quite clear that all questions of -origins, of development or history of the institutions have been -rigorously ruled out of this work. The mixing up of speculative or -hypothetical views with an account of facts is, in my opinion an -unpardonable sin against ethnographic method. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e3873src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch4" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e493">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter IV</h2> -<h2 class="main">Canoes and Sailing</h2> -<div id="div4.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">A canoe is an item of material culture, and as such it -can be described, photographed and even bodily transported into a -museum. But—and this is a truth too often overlooked—the -ethnographic reality of the canoe would not be brought much nearer to a -student at home, even by placing a perfect specimen right before -him.</p> -<p>The canoe is made for a certain use, and with a definite purpose; it -is a means to an end, and we, who study native life, must not reverse -this relation, and make a fetish of the object itself. In the study of -the economic purposes for which a canoe is made, of the various uses to -which it is submitted, we find the first approach to a deeper -ethnographic treatment. Further sociological data, referring to its -ownership, accounts of who sails in it, and how it is done; information -regarding the ceremonies and customs of its construction, a sort of -typical life history of a native craft—all that brings us nearer -still to the understanding of what his canoe truly means to the -native.</p> -<p>Even this, however, does not touch the most vital reality of a -native canoe. For a craft, whether of bark or wood, iron or steel, -lives in the life of its sailors, and it is more to a sailor than a -mere bit of shaped matter. To the native, not less than to the white -seaman, a craft is surrounded by an atmosphere of romance, built up of -tradition and of personal experience. It is an object of cult and -admiration, a living thing, possessing its own individuality.</p> -<p>We Europeans—whether we know native craft by experience or -through descriptions—accustomed to our extraordinarily developed -means of water transport, are apt to look down on a native canoe and -see it in a false perspective—regarding it almost as a -child’s plaything, an abortive, <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb106" href="#pb106" name="pb106">106</a>]</span>imperfect attempt to -tackle the problem of sailing, which we ourselves have satisfactorily -solved.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3954src" href="#xd26e3954" name= -"xd26e3954src">1</a> But to the native his cumbersome, sprawling canoe -is a marvellous, almost miraculous achievement, and a thing of beauty -(see Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a>, <a href="#pl23">XXIII</a>, -<a href="#pl40">XL</a>, <a href="#pl47">XLVII</a>, <a href= -"#pl55">LV</a>). He has spun a tradition around it, and he adorns it -with his best carvings, he colours and decorates it. It is to him a -powerful contrivance for the mastery of Nature, which allows him to -cross perilous seas to distant places. It is associated with journeys -by sail, full of threatening dangers, of living hopes and desires to -which he gives expression in song and story. In short, in the tradition -of the natives, in their customs, in their behaviour, and in their -direct statements, there can be found the deep love, the admiration, -the specific attachment as to something alive and personal, so -characteristic of the sailors’ attitude towards his craft.</p> -<p>And it is in this emotional attitude of the natives towards their -canoes that I see the deepest ethnographic reality, which must guide us -right through the study of other aspects—the customs and -technicalities of construction and of use; the economic conditions and -the associated beliefs and traditions. Ethnology or Anthropology, the -science of Man, must not shun him in his innermost self, in his -instinctive and emotional life.</p> -<div class="figure pl21width" id="pl21"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl21width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl21.jpg" alt="A Masawa Canoe" width="663" height= -"384"> -<p class="figureHead">A Masawa Canoe</p> -<p>Nigada Bu’a, the sea-going canoe of Omarakana, showing general -form, ornamentation of <span class="corr" id="xd26e3983" title= -"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, the leaf-shaped paddles and -the form of the outrigger log. (See <a href="#div4.1">Div. I</a> and -<a href="#div4.2">II</a>, also next Chap.).</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl22width" id="pl22"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl22width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl22.jpg" alt="Putting a Canoe into its Hangar" width= -"675" height="390"> -<p class="figureHead">Putting a Canoe into its Hangar</p> -<p>The canoes on the East shores of Boyowa are seldom used, and when -idle are housed in shelters, built very much like ordinary huts, only -much larger.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl23width" id="pl23"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl23width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl23.jpg" alt="Canoe Under Sail" width="720" height= -"417"> -<p class="figureHead">Canoe Under Sail</p> -<p>This illustrates the rigging, the tilt of the canoe—the raised -outrigger—and the carrying capacity of a canoe. This one is well -in the water, with a crew of eighteen men. (See <a href="#div4.1">Div. -I</a> and <a href="#div4.2">II</a>, and <a href="#ch9">Ch. IX</a>).</p> -</div> -<p>A look at the pictures (for instance Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a>, -<a href="#pl24">XXIV</a>, <a href="#pl39">XXXIX</a>, or <a href= -"#pl47">XLVII</a>) will give us some idea of the general structure of -the native canoes: the body is a long, deep well, connected with an -outrigger float, which stretches parallel with the body for almost all -its length (see Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a> and <a href= -"#pl23">XXIII</a>), and with a platform going across from one side to -the other. The lightness of the material permits it to be much more -deeply immersed than any sea-going European craft, and gives it greater -buoyancy. It skims the surface, gliding up and down the waves, now -hidden by the crests, now riding on top of them. It is a precarious but -delightful sensation to sit in the slender body, while the canoe darts -on with the float raised, the platform steeply slanting, and water -constantly breaking over; or else, still better, to perch on the -platform or on the float—the latter only feasible in the bigger -canoes—and be carried across on the sea on a sort of suspended -raft, gliding over the waves in a manner almost uncanny. Occasionally a -wave leaps up and above the platform, and the canoe—unwieldy, -square raft as it seems at first—heaves lengthways and crossways, -mounting the furrows with graceful agility. When the sail is hoisted, -its heavy, stiff folds of golden matting unroll with a characteristic -swishing and crackling noise, and the canoe begins to make way; when -the water rushes away below with a hiss, and the yellow sail glows -against the intense blue of sea and sky—then indeed the romance -of sailing seems to open through a new vista.</p> -<p>The natural reflection on this description is that it presents the -feelings of the Ethnographer, not those of the native. Indeed there is -a great difficulty in disentangling our own sensations from a correct -reading of the innermost native mind. But if an investigator, speaking -the native’s language and living among them for some time, were -to try to share and understand their feelings, he will find that he can -gauge them correctly. Soon he will learn to distinguish when the -native’s behaviour is in harmony with his own, and when, as it -sometimes happens, the two are at variance.</p> -<p>Thus, in this case, there is no mistaking the natives’ great -admiration of a good canoe; of their quickness in appreciating -differences in speed, buoyancy and stability, and of their emotional -reaction to such difference. When, on a calm day, suddenly a fresh -breeze rises, the sail is set, and fills, and the canoe lifts its -<i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger float) out of the water, and races -along, flinging the spray to right and left—there is no mistaking -the keen enjoyment of the natives. All rush to their posts and keenly -watch the movements of the boat; some break out into song, and the -younger men lean over and play with the water. They are never tired of -discussing the good points of their canoes, and analysing the various -craft. In the coastal villages of the Lagoon, boys and young men will -often sail out in small canoes on mere pleasure cruises, when they race -each other, explore less familiar nooks of the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb108" href="#pb108" name= -"pb108">108</a>]</span>Lagoon, and in general undoubtedly enjoy the -outing, in just the same manner as we would do.</p> -<p>Seen from outside, after you have grasped its construction and -appreciated through personal experience its fitness for its purpose, -the canoe is no less attractive and full of character than from within. -When, on a trading expedition or as a visiting party, a fleet of native -canoes appears in the offing, with their triangular sails like -butterfly wings scattered over the water (see <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e4053" title="Source: Plates">Plate</span> <a href= -"#pl48">XLVIII</a>), with the harmonious calls of conch shells blown in -unison, the effect is unforgettable.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4059src" href="#xd26e4059" name="xd26e4059src">2</a> When the -canoes then approach, and you see them rocking in the blue water in all -the splendour of their fresh white, red, and black paint, with their -finely designed <span class="corr" id="xd26e4065" title= -"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, and clanking array of large, -white cowrie shells (see Plates <a href="#pl49">XLIX</a>, <a href= -"#pl55">LV</a>)—you understand well the admiring love which -results in all this care bestowed by the native on the decoration of -his canoe.</p> -<p>Even when not in actual use, when lying idle beached on the sea -front of a village, the canoe is a characteristic element in the -scenery, not without its share in the village life. The very big canoes -are in some cases housed in large sheds (see Plate <a href= -"#pl22">XXII</a>), which are by far the largest buildings erected by -the Trobrianders. In other villages, where sailing is always being -done, a canoe is simply covered with palm leaves (see Plates <a href= -"#pl01">I</a>, <a href="#pl53">LIII</a>), as protection from the sun, -and the natives often sit on its platform, chatting, and chewing -betel-nut, and gazing at the sea. The smaller canoes, beached near the -sea-front in long parallel rows, are ready to be launched at any -moment. With their curved outline and intricate framework of poles and -sticks, they form one of the most characteristic settings of a native -coastal village.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div4.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">A few words must be said now about the technological -essentials of the canoe. Here again, a simple enumeration of the -various parts of the canoe, and a description of them, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb109" href="#pb109" name="pb109">109</a>]</span>a -pulling to pieces of a lifeless object will not satisfy us. I shall -instead try to show how, given its purpose on the one hand, and the -limitations in technical means and in material on the other, the native -ship-builders have coped with the difficulties before them.</p> -<p>A sailing craft requires a water-tight, immersible vessel of some -considerable volume. This is supplied to our natives by a hollowed-out -log. Such a log might carry fairly heavy loads, for wood is light, and -the hollowed space adds to its buoyancy. Yet it possesses no lateral -stability, as can easily be seen. A look at the diagrammatic section of -a canoe <a href="#fig1">Fig. I (1)</a>, shows that a weight with its -centre of gravity in the middle, that is, distributed symmetrically, -will not upset the equilibrium, but any load placed so as to produce a -momentum of rotation (that is, a turning force) at the sides (as -indicated by arrows at A or B) will cause the canoe to turn round and -capsize.</p> -<div class="figure fig1width" id="fig1"><img src="images/fig1.png" alt= -"Figure I—Diagram showing in transversal section some principles of canoe stability and construction." -width="603" height="341"> -<p class="figureHead">Figure I—Diagram showing in transversal -section some principles of canoe stability and construction.</p> -</div> -<p>If, however, as shown in <a href="#fig1">Fig. I (2)</a>, another -smaller, solid log (C) be attached to the dug-out, a greater stability -is achieved, though not a symmetrical one. If we press down the one -side of the canoe (A) this will cause the canoe to turn round a -longitudinal axis, so that its other side (B) is raised, <a href= -"#fig1">Fig. I (3)</a>. The log (C) will be lifted out of the water, -and its weight will produce a momentum (turning force) proportional to -the displacement, and the rest of the canoe will come to <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb110" href="#pb110" name= -"pb110">110</a>]</span>equilibrium. This momentum is represented in the -diagram by the arrow R. Thus a great stability relative to any stress -exercised upon A, will be achieved. A stress on B causes the log to be -immersed, to which its buoyancy opposes a slight resistance. But it can -easily be seen that the stability on this side is much smaller than on -the other. This <span class="corr" id="xd26e4113" title= -"Source: assymetrical">asymmetrical</span><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4115src" href="#xd26e4115" name="xd26e4115src">3</a> stability -plays a great part in the technique of sailing. Thus, as we shall see, -the canoe is always so sailed that its outrigger float (C) remains in -the wind side. The pressure of the sail then lifts the canoe, so that A -is pressed into the water, and B and C are lifted, a position in which -they are extremely stable, and can stand great force of wind. Whereas -the slightest breeze would cause the canoe to turn turtle, if it fell -on the other side, and thus pressed B—C into the water.</p> -<p>Another look at <a href="#fig1">Fig. I (2)</a> and (3) will help us -to realise that the stability of the canoe will depend upon (i) the -volume, and especially the depth of the dug-out; (ii) the distance -B—C between the dug-out and the log; (iii) the size of the log C. -The greater all these three magnitudes are, the greater the stability -of the canoes. A shallow canoe, without much freeboard, will be easily -forced into the water; moreover, if sailed in rough weather, waves will -break over it, and fill it with water.</p> -<p>(i) <i>The volume of the dug-out log</i> naturally depends upon the -length, and thickness of the log. Fairly stable canoes are made of -simply scooped-out logs. There are limits, however, to the capacity of -these, which are very soon reached. But by building out the side, by -adding one or several planks to them, as shown in <a href= -"#fig1">Figure I (4)</a> the volume and the depth can be greatly -increased without much increase in weight. So that such a canoe has a -good deal of freeboard to prevent water from breaking in. The -longitudinal boards in Kiriwinian canoes are closed in at each end by -transversal prow-boards, which are also carved with more or less -perfection (see Plates <a href="#pl24">XXIV c</a>, <a href= -"#pl47">XLVII</a>).</p> -<p>(ii) <i>The greater the distance B—C between dug-out and -outrigger float</i>, the greater the stability of the canoe. Since -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb111" href="#pb111" name= -"pb111">111</a>]</span>the momentum of rotation is the product of -B—C (<a href="#fig1">Fig. I</a>), and the weight of the log C, it -is clear, therefore, that the greater the distance, the greater will be -the momentum. Too great a distance, however, would interfere with the -wieldiness of the canoe. Any force acting on the log would easily tip -the canoe, and as the natives, in order to manage the craft, have to -walk upon the outrigger, the distance B—C must not be too great. -In the Trobriands the distance B—C is about one-quarter, or less, -of the total length of the canoe. In the big, sea-going canoes, it is -always covered with a platform. In certain other districts, the -distance is much bigger, and the canoes have another type of -rigging.</p> -<div class="figure fig2width" id="fig2"><img src="images/fig2.png" alt= -"Figure II—Diagrammatic sections of the three types of Trobriand Canoe." -width="609" height="416"> -<p class="figureHead">Figure II—Diagrammatic sections of the -three types of Trobriand Canoe.</p> -<p class="first">(1) <i lang="kij">Kewo’u</i> (2) <i lang= -"kij">Kalipoulo</i> (3) <i lang="kij">Masawa</i></p> -</div> -<p>(iii) <i>The size of the log (C) of which the float is formed</i>. -This, in sea-going canoes, is usually of considerable dimensions. But, -as a solid piece of wood becomes heavy if soaked by water, too thick a -log would not be good.</p> -<p>These are all the essentials of construction in their functional -aspect, which will make clear further descriptions of sailing, of -building, and of using. For, indeed, though I have said that -technicalities are of secondary importance, still without grasping -them, we cannot understand references to the managing and rigging of -the canoes. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb112" href="#pb112" name= -"pb112">112</a>]</span></p> -<p>The Trobrianders use their craft for three main purposes, and these -correspond to the three types of canoe. Coastal transport, especially -in the Lagoon, requires small, light, handy canoes called <i lang= -"kij">kewo’u</i> (see <a href="#fig2">Fig. II (1)</a>, and Plates -<a href="#pl24">XXIV</a>, top foreground, and <a href= -"#pl36">XXXVI</a>, to the right); for fishing, bigger and more -seaworthy canoes called <i lang="kij">kalipoulo</i> (see <a href= -"#fig2">Fig. II (2)</a>, and Plates <a href="#pl24">XXIV</a>, and -<a href="#pl36">XXXVI</a>, to the left, also <a href= -"#pl37">XXXVII</a>) are used; finally, for deep sea sailing, the -biggest type is needed, with a considerable carrying capacity, greater -displacement, and stronger construction. These are called <i lang= -"kij">masawa</i> (see <a href="#fig2">Fig. II (3)</a> and Plates -<a href="#pl21">XXI</a>, <a href="#pl23">XXIII</a>, etc.). The word -<i lang="kij">waga</i> is a general designation for all kinds of -sailing craft.</p> -<p>Only a few words need to be said about the first two types, so as to -make, by means of comparison, the third type clearer. The construction -of the smallest canoes is sufficiently illustrated by the diagram (1) -in <a href="#fig2">Fig. II</a>. From this it is clear that it is a -simple dug-out log, connected with a float. It never has any built-up -planking, and no carved boards, nor as a rule any platform. In its -economic aspect, it is always owned by one individual, and serves his -personal needs. No mythology or magic is attached to it.</p> -<p>Type (2), as can be seen in <a href="#fig2">Fig. II (2)</a>, differs -in construction from (1), in so far that it has its well enclosed by -built-out planking and carved prow-boards. A framework of six ribs -helps to keep the planks firmly attached to the dug-out and to hold -them together. It is used in fishing villages. These villages are -organised into several fishing detachments, each with a headman. He is -the owner of the canoe, he performs the fish magic, and among other -privileges, obtains the main yield of fish. But all his crew <i lang= -"la">de facto</i> have the right to use the canoe and share in the -yield. Here we come across the fact that native ownership is not a -simple institution, since it implies definite rights of a number of -men, combined with the paramount right and title of one. There is a -good deal of fishing magic, taboos and customs connected with the -construction of these canoes, and also with their use, and they form -the subject of a number of minor myths.</p> -<p id="pl24"></p> -<div class="figure pl24-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl24-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XIV</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl24-1.jpg" alt="" width="593" height="468"></div> -<div class="figure pl24-2width"><img src="images/pl24-2.jpg" alt= -"Fishing Canoe (Kalipoulo)" width="593" height="454"> -<p class="figureHead">Fishing Canoe (Kalipoulo)</p> -<p class="first">Above the profile of a canoe, shows the outline of the -dug-out, the relative width of the gunwale planks and the hull, and the -general shape of the canoe. The bottom picture shows the attachment of -the outrigger to the hull, the prow, the prow-boards and the platform. -(See <a href="#div4.2">Div. II</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>By far the most elaborate technically, the most seaworthy and -carefully built, are the sea-going canoes of the third type (see -<a href="#fig2">Fig. II (3)</a>). These are undoubtedly the greatest -achievement of craftsmanship of these natives. Technically, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb113" href="#pb113" name= -"pb113">113</a>]</span>they differ from the previously described kinds, -in the amount of time spent over their construction and the care given -to details, rather than in essentials. The well is formed by a planking -built over a hollowed log and closed up at both ends by carved, -transversal prow-boards, kept in position by others, longitudinal and -of oval form. The whole planking remains in place by means of ribs, as -in the second type of canoes, the <i lang="kij">kalipoulo</i>, the -fishing canoes, but all the parts are finished and fitted much more -perfectly, lashed with a better creeper, and more thoroughly caulked. -The carving, which in the fishing canoes is often quite indifferent, -here is perfect. Ownership of these canoes is even more complex, and -its construction is permeated with tribal customs, ceremonial, and -magic, the last based on mythology. The magic is always performed in -direct association with Kula expeditions.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div4.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">After having thus spoken about, first, the general -impression made by a canoe and its psychological import, and then about -the fundamental features of its technology, we have to turn to the -social implications of a <i lang="kij">masawa</i> (sea-going -canoe).</p> -<p>The canoe is constructed by a group of people, it is owned, used and -enjoyed communally, and this is done according to definite rules. There -is therefore a social organisation underlying the building, the owning, -and the sailing of a canoe. Under these three headings, we shall give -an outline of the canoe’s sociology, always bearing in mind that -these outlines have to be filled in in the subsequent account.</p> -<p>(A) <i>Social organisation of labour in constructing a -Canoe</i>.</p> -<p>In studying the construction of a canoe, we see the natives engaged -in an economic enterprise on a big scale. Technical difficulties face -them, which require knowledge, and can only be overcome by a -continuous, systematic effort, and at certain stages must be met by -means of communal labour. All this obviously implies some social -organisation. All the stages of work, at which various people have to -co-operate, must be co-ordinated, there must be someone in authority -who takes the initiative and gives decisions; and there must be also -someone with a technical capacity, who directs the construction. -Finally, in Kiriwina, communal labour, and the services <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb114" href="#pb114" name="pb114">114</a>]</span>of -experts have to be paid for, and there must be someone who has the -means and is prepared to do it.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e4274src" -href="#xd26e4274" name="xd26e4274src">4</a> This economic organisation -rests on two fundamental facts—(1) the sociological -differentiation of functions, and (2) the magical regulation of -work.</p> -<p>(1) <i>The sociological differentiation of -functions</i>.—First of all there is the owner of the canoe, that -is, the chief, or the headman of a village or of a smaller -sub-division, who takes the responsibility for the undertaking. He pays -for the work, engages the expert, gives orders, and commands communal -labour.</p> -<p>Besides the owner, there is next another office of great -sociological importance, namely, that of the expert. He is the man who -knows how to construct the canoe, how to do the carvings, and, last, -not least, how to perform the magic. All these functions of the expert -may be, but not necessarily are, united in one person. The owner is -always one individual, but there may be two or even three experts.</p> -<p>Finally, the third sociological factor in canoe-building, consists -of the workers. And here there is a further division. First there is a -smaller group, consisting of the relations and close friends of the -owner or of the expert, who help throughout the whole process of -construction; and, secondly, there is, besides them, the main body of -villagers, who take part in the work at those stages where communal -labour is necessary.</p> -<p>(2) <i>The magical regulation of work</i>.—The belief in the -efficiency of magic is supreme among the natives of Boyowa, and they -associate it with all their vital concerns. In fact, we shall find -magic interwoven into all the many industrial and communal activities -to be described later on, as well as associated with every pursuit -where either danger or chance conspicuously enter. We shall have to -describe, besides the magic of canoe-making, that of propitious -sailing, of shipwreck and salvage, of Kula and of trade, of fishing, of -obtaining <i>spondylus</i> and <i>Conus</i> shell, and of protection -against attack in foreign parts. It is imperative that we should -thoroughly grasp what magic means to the natives and the rôle it -plays in all their vital pursuits, and a special chapter will be -devoted <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb115" href="#pb115" name= -"pb115">115</a>]</span>to magical ideas and magical practices in -Kiriwina. Here, however, it is necessary to sketch the main outlines, -at least as far as canoe magic is concerned.</p> -<p>First of all, it must be realised that the natives firmly believe in -the value of magic, and that this conviction, when put to the test of -their actions, is quite unwavering, even nowadays when so much of -native belief and custom has been undermined. We may speak of the -sociological weight of tradition, that is of the degree to which the -behaviour of a community is affected by the traditional commands of -tribal law and customs. In the Trobriands, the general injunction for -always building canoes under the guidance of magic is obeyed without -the slightest deviation, for the tradition here weighs very heavily. Up -to the present, not one single <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe has been -constructed without magic, indeed without the full observance of all -the rites and ceremonial. The forces that keep the natives to their -traditional course of behaviour are, in the first place, the specific -social inertia which obtains in all human societies and is the basis of -all conservative tendencies, and then the strong conviction that if the -traditional course were not taken, evil results would ensue. In the -case of canoes, the Trobrianders would be so firmly persuaded that a -canoe built without magic would be unseaworthy, slow in sailing, and -unlucky in the Kula, that no one would dream of omitting the magic -rites.</p> -<p>In the myths related elsewhere (<a href="#ch12">Chap. XII</a>) we -shall see plainly the power ascribed to magic in imparting speed and -other qualities to a canoe. According to native mythology, which is -literally accepted, and strongly believed, canoes could be even made to -fly, had not the necessary magic fallen into oblivion.</p> -<p>It is also important to understand rightly the natives’ ideas -about the relation between magical efficiency and the results of -craftsmanship. Both are considered indispensable, but both are -understood to act independently. That is, the natives will understand -that magic, however efficient, will not make up for bad workmanship. -Each of these two has its own province: the builder by his skill and -knowledge makes the canoe stable and swift, and magic gives it an -additional stability and swiftness. If a canoe is obviously badly -built, the natives will know why it sails slowly and is unwieldy. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb116" href="#pb116" name= -"pb116">116</a>]</span>But if one of two canoes, both apparently -equally well constructed surpasses the other in some respect, this will -be attributed to magic.</p> -<p>Finally, speaking from a sociological point of view, what is the -economic function of magic in the process of canoe making? Is it simply -an extraneous action, having nothing to do with the real work or its -organisation? Is magic, from the economic point of view, a mere waste -of time? By no means. In reading the account which follows, it will be -seen clearly that magic puts order and sequence into the various -activities, and that it and its associated ceremonial are instrumental -in securing the co-operation of the community, and the organisation of -communal labour. As has been said before, it inspires the builders with -great confidence in the efficiency of their work, a mental state -essential in any enterprise of complicated and difficult character. The -belief that the magician is a man endowed with special powers, -<span class="corr" id="xd26e4324" title= -"Source: controling">controlling</span> the canoe, makes him a natural -leader whose command is obeyed, who can fix dates, apportion work, and -keep the worker up to the mark.</p> -<p>Magic, far from being a useless appendage, or even a burden on the -work, supplies the psychological influence, which keeps people -confident about the success of their labour, and provides them with a -sort of natural leader.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e4329src" href= -"#xd26e4329" name="xd26e4329src">5</a> Thus the organisation of labour -in canoe-building rests on the one hand on the division of functions, -those of the owner, the expert and the helpers, and on the other on the -co-operation between labour and magic.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div4.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">(B) <i>Sociology of Canoe Ownership</i>.</p> -<p>Ownership, giving this word its broadest sense, is the relation, -often very complex, between an object and the social community in which -it is found. In ethnology it is extremely important not to use this -word in any narrower sense than that just defined, because the types of -ownership found in various parts of the world differ widely. It is -especially a grave <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb117" href="#pb117" -name="pb117">117</a>]</span>error to use the word ownership with the -very definite connotation given to it in our own society. For it is -obvious that this connotation presupposes the existence of very highly -developed economic and legal conditions, such as they are amongst -ourselves, and therefore the term “own” as we use it is -meaningless, when applied to a native society. Or indeed, what is -worse, such an application smuggles a number of preconceived ideas into -our description, and before we have begun to give an account of the -native conditions, we have distorted the reader’s outlook.</p> -<p>Ownership has naturally in every type of native society, a different -specific meaning, as in each type, custom and tradition attach a -different set of functions, rites and privileges to the word. Moreover, -the social range of those who enjoy these privileges varies. Between -pure individual ownership and collectivism, there is a whole scale of -intermediate blendings and combinations.</p> -<p>In the Trobriands, there is a word which may be said approximately -to denote ownership, the prefix <i lang="kij">toli</i>—followed -by the name of the object owned. Thus the compound word (pronounced -without hiatus) <i lang="kij">toli-waga</i>, means “owner” -or “master” of a canoe (<i lang="kij">waga</i>); <i lang= -"kij">toli-bagula</i>, the master of the garden (<i lang= -"kij">bagula</i>—garden); <i lang="kij">toli-bunukwa</i>, owner -of the pig; <i lang="kij">toli-megwa</i> (owner, expert in magic, etc.) -This word has to be used as a clue to the understanding of native -ideas, but here again such a clue must be used with caution. For, in -the first place, like all abstract native words, it covers a wide -range, and has different meanings in different contexts. And even with -regard to one object, a number of people may lay claim to ownership, -claim to be <i lang="kij">toli</i>—with regard to it. In the -second place, people having the full <i lang="la">de facto</i> right of -using an object, might not be allowed to call themselves <i lang= -"kij">toli</i>—of this object. This will be made clear in the -concrete example of the canoe.</p> -<p>The word <i lang="kij">toli</i>—in this example is restricted -to one man only, who calls himself <i lang="kij">toli-waga</i>. -Sometimes his nearest maternal relatives, such as his brothers and -maternal nephews, might call themselves collectively <i lang= -"kij">toli-waga</i>, but this would be an abuse of the term. Now, even -the mere privilege of using exclusively this title is very highly -valued by the natives. With this feature of the Trobriand social -psychology, that is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb118" href="#pb118" -name="pb118">118</a>]</span>with their characteristic ambition, vanity -and desire to be renowned and well spoken of, the reader of the -following pages will become very familiar. The natives, to whom the -Kula and the sailing expeditions are so important, will associate the -name of the canoe with that of its <i lang="kij">toli</i>; they will -identify his magical powers and its good luck in sailing and in the -Kula; they will often speak of So-and-so’s sailing here and -there, of his being very fast in sailing, etc., using in this the -man’s name for that of the canoe.</p> -<p>Turning now to the detailed determination of this relationship, the -most important point about it is that it always rests in the person of -the chief or headman. As we have seen in our short account of the -Trobrianders’ sociology, the village community is always subject -to the authority of one chief or headman. Each one of these, whether -his authority extends over a small sectional village, or over a whole -district, has the means of accumulating a certain amount of garden -produce, considerable in the case of a chief, relatively small in that -of a headman, but always sufficient to defray the extra expenses -incidental to all communal enterprise. He also owns native wealth -condensed into the form of the objects of value called <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>. Again, a headman will have little, a big chief -a large amount. But everyone who is not a mere nobody, must possess at -least a few stone blades, a few <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> belts, and -some <i lang="kij">kuwa</i> (small necklets). Thus in all types of -tribal enterprises, the chief or headman is able to bear the burden of -expense, and he also derives the main benefit from the affair. In the -case of the canoe, the chief, as we saw, acts as main organiser in the -construction, and he also enjoys the title of <i lang= -"kij">toli</i>.</p> -<p>This strong economic position runs side by side with his direct -power, due to high rank, or traditional authority. In the case of a -small headman, it is due to the fact that he is at the head of a big -kinship group (the totemic sub-clan). Both combined, allow him to -command labour and to reward for it.</p> -<p>This title of <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, besides the general social -distinction which it confers, implies further a definite series of -social functions with regard to its individual bearer.</p> -<p>(1) There are first the formal and ceremonial privileges. Thus, the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has the privilege of acting as spokesman of -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb119" href="#pb119" name= -"pb119">119</a>]</span>his community in all matters of sailing or -construction. He assembles the council, informal or formal as the case -may be, and opens the question of when the sailing will take place. -This right of initiative is <a id="xd26e4429" name= -"xd26e4429"></a>purely a nominal one, because both in construction and -sailing, the date of enterprise is determined by outward causes, such -as reciprocity to overseas tribes, seasons, customs, etc. Nevertheless, -the formal privilege is strictly confined to the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>, and highly valued. The position of master and -leader of ceremonies, of general spokesman, lasts right through the -successive stages of the building of the canoe, and its subsequent use, -and we shall meet with it in all the ceremonial phases of the Kula.</p> -<p>(2) The economic uses and advantages derived from a canoe are not -limited to the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. He, however, gets the -lion’s share. He has, of course, in all circumstances, the -privilege of absolute priority in being included in the party. He also -receives always by far the greatest proportion of Kula valuables, and -other articles on every occasion. This, however, is in virtue of his -general position as chief or headman, and should perhaps not be -included under this heading. But a very definite and strictly -individual advantage is that of being able to dispose of the canoe for -hire, and of receiving the payment for it. The canoe can be, and often -is, hired out from a headman, who at a given season has no intention of -sailing, by another one, as a rule from a different district, who -embarks on an expedition. The reason of this is, that the chief or -headman who borrows, may at that time not be able to have his own canoe -repaired, or construct another new one. The payment for hire is called -<i lang="kij">toguna</i>, and it consists of a <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>. Besides this, the best <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> obtained on the expedition would be -kula’d to the man from whom the canoe was hired.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e4448src" href="#xd26e4448" name= -"xd26e4448src">6</a></p> -<p>(3) The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has definite social privileges, -and exercises definite functions, in the running of a canoe. Thus, he -selects his companions, who will sail in his canoe, and has the nominal -right to choose or reject those who may go on the expedition with him. -Here again the privilege is much shorn of its <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb120" href="#pb120" name= -"pb120">120</a>]</span>value by many restrictions imposed on the chief -by the nature of things. Thus, on the one hand, his <i lang= -"kij">veyola</i> (maternal kinsmen) have, according to all native ideas -of right and law, a strong claim on the canoe. Again, a man of rank in -a community could be excluded from an expedition only with difficulty, -if he wished to go and there were no special grievance against him. But -if there were such a cause, if the man had offended the chief, and were -on bad terms with him, he himself would not even try to embark. There -are actual examples of this on record. Another class of people having a -<i lang="la">de facto</i> right to sail are the sailing experts. In the -coastal villages like Sinaketa there are many of these; in inland ones, -like Omarakana, there are few. So in one of these inland places, there -are men who always go in a canoe, whenever it is used; who have even a -good deal to say in all matters connected with sailing, yet who would -never dare to use the title of <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, and would -even definitely disclaim it if it were given to them. To sum up: the -chief’s privilege of choice is limited by two conditions, the -rank and the seamanship of those he may select. As we have seen, he -fulfils definite functions in the construction of the canoe. We shall -see later on that he has also definite functions in sailing.</p> -<p>(4) A special feature, implied in the title of <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>, is the performance of magical duties. It will be -made clear that magic during the process of construction is done by the -expert, but magic done in connection with sailing and Kula is done by -the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. The latter must, by definition, know -canoe magic. The rôle of magic in this, and the taboos, -ceremonial activities, and special customs associated with it, will -come out clearly in the consecutive account of a Kula expedition.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div4.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">(<span class="corr" id="xd26e4490" title= -"Source: 3">C</span>) <i>The Social Division of Functions in the -Manning and Sailing</i> of <i>the Canoe</i>.</p> -<p>Very little is to be said under this heading here, since to -understand this we must know more about the technicalities of sailing. -We shall deal with this subject later on (<a href="#div9.2">Chap. IX, -Div. II</a>), and there the social organisation within the -canoe—such as it is—will be indicated. Here it may be said -that a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb121" href="#pb121" name= -"pb121">121</a>]</span>number of men have definite tasks assigned to -them, and they keep to these. As a rule a man will specialise, let us -say, as steersman, and will always have the rudder given to his care. -Captainship, carrying with it definite duties, powers and -responsibilities, as a position distinct from that of the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>, does not exist. The owner of the canoe will always -take the lead and give orders, provided that he is a good sailor. -Otherwise the best sailor from the crew will say what is to be done -when difficulties or dangers arise. As a rule, however, everyone knows -his task, and everyone performs it in the normal course of events.</p> -<p>A short outline of the concrete details referring to the -distribution of canoes in the Trobriands must be given here. A glance -at the map of Boyowa shows that various districts have not the same -opportunities for sailing, and not all of them direct access to the -sea. Moreover, the fishing villages on the Lagoon, where fishing and -sailing have constantly to be done, will naturally have more -opportunities for cultivating the arts of sailing and ship-building. -And indeed we find that the villages of the two inland districts, -Tilataula and Kuboma, know nothing about ship-building and sailing, and -possess no canoes; the villages in Kiriwina and Luba, on the east -coast, with indirect access to the sea, have only one canoe each, and -few building experts; while some villagers on the Lagoon are good -sailors and excellent builders. The best centres for canoe-building are -found in the islands of Vakuta and Kayleula and to a lesser degree this -craft flourishes in the village of Sinaketa. The island of Kitava is -the traditional building centre, and at present the finest canoes as -well as the best canoe carvings come from there. In this description of -canoes, this island, which really belongs to the Eastern rather than to -the Western branch of the N. Massim, must be included in the account, -since all Boyowan canoe mythology and canoe industry is associated with -Kitava.</p> -<p>There are at present some sixty-four Masawa canoes in the Trobriands -and Kitava. Out of these, some four belong to the Northern district, -where Kula is not practised; all the rest are built and used for the -Kula. In the foregoing chapters I have spoken about “Kula -communities,” that is, such groups of villages as carry on the -Kula as a whole, sail together on overseas expeditions, and do their -internal Kula with one <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb122" href= -"#pb122" name="pb122">122</a>]</span>another. We shall group the canoes -according to the Kula community to which they belong.</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t5"> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellTop">Kiriwina</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellTop">8</td> -<td class="cellRight cellTop">canoes.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft">Luba</td> -<td class="xd26e4518">3</td> -<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class= -"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class= -"i">,,</span></span></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft">Sinaketa</td> -<td class="xd26e4518">8</td> -<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class= -"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class= -"i">,,</span></span></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft">Vakuta</td> -<td class="xd26e4518">22</td> -<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class= -"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class= -"i">,,</span></span></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Kayleula</td> -<td>about</td> -<td class="xd26e4518">20</td> -<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class= -"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class= -"i">,,</span></span></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Kitava</td> -<td>about</td> -<td class="xd26e4518">12</td> -<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class= -"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class= -"i">,,</span></span></span></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellBottom">Total for all Kula -communities</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellBottom"><span class="sum">60</span></td> -<td class="cellRight cellBottom">canoes.</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p>To this number, the canoes of the Northern district must be added, -but they are never used in the Kula. In olden days, this figure was, on -a rough estimate, more than double of what it is now, because, first of -all, there are some villages which had canoes in the old days and now -have none, and then the number of villages which became extinct a few -generations ago is considerable. About half a century ago, there were -in Vakuta alone about sixty canoes, in Sinaketa at least twenty, in -Kitava thirty, in Kiriwina twenty, and in Luba ten. When all the canoes -from Sinaketa and Vakuta sailed south, and some twenty to thirty more -joined them from the Amphletts and Tewara, quite a stately fleet would -approach Dobu.</p> -<p>Turning now to the list of ownership in Kiriwina, the most important -canoe is, of course, that owned by the chief of Omarakana. This canoe -always leads the fleet; that is to say, on big ceremonial Kula -sailings, called <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, it has the privileged -position. It lives in a big shed on the beach of Kaulukuba (see Plates -<a href="#pl22">XXII</a>, <a href="#pl30">XXX</a>), distant about one -mile from the village, the beach on which also each new canoe is made. -The present canoe (see Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a> and <a href= -"#pl41">XLI</a>) is called Nigada Bu’a—“begging for -an areca-nut.” Every canoe has a personal name of its own, -sometimes just an appropriate expression, like the one quoted, -sometimes derived from some special incident. When a new canoe is -built, it often inherits the name of its predecessor, but sometimes it -gets a new name. The present Omarakana canoe was constructed by a -master-builder from Kitava, who also carved the ornamental <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e4599" title="Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>. -There is no one now in Omarakana who can build or carve properly. The -magic over the latter stages ought to have been recited by the present -chief, To’uluwa, but as he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb123" -href="#pb123" name="pb123">123</a>]</span>has very little capacity for -remembering spells, the magic was performed by one of his kinsmen.</p> -<p>All the other canoes of Kiriwina are also housed in hangars, each on -a beach of clean, white sand on the Eastern coast. The chief or headman -of each village is the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. In Kasana’i, -the sub-village of Omarakana, the canoe, called in feigned modesty -<i lang="kij">tokwabu</i> (something like “landlubber”), -was built by Ibena, a chief of equal rank, but smaller power than -To’uluwa, and he is also the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. Some -other characteristic names of the canoes -are:—Kuyamataym’—“Take care of yourself,” -that is, “because I shall get ahead of you”; the canoe of -Liluta, called Siya’i, which is the name of a Government station, -where some people from Liluta were once imprisoned; Topusa—a -flying fish; Yagwa’u—a scarecrow; -Akamta’u—“I shall eat men,” because the canoe -was a gift from the cannibals of Dobu.</p> -<p>In the district of Luba there are at present only three canoes; one -belongs to the chief of highest rank in the village of Olivilevi. This -is the biggest canoe in all the Trobriands. Two are in the village of -Wawela, and belong to two headmen, each ruling over a section of the -village; one of them is seen being relashed on <a href="#pl27">Plate -XXVII</a>.</p> -<p>The big settlement of Sinaketa, consisting of sectional villages, -has also canoes. There are about four expert builders and carvers, and -almost every man there knows a good deal about construction. In Vakuta -the experts are even more numerous, and this is also the case in -Kayleula and Kitava. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb124" href="#pb124" -name="pb124">124</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e3954" href="#xd26e3954src" name="xd26e3954">1</a></span> -Comparing the frail yet clumsy native canoe with a fine European yacht, -we feel inclined to regard the former almost in the light of a joke. -This is the pervading note in many amateur ethnographic accounts of -sailing, where cheap fun is made by speaking of roughly hewn dug-outs -in terms of “dreadnoughts” or “Royal Yachts,” -just as simple, savage chiefs are referred to as “Kings” in -a jocular vein. Such humour is doubtless natural and refreshing, but -when we approach these matters scientifically, on the one hand we must -refrain from any distortion of facts, and on the other, enter into the -finer shades of the natives’ thought and feeling with regard to -his own, creations. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e3954src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4059" href="#xd26e4059src" name="xd26e4059">2</a></span> The -crab-claw sails, used on the South Coast, from Mailu where I used to -see them, to westwards where they are used with the double-masted -<i lang="kij">lakatoi</i> of Port Moresby, are still more picturesque. -In fact, I can hardly imagine anything more strangely impressive than a -fleet of crab-claw sailed canoes. They have been depicted in the -British New Guinea stamp, as issued by Captain Francis Barton, the late -Governor of the Colony. See also Plate XII of Seligman’s -“Melanesians.” <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e4059src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4115" href="#xd26e4115src" name="xd26e4115">3</a></span> A -constructive expedient to achieve a symmetrical stability is -exemplified by the Mailu system of canoe-building, where a platform -bridges two parallel, hollowed-out logs. Cf. Author’s article in -the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, Vol. XXXIX, -1915, pp. 494–706. Chapter IV, 612–599. Plates -XXXV–XXXVII. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e4115src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4274" href="#xd26e4274src" name="xd26e4274">4</a></span> The -whole tribal life is based on a continuous material give and take; cf. -the above mentioned article in the <i>Economic Journal</i>, March, -1921, and the <span class="corr" id="xd26e4279" title= -"Source: disgression">digression</span> on this subject in <a href= -"#div6.4">Chapter VI, Division IV–VII.</a> <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e4274src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4329" href="#xd26e4329src" name="xd26e4329">5</a></span> This -view has been more fully elaborated in the article on “Primitive -Economics” in the <i>Economic Journal</i>, March, 1921; compare -also the remarks on systematic magic in <a href="#div17.7">Chapter -XVII, Division VII</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e4329src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4448" href="#xd26e4448src" name="xd26e4448">6</a></span> The way -of hiring a <i lang="kij">masawa</i> (sea-going) canoe is different -from the usual transaction, when hiring a fishing canoe. In the latter -case, the payment consists of giving part of the yield of fish, and -this is called <i lang="kij">uwaga</i>. The same term applies to all -payments for objects hired. Thus, if fishing nets or hunting -implements, or a small canoe for trading along the coast are hired out, -part of the proceeds are given as <i lang= -"kij">uwaga</i>. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e4448src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch5" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e521">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter V</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Ceremonial Building of a Waga</h2> -<div id="div5.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The building of the sea-going canoe (<i lang= -"kij">masawa</i>) is inextricably bound up with the general proceedings -of the Kula. As we have said before, in all villages where Kula is -practised the <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoes are built and repaired -only in direct connection with it. That is, as soon as a Kula -expedition is decided upon, and its date fixed, all the canoes of the -village must be overhauled, and those too old for repair must be -replaced by new ones. As the overhauling differs only slightly from -building in the later, ceremonial stages of the procedure, the account -in this chapter covers both.</p> -<p>To the native, the construction of the canoe is the first link in -the chain of the Kula performances. From the moment that the tree is -felled till the return of the oversea party, there is one continuous -flow of events, following in regular succession. Not only that: as we -shall see, the technicalities of construction are interrupted and -punctuated by magical rites. Some of these refer to the canoe, others -belong to the Kula. Thus, canoe-building and the first stage of Kula -dovetail into one another. Again, the launching of the canoe, and -especially the <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> (the formal presentation -visit) are in one respect the final acts of canoe-building, and in -another they belong to the Kula. In giving the account of -canoe-building, therefore, we start on the long sequence of events -which form a Kula expedition. No account of the Kula could be -considered complete in which canoe-building had been omitted.</p> -<div class="figure pl25width" id="pl25"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl25width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl25.jpg" alt="The Dug-Out in the Village" width="720" -height="432"> -<p class="figureHead">The Dug-Out in the Village</p> -<p>A canoe hull in the process of being hollowed out, in the baku of -one of the villages of Sinaketa. The parts not being worked are covered -with cocoanut leaves. (See <a href="#div5.2">Div. II</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl26width" id="pl26"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl26width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXVI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl26.jpg" alt="Carving a Tabuyo" width="720" height= -"448"> -<p class="figureHead">Carving a Tabuyo</p> -<p>Molilakwa, a <i lang="kij">tokabitam</i> (master carver), giving the -final touches to an oval <span class="corr" id="xd26e4667" title= -"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span> (<i lang="kij">tabuyo</i>), made -for a new canoe in Olivilevi. The carving is done with a long iron nail -(formerly a wallaby bone was used), which is driven by means of a -wooden hammer. (See <a href="#div5.2">Div. II</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>In this chapter, the incidents will be related one after the other -as they happen in the normal routine of tribal life, obeying the -commands of custom, and the indications of belief, the latter acting -more rigidly and strongly even than the former. It will be necessary, -in following this consecutive account, to keep in mind the definite, -sociological mechanism <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb125" href= -"#pb125" name="pb125">125</a>]</span>underlying the activities, and the -system of ideas at work in regulating labour and magic. The social -organisation has been described in the previous chapter. We shall -remember that the owner, the expert or experts, a small group of -helpers, and the whole community are the social factors, each of which -fulfils a different function in the organisation and performance of -work. As to the magical ideas which govern the various rites, they will -be analysed later on in the course of this and some of the following -chapters, and also in <a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>. Here it must -suffice to say that they belong to several different systems of ideas. -The one based on the myth of the flying canoe refers directly to the -canoe; it aims at imparting a general excellence, and more especially -the quality of speed to the canoe. The rites of the other type are -really exorcisms directed against evil bewitchment (<i lang= -"kij">bulubwalata</i>) of which the natives are much afraid. The third -system of magic (performed during canoe construction) is the Kula -magic, based on its own mythological cycle, and although performed on -the canoe, yet aiming at the imparting of success to the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> in his Kula transactions. Finally, at the beginnings -of the proceedings there is some magic addressed to the <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i>, the malignant <span class="corr" id="xd26e4694" -title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>.</p> -<p>The construction of the canoe is done in two main stages, differing -from one another in the character of the work, in the accompanying -magic, and in the general sociological setting. In the first stage, the -component parts of the canoe are prepared. A big tree is cut, trimmed -into a log, then hollowed out and made into the basic dug-out; the -planks, boards, poles, and sticks are prepared. This is achieved by -slow, leisurely work, and it is done by the canoe-builder with the -assistance of a few helpers, usually his relatives or friends or else -those of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. This stage generally takes a -long time, some two to six months, and is done in fits and starts, as -other occupations allow, or the mood comes. The spells and rites which -accompany it belong to the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> magic, and to that -of the flying canoe cycle. To this first stage also belongs the carving -of the decorative prow-boards. This is done sometimes by the builder, -sometimes by another expert, if the builder cannot carve.</p> -<p>The second stage is done by means of intense communal labour. As a -rule this stage is spread over a short time, only perhaps a week or -two—including the pauses between work. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb126" href="#pb126" name="pb126">126</a>]</span>The -actual labour, in which the whole community is energetically engaged, -takes up only some three to five days. The work consists of the piecing -together of the planks and <span class="corr" id="xd26e4709" title= -"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, and, in case these do not fit -well, of trimming them appropriately, and then of the lashing them -together. Next comes the piecing and lashing of the outrigger, caulking -and painting of the canoe. Sail-making is also done at this time, and -belongs to this stage. As a rule, the main body of the canoe is -constructed at one sitting, lasting about a day; that is, the -prow-boards are put in, the ribs and planks fitted together, trimmed -and lashed. Another day is devoted to the attaching of the float and -binding of the outrigger frame and the platform. Caulking and painting -are done at another sitting, or perhaps at two more, while the sail is -made on yet another day. These times are only approximate, since the -size of the canoe, as well as the number of people participating in -communal labour, greatly varies. The second stage of canoe-building is -accompanied by Kula magic, and by a series of exorcisms on the canoe, -and the magic is performed by the owner of the canoe, and not by the -builder or expert. This latter, however, directs the technicalities of -the proceedings, in which he is assisted and advised by builders from -other villages; by sailing experts, and by the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> and other notables. The lashing of the canoe with a -specially strong creeper, called <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, is -accompanied by perhaps the most important of the rites and spells -belonging to the flying canoe magic.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div5.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">After the decision to build a <i lang="kij">waga</i> -has been taken, a tree suitable for the main log has to be chosen. -This, in the Trobriands, is not a very easy task. As the whole plain is -taken up by garden land, only the small patches of fertile soil in the -coral ridge which runs all round the island, remain covered with -jungle. There the tree must be found, there felled, and thence -transported to the village.</p> -<p>Once the tree is chosen, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, the builder -and a few helpers repair to the spot, and a preliminary rite must be -performed, before they begin to cut it down. A small incision is made -into the trunk, so that a particle of food, or a bit of areca-nut can -be put into it. Giving this as an offering to the <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i> (<span class="corr" id="xd26e4734" title= -"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>), the magician utters an -incantation:— <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb127" href="#pb127" -name="pb127">127</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Vabusi Tokway Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Come down, O <span class="corr" id="xd26e4746" -title="Source: wood sprites">wood-sprites</span>, O <i lang= -"kij">Tokway</i>, dwellers in branches, come down! Come down, dwellers -in branch forks, in branch shoots! Come down, come, eat! Go to your -coral outcrop over there; crowd there, swarm there, be noisy there, -scream there!</p> -<p>“Step down from our tree, old men! This is a canoe ill spoken -of; this is a canoe out of which you have been shamed; this is a canoe -out of which you have been expelled! At sunrise and morning, you help -us in felling the canoe; this our tree, old men, let it go and fall -down!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This spell, given in free translation, which, however, follows the -original very closely, word for word, is far clearer than the average -sample of Trobriand magic. In the first part, the <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i> is invoked under various names, and invited to leave -his abode, and to move to some other place, and there to be at his -ease. In the second part, the canoe is mentioned with several epithets, -all of which denote an act of discourtesy or ill-omen. This is -obviously done to compel the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> to leave the -tree. In Boyowa, the <i lang="kij">yoba</i>, the chasing away, is under -circumstances a great insult, and at times it commands immediate -compliance. This is always the case when the chaser belongs to the -local sub-clan of a village, and the person expelled does not. But the -<i lang="kij">yoba</i> is always an act of considerable consequence, -never used lightly, and in this spell, it carries these sociological -associations with it. In the usual anticipatory way, characteristic of -native speech, the tree is called in the spell “canoe” -(<i lang="kij">waga</i>).</p> -<p>The object of this spell is written very plainly in every word of -it, and the natives also confirm it by saying that it is absolutely -necessary to get rid of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>. What would -happen, however, if the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> were not expelled, is -not so unequivocally laid down by tradition, and it cannot be read out -of the spell or the rite. Some informants say that the canoe would be -heavy; others that the wood would be full of knots, and that there -would be holes in the canoe, or that it would quickly rot.</p> -<p>But though the rationale of the expulsion is not so well defined, -the belief in the <i lang="kij">tokway’s</i> evil influence, and -in the dangers associated with his presence is positive. And this is in -keeping with the general nature of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, as we -find <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb128" href="#pb128" name= -"pb128">128</a>]</span>him delineated by native belief. The <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i> is on the whole a harmful being, though the harm he -does is seldom more than an unpleasant trick, perhaps a sudden fright, -an attack of shooting pains, or a theft. The <i lang="kij">tokway</i> -live in trees or in coral rocks and boulders, usually in the <i lang= -"kij">raybwag</i>, the primeval jungle, growing on the coastal ridge, -full of outcrops and rocks. Some people have seen a <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i>, although he is invisible at will. His skin is brown, -like that of any Boyowan, but he has long, sleek hair, and a long -beard. He comes often at night, and frightens people. But, though -seldom seen, the <i lang="kij">tokway’s</i> wailing is often -heard from the branches of a big tree, and some trees evidently harbour -more <i lang="kij">tokways</i> than others, since you can hear them -very easily there. Sometimes, over such trees, where people often hear -the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> and get a fright, the above quoted -incantation and rite are performed.</p> -<p>In their contact with men, the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> show their -unpleasant side; often they come at night and steal food. Many cases -can be quoted when a man, as it seemed, was surprised in the act of -stealing yams out of a storehouse, but lo! when approached he -disappeared—it was a <i lang="kij">tokway</i>. Then, sickness in -some of its lighter forms is caused by the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>. -Shooting pains, pricking and stabbing in one’s inside, are often -due to him, for he is in possession of magic by which he can insert -small, sharp-edged and sharp-pointed objects into the body. Fortunately -some men know magic by which to extract such objects. These men, of -course, according to the general rule of sorcery, can also inflict the -same ailments. In olden days, the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> gave both -the harmful and beneficent magic to some men, and ever since, this form -of sorcery and of concomitant healing have been handed on from one -generation to another.</p> -<p>Let us return to our canoe, however. After the rite has been -performed, the tree is felled. In olden days, when stone implements -were used, this must have been a laborious process, in which a number -of men were engaged in wielding the axe, and others in re-sharpening -the blunted or broken blades. The old technique was more like nibbling -away the wood in small chips, and it must have taken a long time to cut -out a sufficiently deep incision to fell the tree. After the tree is on -the ground, the preliminary trimming is done on the spot. The branches -are lopped off, and the log of appropriate length is made out of the -tree. This log is cut into the rough shape of a canoe, so <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb129" href="#pb129" name="pb129">129</a>]</span>as -to make it as light as possible, for now it has to be pulled to the -village or to the beach.</p> -<p>The transporting of the log is not an easy task, as it has to be -taken out of the uneven, rocky <i lang="kij">raybwag</i>, and then -pulled along very bad roads. Pieces of wood are put on the ground every -few metres, to serve as slips on which the log can more easily glide -than on the rocks and uneven soil. In spite of that, and in spite of -the fact that many men are summoned to assist, the work of pulling the -log is very heavy. The men receive food in payment for it. Pig flesh is -cooked and distributed with baked yams; at intervals during the work -they refresh themselves with green coco-nut drinks and with sucking -sugar cane. Gifts of such food, given during work in payment of -communal labour, are called <i lang="kij">puwaya</i>. To describe how -heavy the work sometimes is, the native will say, in a -characteristically figurative manner:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The pig, the coco drinks, the yams are -finished, and yet we pull—very heavy!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>In such cases the natives resort to a magical rite which makes the -canoe lighter. A piece of dry banana leaf is put on top of the log. The -owner or builder beats the log with a bunch of dry lalang grass and -utters the following spell:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kaymomwa’u Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Come down, come down, defilement by contact -with excrement! Come down, defilement by contact with refuse! Come -down, heaviness! Come down, rot! Come down fungus! …” and -soon, invoking a number of deteriorations to leave the log, and then a -number of defilements and broken taboos. In other words, the heaviness -and slowness, due to all these magical causes, are thrown out of the -log.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This bunch of grass is then ritually thrown away. It is called -<i lang="kij">momwa’u</i>, or the “heavy bunch.” -Another handful of the long lalang grass, seared and dry, is taken, and -this is the <i lang="kij">gagabile</i>, the “light bunch,” -and with this the canoe is again beaten. The meaning of the rite is -quite plain: the first bunch takes into it the heaviness of the log, -and the second imparts lightness to it. Both spells also express this -meaning in plain terms. The second spell, recited with the <i lang= -"kij">gagabile</i> bunch, runs thus: <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb130" href="#pb130" name="pb130">130</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kaygagabile Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“He fails to outrun me” (repeated many -times). “The canoe trembles with speed” (many times). A few -untranslatable words are uttered; then a long chain of ancestral names -is invoked. “I lash you, O tree; the tree flies; the tree becomes -like a breath of wind; the tree becomes like a butterfly; the tree -becomes like a cotton seed fluff. One sun” (i.e., time) -“for my companions, midday sun, setting sun; another sun for -me——” (here the reciter’s name is -uttered)—“the rising sun, the rays of the (rising) sun, -(the time of) opening the huts, (the time of the) rising of the morning -star!” The last part means: “My companions arrive at -sunset, while I arrive with the rising sun”—(indicating how -far my canoe exceeds them in speed.)<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4876src" href="#xd26e4876" name="xd26e4876src">1</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>These formulæ are used both to make the log lighter for the -present purpose of pulling it into the village, and in order to give it -greater speed in general, when it is made up into a <i lang= -"kij">waga</i>.</p> -<p>After the log has been finally brought into the village, and left on -the <i lang="kij">baku</i>, the main central place, the creeper by -means of which it has been pulled and which is called in this -connection <i lang="kij">duku</i>, is not cut away at once. This is -done ceremonially on the morning of the following day, sometimes after -even two or three days have passed. The men of the community assemble, -and the one who will scoop out the canoe, the builder (<i lang= -"kij">tota’ila waga</i>, “the cutter of the canoe”) -performs a magical rite. He takes his adze (<i lang="kij">ligogu</i>) -and wraps some very light and thin herbs round the blade with a piece -of dried banana leaf, itself associated with the idea of lightness. -This he wraps only half round, so that a broad opening is left, and the -breath and voice have free access to the herbs and blade of the adze. -Into this opening, the magician chants the following long spell:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kapitunena Duku Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I shall wave them back, (i.e., prevent all -other canoes from overtaking me)!” repeated many times. “On -the top of Si’a Hill; women of Tokuna; my mother a sorceress, -myself a sorcerer. It dashes forward, it flies ahead. The canoe body is -light; the pandanus streamers are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb131" -href="#pb131" name="pb131">131</a>]</span>aflutter; the prow skims the -waves; the ornamental boards leap, like dolphins; the <i lang= -"kij">tabuyo</i> (small prow-board) breaks the waves; the <i lang= -"kij">lagim’</i> (transversal prow-board) breaks the waves. Thou -sleepest in the mountain, thou sleepest in Kuyawa Island. We shall -kindle a small fire of lalang grass, we shall burn aromatic herbs -(i.e., at our destination in the mountains)! Whether new or old, thou -goest ahead.”</p> -<p>This is the exordium of the formula. Then comes a very long middle -part, in a form very characteristic of Trobriand magic. This form -resembles a litany, in so far as a key word or expression is repeated -many times with a series of complementary words and expressions. Then -the first key word is replaced by another, which in its turn, is -repeated with the same series of expressions; then comes another key -word, and so on. We have thus two series of words; each term of the -first is repeated over and over again, with all terms of the second, -and in this manner, with a limited number of words, a spell is very -much lengthened out, since its length is the product of the length of -both series. In shorter spells, there may be only one key word, and in -fact, this is the more usual type. In this spell, the first series -consists of nouns denoting different parts of the canoe; the second are -verbs, such as: to cut, to fly, to speed, to cleave a fleet of other -canoes, to disappear, to skim over the waves. Thus the litany runs in -such a fashion: “The tip of my canoe starts, the tip of my canoe -flies, the tip of my canoe speeds, etc., etc.” After the long -litany has been chanted, the magician repeats the exordium, and -finishes it off with the conventional onomatopoetic word <i lang= -"kij">saydididi</i>—which is meant to imitate the flying of the -witches.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>After the recital of this long spell over the herbs and blade of his -adze, the magician wraps up the dry banana leaf, thus imprisoning the -magical virtue of the spell round the blade, and with this, he strikes -and cuts through the <i lang="kij">duku</i> (the creeper used for the -pulling of the canoes.)</p> -<p>With this, the magic is not over yet, for on the same evening, when -the canoe is put on transversal logs (<i lang="kij">nigakulu</i>), -another rite has to be carried out. Some herbs are placed on the -transversals between them and the body of the big canoe log. Over these -herbs, again, another spell has to be uttered. In order not to overload -this account with magical texts, I shall not adduce this spell in -detail. Its wording also plainly <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb132" -href="#pb132" name="pb132">132</a>]</span>indicates that it is speed -magic, and it is a short formula running on directly, without -cross-repetitions.</p> -<p>After that, for some days, the outside of the canoe body is worked. -Its two ends must be cut into tapering shape, and the bottom evened and -smoothed. After that is done, the canoe has to be turned over, this -time into its natural position, bottom down, and what is to be the -opening, upwards. Before the scooping out begins, another formula has -to be recited over the <i lang="kij">kavilali</i>, a special <i lang= -"kij">ligogu</i> (adze), used for scooping out, which is inserted into -a handle with a moveable part, which then allows the cutting to be done -at varying angles to the plane of striking.</p> -<p>The rite stands in close connection to the myth of the flying canoe, -localised in Kudayuri, a place in the Island of Kitava, and many -allusions are made to this myth.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e4944src" -href="#xd26e4944" name="xd26e4944src">2</a> After a short exordium, -containing untranslatable magical words, and geographical references, -the spell runs:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Ligogu Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I shall take hold of an adze, I shall strike! I -shall enter my canoe, I shall make thee fly, O canoe, I shall make thee -jump! We shall fly like butterflies, like wind; we shall disappear in -mist, we shall vanish. You will pierce the straits of Kadimwatu -(between the islands of Tewara and Uwama) you will break the promontory -of Saramwa (near Dobu), pierce the passage of Loma (in Dawson Straits), -die away in the distance, die away with the wind, fade away with the -mist, vanish away. Break through your seaweeds (i.e., on coming against -the shore). Put on your wreath (probably an allusion to the seaweeds), -make your bed in the sand. I turn round, I see the Vakuta men, the -Kitava men behind me; my sea, the sea of Pilolu (i.e., the sea between -the Trobriands and the Amphletts); to-day the Kudayuri men will burn -their fires (i.e., on the shores of Dobu). Bind your grass skirt -together, O canoe” (here the personal name of the canoe is -mentioned), “fly!” The last phrase contains an implicit -hint that the canoe partakes of the nature of a flying witch, as it -should, according to the Kudayuri myth.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>After this, the canoe-builder proceeds to scoop out the log. This is -a long task, and a heavy one, and one which requires a good deal of -skill, especially towards the end, when the walls of the dug-out have -to be made sufficiently thin, and when <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb133" href="#pb133" name="pb133">133</a>]</span>the wood has to be -taken off evenly over the whole surface. Thus, although at the -beginning the canoe carpenter is usually helped by a few men—his -sons or brothers or nephews who in assisting him also learn the -trade—towards the end he has to do the work single-handed. It, -therefore, always happens that this stage takes a very long time. Often -the canoe will lie for weeks, untouched, covered with palm leaves -against the sun, and filled with some water to prevent drying and -cracking (see <a href="#pl25">Plate XXV</a>). Then the carpenter will -set to work for a few days, and pause again. In almost all villages, -the canoe is put up in the central place, or before the builder’s -hut. In some of the Eastern villages, the scooping out is done on the -sea beach, to avoid pulling the heavy log to and from the village.</p> -<p>Parallel with the process of hollowing out, the other parts of the -canoe are made ready to be pieced together. Four broad and long planks -form the gunwale; L-shaped pieces of wood are cut into ribs; long poles -are prepared for longitudinal support of the ribs, and for platform -rafters; short poles are made ready as transversals of the platform and -main supports of the outrigging; small sticks to connect the float with -the transversals; finally, the float itself, a long, bulky log. These -are the main, constituent parts of a canoe, to be made by the builder. -The four carved boards are also made by him if he knows how to carve, -otherwise another expert has to do this part of the work (see <a href= -"#pl26">Plate XXVI</a>).</p> -<p>When all the parts are ready, another magical rite has to be -performed. It is called “<i lang="kij">kapitunela nanola -waga</i>”: “the cutting off of the canoe’s -mind,” an expression which denotes <i>a change of mind</i>, a -<i>final determination</i>. In this case, the canoe makes up its mind -to run quickly. The formula is short, contains at the beginning a few -obscure words, and then a few geographical references to some places in -the d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago. It is recited over a few drops -of coco-nut oil, which is then wrapped up in a small bundle. The same -spell is then again spoken over the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> blade, -round which a piece of dry banana has been wrapped in the manner -described above. The canoe is turned bottom up, the bundle with -coco-nut oil placed on it and struck with the adze. With this the canoe -is ready to be pieced together, and the first stage of its construction -is over. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb134" href="#pb134" name= -"pb134">134</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div5.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">As has been said above, the two stages differ from one -another in the nature of work done and in their sociological and -ceremonial setting. So far, we have seen only a few men engaged in -cutting the tree and scooping it out and then preparing the various -parts of the canoe. Industriously, but slowly and deliberately, with -many pauses, they toil over their work, sitting on the brown, trodden -soil of the village in front of the huts, or scooping the canoe in the -central place. The first part of the task, the felling of the tree, -took us to the tall jungle and intricate undergrowth, climbing and -festooned around the fantastic shapes of coral rocks.</p> -<p>Now, with the second stage, the scene shifts to the clean, -snow-white sand of a coral beach, where hundreds of natives in festive -array crowd around the freshly scraped body of the canoe. The carved -boards, painted in black, white and red, the green fringe of palms and -jungle trees, the blue of the sea—all lend colour to the vivid -and lively scene. Thus I saw the building of a canoe done on the East -shore of the Trobriands, and in this setting I remember it. In -Sinaketa, instead of the blue, open sea, breaking in a belt of white -foam outside on the fringing reef and coming in limpid waves to the -beach, there are the dull, muddy browns and greens of the Lagoon, -playing into pure emerald tints where the clean sandy bottom -begins.</p> -<p>Into one of these two scenes, we must now imagine the dug-out -transported from the village, after all is ready, and after the summons -of the chief or headman has gone round the neighbouring villages. In -the case of a big chief, several hundreds of natives will assemble to -help, or to gaze on the performance. When a small community with a -second-rate headman construct their canoe, only a few dozen people will -come, the relatives-in-law of the headman and of other notables, and -their close friends.</p> -<p>After the body of the canoe and all the accessories have been placed -in readiness, the proceedings are opened by a magical rite, called -<i lang="kij">Katuliliva tabuyo</i>. This rite belongs to the Kula -magic, for which the natives have a special expression; they call it -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>. It is connected with the inserting of the -ornamental prow-boards into their grooves at both ends of the canoe. -These ornamental parts of the canoe are put in first of all, and this -is done ceremonially. A few sprigs of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb135" href="#pb135" name="pb135">135</a>]</span>mint plant are -inserted under the boards, as they are put in, and the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> (owner of the canoe) hammers the boards in by means -of a special stone imported from Dobu, and ritually repeats a formula -of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic. The mint plant (<i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i>) plays an important part in the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) as well as in love spells, and in the -magic of beauty. Whenever a substance is to be medicated for the -purpose of charming, seducing, or persuading, as a rule <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i> is used. This plant figures also in several myths, -where it plays a similar part, the mythical hero always conquering the -foe or winning a woman by the use of the <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i>.</p> -<p>I shall not adduce the magical formulæ in this account, with -the exception of the most important one. Even a short summary of each -of them would obstruct the narrative, and it would blur completely the -outline of the consecutive account of the various activities. The -various complexities of the magical ritual and of the formulæ -will be set forth in <a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>. It may be -mentioned here, however, that not only are there several types of magic -performed during canoe building, such as the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> -(Kula magic), the canoe speed magic, exorcisms against evil magic, and -exorcism of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, but within each of these -types, there are different systems of magic, each with its own -mythological basis, each localised in a different district, and each -having of course different formulæ and slightly different -rites.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e5035src" href="#xd26e5035" name= -"xd26e5035src">3</a></p> -<p>After the prow-boards are put in, and before the next bit of -technical work is done, another magical rite has to be performed. The -body of the canoe, now bright with the three-coloured boards, is pushed -into the water. A handful of leaves, of a shrub called <i lang= -"kij">bobi’u</i>, is charmed by the owner or by the builder, and -the body of the canoe is washed in sea water with the leaves. All the -men participate in the washing, and this rite is intended to make the -canoe fast, by removing the traces of any evil influence, which might -still have remained, in spite of the previous magic, performed on the -<i lang="kij">waga</i>. After the <i lang="kij">waga</i> has been -rubbed and washed, it is pulled ashore again and placed on the skid -logs.</p> -<p>Now the natives proceed to the main and most important constructive -part of their work; this consists of the erection of the gunwale planks -at the sides of the dug-out log, so as to <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb136" href="#pb136" name="pb136">136</a>]</span>form the deep and -wide well of the built-up canoe. They are kept in position by an -internal framework of some twelve to twenty pairs of ribs, and all of -this is lashed together with a special creeper called <i lang= -"kij">wayugo</i>, and the holes and interstices are caulked with a -resinous substance.</p> -<p>I cannot enter here into details of building, though from the -technological point of view, this is the most interesting phase, -showing us the native at grips with real problems of construction. He -has a whole array of component parts, and he must make them fit -together with a considerable degree of precision, and that without -having any exact means of measurement. By a rough appreciation based on -long experience and great skill, he estimates the relative shapes and -sizes of the planks, the angles and dimensions of the ribs, and the -lengths of the various poles. Then, in shaping them out, the builder -tests and fits them in a preliminary manner as work goes on, and as a -rule the result is good. But now, when all these component parts have -to be pieced finally together, it nearly always happens that some bit -or other fails to fit properly with the rest. These details have to be -adjusted, a bit taken off the body of the canoe, a plank or pole -shortened, or even a piece added. The natives have a very efficient way -of lashing on a whole bit of a plank, if this proves too short, or if, -by some accident, it breaks at the end. After all has been finally -fitted, and made to tally, the framework of ribs is put into the canoe -(see <a href="#pl27">Plate XXVII</a>), and the natives proceed to lash -them to the body of the dug-out, and to the two longitudinal poles to -which the ribs are threaded.</p> -<p>And now a few words must be said about the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, -the lashing creeper. Only one species of creeper is used for the -lashing of boats, and it is of the utmost importance that this creeper -should be sound and strong. It is this alone that maintains the -cohesion of the various parts, and in rough weather, very much depends -on how the lashings will stand the strain. The other parts of the -canoe—the outrigger poles—can be more easily tested, and as -they are made of strong, elastic wood, they usually stand any weather -quite well. Thus the element of danger and uncertainty in a canoe is -due mainly to the creeper. No wonder, therefore, that the magic of the -creeper is considered as one of the most important ritual items in -canoe-building. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb137" href="#pb137" -name="pb137">137</a>]</span></p> -<p>In fact, <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, the name of that creeper species, -is also used as a general term for canoe magic. When a man has the -reputation of building or owning a good and fast canoe, the usual way -of explaining it is to say that he has, or knows “a good <i lang= -"kij">wayugo</i>.” For, as in all other magic, there are several -types of <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spells. The ritual is always -practically the same: five coils of the creeper are, on the previous -day, placed on a large wooden dish and chanted over in the -owner’s hut by himself. Only exceptionally can this magic be done -by the builder. Next day they are brought to the beach ceremonially on -the wooden plate. In one of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> systems, there -is an additional rite, in which the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> (canoe -owner) takes a piece of the creeper, inserts it into one of the holes -pierced in the rim of the dug-out for the lashing, and pulling it to -and fro, recites once more the spell.</p> -<p>In consideration of the importance of this magic, the formula will -be here adduced in full. It consists of an exordium (<i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i>), a double main part (<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>), -and a concluding period (<i lang="kij">dogina</i>).<a class="noteref" -id="xd26e5099src" href="#xd26e5099" name="xd26e5099src">4</a></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Wayugo Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> he first repeats -“Sacred (or ritual) eating of fish, sacred inside,” thus -alluding to a belief that the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has in -connection with this magic to partake ritually of baked fish. Then come -the words—“Flutter, betel plant, leaving behind,” all -associated with leading ideas of canoe magic—the flutter of -pandanus streamers; the <span class="corr" id="xd26e5119" title= -"Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span>, which the ancestral spirits in -other rites are invited to partake of; the speed by which all comrades -will be left behind!</p> -<p>A list of ancestral names follows. Two of them, probably mythical -personages, have significative names; “Stormy sea” and -“Foaming.” Then the <i lang="kij">baloma</i> (spirits) of -these ancestors are asked to sit on the canoe slips and to chew betel, -and they are invoked to take the pandanus streamer of the -Kudayuri—a place in Kitava, where the flying canoe magic -originated—and plant it on top of Teula or Tewara, the small -island off the East coast of Fergusson.</p> -<p>The magician after that chants: “I shall turn, I shall turn -towards you, O men of Kitava, you remain behind <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb138" href="#pb138" name="pb138">138</a>]</span>on -the To’uru beach (in the Lagoon of Vakuta). Before you lies the -sea arm of Pilolu. To-day, they kindle the festive fire of the -Kudayuri, thou, O my boat” (here the personal name of the boat is -uttered), “bind thy skirts together and fly!” In this -passage—which is almost identical with one in the previously -quoted <i lang="kij">Ligogu</i> spell—there is a direct allusion -to the Kudayuri myth, and to the custom of festive fires. Again the -canoe is addressed as a woman who has to bind her grass petticoat -together during her flight, a reference to the belief that a flying -witch binds her skirts when starting into the air and to the tradition -that this myth originates from Na’ukuwakula, one of the flying -Kudayuri sisters. The following main part continues with this mythical -allusion: Na’ukuwakula flew from Kitava through Sinaketa and -Kayleula to Simsim, where she settled down and transmitted the magic to -her progeny. In this spell the three places: Kuyawa (a creek and -hillock near Sinaketa), Dikutuwa (a rock near Kayleula), and La’u -(a cleft rock in the sea near Simsim, in the Lousançay Islands) -are the leading words of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>.</p> -<p>The last sentence of the first part, forming a transition into the -<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, runs as follows: “I shall grasp the -handle of the adze, I shall grip all the component parts of the -canoe”—perhaps another allusion to the mythical -construction of the Kudayuri canoe (comp. <a href="#div12.4">Chap. XII, -Div. IV</a>)—“I shall fly on the top of Kuyawa, I shall -disappear; dissolve in mist, in smoke; become like a wind eddy, become -alone—on top of Kuyawa.” The same words are then repeated, -substituting for Kuyawa the two other above-mentioned spots, one after -the other, and thus retracing the flight of Na’ukuwakula.</p> -<p>Then the magician returns to the beginning and recites the spell -over again up to the phrase: “bind thy skirt together and -fly,” which is followed this time by a second <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i>: “I shall outdistance all my comrades with the -bottom of my canoe; I shall out-distance all my comrades with the -prow-board of my canoe, etc., etc.,” repeating the prophetic -boast with all the parts of the canoe, as is usual in the middle part -of magical spells.</p> -<p>In the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, the last part, the magician -addresses the <i lang="kij">waga</i> in mythological terms, with -allusions to the Kudayuri myth, and adds: “Canoe thou art a -ghost, thou art like a wind eddy; vanish, O my canoe, fly; break -through your sea-passage of Kadimwatu, cleave through the promontory of -Saramwa, pass through Loma; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb139" href= -"#pb139" name="pb139">139</a>]</span>die away, disappear, vanish with -an eddy, vanish with the mist; make your imprint in the sand, cut -through the seaweed, go, put on your wreath of aromatic -herbs.”<a class="noteref" id="xd26e5160src" href="#xd26e5160" -name="xd26e5160src">5</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<div class="figure pl27width" id="pl27"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl27width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXVII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl27.jpg" alt="Construction of a Waga" width="720" -height="428"> -<p class="figureHead">Construction of a Waga</p> -<p>This canoe has been partly dismembered, in the process of being -relashed. It shows the construction of the tibs and the fixtures on the -outrigger log. The men were just in the act of fitting in a new gunwale -plank (to be seen in the background) which has to fit into the carved -<span class="corr" id="xd26e5175" title= -"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span> and into the groove at the top -of the hull. (see Div. V.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl28width" id="pl28"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl28width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXVIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl28.jpg" alt="Sail Making" width="667" height="397"> -<p class="figureHead">Sail Making</p> -<p>Within a couple of hours a number of men perform this enormous task -of sewing together small bands of pandanus leaf (see <a href= -"#div5.3">Div. III</a> and <a href="#div6.2">next Chap. Div. II</a>) -till they form a sail. Among the workers there is an albino.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl29width" id="pl29"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl29width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXIX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl29.jpg" alt="Rolls of Dried Pandanus Leaf" width= -"666" height="383"> -<p class="figureHead">Rolls of Dried Pandanus Leaf</p> -<p>This is the material of which the sail is made. The <i lang= -"kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamer) is made of a softer variety of -pandanus leaf, bleached at a fire.</p> -</div> -<p>After the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> has been ritually brought in, the -lashing of the canoe begins. First of all the ribs are lashed into -position then the planks, and with this the body of the canoe is ready. -This takes a varying time, according to the number of people at work, -and to the amount of tallying and adjusting to be done at the final -fitting. Sometimes one whole day’s work is spent on this stage, -and the next piece of work, the construction of the outrigger, has to -be postponed to another day. This is the next stage, and there is no -magic to punctuate the course of technical activities. The big, solid -log is put alongside the canoe, and a number of short, pointed sticks -are driven into it. The sticks are put in crossways on the top of the -float (<i lang="kij">lamina</i>). Then the tops of these sticks are -again attached to a number of horizontal poles, which have to be thrust -through one side of the canoe-body, and attached to the other. All this -naturally requires again adjusting and fitting. When these sticks and -poles are bound together, there results a strong yet elastic frame, in -which the canoe and the float are held together in parallel positions, -and across them transversely there run the several horizontal poles -which keep them together. Next, these poles are bridged over by many -longitudinal sticks lashed together, and thus a platform is made -between the edge of the canoe and the tops of the float sticks.</p> -<p>When that is done, the whole frame of the canoe is ready, and there -remains only to caulk the holes and interstices. The caulking substance -is prepared in the hut of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, and a spell -is recited over it on the evening before the work is begun. Then again, -the whole community turn out and do the work in one day’s -sitting.</p> -<p>The canoe is now ready for the sea, except for the painting, Which -is only for ornamentation. Three more magical rites have to be -performed, however, before it is painted and then launched. All three -refer directly to the canoe, and aim at giving it speed. At the same -time all three are exorcisms against evil influences, resulting from -various defilements or broken taboos, which possibly might have -desecrated the <i lang="kij">waga</i>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb140" href="#pb140" name="pb140">140</a>]</span>The first is called -<i lang="kij">Vakasulu</i>, which means something like “ritual -cooking” of the canoe. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has to -prepare a real witches’ cauldron of all sorts of things, which -afterwards are burnt under the bottom of the canoe, and the smoke is -supposed to exercise a speed-giving and cleansing influence. The -ingredients are: the wings of a bat, the nest of a very small bird -called <i lang="kij">posisiku</i>, some dried bracken leaves, a bit of -cotton fluff, and some lalang grass. All the substances are associated -with flying and lightness. The wood used for kindling the fire is that -of the light-timbered mimosa tree (<i lang="kij">liga</i>). The twigs -have to be obtained by throwing at the tree a piece of wood (never a -stone), and when the broken-off twig falls, it must be caught in the -hand, and not allowed to touch the ground.</p> -<p>The second rite, called <i lang="kij">Vaguri</i>, is an exorcism -only, and it consists of charming a stick, and then knocking the body -of the canoe all over with it. This <span class="corr" id="xd26e5247" -title="Source: expells">expels</span> the evil witchery (<i lang= -"kij">bulubwalata</i>), which it is only wise to suspect has been cast -by some envious rivals, or persons jealous of the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>.</p> -<p>Finally, the third of these rites, the <i lang="kij">Kaytapena -waga</i>, consists in medicating a torch of coco-leaf with the -appropriate spell, and fumigating with it the inside of the canoe. This -gives speed and once more cleanses the canoe.</p> -<p>After another sitting of a few days, the whole outside of the canoe -is painted in three colours. Over each of them a special spell is -chanted again, the most important one over the black colour. This is -never omitted, while the red and white spells are optional. In the rite -of the black colour, again, a whole mixture of <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e5263" title="Source: sunstances">substances</span> is -used—a dry bracken leaf, grass, and a <i lang="kij">posisiku</i> -nest—all this is charred with some coco-nut husk, and the first -strokes of the black paint are made with the mixture. The rest is -painted with a watery mixture of charred coco-nut. For red colour, a -sort of ochre, imported from the d’Entrecasteaux Islands, is -used; the white one is made of a chalky earth, found in certain parts -of the sea shore.</p> -<p>Sail-making is done on another day, usually in the village, by -communal labour, and, with a number of people helping, the tedious and -complicated work is performed in a relatively short time. The -triangular outline of the sail is first pegged out on the ground, as a -rule the old sail being used as a pattern. After this is done, tapes of -dried pandanus leaf (see Plates <a href="#pl28">XXVIII</a>, <a href= -"#pl29">XXIX</a>) are stretched on the ground and first fixed -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb141" href="#pb141" name= -"pb141">141</a>]</span>along the borders of the sail. Then, starting at -the apex of the triangle, the sail-makers put tapes radiating towards -the base, sewing them together with awls of flying fox bone, and using -as thread narrow strips of specially toughened pandanus leaf. Two -layers of tapes are sewn one on top of the other to make a solid -fabric.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div5.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The canoe is now quite ready to be launched. But -before we go on to an account of the ceremonial launching and the -associated festivities, one or two general remarks must be made -retrospectively about the proceedings just described.</p> -<p>The whole of the first stage of canoe-building, that is, the cutting -of the tree, the scooping out of the log, and the preparation of the -other component parts, with all their associated magic, is done only -when a new canoe is built.</p> -<p>But the second stage has to be performed over all the canoes before -every great overseas Kula expedition. On such an occasion, all the -canoes have to be re-lashed, re-caulked, and re-painted. This obviously -requires that they should all be taken to pieces and then lashed, -caulked and painted exactly as is done with a new canoe. All the magic -incidental to these three processes is then performed, in its due -order, over the renovated canoe. So that we can say about the second -stage of canoe-building that not only is it always performed in -association with the Kula, but that no big expedition ever takes place -without it.</p> -<p>We have had a description of the magical rites, and the ideas which -are implied in every one of them have been specified. But there are one -or two more general characteristics which must be mentioned here. -First, there is what could be called the “ceremonial -dimension” of magical rites. That is, how far is the performance -of the rite attended by the members of the community, if at all; and if -so, do they actively take part in it, or do they simply pay keen -attention and behave as an interested audience; or, though being -present, do they pay little heed and show only small interest?</p> -<p>In the first stage of canoe-building, the rites are performed by the -magician himself, with only a few helpers in attendance. The general -village public do not feel sufficiently interested and attracted to -assist, nor are they bound by custom to do so. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb142" href="#pb142" name="pb142">142</a>]</span>The -general character of these rites is more like the performance of a -technicality of work than of a ceremony. The preparing of herbs for the -<i lang="kij">ligogu</i> magic, for instance, and the charming it over, -is carried out in a matter-of-fact, businesslike manner, and nothing in -the <span class="corr" id="xd26e5297" title= -"Source: beaviour">behaviour</span> of the magician and those casually -grouped around him would indicate that anything specially interesting -in the routine work is happening.</p> -<p>The rites of the second stage are <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> -attended by all those who help in piecing together and lashing, but on -the whole those present have no special task assigned to them in the -performance of these rites. As to the attention and behaviour during -the performance of the magic, much depends of course on whether the -magician officiating is a chief of great importance or someone of low -rank. A certain decorum and even silence would be observed in any case. -But many of those present would turn aside and go away, if they wanted -to do so. The magician does not produce the impression of an -officiating high priest performing a solemn ceremony, but rather of a -specialised workman doing a particularly important piece of work. It -must be remembered that all the rites are simple, and the chanting of -the spells in public is done in a low voice, and quickly, without any -specially effective vocal production. Again, the caulking and the -<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> rites are, in some types of magic at least, -performed in the magician’s hut, without any attendance whatever, -and so is that of the black paint.</p> -<p>Another point of general importance is what could be called the -stringency of magic rites. In canoe magic, for instance, the expulsion -of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, the ritual cutting of the pulling -rope, the magic of the adze (<i lang="kij">ligogu</i>), that of the -lashing creeper (<i lang="kij">wayugo</i>), of the caulking, and of the -black paint can never be omitted. Whereas the other rites are optional, -though as a rule some of them are performed. But even those which are -considered indispensable do not all occupy the same place of importance -in native mythology and in native ideas, which is clearly expressed in -the behaviour of the natives and their manner of speaking of them. -Thus, the general term for canoe magic is either <i lang= -"kij">wayugo</i> or <i lang="kij">ligogu</i>, from which we can see -that these two spells are considered the most important. A man will -speak about his <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> being better than that of the -other, or of having learnt his <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> from his -father. Again, as we shall see in the canoe myth, both these rites are -explicitly <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb143" href="#pb143" name= -"pb143">143</a>]</span>mentioned there. Although the expulsion of the -<i lang="kij">tokway</i> is always done, it is definitely recognised by -the natives as being of lesser importance. So are also the magic of -caulking and of the black paint.</p> -<p>A less general point, of great interest, however, is that of evil -magic (<i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i>) and of broken taboos. I had to -mention several exorcisms against those influences, and something must -be said about them here. The term <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i> covers -all forms of evil magic or witchery. There is that which, directed -against pigs, makes them run away from their owners into the bush; -there is <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i> for alienating the affections of -a wife or sweetheart; there is evil magic against gardens, -and—perhaps the most dreaded one—evil magic against rain, -producing drought and famine. The evil magic against canoes, making -them slow, heavy, and unseaworthy, is also much feared. Many men -profess to know it, but it is very difficult for the Ethnographer to -obtain a formula, and I succeeded only in taking down one. It is always -supposed to be practised by canoe-owners upon the craft which they -regard as dangerous rivals of their own.</p> -<p>There are many taboos referring to an already constructed canoe, and -we shall meet with them later when speaking about sailing and handling -the canoe. But before that stage is reached, any defilement with any -unclean substance of the log out of which the canoe is scooped, would -make it slow and bad; or if anybody were to walk over a canoe log or -stand on it there would be the same evil result.</p> -<p>One more point must be mentioned here. As we have seen, the first -magical rite, of the second stage of construction, is performed over -the prow-boards. The question obtrudes itself as to whether the designs -on these boards have any magical meaning. It must be clearly understood -that any guesswork or speculations about origins must be rigidly -excluded from ethnographic field work like this. For a sociologically -empirical answer, the Ethnographer must look to two classes of facts. -First of all, he may directly question the natives as to whether the -prow-boards themselves or any of the motives upon them are done for -magical purposes. Whether he questions the average man, or even the -specialist in canoe magic and carving, to this he will always receive -in Kiriwina a negative answer. He can then enquire whether in the -magical <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb144" href="#pb144" name= -"pb144">144</a>]</span>ritual for formulæ there are no references -to the prow-boards, or to any of the decorative motives on them. Here -also, the evidence on the whole is negative. In one spell perhaps, and -that belonging not to canoe but to the Kula magic (comp. below, -<a href="#div13.2">Chap. XIII, Div. II</a>, the Kayikuna Tabuyo spell), -there can be found an allusion to the prow-boards, but only to the term -describing them in general, and not to any special decorative motive. -Thus the only association between canoe decoration and canoe magic -consists in the fact that two magical rites are performed over them, -one mentioned already, and the other to be mentioned at the beginning -of the next chapter.</p> -<p>The description of canoe-building, in fact, all the data given in -this chapter, refer only to one of the two types of sea-going canoe to -be found in the Kula district. For the natives of the Eastern half of -the ring use craft bigger, and in certain respects better, than the -<i lang="kij">masawa</i>. The main difference between the Eastern and -Western type consists in the fact that the bigger canoes have a higher -gunwale or side, and consequently a greater carrying capacity, and they -can be immersed deeper. The larger water board offers more resistance -against making leeway, and this allows the canoes to be sailed closer -to the wind. Consequently, the Eastern canoes can beat, and these -natives are therefore much more independent of the direction of the -wind in their sailings. With this is connected the position of the -mast, which in this type is stepped in the middle, and it is also -permanently fixed, and is not taken down every time after sailing. It -obviously, therefore, need not be changed in its position every time -the canoe goes on another tack.</p> -<p>I have not seen the construction of a <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, as -these canoes are called, but I think that it is technically a much more -difficult task than the building of a <i lang="kij">masawa</i>. I was -told that both magic and ceremonial of construction are very much the -same in the building of both canoes.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, that is the larger and more seaworthy -type, is used on the section of the Kula ring beginning in Gawa and -ending in Tubetube. It is also used in certain parts of the Massim -district, which lie outside the Kula ring, such as the Island of -Sud-Est, and surrounding smaller islands, and it is used among the -Southern Massim of the mainland. But though its use is very widely -spread, its manufacture is confined <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb145" href="#pb145" name="pb145">145</a>]</span>to only a few places. -The most important centres of <i lang="kij">nagega</i> building are -Gawa, a few villages on Woodlark Islands, the island of Panayati, and -perhaps one or two places on Misima. From there, the canoes are traded -all over the district, and indeed this is one of the most important -forms of trade in this part of the world. The <i lang="kij">masawa</i> -canoes are used and manufactured in the district of Dobu, in the -Amphletts, in the Trobriands, in Kitava and Iwa.</p> -<p>One point of great importance in the relation of these two forms of -canoe is that one of them has, within the last two generations, been -expanding at the expense of the other. According to reliable -information, gathered at several points in the Trobriands and the -Amphletts, the <i lang="kij">nagega</i> type, that is the heavier, more -seaworthy and better-sailing canoe, was driven out some time ago from -the Amphletts and Trobriands. The <i lang="kij">masawa</i>, in many -respects inferior, but less difficult to build, and swifter, has -supplanted the bigger type. In olden days, that is, about two or three -generations ago, the <i lang="kij">nagega</i> was used exclusively in -Iwa, Kitava, Kiriwina, Vakuta, and Sinaketa, while the Amphlettans and -the natives of Kayleula would usually use the <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, -though sometimes they would sail in <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoes. -Dobu was the real home and headquarters of the <i lang= -"kij">masawa</i>. When the shifting began, and when it was completed, I -could not ascertain. But the fact is that nowadays even the villages of -Kitava and Iwa manufacture the smaller <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe. -Thus, one of the most important cultural items is spreading from South -to North. There is, however, one point on which I could not obtain -definite information: that is, whether in the Trobriands the <i lang= -"kij">nagega</i> in olden days was imported from Kitava, or whether it -was manufactured locally by imported craftsmen (as is done even -nowadays in Kiriwina at times), or whether the Trobrianders themselves -knew how to make the big canoes. There is no doubt, however, that in -olden days, the natives of Kitava and Iwa used themselves to make the -<i lang="kij">nagega</i> canoes. The Kudayuri myth (see <a href= -"#ch12">Chapter XII</a>), and the connected magic, refer to this type -of canoe. Thus in this district at any rate, and probably in the -Trobriands and Amphletts as well, not only the use, but also the -manufacture of the bigger canoe has been superseded by that of the -smaller one, the <i lang="kij">masawa</i>, now found in all these -parts. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb146" href="#pb146" name= -"pb146">146</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4876" href="#xd26e4876src" name="xd26e4876">1</a></span> The -words within brackets in this and in some of the following spells are -free additions, necessary to make the meaning clear in the English -version. They are implied by the context in the native original, though -not explicitly contained. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e4876src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e4944" href="#xd26e4944src" name="xd26e4944">2</a></span> Compare -therefore <a href="#div12.4">Chapter XII, Division -IV</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e4944src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e5035" href="#xd26e5035src" name="xd26e5035">3</a></span> All this -is discussed at length in <a href="#div17.4">Chapter XVII, Division -IV</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e5035src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e5099" href="#xd26e5099src" name="xd26e5099">4</a></span> It is -necessary to be acquainted with the mythology of canoe-building and of -the Kula (<a href="#ch12">Chapter XII</a>) in order to understand -thoroughly the meaning of this spell. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e5099src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e5160" href="#xd26e5160src" name="xd26e5160">5</a></span> Compare -the linguistic analysis of this spell in <a href="#ch18">Chapter -XVIII</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e5160src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch6" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e556">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter VI</h2> -<h2 class="main">Launching of a Canoe and Ceremonial -Visiting—Tribal Economics in the Trobriands</h2> -<div id="div6.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The canoe, painted and decorated, stands now ready to -be launched, a source of pride to the owners and to the makers, and an -object of admiration to the other beholders. A new sailing craft is not -only another utility created; it is more: it is a new entity sprung -into being, something with which the future destinies of the sailors -will be bound up, and on which they will depend. There can be no doubt -that this sentiment is also felt by the natives and expressed in their -customs and behaviour. The canoe receives a personal name, it becomes -an object of intense interest to the whole district. Its qualities, -points of beauty, and of probable perfection or faultiness are -canvassed round the fires at night. The owner and his kinsmen and -fellow villagers will speak of it with the usual boasting and -exaggerations, and the others will all be very keen to see it, and to -watch its performances. Thus the institution of ceremonial launching is -not a mere formality prescribed by custom; it corresponds to the -psychological needs of the community, it rouses a great interest, and -is very well attended even when the canoe belongs to a small community. -When a big chief’s canoe is launched, whether that of -<span class="corr" id="xd26e5432" title= -"Source: Kasanai">Kasana’i</span> or Omarakana, Olivilevi or -Sinaketa, up to a thousand natives will assemble on the beach.</p> -<p>This festive and public display of a finished canoe, with its full -paint and ornament, is not only in harmony with the natives’ -sentiments towards a new sailing craft; it also agrees with the way -they treat in general the results of their economic activities. Whether -in gardening or in fishing, in the building of houses or in industrial -achievements, there is a tendency to display the products, to arrange -them, and even adorn at least certain classes of them, so as to produce -a big, æsthetic <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb147" href= -"#pb147" name="pb147">147</a>]</span>effect. In fishing, there are only -traces of this tendency, but in gardening, it assumes very great -proportions, and the handling, arranging and display of garden produce -is one of the most characteristic features of their tribal life, and it -takes up much time and work.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e5439src" href= -"#xd26e5439" name="xd26e5439src">1</a></p> -<p>Soon after the painting and adorning of the canoe, a date is fixed -for the ceremonial launching and trial run, the <i lang= -"kij">tasasoria</i> festivities, as they are called. Word is passed to -the chiefs and headmen of the neighbouring villages. Those of them who -own canoes and who belong to the same Kula community have always to -come with their canoes and take part in a sort of regatta held on the -occasion. As the new canoe is always constructed in connection with a -Kula expedition, and as the other canoes of the same Kula community -have to be either done up or replaced, it is the rule that on the -<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> day a whole fleet of brand new or renovated -canoes assemble on the beach, all resplendent in fresh colours and -decoration of cowrie shells and bleached pandanus streamers.</p> -<p>The launching itself is inaugurated with a rite of the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic), called <i lang="kij">Kaytalula wadola -waga</i> (“staining red of the mouth of the canoe”). After -the natives have taken off the plaited coco-nut leaves with which the -canoe is protected against the sun, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> -chants a spell over some red ochre, and stains both bow and stern of -the canoe. A special cowrie shell, attached to the prow-board (<i lang= -"kij">tabuyo</i>) is stained at each end. After that the canoe is -launched, the villagers pushing it into the water over pieces of wood -transversely placed which act as slips (see <a href="#pl30">Plate -XXX</a>). This is done amidst shouts and ululations, such as are made -on all occasions when some piece of work has to be done in a festive -and ceremonial manner, when, for instance, the harvest is brought in -and given ceremonially by a man to his brother-in-law, or when a gift -of yams or taro is laid down before a fisherman’s house by an -inland gardener, or the return gift of fish is made.</p> -<p>Thus the canoe is finally launched after the long series of mingled -work and ceremony, technical effort and magical rite.</p> -<p>After the launching is done, there takes place a feast, or, more -correctly, a distribution of food (<i lang="kij">sagali</i>) under -observation of all sorts of formalities and ritual. Such a distribution -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb148" href="#pb148" name= -"pb148">148</a>]</span>is always made when the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> has not built the canoe himself, and when he -therefore has to repay the cutter of the canoe and his helpers. It also -takes place whenever the canoe of a big chief is launched, in order to -celebrate the occasion, to show off his wealth and generosity, and to -give food to the many people who have been summoned to assist in the -construction.</p> -<p>After the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial distribution of food) -is over, as a rule, in the afternoon, the new canoe is rigged, the mast -is put up, the sail attached, and this and all the other boats make a -trial run. It is not a competitive race in the strict sense of the -word. The chief’s canoe, which indeed would as a rule be best and -fastest, in any case always wins the race. If it did not sail fastest, -the others would probably keep back. The trial run is rather a display -of the new canoe, side by side with the others.</p> -<p>In order to give one concrete illustration of the ceremonial -connected with canoe building and launching, it may be well to relate -an actual event. I shall therefore describe the <i lang= -"kij">tasasoria</i>, seen on the beach of Kaulukuba, in February, 1916, -when the new canoe of Kasana’i was launched. Eight canoes took -part in the trial run, that is, all the canoes of Kiriwina, which forms -what I have called the “Kula community,” the social group -who make their Kula expeditions in a body, and who have the same limits -within which they carry on their exchange of valuables.</p> -<div class="figure pl30width" id="pl30"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl30width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl30.jpg" alt="Launching of a Canoe" width="665" -height="401"> -<p class="figureHead">Launching of a Canoe</p> -<p>Nigada Bu’a, after its renovation, being pushed into the -water. (See <a href="#div6.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl31width" id="pl31"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl31width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl31.jpg" alt= -"The Tasasoria on the Beach of Kaulukuba" width="664" height="401"> -<p class="figureHead">The Tasasoria on the Beach of Kaulukuba</p> -<p>Stepping the masts and getting the sails ready for the run. In the -foreground, To’uluwa, the chief of Kiriwina, standing at the -mast, supervises the rigging of Nigada Bu’a. (See <a href= -"#div6.1">Div. I</a>)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl32width" id="pl32"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl32width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl32.jpg" alt="A Chiefs Yam House in Kasana’i" -width="667" height="416"> -<p class="figureHead">A Chiefs Yam House in Kasana’i</p> -<p>This illustrates the display of yams in the interstices between the -logs of the well, and the decorations of cocoanuts, running round the -gable, along the supports and the walls. This yam house was quite -recently put up and its barge boards had not yet been erected. (See -<a href="#div6.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl33width" id="pl33"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl33width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl33.jpg" alt="Filling a Yam House in Yalumugwa" -width="667" height="404"> -<p class="figureHead">Filling a Yam House in Yalumugwa</p> -<p>The yams are taken from the conical heaps and put into the <i lang= -"kij">bwayma</i> (store houses) by the brother-in-law (wife’s -brother) of the owner. Note the decorations on the gableûthe -owner being a <i lang="kij">gumguya’u</i> (chief of lower rank). -See <a href="#div6.4">Div. IV</a>.</p> -</div> -<p>The great event which was the cause of the building and renovating -of the canoes, was a Kula expedition planned by To’ulawa and his -Kula community. They were to go to the East, to Kitava, to Iwa or Gawa, -perhaps even to Muruwa (Woodlark Island), though with this island the -natives do not carry on the Kula directly. As is usual in such cases, -months before the approximate date of sailing, plans and forecasts were -made, stories of previous voyages were recounted, old men dwelt on -their own reminiscences and reported what they had been told by their -elders of the days when iron was unknown and everyone had to sail to -the East in order to get the green stone quarried in Suloga on Woodlark -Island. And so, as it always happens when future events are talked over -round village fires, imagination outran all bounds of probability; and -the hopes and anticipations grew bigger and bigger. In <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb149" href="#pb149" name="pb149">149</a>]</span>the -end, everyone really believed his party would go at least to the -Easternmost Marshall Bennetts (Gawa), whereas, as events turned out, -they did not sail beyond Kitava.</p> -<p>For this occasion a new canoe had to be constructed in -Kasana’i, and this was done by Ibena himself, the chief of that -village, a man of rank equal to the highest chief (his kinsman, in -fact) but of smaller power. Ibena is a skilled builder as well as a -fair carver, and there is no class of magic in which he does not -profess to be versed. The canoe was built, under his guidance; he -carved the boards himself, he also performed the magic, and he was, of -course, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>.</p> -<p>In Omarakana, the canoe had to be slightly altered in construction; -it had to be re-lashed and re-painted. To do this To’uluwa, the -chief, had summoned a master builder and carver from the island of -Kitava, the same one who a couple of years before, had built this -canoe. Also a new sail had to be made for the Omarakana boat, as the -old one was too small. The ceremony of <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> -(launching and regatta) ought by rights to have been held on the beach -of Kasana’i, but as its sister village, Omarakana, is so much -more important, it took place on Kaulukuba, the sea-shore of the -latter.</p> -<p>As the date approached, the whole district was alive with -preparations, since the coastal villages had to put their canoes in -order, while in the inland communities, new festive dresses and food -had to be made ready. The food was not to be eaten, but to be offered -to the chief for his <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial -distribution). Only in Omarakana, the women had to cook for a big -festive repast to be eaten on return from the <i lang= -"kij">tasasoria</i>. In the Trobriands it is always a sign that a -festive event is pending when all the women go in the evening to the -bush to collect plenty of firewood. Next morning, this will be used for -the <i lang="kij">kumkumuli</i>, the baking of food in the ground, -which is one of the forms of cooking used on festive occasions. On the -evening of the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> ceremony, people in -Omarakana and Kasana’i were also busy with the numerous other -preparations, running to the shore and back, filling baskets with yams -for the <i lang="kij">sagali</i>, getting ready their festive dress and -decorations for the morrow. Festive dress means, for a woman, a new -grass skirt, resplendent in fresh red, white and purple, and for the -man a newly bleached, snow-white pubic leaf, made of the stalk of areca -palm leaf. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb150" href="#pb150" name= -"pb150">150</a>]</span></p> -<p>Early in the morning of the appointed day, the food was packed into -baskets of plaited leaf, the personal apparel on top of it, all covered -as usual with folded mats and conveyed to the beach. The women carried -on their heads the large baskets, shaped like big inverted bells, the -men shouldered a stick with two bag-shaped baskets at each end. Other -men had to carry the oars, paddles, rigging and sail, as these -<span class="corr" id="xd26e5582" title= -"Source: paraphenalia">paraphernalia</span> are always kept in the -village. From one of the villages, one of the large, prismatic -receptacles for food made of sticks was carried by several men right -over the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i> (coral ridge) to be offered to the -chief of Omarakana as a share in the <i lang="kij">sagali</i>. The -whole village was astir, and on its outskirts, through the surrounding -groves, parties from inland could be seen making their way rapidly to -the shore. I left the village with a party of notables at about eight -o’clock in the morning. After leaving the grove of fruit and palm -trees which grows especially densely around the village of Omarakana, -we entered between the two walls of green, the usual monotonous -Trobriand road, which passes through the low scrub. Soon, emerging on a -garden space, we could see, beyond a gentle declivity, the rising slope -of the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i>, a mixture of rank vegetation with -monumental boulders of grey coral standing out here and there. Through -this, the path led on, following in an intricate course between small -precipices and towering outcrops, passing huge, ancient ficus trees, -spreading around them their many trunks and aerial roots. At the top of -the ridge, all of a sudden the blue sea shone through the foliage, and -the roar of waves breaking on the reef struck our ears. Soon we found -ourselves among the crowd assembled on the beach, near to the big -boat-shed of Omarakana.</p> -<p>By about nine o’clock, everybody was ready on the beach. It -was fully exposed to the Eastern sun, but this was not yet sufficiently -high to drop its light right from above, and thus to produce that -deadly effect of tropical mid-day, where the shadows instead of -modelling out the details, blur every vertical surface and make -everything dull and formless. The beach appeared bright and gaudy, and -the lively brown bodies looked well against the background of green -foliage and white sand. The natives were anointed with coco-nut oil, -and decorated with flowers and facial paint. Large red hibiscus -blossoms were stuck into their hair, and wreaths of the white, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb151" href="#pb151" name= -"pb151">151</a>]</span>wonderfully scented <i lang="kij">butia</i> -flowers crowned the dense black mops. There was a good display of ebony -carvings, sticks and lime spoons. There were decorated lime pots, and -such objects of personal adornment as belts of red shell discs or of -small cowrie shells, nose sticks (very rarely used nowadays), and other -articles so well known to everybody from ethnological collections in -museums, and usually called “ceremonial,” though, as said -above (<a href="#div3.3">Chapter III, Div. III</a>) the description -“objects of parade” would be much more in agreement with -the correct meaning of the words.</p> -<p>Such popular festivities as the one just being described are the -occasions on which these objects of parade, some of which astonish us -by their artistic perfection, appear in native life. Before I had -opportunities to see savage art in actual display, in its proper, -“living” setting, there seemed to me always to exist some -incongruity between the artistic finish of such objects and the general -crudity of savage life, a crudity marked precisely on the -æsthetic side. One imagines greasy, dirty, naked bodies, moppy -hair full of vermin, and other realistic features which make up -one’s idea of the “savage,” and in some respects -reality bears out imagination. As a matter of fact though, the -incongruity does not exist when once one has seen native art actually -displayed in its own setting. A festive mob of natives, with the -wonderful golden-brown colour of their skins brought out by washing and -anointing and set off by the gaudy white, red and black of facial -paint, feathers and ornaments, with their exquisitely carved and -polished ebony objects, with their finely worked lime pots, has a -distinct elegance of its own, without striking one as grotesque or -incongruous in any æsthetic detail. There is an evident harmony -between their festive mood, the display of colours and forms, and the -manner in which they put on and bear their ornaments.</p> -<p>Those who have come from a distance, and who would spoil their -decorations by the long march, wash with water and anoint themselves -with coco-nut grease immediately before arriving at the scene of -festivities. As a rule the best paint is put on later on, when the -climax of the proceedings approaches. On this occasion, after the -preliminaries (distribution of food, arrival of other canoes) were -over, and when the races were just going to be started, the aristocracy -of Omarakana—the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb152" href= -"#pb152" name="pb152">152</a>]</span>wives and children of -To’uluwa, his relatives and himself—withdrew behind the -shelters, near the boat shed, and proceeded to put on the red, white -and black of full facial paint. They crushed young betel-nut, mixed it -with lime, and put it on with the pestles of betel mortars; then some -of the aromatic black resin (<i lang="kij">sayaku</i>) and white lime -were applied. As the habit of mirrors is not quite well established yet -in the Trobriands, the painting was done by one person on the face of -another, and great care and patience were displayed on both sides.</p> -<p>The numerous crowd spent the day without taking much -refreshment—a feature strongly differentiating Kiriwinian -festivities from our ideal of an entertainment or picnic. No cooking -was done, and only a few bananas were eaten here and there, and green -coco-nuts were drunk and eaten. But even these refreshments were -consumed with great frugality.</p> -<p>As always on such occasions, the people collected together in sets, -the visitors from each village forming a group apart. The local natives -kept to their own boat houses, those of Omarakana and Kurokaiwa having -their natural centres on the beach of Kaulukuba. The other visitors -similarly kept together in their position on the beach, according to -their local distribution; thus, men from the Northern villages would -keep to the Northern section of the beach, those from the South would -stick to that point of the compass, so that villages which were -neighbours in reality would also be side by side on the shore. There -was no mingling in the crowd, and individuals would not walk about from -one group to another. The aristocrats, out of personal dignity, humble -folk because of a modesty imposed by custom, would keep in their -places. To’uluwa sat practically <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e5618" title="Not in source">still</span> during the whole -performance, on the platform erected for this purpose, except when he -went over to his boat, to trim it for the race.</p> -<p>The boat shed of Omarakana, round which the chief, his family and -the other villagers were grouped, was the centre of all the -proceedings. Under one of the palms, a fairly high platform was put up -to accommodate To’uluwa. In a row in front of the sheds and -shelters, there stood the prismatic food receptacles (<i lang= -"kij">pwata’i</i>). They had been erected by the inhabitants of -Omarakana and Kasana’i, on the previous day, and partially filled -with yams. The rest had to be supplied <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb153" href="#pb153" name="pb153">153</a>]</span>by people from the -other villages, on the day of the boat races. As the natives came to -the beach on that day, village after village, they brought their -contribution, and before settling down on their particular spot on the -shore, they paid a visit to the chief and offered him their tributes. -These would be put into one of the <i lang="kij">pwata’i</i>. All -the villages did not contribute their share, but the majority did, -though some of them brought only a few baskets. One of the villages -brought one complete <i lang="kij">pwata’i</i>, filled with yams, -and offered the whole to the chief.</p> -<p>In the meantime, the eight canoes arrived, including that of -Kasana’i, which had been ceremonially launched that morning with -the accompanying magical rite, on its own beach about half a mile away. -The canoe of Omarakana had also been launched on this morning (<a href= -"#pl30">Plate XXX</a>), and the same rite performed over it. It ought -to have been done by To’uluwa, the chief. As he, however, is -quite incapable of remembering magical spells—in fact, he never -does any of the magic which his rank and office impose on him—the -rite was performed on this occasion by one of his kinsmen. This is a -typical case of a rule very stringently formulated by all informants -when you ask about it, yet in reality often observed with laxity. If -you inquire directly, everyone will tell you that this rite, as all -others of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) has to be done by -the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. But every time when he ought to perform -it, To’uluwa will find some excuse, and delegate it to -another.</p> -<p>When all the canoes were present, as well as all the important -villages, at about eleven o’clock <span class="sc">a.m.</span>, -there took place the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial -distribution). The food was given to people from various villages, -especially such as took part in the races, or had assisted in the -building of the new canoe. So we see that food contributed by all the -villages before the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> was simply redistributed -among them, a considerable quantity having been added first by the -chief; and this indeed is the usual procedure at a <i lang= -"kij">sagali</i>. In this case, of course, the lion’s share was -taken by the Kitavans who helped at the building.</p> -<p>After the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> was over, the canoes were all -brought up to one spot, and the natives began to prepare them for the -race. The masts were stepped, the fastenings trimmed, the sails made -ready (see <a href="#pl31">Plate XXXI</a>). After that the canoes -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb154" href="#pb154" name= -"pb154">154</a>]</span>all put off and gathered about half a mile off -the shore, beyond the fringing reef; and at a sign given by some one on -one of them, they all started. As said before, such a run is not a race -properly speaking, in which the canoes would start scrupulously at the -same minute, have the same distance to cover, and which would clearly -show which is the fastest. In this case, it was merely, as always, a -review of the boats sailing along as well as they were able, a review -in which they all began to move, more or less at the same time, went in -the same direction, and covered practically the same distance.</p> -<p>As to the time table of the events, the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> was -over before mid-day. There was a pause; and then, at about one p.m., -the natives began rigging the canoes. Then all hands had a spell, and -not before three p.m. were the races started. The whole affair was over -by about four o’clock, and half an hour later, the boats from the -other villages started to sail home, the people on the shore dispersed, -so that by sunset, that is, about six o’clock, the beach was -almost deserted.</p> -<p>Such was the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> ceremony which I saw in -February, 1916. It was a fine sight from the spectacular point of view. -A superficial onlooker could have hardly perceived any sign of white -man’s influence or interference. I was the only white man -present, and besides myself only some two or three native missionary -teachers were dressed in white cotton. Amongst the rest of us there -could be seen sparsely a coloured rag, tied round as a neckerchief or -head-dress. But otherwise there was only a swarm of naked brown bodies, -shining with coco-nut oil, adorned in new festive dress, with here and -there the three-coloured grass skirt of a woman (see Plates <a href= -"#pl30">XXX</a> and <a href="#pl31">XXXI</a>).</p> -<p>But alas, for one who could look below the surface and read the -various symptoms of decay, deep changes would be discernible from what -must have been the original conditions of such a native gathering. In -fact, some three generations ago, even its appearances would have been -different. The natives then would have been armed with shields and -spears; some would have borne decorative weapons, such as the big -sword-clubs of hard wood, or massive ebony cudgels, or small -throwing-sticks. A closer inspection would have shown many more -decorations and ornaments, such as nose-sticks, finely carved lime -spatulæ, gourds with burnt-in designs, some of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb155" href="#pb155" name= -"pb155">155</a>]</span>which are now out of use, or those used of -inferior workmanship or without decoration.</p> -<p>But other and much deeper changes have taken place in the social -conditions. Three generations ago both the canoes in the water and the -people on the shore would have been more numerous. As mentioned above, -in the olden days there would have been some twenty canoes in Kiriwina, -as against eight at the present time. Again, the far stronger influence -of the chief, and the much greater relative importance of the event -would have attracted a larger proportion out of the then more numerous -population. Nowadays, other interests, such as diving for pearls, -working on white man’s plantations, divert the native attention, -while many events connected with Missions, Government and trading, -eclipse the importance of old customs.</p> -<p>Again, the people on the shore would have had to adhere in olden -days even more closely to the local distribution, men of the same -village community keeping together still more strictly, and looking -with mistrust and perhaps even hostility, at other groups, especially -those with whom they had hereditary feuds. The general tension would -often be broken by squabbles or even miniature fights, especially at -the moment of dispersing, and on the way home.</p> -<p>One of the important features of the performance, and the one of -which the natives think perhaps most—the display of -food—would also have been quite different. The chief whom I saw -sitting on a platform surrounded by a few wives only, and with small -attendance would, under the old conditions, have been the owner of -thrice as many wives and consequently relatives-in-law, and as it is -these from whom he derives most of his income, he would have provided a -much bigger <i lang="kij">sagali</i> than he is able to do -nowadays.</p> -<p>Three generations ago the whole event would have been much more -solemn and dramatic to the natives. The very distance to the -neighbouring island of Kitava is nowadays dwarfed. In the past, it -would not, as now, be quickly obliterated by a white man’s -steam-launch. Then, the canoes on the beach were the only means of -arriving there, and their value in the eyes of the natives must have, -therefore, been even higher, although they think so much of them now. -The outlines of the distant island and the small fleet of canoes on -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb156" href="#pb156" name= -"pb156">156</a>]</span>the beach formed for the natives the first act -of a big over seas expedition, an event of far deeper significance to -them then than now. A rich haul of arm-shells, the arrival of many -much-coveted utilities, the bringing back of news from the far-off -land, all this meant much more in older days than it can mean at -present. War, dancing, and the Kula supplied tribal life with its -romantic and heroic elements. Nowadays, with war prohibited by the -Government, with dancing discredited by missionary influence, the Kula -alone remains, and even that is stripped of some of its glamour.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div6.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Before we proceed to the next stage, we must pause in -following the events of a Kula expedition, and consider one or two -points of more general importance. I have touched in the narrative, but -not dwelt upon, certain problems of the sociology of work. At the -outset of the preceding chapter it was mentioned that canoe-building -requires a definite organisation of work, and in fact we saw that in -the course of construction, various kinds of labour were employed, and -more especially towards the end, much use was made of communal labour. -Again, we saw that during the launching ceremony payment was given by -the owner to the expert and his helpers. These two points therefore, -the organisation of labour and communal labour in particular, and the -system of payment for experts’ work must be here developed.</p> -<p><i>Organisation of Labour</i>.—First of all, it is important -to realise that a Kiriwinian is capable of working well, efficiently -and in a continuous manner. But he must work under an effective -incentive: he must be prompted by some duty imposed by tribal -standards, or he must be lured by ambitions and values also dictated by -custom and tradition. Gain, such as is often the stimulus for work in -more civilised communities, never acts as an impulse to work under the -original native conditions. It succeeds very badly, therefore, when a -white man tries to use this incentive to make a native work.</p> -<p>This is the reason why the traditional view of the lazy and indolent -native is not only a constant refrain of the average white settler, but -finds its way into good books of travel, and even serious ethnographic -records. With us, labour is, or was till fairly recently, a commodity -sold as any other, in the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb157" href= -"#pb157" name="pb157">157</a>]</span>open market. A man accustomed to -think in terms of current economic theory will naturally apply the -conceptions of supply and demand to labour, and he applies them -therefore to native labour. The untrained person does the same, though -in less sophisticated terms, and as they see that the native will not -work well for the white man, even if tempted by considerable payment -and treated fairly well, they conclude that his capacity for labour is -very small. This error is due to the same cause which lies at the -bottom of all our misconceptions about people of different cultures. If -you remove a man from his social milieu, you <i lang="la">eo ipso</i> -deprive him of almost all his stimuli to moral steadfastness and -economic efficiency and even of interest in life. If then you measure -him by moral, legal or economic standards, also essentially foreign to -him, you cannot but obtain a caricature in your estimate.</p> -<p>But the natives are not only capable of energetic, continuous and -skilful work; their social conditions also make it possible for them to -employ organised labour. At the beginning of <a href="#ch4">Chapter -IV</a>, the sociology of canoe-building was given in outline, and now, -after the details of its successive stages have been filled in, it is -possible to confirm what has been said there, and draw some conclusions -as to this organisation of labour. And first, as we are using this -expression so often, I must insist again on the fact that the natives -are capable of it, and that this contention is not a truism, as the -following considerations should show. The just mentioned view of the -lazy, individualistic and selfish savage, who lives on the bounties of -nature as they fall ripe and ready for him, implicitly precludes the -possibility of his doing effective work, <i>integrated into an -organised effort by social forces</i>. Again, the view, almost -universally accepted by specialists, is that the lowest savages are in -the pre-economic stage of individualistic search for food, whereas the -more developed ones, such as the Trobrianders, for instance, live at -the stage of isolated household economy. This view also ignores, when -it does not deny explicitly, the possibility of socially organised -labour.</p> -<p>The view generally held is that, in native communities each -individual works for himself, or members of a household work so as to -provide each family with the necessities of life. Of course, a canoe, -even a <i lang="kij">masawa</i>, could obviously be made by the members -of a household, though with less efficiency <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb158" href="#pb158" name="pb158">158</a>]</span>and -in a longer time. So that there is <i lang="la">a priori</i> nothing to -foretell whether organised labour, or the unaided efforts of an -individual or a small group of people should be used in the work. As a -matter of fact, we have seen in canoe-building a number of men engaged -in performing each a definite and difficult task, though united to one -purpose. The tasks were differentiated in their sociological setting; -some of the workers were actually to own the canoe; others belonged to -a different community, and did it only as an act of service to the -chief. Some worked in order to derive direct benefit from the use of -the canoe, others were to be paid. We saw also that the work of -felling, of scooping, of decorating, would in some cases be performed -by various men, or it might be performed by one only. Certainly the -minute tasks of lashing, caulking and painting, as well as sail-making, -were done by communal labour as opposed to individual. And all these -different tasks were directed towards one aim: the providing the chief -or headman with the title of ownership of a canoe, and his whole -community with its use.</p> -<p>It is clear that this differentiation of tasks, co-ordinated to a -general purpose, requires a well developed social apparatus to back it -up, and that on the other hand, this social mechanism must be -associated and permeated with economic elements. There must be a chief, -regarded as representative of a group; he must have certain formal -rights and privileges, and a certain amount of authority, and also he -must dispose of part of the wealth of the community. There must also be -a man or men with knowledge sufficient to direct and co-ordinate the -technical operations. All this is obvious. But it must be clearly set -forth that the real force which binds all the people and ties them down -in their tasks is obedience to custom, to tradition.</p> -<p>Every man knows what is expected from him, in virtue of his -position, and he does it, whether it means the obtaining of a -privilege, the performance of a task, or the acquiescence in a <i lang= -"la">status quo</i>. He knows that it always has been thus, and thus it -is all around him, and thus it always must remain. The chief’s -authority, his privileges, the customary give and take which exist -between him and the community, all that is merely, so to speak, the -mechanism through which the force of tradition acts. For there is no -organised physical means <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb159" href= -"#pb159" name="pb159">159</a>]</span>by which those in authority could -enforce their will in a case like this. Order is kept by direct force -of everybody’s adhesion to custom, rules and laws, by the same -psychological influences which in our society prevent a man of the -world doing something which is not “the right thing.” The -expression “might is right” would certainly not apply to -Trobriand society. “Tradition is right, and what is right -<i>has</i> might”—this rather is the rule governing the -social forces in Boyowa, and I dare say in almost all native -communities at this stage of culture.</p> -<p>All the details of custom, all the magical formulæ, the whole -fringe of ceremonial and rite which accompany canoe-building, all these -things add weight to the social scheme of duties. The importance of -magical ideas and rites as integrating forces has been indicated at the -outset of this description. It is easy to see how all the appurtenances -of ceremony, that is, magic, decoration, and public attendance welded -together into one whole with labour, serve to put order and -organisation into it.</p> -<p>Another point must be enlarged upon somewhat more. I have spoken of -<i>organised labour</i>, and of <i>communal labour</i>. These two -conceptions are not synonymous, and it is well to keep them apart. As -already defined, organised labour implies the co-operation of several -socially and economically different elements. It is quite another -thing, however, when a number of people are engaged side by side, -performing the same work, without any technical division of labour, or -social differentiation of function. Thus, the whole enterprise of -canoe-building is, in Kiriwina, the result of <i>organised labour</i>. -But the work of some twenty to thirty men, who side by side do the -lashing or caulking of the canoe, is <i>communal labour</i>. This -latter form of work has a great psychological advantage. It is much -more stimulating and more interesting, and it allows of emulation, and -therefore of a better quality of work. For one or two men, it would -require about a month to do the work which twenty to thirty men can do -in a day. In certain cases, as in the pulling of the heavy log from the -jungle to the village, the joining of forces is almost indispensable. -True, the canoe could be scooped out in the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i>, -and then a few men might be able to pull it along, applying some skill. -But it would entail great hardships. Thus, in some cases, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb160" href="#pb160" name= -"pb160">160</a>]</span>communal labour is of extreme importance, and in -all casesit furthers the course of work considerably. Sociologically, -it is important, because it implies mutual help, exchange of services, -and solidarity in work within a wide range.</p> -<p>Communal labour is an important factor in the tribal economy of the -Trobriand natives. They resort to it in the building of living-huts and -storehouses, in certain forms of industrial work, and in the transport -of things, especially at harvest time, when great quantities of produce -have to be shifted from one village to another, often over a great -distance. In fishing, when several canoes go out together and fish each -for itself, then we cannot speak of communal labour. When on the other -hand, they fish in one band, each canoe having an appointed task, as is -sometimes done, then we have to do with organised labour. Communal -labour is also based upon the duties of <i lang="kij">urigubu</i>, or -relatives-in-law. That is, a man’s relatives-in-law have to -assist him, whenever he needs their co-operation. In the case of a -chief, there is an assistance on a grand scale, and whole villages will -turn out. In the case of a commoner, only a few people will help. There -is always a distribution of food after the work has been done, but this -can hardly be considered as payment, for is is not proportional to the -work each individual does.</p> -<p>By far the most important part communal labour has to play, is in -gardening. There are as many as five different forms of communal labour -in the gardens, each called by a different name, and each distinct in -its sociological nature. When a chief or headman summons the members of -a village community, and they agree to do their gardens communally, it -is called <i lang="kij">tamgogula</i>. When this is decided upon, and -the time grows near for cutting the scrub for new gardens, a festive -eating is held on the central place, and there all men go, and <i lang= -"kij">takayva</i> (cut down) the scrub on the chief’s plot. After -that, they cut in turn the garden plots of everyone, all men working on -the one plot during a day, and getting on that day food from the owner. -This procedure is reproduced at each successive stage of gardening; at -the fencing, planting of yams, bringing in supports, and finally, at -the weeding, which is done by women. At certain stages, the gardening -is often done by each one working for himself, namely at the clearing -of the gardens after they are burnt, at the cleaning of the roots -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb161" href="#pb161" name= -"pb161">161</a>]</span>of yams when they begin to produce tubers, and -at harvesting.</p> -<p>There are, as a rule, several communal feasts during the progress, -and one at the end of a <i lang="kij">tamgogula</i> period. Gardens are -generally worked in this fashion, in years when big ceremonial dancing -or some other tribal festivity is held. This usually makes the work -very late, and it has then to be done quickly and energetically, and -communal labour has evidently been found suitable for this purpose.</p> -<p>When several villages agree to work their gardens by communal -labour, this is called <i lang="kij">lubalabisa</i>. The two forms do -not differ very much except by name, and also by the fact that, in the -latter form, more than one chief or headman has to direct the process. -The <i lang="kij">lubalabisa</i> would only be held when there are -several small villages, clustered together, as is the case in the -village compounds of Sinaketa, Kavataria, Kabwaku or Yalaka.</p> -<p>When a chief or headman, or man of wealth and influence summons his -dependents or his relatives-in-law to work for him, the name <i lang= -"kij">kabutu</i> is given to the proceedings. The owner has to give -food to all those co-operating. A <i lang="kij">kabutu</i> may be -instituted for one bit of gardening, for example, a headman may invite -his villagers to do his cutting for him, or his planting or his -fencing. It is clear that whenever communal labour is required by one -man in the construction of his house or yam store, the labour is of the -<i lang="kij">kabutu</i> type, and it is thus called by the -natives.</p> -<p>The fourth form of communal labour is called <i lang= -"kij">ta’ula</i>, and takes place whenever a number of villagers -agree to do one stage of gardening in common, on the basis of -reciprocity. No great or special payments take place. The same sort of -communal labour extending over all stages of gardening, is called -<i lang="kij">kari’ula</i>, and it may be counted as the fifth -form of communal labour in the gardens. Finally, a special word, -<i lang="kij">tavile’i</i>, is used when they wish to say that -the gardens are done by individual labour, and that everyone works on -his own plot. It is a rule, however, that the chief’s plots, -especially those of an influential chief of high rank, are always -gardened by communal labour, and this latter is also used with regard -to certain privileged plots, on which, in a given year, the garden -magic is performed first, and with the greatest display. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb162" href="#pb162" name="pb162">162</a>]</span></p> -<p>Thus there is a number of distinct forms of communal labour, and -they show many more interesting features which cannot be mentioned in -this short outline. The communal labour used in canoe-building is -obviously of the <i lang="kij">kabutu</i> type. In having a canoe made, -the chief is able to summon big numbers of the inhabitants of a whole -district, the headman of an important village receives the assistance -of his whole community, whereas a man of small importance, such as one -of the smaller headmen of Sinaketa or Vakuta, would have to rely on his -fellow villagers and relations-in-law. In all these cases, it would be -the call of duty, laid down by custom, which would make them work. The -payment would be of secondary importance, though in certain -circumstances, it would be a considerable one. The distribution of food -during launching forms such a payment, as we have seen in Division I of -this chapter. In olden days, a meal of Pigs, an abundance of betel-nut -and coco-nut and sugar cane would have made a veritable feast for the -natives.</p> -<p>Another point of importance from the economic aspect is the payment -given by the chief to the builder of the canoe. The canoe of Omarakana -was made, as we saw, for To’uluwa by a specialist from Kitava, -who was well paid with a quantity of food, pigs and <i lang= -"kij">vaygua</i> (native valuables). Nowadays, when the power of the -chiefs is broken, when they have much less wealth than formerly to back -up their position, and cannot use even the little force they ever did -and when the general breaking up of custom has undermined the -traditional deference and loyalty of their subjects, the production of -canoes and other forms of wealth by the specialist for the chief is -only a vestige of what it once was. In olden days it was, economically, -one of the most important features of the Trobriand tribal life. In the -construction of the canoe, Which a chief in olden days would never -build himself, we meet with an example of this.</p> -<p>Here it will be enough to say that whenever a canoe is built for a -chief or headman by a builder, this has to be paid for by an initial -gift of food. Then, as long as the man is at work, provisional gifts of -food are given him. If he lives away from home, like the Kitavan -builder on the beach of Omarakana, he is fed by the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> and supplied with dainties such as coco-nut, -betel-nut, pigs’ flesh, fish and fruits. When he works -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb163" href="#pb163" name= -"pb163">163</a>]</span>in his own home, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> -will bring him choice food at frequent intervals, inspecting, as he -does so, the progress of the work. This feeding of the worker or -bringing him extra choice food is called <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>. -After the canoe is finished, a substantial gift is given to the -master-builder during the ceremonial distribution of food. The proper -amount would be a few hundred basketfuls of yams, a pig or two, bunches -of betel-nut, and a great number of coco-nuts; also, a large stone -blade or a pig, or a belt of red shell discs, and some smaller <i lang= -"kij">vaygua</i> of the non-Kula type.</p> -<p>In Vakuta, where chieftainship is not very distinct, and the -difference in wealth less great, a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> also has -to feed the workers during the time of hollowing out, preparing, and -building a canoe. Then, after the caulking, some fifty <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e5854" title="Source: basketsful">basketfuls</span> are -given to the builder. After the launching and trial run, this builder -gives a rope, symbol of the canoe, to his wife, who, blowing the conch -shell, presents the rope to the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. He, on the -spot, gives her a bunch of betel or bananas. Next day, a considerable -present of food, known as <i lang="kij">yomelu</i>, is given by the -chief, and then at the next harvest, another fifty or sixty basketfuls -of yams as <i lang="kij">karibudaboda</i> or closing up gift.</p> -<p>I have chosen the data from two concrete cases, one noted in -Kiriwina, the other in Vakuta—that is, in the district where the -chief’s power is greatest, and in that where there never has been -more than a rudimentary distance in rank and wealth between chief and -commoner. In both cases there is a payment, but in Kiriwina the payment -is greater. In Vakuta, it is obviously rather an exchange of services, -whereas in Kiriwina the chief maintains, as well as rewards his -builder. In both cases we have the exchange of skilled services against -maintenance by supply of food.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div6.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We shall pass now to the next ceremonial and customary -performance in the succession of Kula events, to the display of a new -canoe to the friends and relatives of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. -This custom is called <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>. The <i lang= -"kij">tasasoria</i> (launching and trial run) is obviously at the same -time the last act of ship-building, and by its associated magical rite, -by the foretaste of sailing, it is also one of the beginning stages of -the Kula. The <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> being a presentation of the -new canoe, belongs <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb164" href="#pb164" -name="pb164">164</a>]</span>to the series of building ceremonials; but -in so far as it is a provisioning trip, it belongs to the Kula.</p> -<p>The canoe is manned with the usual crew, it is rigged and fitted out -with all its paraphernalia, such as paddles, baler, and conch shell, -and it sets out on a short trip to the beaches of the neighbouring -villages. When the canoe belongs to a compound settlement like -Sinaketa, then it will stop at every beach of the sister villages. The -conch shell is blown, and people in the village will know “The -<i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> men have arrived.” The crew remains -in the canoe, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> goes ashore, taking one -paddle with him. He goes to the house of his fellow-headman, and -thrusts the paddle into the frame of the house, with the words: -“I offer thee thy <i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamer); -take a <i lang="kij">vaygua</i> (valuable), catch a pig and break the -head of my new canoe.” To which the local headman will -answer—giving a present: “This is the <i lang= -"kij">katuvisala dabala</i> (the breaking of the head) of thy new -canoe!” This is an example of the quaint, customary wording used -in the exchange of gifts, and in other ceremonial transactions. The -<i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamer) is often used as a symbol -for the canoe, in magical spells, in customary expressions, and in -idiomatic terms of speech. Bleached pandanus streamers are tied to the -mast, rigging and sail; a specially medicated strip is often attached -to the prow of the canoe to give it speed, and there is also other -<i lang="kij">bisila</i> magic to make a district partner inclined for -Kula.</p> -<p>The gifts given are not always up to the standard of those mentioned -in the above customary phrase. The <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>, -especially from the neighbouring villages, often brings only a few -mats, a few dozen coco-nuts, some betel-nut, a couple of paddles, and -such articles of minor value. And even in these trifles there is not -much gain from the short <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>. For as we know, -at the beginning of the Kula all the canoes of, say, Sinaketa or -Kiriwina are either rebuilt or renewed. What therefore one canoe -receives on its <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> round, from all the -others, will have to be more or less returned to them, when they in -their turn <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> one after the other. Soon -afterwards, however, on an appointed day, all the canoes sail together -on a visit to the other districts, and on this <i lang= -"kij">kabigidoya</i>, they receive as a rule much more substantial -presents, and these they will only have to return much later, after a -year or two, when the visited district will come back to them on their -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb165" href="#pb165" name= -"pb165">165</a>]</span>own <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>. Thus, when the -canoes of Kirwina are built and renovated for a big Kula expedition, -they will sail South along the coast, and stop first in Olivilevi, -receiving presents from the chief there, and walking on a round of the -inland villages of Luba. Then they will proceed to the next sea -village, that of Wawela, leaving their canoes there, and going from -there across to Sinaketa. Thence they proceed still further South, to -Vakuta. The villages on the Lagoon, such as Sinaketa and Vakuta, will -return these visits, sailing North along the Western shore on the -Lagoon side. Then they stop at Tukwaukwa or Kavataria, and from there -walk inland to Kiriwina, where they receive presents (see <a href= -"#map4">Map IV</a>, p. 50).</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> trips of the Vakutans and -Sinaketans are more important than those of the Northern or Eastern -districts, because they are combined with a preliminary trade, in which -the visitors replenish their stock of goods, which they will need -presently on their trip South to Dobu. The reader will remember that -Kuboma is the industrial district of the Trobriands, where are -manufactured most of the useful articles, for which these islands are -renowned in the whole of Eastern New Guinea. It lies in the Northern -half of the island, and from Kiriwina it is only a few miles walk, but -to reach it from Sinaketa or Vakuta it is necessary to sail North. The -Southern villages therefore go to Kavataria, and from there walk inland -to Bwoytalu, Luya, Yalaka and Kadukwaykela, where they make their -purchases. The inhabitants of these villages also when they hear that -the Sinaketans are anchored in Kavataria, bring their wares to the -canoes.</p> -<p>A brisk trade is carried on during the day or two that the -Sinaketans remain in Kavataria. The natives of Kuboma are always eager -to buy yams, as they live in an unfertile district, and devote -themselves more to industrial productions than to gardening. And they -are still more eager to acquire coco-nuts and betel-nut, of which they -have a great scarcity. They desire besides to receive in exchange for -their produce the red shell discs manufactured in Sinaketa and Vakuta, -and the turtle-shell rings. For objects of great value, the Sinaketans -would give the big clay pots which they receive directly from the -Amphletts. For that they obtain different articles according to the -villages with which they are exchanging. From Bwoytalu, they get the -wonderfully fashioned and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb166" href= -"#pb166" name="pb166">166</a>]</span>decorated wooden dishes of various -sizes, depths and finish, made out of either hard or soft wood; from -Bwaytelu, Wabutuma and Buduwaylaka, armlets of plaited fern fibre, and -wooden combs; from Buduwaylaka, Yalaka, and Kadukwaykela, lime pots of -different qualities and sizes. From the villages of Tilataula, the -district North-east of Kuboma, the polished axe blades used to be -acquired in olden days.</p> -<p>I shall not enter into the technicalities of this exchange, nor -shall I give here the approximate list of prices which obtain. We shall -have to follow the traded goods further on to Dobu, and there we shall -see how they change hands again, and under what conditions. This will -allow us to compare the prices and thus to gauge the nature of the -transaction as a whole. It will be better therefore to defer all -details till then.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div6.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Here, however, its seems necessary to make another -digression from the straight narrative of the Kula, and give an outline -of the various forms of trade and exchange as we find them in the -Trobriands. Indeed, the main theme of this volume is the Kula, a form -of exchange, and I would be untrue to my chief principle of method, -were I to give the description of one form of exchange torn out of its -most intimate context; that is, were I to give an account of the Kula -without giving at least a general outline of the forms of Kiriwinian -payments and gifts and barter.</p> -<p>In <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, speaking of some features of -Trobriand tribal life, I was led to criticise the current views of -primitive economic man. They depict him as a being indolent, -independent, happy-go-lucky, yet at the same time governed exclusively -by strictly rational and utilitarian motives, and logical and -consistent in his behaviour. In this chapter again, in <a href= -"#div6.2">Division II</a>, I pointed out another fallacy implied in -this conception, a fallacy which declares that a savage is capable only -of very simple, unorganised and unsystematic forms of labour. Another -error more or less explicitly expressed in all writings on primitive -economics, is that the natives possess only rudimentary forms of trade -and exchange; that these forms play no essential part in the tribal -life, are carried on only spasmodically and at rare intervals, and as -necessity dictates. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb167" href="#pb167" -name="pb167">167</a>]</span></p> -<p>Whether we have to deal with the wide-spread fallacy of the -primitive Golden Age, characterised mainly by the absence of any -distinction between <i>mine</i> and <i>thine</i>; or whether we take -the more sophisticated view, which postulates stages of individual -search for food, and of isolated household catering; or if we consider -for the moment the numerous theories which see nothing in primitive -economics but simple pursuits for the maintenance of existence—in -none of these can we find reflected even a hint of the real state of -affairs as found in the Trobriands; namely, that <i>the whole tribal -life is permeated by a constant give and take</i>; that every ceremony, -every legal and customary act is done to the accompaniment of material -gift and counter gift; that wealth, given and taken, is one of the main -instruments of social organisation, of the power of the chief, of the -bonds of kinship, and of relationship in law.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e5973src" href="#xd26e5973" name="xd26e5973src">2</a></p> -<p>These views on primitive trade, prevalent though erroneous, appear -no doubt quite consistent, that is, if we grant certain premises. Now -these premises seem plausible, and yet they are false, and it will be -good to have a careful look at them so that we can discard them once -and for all. They are based on some sort of reasoning, such as the -following one: If, in tropical conditions, there is a plenty of all -utilities, why trouble about exchanging them? Then, why attach any -value to them? Is there any reason for striving after wealth, where -everyone can have as much as he wants without much effort? Is there -indeed any room for value, if this latter is the result of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb168" href="#pb168" name= -"pb168">168</a>]</span>scarcity as well as utility, in a community, in -which all the useful things are plentiful? On the other hand, in those -savage communities where the necessities of life are scarce, there is -obviously no possibility of accumulating them, and thus creating -wealth.</p> -<div class="figure pl34width" id="pl34"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl34width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXIV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl34.jpg" alt= -"Display of Pigs and Yams at a Distribution (Sagali)" width="668" -height="406"> -<p class="figureHead">Display of Pigs and Yams at a Distribution -(Sagali)</p> -<p>All food to be given away is several times displayed before, during, -and after the ceremony. Exhibiting of food in large, prismatic -receptacles (<i lang="kij">pwata’i</i>) is one of the typical -features of Trobriand custom. (See <a href="#div6.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl35width" id="pl35"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl35width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl35.jpg" alt= -"Communal Cooking of Mona (Taro Dumplings)" width="662" height="387"> -<p class="figureHead">Communal Cooking of Mona (Taro Dumplings)</p> -<p>Large <span class="corr" id="xd26e6003" title= -"Source: claypots">clay-pots</span>, imported from the Amphletts, are -used for the purpose; in these, coco-nut oil is brought to a boil, -pieces of pounded taro being thrown in afterwards, while a man stirs -the contents with a long, decorated, wooden ladle.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl36width" id="pl36"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl36width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXVI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl36.jpg" alt= -"Scene in the Wasi (Ceremonial Exchange of Vegetables for Fish)" width= -"667" height="420"> -<p class="figureHead">Scene in the Wasi (Ceremonial Exchange of -Vegetables for Fish)</p> -<p>The inland party have brought their yams by boat to the village of -Oburaku, which is practically inaccessible by land. They are putting up -the vegetables into square, wooden crates in order to carry them -ceremonially and to place each before the partner’s house.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl37width" id="pl37"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl37width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXVII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl37.jpg" alt= -"Vava, Direct Barter of Vegetables for Fish" width="664" height="406"> -<p class="figureHead">Vava, Direct Barter of Vegetables for Fish</p> -<p>In the picture, the inland natives exchange bundles of taro directly -for fish, without observing the rites and ceremonies obligatory in a -<i lang="kij">wasi</i>. (See <a href="#div6.6">Div. VI</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>Again, since, in savage communities, whether bountifully or badly -provided for by nature, everyone has the same free access to all the -necessities, is there any need to exchange them? Why give a basketful -of fruit or vegetables, if everybody has practically the same quantity -and the same means of procuring it? Why make a present of it, if it -cannot be returned except in the same form?<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6033src" href="#xd26e6033" name="xd26e6033src">3</a></p> -<p>There are two main sources of error at the bottom of this faulty -reasoning. The first is that the relation of the savage to material -goods is a purely rational one, and that consequently, in his -conditions, there is no room for wealth or value. The second erroneous -assumption is that there can be no need for exchange if anyone and -everyone can, by industry and skill, produce all that represents value -through its quantity or its quality.</p> -<p>As regards the first proposition, it is not true either with regard -to what may be called primary wealth, that is, food stuffs, nor with -regard to articles of luxury, which are by no means absent in Trobriand -society. First as to food-stuffs, they are not merely regarded by the -natives as nourishment, not merely valued because of their utility. -They accumulate them not so much because they know that yams can be -stored and used for a future date, but also because they like to -display their possessions in food. Their yam houses are built so that -the quantity of the food can be gauged, and its quality ascertained -through the wide interstices between the beams (see Plates <a href= -"#pl32">XXXII</a> and <a href="#pl33">XXXIII</a>). The yams are so -arranged that the best specimens come to the outside and are well -visible. Special <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb169" href="#pb169" -name="pb169">169</a>]</span>varieties of yams, which grow up to two -metres length, and weigh as much as several kilograms each, are framed -in wood and decorated with paint, and hung on the outside of the yam -houses. That the right to display food is highly valued can be seen -from the fact that in villages where a chief of high rank resides, the -commoners’ storehouses have to be closed up with coco-nut leaves, -so as not to compete with his.</p> -<p>All this shows that the accumulation of food is not only the result -of economic foresight, but also prompted by the desire of display and -enhancement of social prestige through possession of wealth.</p> -<p>When I speak about ideas underlying accumulation of food stuffs in -the Trobriands, I refer to the present, actual psychology of the -natives, and I must emphatically declare that I am not offering here -any conjectures about the “origins” or about the -“history” of the customs and their psychology, leaving this -to theoretical and comparative research.</p> -<p>Another institution which illuminates the native ideas about food -storage is the magic called <i lang="kij">vilamalya</i>, performed over -the crops after harvest, and at one or two other stages. This magic is -intended to make the food last long. Before the store-house is filled -with yams, the magician places a special kind of heavy stone on the -floor, and recites a long magical spell. On the evening of the same -day, after the food houses have been filled, he spits over them with -medicated ginger root, and he also performs a rite over all the roads -entering into the village, and over the central place. All this will -make food plentiful in that village, and will make the supplies last -long. But, and this is the important point for us, this magic is -conceived to act, not on the food, but on the inhabitants of the -village. It makes their appetites poor, it makes them, as the natives -put it, inclined to eat wild fruit of the bush, the mango and bread -fruit of the village grove, and refuse to eat yams, or at least be -satisfied with very little. They will boast that when this magic is -performed well, half of the yams will rot away in the storehouses, and -be thrown on the <i lang="kij">wawa</i>, the rubbish heap at the back -of the houses, to make room for the new harvest. Here again we meet the -typical idea that the main aim of accumulating food is to keep it -exhibited in the yam houses till it rots, and then can be replaced by a -new étalage. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb170" href="#pb170" -name="pb170">170</a>]</span></p> -<p>The filling of the storehouses involves a double display of food, -and a good deal of ceremonial handling. When the tubers are taken out -of the ground they are first displayed in the gardens. A shed of poles -is erected, and covered with <i lang="kij">taitu</i> vine, which is -thrown thickly over it. In such arbours, a circle is pegged out on the -ground, and within this the <i lang="kij">taitu</i> (the ordinary small -yams of the Trobriands which form the staple harvest) are carefully -piled up into a conical heap. A great deal of care is lavished on this -task, the biggest are selected, scrupulously cleaned, and put on the -outside of the heap. After a fortnight or more of keeping the yams in -the garden, where they are much admired by visiting parties, the owner -of the garden plot summons a party of friends or relatives-in-law, and -these transport them into a village. As we know already, from <a href= -"#ch2">Chapter II</a>, such yams will be offered to the owner’s -sister’s husband. It is to his village that they are brought, -where again they are displayed in conical heaps, placed before his yam -house. Only after they have thus remained for several -days—sometimes up to a fortnight—are they put into the -storehouse (see <a href="#pl33">Plate XXXIII</a>).</p> -<p>Indeed, it would be enough for anyone to see how the natives handle -the yams, how they admire big tubers, how they pick out freaks and -sports and exhibit them, to realise that there is a deep, socially -standardised sentiment centring round this staple product of their -gardens. In many phases of their ceremonial life, big displays of food -form the central feature. Extensive mortuary distributions called -<i lang="kij">sagali</i>, are, in one of their aspects, enormous -exhibitions of food, connected with their re-apportionment (see -<a href="#pl34">Plate XXXIV</a>). At harvest of the early yams -(<i lang="kij">kuvi</i>) there is an offering of first fruits to the -memory of the recently dead. At the later, main harvest of <i lang= -"kij">taitu</i> (small yams), the first tubers are dug out ceremonially -brought into the village and admired by the whole community. Food -contests between two villages at harvest, in olden days often followed -by actual fighting, are also one of the characteristic features which -throw light on the natives’ attitude towards edible wealth. In -fact, one could almost speak of a “cult of food” among -these natives, in so far as food is the central object of most of their -public ceremonies.</p> -<p>In the preparation of food, it must be noted that many taboos are -associated with cooking, and especially with the cooking <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb171" href="#pb171" name= -"pb171">171</a>]</span>pots. The wooden dishes on which the natives -serve their food are called <i lang="kij">kaboma</i>, which means -“tabooed wood.” The act of eating is as a rule strictly -individual. People eat within their family circles, and even when there -is public ceremonial cooking of the taro pudding (<i lang= -"kij">mona</i>) in the big clay pots, especially tabooed for this -purpose (see <a href="#pl35">Plate XXXV</a>), they do not eat in one -body, but in small groups. A clay pot is carried into the different -parts of the village, and men from that part squat round it and eat, -followed afterwards by the women. Sometimes again the pudding is taken -out, placed on wooden dishes, and eaten within the family.</p> -<p>I cannot enter here into the many details of what could be called -the social psychology of eating, but it is important to note that the -centre of gravity of the feast lies, not in the eating, but in the -display and ceremonial preparation of the food (see <a href= -"#pl35">Plate XXXV</a>). When a pig is to be killed, which is a great -culinary and festive event, it will be first carried about, and shown -perhaps in one or two villages; then roasted alive, the whole village -and neighbours enjoying the spectacle and the squeals of the animal. It -is then ceremonially, and with a definite ritual, cut into pieces and -distributed. But the eating of it is a casual affair; it will take -place either within a hut, or else people will just cook a piece of -flesh and eat it on the road, or walking about in the village. The -relics of a feast such as pigs’ jaws and fish tails, however, are -often collected and displayed in houses or yam stores.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e6111src" href="#xd26e6111" name= -"xd26e6111src">4</a></p> -<p>The quantity of food eaten, whether in prospect or retrospect, is -what matters most. “We shall eat, and eat till we vomit,” -is a stock phrase, often heard at feasts, intended to express enjoyment -of the occasion, a close parallel to the pleasure felt at the idea of -stores rotting away in the yam house. All this shows that the social -act of eating and the associated conviviality are not present in the -minds or customs of the Trobrianders, and what is socially enjoyed is -the common admiration of fine and plentiful food, and the knowledge of -its abundance. Naturally, like all animals, human or otherwise, -civilised or savage, the Trobrianders enjoy their eating as one of the -chief pleasures of life, but this remains an individual <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb172" href="#pb172" name="pb172">172</a>]</span>act, -and neither its performance nor the sentiments attached to it have been -socialised.</p> -<p>It is this indirect sentiment, rooted of course in reality in the -pleasures of eating, which makes for the value of food in the eyes of -the natives. This value again makes accumulated food a symbol, and a -vehicle of power. Hence the need for storing and displaying it. Value -is not the result of utility and rarity, intellectually compounded, but -is the result of a sentiment grown round things, which, through -satisfying human needs, are capable of evoking emotions.</p> -<p>The value of manufactured objects of use must also be explained -through man’s emotional nature, and not by reference to his -logical construction of utilitarian views. Here, however, I think that -the explanation must take into account, not so much the user of these -objects, as the workman who produces them. These natives are -industrious, and keen workers. They do not work under the spur of -necessity, or to gain their living, but on the impulse of talent and -fancy, with a high sense and enjoyment of their art, which they often -conceive as the result of magical inspiration. This refers especially -to those who produce objects of high value, and who are always good -craftsmen and are fond of their workmanship. Now these native artists -have a keen appreciation of good material, and of perfection in craft. -When they find a specially good piece of material it lures them on to -lavish on it an excess of labour, and to produce things too good to be -used, but only so much the more desirable for possession.</p> -<p>The careful manner of working, the perfection of craftmanship, the -discrimination in material, the inexhaustible patience in giving the -final touches, have been often noted by those who have seen natives at -work. These observations have also come under the notice of some -theoretical economists, but it is necessary to see these facts in their -bearing upon the theory of value. That is, namely, that this loving -attitude towards material and work must produce a sentiment of -attachment to rare materials and well-worked objects, and that this -must result in their being valued. Value will be attached to rare forms -of such materials as the craftsman generally uses: classes of shell -which are scarce, lending themselves especially to fashioning and -polishing; kinds of wood which are also <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb173" href="#pb173" name="pb173">173</a>]</span>rare, like ebony; and -more particularly, special varieties of that stone out of which -implements are made.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6130src" href= -"#xd26e6130" name="xd26e6130src">5</a></p> -<p>We can now compare our results with the fallacious views on -Primitive Economic Man, sketched out at the beginning of this Division. -We see that value and wealth exist, in spite of abundance of things, -that indeed this abundance is valued for its own sake. Great quantities -are produced beyond any possible utility they could possess, out of -mere love of accumulation for its own sake; food is allowed to rot, and -though they have all they could desire in necessities, yet the natives -want always more, to serve in its character of wealth. Again, in -manufactured objects, and more especially in objects of the <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> type (comp. <a href="#div3.3">Chapter III, Div. -III</a>), it is not rarity within utility which creates value, but a -rarity sought out by human skill within the workable materials. In -other words, not those things are valued, which being useful or even -indispensable are hard to get, since all the necessities of life are -within easy reach of the Trobriand Islander. But such an article is -valued where the workman, having found specially fine or sportive -material, has been induced to spend a disproportionate amount of labour -on it. By doing so, he creates an object which is a kind of economic -monstrosity, too good, too big, too frail, or too overcharged with -ornament to be used, yet just because of that, highly valued.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div6.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Thus the first assumption is exploded, “that -there is no room for wealth or value in native societies.” What -about the other assumption, namely, “That there is no need to -exchange if anyone can by industry and skill, produce all that -represents value through its quantity or its quality?” This -assumption is confuted by realising a fundamental fact of native usage -and psychology: the love of give and take for its own sake; the active -enjoyment in possession of wealth, through handing it over.</p> -<p>In studying any sociological questions in the Trobriands, in -describing the ceremonial side of tribal life, or religion and magic, -we constantly meet with this give and take, with <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb174" href="#pb174" name= -"pb174">174</a>]</span>exchange of gifts and payments. I had occasion -several times to mention this general feature, and in the short outline -of the Trobriand sociology in <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, I gave -some examples of it. Even a walk across the island, such as we imagined -in that chapter, would reveal to an open-eyed Ethnographer this -economic truth. He would see visiting parties—women carrying big -food baskets on their head, men with loads on their shoulders—and -on inquiring he would learn that these were gifts to be presented under -one of the many names they bear, in fulfilment of some social -obligation. Offerings of first fruits are given to the chief or to -relatives-in-law, when the mango or bread fruit or sugar cane are ripe. -Big quantities of sugar cane being borne to a chief, carried by some -twenty to thirty men running along the road, produce the impressions of -a tropical Birnam Wood moving through the jungle. At harvest time all -the roads are full of big parties of men carrying food, or returning -with empty baskets. From the far North of Kiriwina a party will have to -run for some twelve miles to the creek of Tukwa’ukwa, get into -canoes, punt for miles along the shallow Lagoon, and have another good -walk inland from Sinaketa; and all this is in order to fill the yam -house of a man who could do it quite well for himself, if it were not -that he is under obligation to give all the harvest to his -sister’s husband! Displays of gifts associated with marriage, -with <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (food distributions), with payments for -magic, all these are some of the most picturesque characteristics of -the Trobriand garden, road and village, and must impress themselves -upon even a superficial observer.</p> -<p>The second fallacy, that man keeps all he needs and never -spontaneously gives it away, must therefore be completely discarded. -Not that the natives do not possess a strongly retentive tendency. To -imagine that they differ from other human beings in this, would be to -fall out of one fallacy into the opposite one also already mentioned, -namely that there is a sort of primitive communism among the natives. -On the contrary, just because they think so much of giving, the -distinction between mine and thine is not obliterated but enhanced; for -the presents are by no means given haphazardly, but practically always -in fulfilment of definite obligations, and with a great deal of formal -punctilio. The very fundamental motive of giving, the vanity of a -display of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb175" href="#pb175" name= -"pb175">175</a>]</span>possession and power, <i lang="la">a limine</i> -rules out any assumption of communistic tendencies or institutions. Not -in all cases, but in many of them, the handing over of wealth is the -expression of the superiority of the giver over the recipient. In -others, it represents subordination to a chief, or a kinship relation -or relationship-in-law. And it is important to realise that in almost -all forms of exchange in the Trobriands, there is not even a trace of -gain, nor is there any reason for looking at it from the purely -utilitarian and economic standpoint, since there is no enhancement of -mutual utility through the exchange.</p> -<p>Thus, it is quite a usual thing in the Trobriands for a type of -transaction to take place in which A gives twenty baskets of yams to B, -receiving for it a small polished blade, only to have the whole -transaction reversed in a few weeks’ time. Again, at a certain -stage of mortuary ritual, a present of valuables is given, and on the -same day later on, the identical articles are returned to the giver. -Cases like that described in the <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> custom -(<a href="#div6.3">Div. III of this chapter</a>), where each owner of a -new canoe made a round of all the others, each thus giving away again -what he receives, are typical. In the <i lang= -"kij">wasi</i>—exchange of fish for yams, to be described -presently—through a practically useless gift, a burdensome -obligation is imposed, and one might speak of an increase of burdens -rather than an increase of utilities.</p> -<p>The view that the native can live in a state of individual search -for food, or catering for his own household only, in isolation from any -interchange of goods, implies a calculating, cold egotism, the -possibility of enjoyment by man of utilities for their sake. This view, -and all the previously criticised assumptions, ignore the fundamental -human impulse to display, to share, to bestow. They ignore the deep -tendency to create social ties through exchange of gifts. Apart from -any consideration as to whether the gifts are necessary or even useful, -giving for the sake of giving is one of the most important features of -Trobriand sociology, and, from its very general and fundamental nature, -I submit that it is a universal feature of all primitive societies.</p> -<p>I have dwelt at length on economic facts which on the surface are -not directly connected with the Kula. But if we realise that in these -facts we may be able to read the native’s attitude towards wealth -and value, their importance for the <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb176" href="#pb176" name="pb176">176</a>]</span>main theme becomes -obvious. The Kula is the highest and the most dramatic expression of -the native’s conception of value, and if we want to understand -all the customs and actions of the Kula in their real bearings we must, -first and foremost, grasp the psychology that lies at its basis.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div6.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">I have on purpose spoken of forms of exchange, of -gifts and counter-gifts, rather than of barter or trade, because, -although there exist forms of barter pure and simple, there are so many -transitions and gradations between that and simple gift, that it is -impossible to draw any fixed line between trade on the one hand, and -exchange of gifts on the other. Indeed, the drawing of any lines to -suit our own terminology and our own distinctions is contrary to sound -method. In order to deal with these facts correctly it is necessary to -give a complete survey of all forms of payment or present. In this -survey there will be at one end the extreme case of pure gift, that is -an offering for which nothing is given in return. Then, through many -customary forms of gift or payment, partially or conditionally -returned, which shade into each other, there come forms of exchange, -where more or less strict equivalence is observed, arriving finally at -real barter. In the following survey I shall roughly classify each -transaction according to the principle of its equivalence.</p> -<p>Such tabularised accounts cannot give the same clear vision of facts -as a concrete description might do, and they even produce the -impression of artificiality, but, and this must be emphatically stated, -I shall not introduce here artificial categories, foreign to the native -mind. Nothing is so misleading in ethnographic accounts as the -description of facts of native civilisations in terms of our own. This, -however, shall not be done here. The principles of arrangement, -although quite beyond the comprehension of the natives, are -nevertheless contained in their social organisation, customs, and even -in their linguistic terminology. This latter always affords the -simplest and surest means of approach towards the understanding of -native distinctions and classifications. But it also must be remembered -that, though important as a clue to native ideas, the knowledge of -terminology is not a miraculous short-cut into the native’s mind. -As a matter of fact, there <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb177" href= -"#pb177" name="pb177">177</a>]</span>exist many salient and extremely -important features of Trobriand sociology and social psychology, which -are not covered by any term, whereas their language distinguishes -sub-divisions and subtleties which are quite irrelevant with regard to -actual conditions. Thus, a survey of terminology must always be -supplemented by a direct analysis of ethnographic fact and inquiry into -the native’s ideas, that is, by collecting a body of opinions, -typical expressions, and customary phrases by direct cross-questioning. -The most conclusive and deepest insight, however, must always be -obtained by a study of behaviour, by analysis of ethnographic custom -and concrete cases of traditional rules.</p> -<div class="div3 subsection" id="xd26e6189"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h4 class="main">List of Gifts, Payments, and Commercial -Transactions.</h4> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">1. <i>Pure Gifts</i>.—By this, as just -mentioned, we understand an act, in which an individual gives an object -or renders a service without expecting or getting any return. This is -not a type of transaction very frequently met in Trobriand tribal life. -It must be remembered that accidental or spontaneous gifts, such as -alms or charities, do not exist, since everybody in need would be -maintained by his or her family. Again, there are so many well-defined -economic obligations, connected with kinship and relationship-in-law, -that anyone wanting a thing or a service would know where to go and ask -for it. And then, of course, it would not be a free gift, but one -imposed by some social obligation. Moreover, since gifts in the -Trobriands are conceived as definite acts with a social meaning, rather -than transmissions of objects, it results that where social duties do -not directly impose them, gifts are very rare.</p> -<p>The most important type of free gift are the presents characteristic -of relations between husband and wife, and parents and children. Among -the Trobrianders, husband and wife own their things separately. There -are man’s and woman’s possessions, and each of the two -partners has a special part of the household goods under control. When -one of them dies, his or her relations inherit the things. But though -the possessions are not joint, they very often give presents to one -another, more especially a husband to his wife.</p> -<p>As to the parents’ gifts to the children, it is clear that in -a matrilineal society, where the mother is the nearest of kin to -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb178" href="#pb178" name= -"pb178">178</a>]</span>her children in a sense quite different to that -in our society, they share in and inherit from her all her possessions. -It is more remarkable that the father, who, according to native belief -and law, is only the mother’s husband, and not the kinsman of the -children, is the only relation from whom free gifts are -expected.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6203src" href="#xd26e6203" name= -"xd26e6203src">6</a> The father will give freely of his valuables to a -son, and he will transmit to him his relationships in the Kula, -according to the definite rules by which it is done (see <a href= -"#div11.2">Chapter XI, Division II</a>). Also, one of the most valuable -and valued possessions, the knowledge of magic, is handed over -willingly, and free of any counter-gift, from father to son. The -ownership of trees in the village grove and ownership in garden plots -is ceded by the father to his son during the lifetime of the former. At -his death, it often has to be returned to the man’s rightful -heirs, that is, his sister’s children. All the objects of use -embraced by the term <i lang="kij">gugua</i> will be shared with him as -a matter of course by a man’s children. Also, any special -luxuries in food, or such things as betel-nut or tobacco, he will share -with his children as well as with his wife. In all such small articles -of indulgence, free distribution will also obtain between the chief or -the headman and his vassals, though not in such a generous spirit, as -within the family. In fact, everyone who possesses betel-nut or tobacco -in excess of what he can actually consume on the spot, would be -expected to give it away. This very special rule, which also happens to -apply to such articles as are generally used by white men for trade, -has largely contributed to the tenacity of the idea of the communistic -native. In fact, many a man will carefully conceal any surplus so as to -avoid the obligation of sharing it and yet escape the opprobrium -attaching to meanness.</p> -<p>There is no comprehensive name for this class of free gifts in -native terminology. The verb “to give” (<i lang= -"kij">sayki</i>) would simply be used, and on inquiry as to whether -there was repayment for such a gift, the natives would directly answer -that this was a gift without repayment; <i lang="kij">mapula</i> being -the general term for return gifts, and retributions, economic as well -as otherwise. The natives undoubtedly would not think of free gifts as -forming one class, as being all of the same nature. The acts of -liberality on the part of the chief, the sharing of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb179" href="#pb179" name= -"pb179">179</a>]</span>tobacco and betel-nut by anybody who has some to -spare, would be taken as a matter of course. Gifts by a husband to a -wife are considered also as rooted in the nature of this relationship. -They have as a matter of fact a very coarse and direct way of -formulating that such gifts are the <i lang="kij">mapula</i> (payment) -for matrimonial relations, a conception in harmony with the ideas -underlying another type of gift, of which I shall speak presently, that -given in return for sexual intercourse. Economically the two are -entirely different, since those of husband to wife are casual gifts -within a permanent relationship, whereas the others are definite -payment for favours given on special occasions.</p> -<p>The most remarkable fact, however, is that the same explanation is -given for the free gifts given by the father to his children; that is -to say, a gift given by a father to his son is said to be a repayment -for the man’s relationship to the son’s mother. According -to the matrilineal set of ideas about kinship, mother and son are one, -but the father is a stranger (<i lang="kij">tomakava</i>) to his son, -an expression often used when these matters are discussed. There is no -doubt, however, that the state of affairs is much more complex, for -there is a very strong direct emotional attitude between father and -child. The father wants always to give things to his child, as I have -said, (compare <a href="#div2.6">Chapter II, Division VI</a>), and this -is very well realised by the natives themselves.</p> -<p>As a matter of fact, the psychology underlying these conditions is -this: normally a man is emotionally attached to his wife, and has a -very strong personal affection towards his children, and expresses -these feelings by gifts, and more especially by trying to endow his -children with as much of his wealth and position as he can. This, -however, runs counter to the matrilineal principle as well as to the -general rule that all gifts require repayment, and so these gifts are -explained away by the natives in a manner that agrees with these rules. -The above crude explanation of the natives by reference to sex payment -is a document, which in a very illuminating manner shows up the -conflict between the matrilineal theory and the actual sentiments of -the natives, and also how necessary it is to check the explicit -statements of natives, and the views contained in their terms and -phraseology by direct observation of full-blooded life, in which we see -man not only laying down <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb180" href= -"#pb180" name="pb180">180</a>]</span>rules and theories, but behaving -under the impulse of instinct and emotion.</p> -<p>2. <i>Customary payments, re-paid irregularly, and without strict -equivalence</i>.—The most important of these are the annual -payments received at harvest time by a man from his wife’s -brothers (cf. <a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Divisions IV</a> and -<a href="#div2.5">V</a>). These regular and unfailing gifts are so -substantial, that they form the bulk of a man’s income in food. -Sociologically, they are perhaps the strongest strand in the fabric of -the Trobriands tribal constitution. They entail a life-long obligation -of every man to work for his kinswomen and their families. When a boy -begins to garden, he does it for his mother. When his sisters grow up -and marry, he works for them. If he has neither mother nor sisters, his -nearest female blood relation will claim the proceeds of his -labour.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6251src" href="#xd26e6251" name= -"xd26e6251src">7</a></p> -<p>The reciprocity in these gifts never amounts to their full value, -but the recipient is supposed to give a valuable (<i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>) or a pig to his wife’s brother from time -to time. Again if he summons his wife’s kinsmen to do communal -work for him, according to the <i lang="kij">kabutu</i> system, he pays -them in food. In this case also the payments are not the full -equivalent of the services rendered. Thus we see that the relationship -between a man and his wife’s kinsmen is full of mutual gifts and -services, in which repayment, however, by the husband, is not -equivalent and regular, but spasmodic and smaller in value than his own -share; and even if for some reason or other it ever fails, this does -not relieve the others from their obligations. In the case of a chief, -the duties of his numerous relatives-in-law have to be much more -stringently observed; that is, they have to give him much bigger -harvest gifts, and they also have to keep pigs, and grow betel and -coco-nut palms for him. For all this, they are rewarded by -correspondingly large presents of valuables, which again, however, do -not fully repay them for their contributions.</p> -<p>The tributes given by vassal village communities to a chief and -usually repaid by small counter-gifts, also belong to this class. -Besides these, there are the contributions given by one kinsman to -another, when this latter has to carry out a mortuary distribution -(<i lang="kij">sagali</i>). Such contributions are sometimes, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb181" href="#pb181" name= -"pb181">181</a>]</span>but irregularly and spasmodically, repaid by -objects of small value.</p> -<p>The natives do not embrace this class under one term, but the word -<i lang="kij">urigubu</i>, which designates harvest gifts from the -wife’s brothers, stands for one of the most important conceptions -of native sociology and economics. They have quite a clear idea about -the many characteristics of the <i lang="kij">urigubu</i> duties, which -have <a id="xd26e6280" name="xd26e6280"></a>been described here, and -about their far-reaching importance. The occasional counter gifts given -by the husband to his wife’s kinsmen are called <i lang= -"kij">youlo</i>. The chief’s tributes which we have put in this -category are called <i lang="kij">pokala</i>. The placing of these two -types of payment in one category is justified both by the similar -mechanism, and by the close resemblance between the <i lang= -"kij">urigubu</i> gifts, when given to a chief, and the <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i> received by him. There are even resemblances in the -actual ceremonial, which however, would require too much of a detailed -description to be more than mentioned here. The word <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i> is a general term for the chief’s tributes, and -there are several other expressions which cover gifts of first fruit, -gifts at the main harvest, and some other sub-divisions. There are also -terms describing the various counter-gifts given by a chief to those -who pay him tribute, according to whether they consist of pig’s -flesh or yams or fruit. I am not mentioning all these native words, in -order not to overload the account with details, which would be -irrelevant here.</p> -<p>3. <i>Payment for services rendered</i>. This class differs from the -foregoing one in that here the payment is within limits defined by -custom. It has to be given each time the service is performed, but we -cannot speak here of direct economic equivalence, since one of the -terms of the equation consists of a service, the value of which cannot -be assessed, except by conventional estimates. All services done by -specialists for individuals or for the community, belong here. The most -important of these are undoubtedly the services of the magician. The -garden magician, for instance, receives definite gifts from the -community and from certain individuals. The sorcerer is paid by the man -who asks him to kill or who desires to be healed. The presents given -for magic of rain and fair weather are very considerable. I have -already described the payments given to a canoe-builder. I shall have -to speak later on of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb182" href="#pb182" -name="pb182">182</a>]</span>those received by the specialists who make -the various types of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>.</p> -<p>Here also belong the payments, always associated with love -intrigues. Disinterested love is quite unknown among these people of -great sexual laxity. Every time a girl favours her lover, some small -gift has to be given immediately. This is the case in the normal -intrigues, going on every night in the village between unmarried girls -and boys, and also in more ceremonial cases of indulgence, like the -<i lang="kij">katuyausi</i> custom, or the mortuary consolations, -mentioned in <a href="#div2.2">Chapter II, Division II</a>. A few -areca-nuts, some betel pepper, a bit of tobacco, some turtle-shell -rings, or spondylus discs, such are the small tokens of gratitude and -appreciation never omitted by the youth. An attractive girl need never -go unprovided with the small luxuries of life.</p> -<p>The big mortuary distributions of food, <i lang="kij">sagali</i>, -have already been mentioned several times. On their economic side, -these distributions are payments for funerary services. The deceased -man’s nearest maternal kinsman has to give food gifts to all the -villagers for their assuming mourning, that is to say, for blackening -their faces and cutting their hair. He pays some other special people -for wailing and grave digging; a still smaller group for cutting out -the dead man’s ulna and using it as a lime spoon; and the widow -or widower for the prolonged and scrupulously to be observed period of -strict mourning.</p> -<p>All these details show how universal and strict is the idea that -every social obligation or duty, though it may not on any account be -evaded, has yet to be re-paid by a ceremonial gift. The function of -these ceremonial re-payments is, on the surface of it, to thicken the -social ties from which arise the obligations.</p> -<p>The similarity of the gifts and payments which we have put into this -category is expressed by the native use of the word <i lang= -"kij">mapula</i> (repayment, equivalent) in connection with all these -gifts. Thus in giving the reason why a certain present is made to a -magician, or why a share is allotted to a man at the <i lang= -"kij">sagali</i> (distribution), or why some valuable object is given -to a specialist, they would say: “This is the <i lang= -"kij">mapula</i> for what he has done.” Another interesting -identification contained in linguistic usage is the calling of both -magical payments and payments to specialists: a -‘restorative,’ or, literally, a <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb183" href="#pb183" name="pb183">183</a>]</span> -‘poultice.’ Certain extra fees given to a magician are -described as ‘<i lang="kij">katuwarina kaykela</i>’ or -‘poultice for his leg’; as the magician, especially he of -the garden or the sorcerer, has to take long walks in connection with -his magic. The expression ‘poultice of my back,’ will be -used by a canoe-builder who has been bending over his work, or -‘poultice of my hand’ by a carver or stone-polisher. But -the identity of these gifts is not in any way expressed in the detailed -terminology. In fact, there is a list of words describing the various -payments for magic, the gifts given to specialists, love payments, and -the numerous types of gifts distinguished at the <i lang= -"kij">sagali</i>. Thus a magical payment, of which a small part would -be offered to ancestral spirits, is called <i lang= -"kij">ula’ula</i>; a substantial magical gift is called <i lang= -"kij">sousula</i>; a gift to a sorcerer is described by the verb -<i lang="kij">ibudipeta</i>, and there are many more special names. The -gifts to the specialists are called <i lang="kij">vewoulo</i>—the -initial gift; <i lang="kij">yomelu</i>—a gift of food given after -the object has been ceremonially handed over to the owner; <i lang= -"kij">karibudaboda</i>—a substantial gift of yams given at the -next harvest. The gifts of food, made while the work is in progress are -called <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>; but this latter term has much wider -application, as it covers all the presents of cooked or raw food given -to workers by the man, for whom they work. The sexual gifts are called -<i lang="kij">buwana</i> or <i lang="kij">sebuwana</i>. I shall not -enumerate the various terminological distinctions of <i lang= -"kij">sagali</i> gifts, as this would be impossible to do, without -entering upon the enormous subject of mortuary duties and -distributions.</p> -<p>The classification of love gifts and <i lang="kij">sagali</i> gifts -in the same category with gifts to magicians and specialists, is a -generalisation in which the natives would not be able to follow us. For -them, the gifts given at <i lang="kij">sagali</i> form a class in -themselves and so do the love gifts. We may say that, from the economic -point of view, we were correct in classing all these gifts together, -because they all represent a definite type of equivalence; also they -correspond to the native idea that every service has to be paid for, an -idea documented by the linguistic use of the word <i lang= -"kij">mapula</i>. But within this class, the sub-divisions -corresponding to native terminology represent important distinctions -made by the natives between the three sub-classes; love gifts, <i lang= -"kij">sagali</i> gifts, and gifts for magical and professional -services. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb184" href="#pb184" name= -"pb184">184</a>]</span></p> -<p>4. <i>Gifts returned in economically equivalent form</i>.—We -are enumerating the various types of exchange, as they gradually assume -the appearance of trade. In this fourth class have been put such gifts -as must be re-paid with almost strict equivalence. But it must be -stressed that strict equivalence of two gifts does not assimilate them -to trade altogether. There can be no more perfect equivalence between -gift and counter-gift, than when A gives to B an object, and B on the -same day returns the very same object to A. At a certain stage of the -mortuary proceedings, such a gift is given and received back again by a -deceased man’s kinsmen and his widow’s brothers. Yet it is -obvious at once that no transaction could be further removed from -trade. The above described gifts at the presentation of new canoes -(<i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>) belong to this class. So do also -numerous presents given to one community by another, on visits which -are going to be returned soon. Payments for the lease of a garden plot -are at least in certain districts of the Trobriands returned by a gift -of equivalent value.</p> -<p>Sociologically, this class of gifts is characteristic of the -relationship between friends (<i lang="kij">luba’i</i>). Thus the -<i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> takes place between friends, the Kula -takes place between overseas partners and inland friends, but of course -relations-in-law also belong <i>par excellence</i> to this -category.</p> -<p>Other types of equivalent gifts which have to be mentioned here -shortly, are the presents given by one household to another, at the -<i lang="kij">milamala</i>, the festive period associated with the -return of the ancestral spirits to their villages. Offerings of cooked -food are ceremonially exposed in houses for the use of the spirits, and -after these have consumed the spiritual substance, the material one is -given to a neighbouring household. These gifts are always -reciprocal.</p> -<p>Again, a series of mutual gifts exchanged immediately after marriage -between a man and his wife’s father (not matrilineal kinsman in -this case), have to be put into this category.</p> -<p>The economic similarity of these gifts is not expressed in -terminology or even in linguistic use. All the gifts I have enumerated -have their own special names, which I shall not adduce here, so as not -to multiply irrelevant details of information. The natives have no -comprehensive idea that such a class as I have spoken of exists. My -generalisation is based upon the very interesting fact, that all -through the tribal life <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb185" href= -"#pb185" name="pb185">185</a>]</span>we find scattered cases of direct -exchange of equivalent gifts. Nothing perhaps could show up so clearly, -how much the natives value the give and take of presents for its own -sake.</p> -<p>5. <i>Exchange of Material Goods against Privileges, Titles and -non-material Possessions</i>. Under this heading, I class transactions -which approach trade, in so far as two owners, each possessing -something they value highly, exchange it for something they value still -more. The equivalence here is not so strict, at any rate not so -measurable, as in the previous class, because in this one, one of the -terms is usually a non-material possession, such as the knowledge of -magic, the privilege to execute a dance, or the title to a garden plot, -which latter very often is a mere title only. But in spite of this -smaller measure of equivalence, their character of trade is more -marked, just because of the element of mutual desire to carry out the -transaction and of the mutual advantage.</p> -<p>Two important types of transaction belong to this class. One of them -is the acquisition by a man of the goods or privileges which are due to -him by inheritance from his maternal uncle or elder brother, but which -he wishes to acquire before the elder’s death. If a maternal -uncle is to give up in his life time a garden, or to teach and hand -over a system of magic, he has to be paid for that. As a rule several -payments, and very substantial ones, have to be given to him, and he -gradually relinquishes his rights, giving the garden land, bit by bit, -teaching the magic in instalments. After the final payment, the title -of ownership is definitely handed over to the younger man.</p> -<p>I have drawn attention already in the general description of the -Trobriand Sociology (<a href="#div2.6">Chapter II, Division VI</a>) to -the remarkable contrast between matrilineal inheritance and that -between father and son. It is noteworthy that what is considered by the -natives rightful inheritance has yet to be paid for, and that a man who -knows that in any case he would obtain a privilege sooner or later, if -he wants it at once, must pay for it, and that heavily. None the less, -this transaction takes place only when it appears desirable to both -parties. There is no customary obligation on either of the two to enter -on the exchange, and it has to be considered advantageous to both -before it can be completed. The acquisition of magic is <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb186" href="#pb186" name="pb186">186</a>]</span>of -course different, because that must naturally always be taught by the -elder man to the younger in his life time.</p> -<p>The other type of transaction belonging to this class, is the -payment for dances. Dances are “owned”; that is, the -original inventor has the right of “producing” his dance -and song in his village community. If another village takes a fancy to -this song and dance, it has to purchase the right to perform it. This -is done by handing ceremonially to the original village a substantial -payment of food and valuables, after which the dance is taught to the -new possessors.</p> -<p>In some rare cases, the title to garden-lands would pass from one -community to another. For this again, the members and headman of the -acquiring community would have to pay substantially to those who hand -over their rights.</p> -<p>Another transaction which has to be mentioned here is the hire of a -canoe, where a temporary transference of ownership takes place in -return for a payment.</p> -<p>The generalisation by which this class has been formed, although it -does not run counter to native terminology and ideas, is beyond their -own grasp, and contains several of their sub-divisions, differentiated -by distinct native terms. The name for the ceremonial purchase of a -task or for the transfer of a garden plot is <i lang="kij">laga</i>. -This term denotes a very big and important transaction. For example, -when a small pig is purchased by food or minor objects of value, they -call this barter (<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>) but when a more valuable -pig is exchanged for <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, they call it -<i lang="kij">laga</i>.</p> -<p>The important conception of gradual acquisition in advance of -matrilineal inheritance, is designated by the term <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i>, a word which we have already met as signifying the -tributes to the chief. It is a homonym, because its two meanings are -distinct, and are clearly distinguished by the natives. There can be no -doubt that these two meanings have developed out of a common one by -gradual differentiation, but I have no data even to indicate this -linguistic process. At present, it would be incorrect to strain after -any connection between them, and indeed this is an example how -necessary it is to be careful not to rely too much on native -terminology for purposes of classification.</p> -<p>The term for the hire of a canoe is <i lang="kij">toguna waga</i>. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb187" href="#pb187" name= -"pb187">187</a>]</span></p> -<p>6. <i>Ceremonial barter with deferred payment</i>.—In this -class we have to describe payments which are ceremonially offered, and -must be received and re-paid later on. The exchange is based on a -permanent partnership, and the articles have to be roughly equivalent -in value. Remembering the definition of the Kula in <a href= -"#ch3">Chapter III</a>, it is easy to see that this big, ceremonial, -circulating exchange belongs to this class. It is ceremonial barter -based on permanent partnership, where a gift offered is always -accepted, and after a time has to be re-paid by an equivalent -counter-gift.</p> -<p>There is also a ceremonial form of exchange of vegetable food for -fish, based on a standing partnership, and on the obligation to accept -and return an initial gift. This is called <i lang="kij">wasi</i>. The -members of an inland village, where yams and taro are plentiful have -partners in a Lagoon village, where much fishing is done but garden -produce is scarce. Each man has his partner, and at times, when new -food is harvested and also during the main harvest, he and his fellow -villagers will bring a big quantity of vegetable food into the Lagoon -village (see <a href="#pl34">Plate XXXVI</a>), each man putting his -share before his partner’s house. This is an invitation, which -never can be rejected, to return the gift by its fixed equivalent in -fish.</p> -<p>As soon as weather and previous engagements allow, the fishermen go -out to sea and notice is given to the inland village of the fact. The -inlanders arrive on the beach, awaiting the fishermen, Who come back in -a body, and their haul of fish is taken directly from the canoes and -carried to the inland village. Such large quantities of fish are always -acquired only in connection with big distributions of food (<i lang= -"kij">sagali</i>). It is remarkable that in the inland villages these -distributions must be carried out in fish, whereas in the Lagoon -villages, fish never can be used for ceremonial purposes, vegetables -being the only article considered proper. Thus the motive for exchange -here is not to get food in order to satisfy the primary want of eating, -but in order to satisfy the social need of displaying large quantities -of conventionally sanctioned eatables. Often when such a big fishing -takes place, great quantities of fish perish by becoming rotten before -they reach the man for whom they are finally destined. But being rotten -in no way detracts from the value of fish in a <i lang= -"kij">sagali</i>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb188" href="#pb188" -name="pb188">188</a>]</span></p> -<p>The equivalence of fish, given in return for vegetable food, is -measured only roughly. A standard sized bunch of taro, or one of the -ordinary baskets of <i lang="kij">taytu</i> (small yams) will be repaid -by a bundle of fish, some three to five kilograms in weight. The -equivalence of the two payments, as well as the advantage obtained by -one party at least, make this exchange approach barter.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e6497src" href="#xd26e6497" name="xd26e6497src">8</a> -But the element of trust enters into it largely, in the fact that the -equivalence is left to the repayer; and again, the initial gift which -as a rule is always given by the inlanders, cannot be refused. And all -these features distinguish this exchange from barter.</p> -<p>Similar to this ceremonial exchange are certain arrangements in -which food is brought by individuals to the industrial villages of -Kuboma, and the natives of that place return it by manufactured objects -when these are made. In certain cases of production of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> (valuables) it is difficult to judge whether we -have to do with the payment for services rendered (Class 3), or with -the type of ceremonial barter belonging to this class. There is hardly -any need to add that the two types of exchange contained in this class, -the Kula and the <i lang="kij">wasi</i> (fish barter) are kept very -distinct in the minds of the natives. Indeed, the ceremonial exchange -of valuables, the Kula, stands out as such a remarkable form of trade -that in all respects, not only by the natives, but also by ourselves, -it must be put into a class by itself. There is no doubt, however, that -the technique of the <i lang="kij">wasi</i> must have been influenced -by the ideas and usages of the Kula, which is by far the more important -and widespread of the two. The natives, when explaining one of these -trades, often draw parallels to the other. And the existence of social -partnership, of ceremonial sequence of gift, of the free yet unevadible -equivalence, all these features appear in both forms. This shows that -the natives have a definite mental attitude towards what they consider -an honourable, ceremonial type of barter. The rigid exclusion of -haggling, the formalities observed in handing over the gift, the -obligation <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb189" href="#pb189" name= -"pb189">189</a>]</span>of accepting the initial gift and of returning -it later on, all these express this attitude.</p> -<p>7. <i>Trade, Pure and Simple</i>.—The main characteristic of -this form of exchange is found in the element of mutual advantage: each -side acquires what is needed, and gives away a less useful article. -Also we find here the equivalence between the articles adjusted during -the transaction by haggling or bargaining.</p> -<p>This bartering, pure and simple, takes place mainly between the -industrial communities of the interior, which manufacture on a large -scale the wooden dishes, combs, lime pots, armlets and baskets and the -agricultural districts of Kiriwina, the fishing communities of the -West, and the sailing and trading communities of the South. The -industrials, who are regarded as pariahs and treated with contumely, -are nevertheless allowed to hawk their goods throughout the other -districts. When they have plenty of articles on hand, they go to the -other places, and ask for yams, coco-nuts, fish, and betel-nut, and for -some ornaments, such as turtle shell, earrings and spondylus beads. -They sit in groups and display their wares, saying “You have -plenty of coco-nuts, and we have none. We have made fine wooden dishes. -This one is worth forty nuts, and some betel-nut, and some betel -pepper.” The others then may answer, “Oh, no, I do not want -it. You ask too much.” “What will you give us?” An -offer may be made, and rejected by the pedlars, and so on, till a -bargain is struck.</p> -<p>Again, at certain times, people from other villages may need some of -the objects made in Kuboma, and will go there, and try to purchase some -manufactured goods. People of rank as a rule will do it in the manner -described in the previous paragraph, by giving an initial gift, and -expecting a repayment. Others simply go and barter. As we saw in the -description of the <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>, the Sinaketans and -Vakutans go there and purchase goods before each Kula expedition to -serve for the subsidiary trade.</p> -<p>Thus the conception of pure barter (<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>) -stands out very clearly, and the natives make a definite distinction -between this and other forms of exchange. Embodied in a word, this -distinction is made more poignant still by the manner in which the word -is used. When scornfully criticising bad conduct in Kula, or an -improper manner of giving gifts, a native will say <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb190" href="#pb190" name="pb190">190</a>]</span>that -“it was done like a <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>.” When asked, -about a transaction, whether it belongs to one class or another, they -will reply with an accent of depreciation “That was only a -<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>—(<i lang="kij">gimwali -wala!</i>)” In the course of ethnographic investigation, they -give clear descriptions, almost definitions of <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i>, its lack of ceremony, the permissibility of -haggling, the free manner in which it can be done between any two -strangers. They state correctly and clearly its general conditions, and -they tell readily which articles may be exchanged by <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i>.</p> -<p>Of course certain characteristics of pure barter, which we can -perceive clearly as inherent in the facts, are quite beyond their -theoretical grasp. Thus for instance, that the element of mutual -advantage is prominent in <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>; that it refers -exclusively to newly manufactured goods, because second-hand things are -never <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>, etc., etc. Such generalisations the -ethnographer has to make for himself. Other properties of the <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i> embodied in custom are: absence of ceremonial, -absence of magic, absence of special partnership—all these -already mentioned above. In carrying out the transaction, the natives -also behave quite differently here than in the other transactions. In -all ceremonial forms of give and take, it is considered very -undignified and against all etiquette, for the receiver to show any -interest in the gift or any eagerness to take it. In ceremonial -distributions as well as in the Kula, the present is thrown down by the -giver, sometimes actually, sometimes only given in an abrupt manner, -and often it is not even picked up by the receiver, but by some -insignificant person in his following. In the <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i>, on the contrary, there is a pronounced interest -shown in the exchange.</p> -<p>There is one instance of <i lang="kij">gimwali</i> which deserves -special attention. It is a barter of fish for vegetables, and stands -out in sharp contrast therefore to the <i lang="kij">wasi</i>, the -ceremonial fish and yam exchange. It is called <i lang="kij">vava</i>, -and takes place between villages which have no standing <i lang= -"kij">wasi</i> partnership and therefore simply <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i> their produce when necessary (see <a href= -"#pl37">Plate XXXVII</a>).</p> -<p>This ends the short survey of the different types of exchange. It -was necessary to give it, even though in a condensed form, in order to -provide a background for the Kula. It gives us an idea of the great -range and variety of the material give and <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb191" href="#pb191" name="pb191">191</a>]</span>take -associated with the Trobriand tribal life. We see also that the rules -of equivalence, as well as the formalities accompanying each -transaction, are very well defined.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div6.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">It is easy to see that almost all the categories of -gifts, which I have classified according to economic principles, are -also based on some sociological relationship. Thus the first type of -gifts, that is, the free gifts, take place in the relationship between -husband and wife, and in that between parents and children. Again, the -second class of gifts, that is, the obligatory ones, given without -systematic repayment, are associated with relationship-in-law, mainly, -though the chief’s tributes also belong to this class.</p> -<p>If we drew up a scheme of sociological relations, each type of them -would be defined by a special class of economic duties. There would be -some parallelism between such a sociological classification of payments -and presents, and the one given above. But such parallelism is only -approximate. It will be therefore interesting to draw up a scheme of -exchanges, classified according to the social relationship, to which -they correspond. This will give us good insight into the economics of -Trobriand sociology, as well as another view of the subject of payments -and presents.</p> -<p>Going over the sociological outline in <a href="#div2.5">Chapter II, -Divisions V</a> and <a href="#div2.6">VI</a>, we see that the family, -the clan and sub-clan, the village community, the district and the -tribe are the main social divisions of the Trobriands. To these -groupings correspond definite bonds of social relationship. Thus, to -the family, there correspond no less than three distinct types of -relationship, according to native ideas. First of all there is the -matrilineal kinship (<i lang="kij">veyola</i>) which embraces people, -who can trace common descent through their mothers. This is, to the -natives, the blood relationship, the identity of flesh, and the real -kinship. The marriage relation comprises that between husband and wife, -and father and children. Finally, the relationship between the husband -and the wife’s matrilineal kinsmen forms the third class of -personal ties corresponding to family. These three types of personal -bonds are clearly distinguished in terminology, in the current -linguistic usage, in custom, and in explicitly formulated ideas. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb192" href="#pb192" name= -"pb192">192</a>]</span></p> -<p>To the grouping into clans and sub-clans, there pertain the ties -existing between clansmen and more especially between members of the -same sub-clan, and on the other hand, the relationship between a man -and members of different clans. Membership in the same sub-clan is a -kind of extended kinship. The relationship to other clans is most -important, where it assumes the form of special friendship called -<i lang="kij">luba’i</i>. The grouping into village communities -results in the very important feature of fellow membership in the same -village community. The distinction of rank associated with clanship, -the division into village communities and districts, result, in the -manner sketched out in <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, in the -subordination of commoners to chiefs. Finally, the general fact of -membership in the tribe creates the bonds which unite every tribesman -with another and which in olden days allowed of a free though not -unlimited intercourse, and therefore of commercial relations. We have, -therefore, eight types of personal relationship to distinguish. In the -following table we see them enumerated with a short survey of their -economic characteristics.</p> -<p>1. <i>Matrilineal kinship</i>.—The underlying idea that this -means identity of blood and of substance is by no means forcibly -expressed on its economic side. The right of inheritance, the common -participation in certain titles of ownership, and a limited right to -use one another’s implements and objects of daily use are often -restricted in practice by private jealousies and animosities. In -economic gifts more especially, we find here the remarkable custom of -purchasing during lifetime, by instalments, the titles to garden plots -and trees and the knowledge of magic, which by right ought to pass at -death from the older to the younger generation of matrilineal kinsmen. -The economic identity of matrilineal kinsmen comes into prominence at -the tribal distributions—<i lang="kij">sagali</i>—where all -of them have to share in the responsibilities of providing food.</p> -<p>2. <i>Marriage ties</i>.—(Husband and wife; and derived from -that, father and children). It is enough to tabulate this type of -relationship here, and to remind the reader that it is characterised by -free gifts, as has been minutely described in the foregoing -classification of gifts, under (1). <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb193" href="#pb193" name="pb193">193</a>]</span></p> -<p>3. <i>Relationship-in-law</i>.—These ties are in their -economic aspect not reciprocal or symmetrical. That is, one side in it, -the husband of the woman, is the economically favoured recipient, while -the wife’s brothers receive from him gifts of smaller value in -the aggregate. As we know, this relationship is economically defined by -the regular and substantial harvest gifts, by which the husband’s -storehouse is filled every year by his wife’s brothers. They also -have to perform certain services for him. For all this, they receive a -gift of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> (valuables) from time to time, -and some food in payment for services rendered.</p> -<p>4. <i>Clanship</i>.—The main economic identification of this -group takes place during the <i lang="kij">sagali</i>, although the -responsibility for the food rests only with those actually related by -blood with the deceased man. All the members of the sub-clan, and to a -smaller extent members of the same clan within a village community, -have to contribute by small presents given to the organisers of the -<i lang="kij">sagali</i>.</p> -<p>5. <i>The Relationship of Personal Friendship</i>.—Two men -thus bound as a rule will carry on Kula between themselves, and, if -they belong to an inland and Lagoon village respectively, they will be -partners in the exchange of fish and vegetables (<i lang= -"kij">wasi</i>).</p> -<p>6. <i>Fellow-citizenship in a Village Community</i>.—There are -many types of presents given by one community to another. And, -economically, the bonds of fellow-citizenship mean the obligation to -contribute one’s share to such a present. Again, at the mortuary -divisions, <i lang="kij">sagali</i>, the fellow-villagers of clans, -differing from the deceased man’s, receive a series of presents -for the performance of mortuary duties.</p> -<p>7. <i>Relationship between Chiefs and Commoners</i>.—The -tributes and services given to a chief by his vassals on the one hand, -and the small but frequent gifts which he gives them, and the big and -important contribution which he makes to all tribal enterprises are -characteristic of this relationship.</p> -<p>8. <i>Relationship between any two tribesmen</i>.—This is -characterised by payments and presents, by occasional trade between two -individuals, and by the sporadic free gifts of tobacco or betel-nut -which no man would refuse to another unless they were on terms of -hostility. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb194" href="#pb194" name= -"pb194">194</a>]</span></p> -<p>With this, the survey of gifts and presents is finished. The general -importance of give and take to the social fabric of Boyowan society, -the great amount of distinctions and sub-divisions of the various gifts -can leave no doubt as to the paramount rôle which economic acts -and motives play in the life of these natives. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb195" href="#pb195" name="pb195">195</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e5439" href="#xd26e5439src" name="xd26e5439">1</a></span> Cf. -<a href="#div2.3">Chapter II, Divisions III</a> and IV, and some of the -following Divisions of this Chapter. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e5439src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e5973" href="#xd26e5973src" name="xd26e5973">2</a></span> I am -adducing these views not for any controversial purposes, but to justify -and make clear why I stress certain general features of Trobriand -Economic Sociology. My contentions might run the danger of appearing as -gratuitous truisms if not thus justified. The opinion that primitive -humanity and savages have no individual property is an old prejudice -shared by many modern writers, especially in support of communistic -theories, and the so-called materialistic view of history. The -“communism of savages” is a phrase very often read, and -needs no special quotation. The views of individual search for food and -household economy are those of Karl Bücher, and they have directly -influenced all the best modern writings on Primitive Economics. -Finally, the view that we have done with Primitive Economics if we have -described the way in which the natives procure their food, is obviously -a fundamental premise of all the naïve, evolutionary theories -which construct the successive stages of economic development. This -view is summarised in the following sentence: “… In -many simple communities, the actual food quest, and operations -immediately arising from it, occupy by far the greater part of the -people’s time and energy, leaving little opportunity for the -satisfaction of any lesser needs.” This sentence, quoted out of -“Notes and Queries on Anthropology,” p. 160, article on the -“Economics of the Social Group,” represents what may be -called the official view of contemporary Ethnology on the subject, and -in perusing the rest of the article, it can be easily seen that all the -manifold economic problems, with which we are dealing in this book, -have been so far more or less neglected. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e5973src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6033" href="#xd26e6033src" name="xd26e6033">3</a></span> These -views had to be adduced at length, although touched upon already in -<a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Division IV</a>, because they imply a -serious error with regard to human nature in one of its most -fundamental aspects. We can show up their fallacy on one example only, -that of the Trobriand Society, but even this is enough to shatter their -universal validity and show that the problem must be re-stated. The -criticised views contain very general propositions, which, however, can -be answered only empirically. And it is the duty of the field -Ethnographer to answer and correct them. Because a statement is very -general, it can none the less be a statement of empirical fact. General -views must not be mixed up with hypothetical ones. The latter must be -banished from field work; the former cannot receive too much -attention. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e6033src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6111" href="#xd26e6111src" name="xd26e6111">4</a></span> As a -matter of fact, this custom is not so prominent in the Trobriands as in -other Massim districts and all over the Papuo-Melanesian world, cf. for -instance Seligman, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 56 and Plate VI, Fig. -6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e6111src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6130" href="#xd26e6130src" name="xd26e6130">5</a></span> Again, -in explaining value, I do not wish to trace its possible origins, but I -try simply to show what are the actual and observable elements into -which the natives’ attitude towards the object valued can be -analysed. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e6130src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6203" href="#xd26e6203src" name="xd26e6203">6</a></span> These -natives have no idea of physiological fatherhood. See <a href= -"#div2.6">Chapter II, Division VI</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e6203src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6251" href="#xd26e6251src" name="xd26e6251">7</a></span> Compare -<a href="#pl33">Plate XXXIII</a>, where the yam houses of a headman are -filled by his wife’s brothers. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e6251src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6497" href="#xd26e6497src" name="xd26e6497">8</a></span> This -advantage was probably in olden days a mutual one. Nowadays, when the -fishermen can earn about ten or twenty times more by diving for pearls -than by performing their share of the <i lang="kij">wasi</i>, the -exchange is as a rule a great burden on them. It is one of the most -conspicuous examples of the tenacity of native custom that in spite of -all the temptation which pearling offers them and in spite of the great -pressure exercised upon them by the white traders, the fishermen never -try to evade a <i lang="kij">wasi</i>, and when they have received the -inaugurating gift, the first calm day is always given to fishing, and -not to pearling. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e6497src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch7" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e592">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter VII</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Departure of an Overseas Expedition</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We have brought the Kula narrative to the point where -all the preparations have been made, the canoe is ready, its ceremonial -launching and presentation have taken place, and the goods for the -subsidiary trade have been collected. It remains only to load the -canoes and to set sail. So far, in describing the construction, the -<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> and <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>, we spoke -of the Trobrianders in general. Now we shall have to confine ourselves -to one district, the southern part of the Island, and we shall follow a -Kula expedition from Sinaketa to Dobu. For there are some differences -between the various districts and each one must be treated separately. -What is said of Sinaketa, however, will hold good so far as the other -southern community, that of Vakuta, is concerned. The scene, therefore, -of all that is described in the following two chapters will be set in -one spot, that is, the group of some eight component villages lying on -the flat, muddy shore of the Trobriand Lagoon, within about a -stone’s throw of one another. There is a short, sandy beach under -a fringe of palm trees, and from there we can take a comprehensive view -of the Lagoon, the wide semi-circle of its shore edged with the bright -green of mangroves, backed by the high jungle on the raised coral ridge -of the Raybwag. A few small, flat islands on the horizon just faintly -thicken its line, and on a clear day the mountains of the -d’Entrecasteaux are visible as blue shadows in the far -distance.</p> -<p>From the beach, we step directly into one of the villages, a row of -houses faced by another of yam-stores. Through this, leaving on our -right a circular village, and passing through some empty spaces with -groves of betel and coco-nut palms, we come to the main component -village of Sinaketa, to Kasiyetana. There, overtopping the elegant -native huts, stands an enormous corrugated iron shed, built on piles, -but with the space between <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb196" href= -"#pb196" name="pb196">196</a>]</span>the floor and the ground filled up -carefully with white coral stones. This monument testifies both to -native vanity and to the strength of their superstitions—vanity -in aping the white man’s habit of raising the house, and native -belief in the fear of the <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i> (sorcerer), -whose most powerful sorcery is applied by burning magical herbs, and -could not be warded off, were he able to creep under the house. It may -be added that even the missionary teachers, natives of the Trobriands, -always put a solid mass of stones to fill the space beneath their -houses. To’udawada, the chief of Kasiyetana, is, by the way, the -only man in Boyowa who has a corrugated iron house, and in fact in the -whole of the island there are not more than a dozen houses which are -not built exactly according to the traditional pattern. -To’udawada is also the only native whom I ever saw wearing a -sun-helmet; otherwise he is a decent fellow (physically quite pleasant -looking), tall, with a broad, intelligent face. Opposite his iron -shanty are the fine native huts of his four wives.</p> -<div class="figure pl38width" id="pl38"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl38width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXVIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl38.jpg" alt= -"Kouta’uya, one of the Chiefs of Sinaketa" width="715" height= -"472"> -<p class="figureHead">Kouta’uya, one of the Chiefs of -Sinaketa</p> -<p>He is seen standing in front of one of his decorated yam-houses, his -<i lang="kij">lisaga</i> (own dwelling) in the background.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl39width" id="pl39"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl39width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XXXIX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl39.jpg" alt="A Loaded Canoe" width="720" height= -"410"> -<p class="figureHead">A Loaded Canoe</p> -<p>A <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe on the beach of Nu’agasi (in -the Amphletts), showing the main load at the <i lang="kij">gebobo</i> -(middle partition).</p> -</div> -<p>Walking towards the North, over the black soil here and there -pierced by coral, among tall trees and bits of jungle, fields and -gardens, we come to Kanubayne, the village of Kouta’uya, the -second most important chief in Sinaketa. Very likely we shall see him -sitting on the platform of his hut or yam-house, a shrivelled up, -toothless old man, wearing a big native wig. He, as well as -To’udawada, belongs to the highest ranks of chieftainship, and -they both consider themselves the equals of the chiefs of Kiriwina. But -the power of each one is limited to his small, component village, and -neither in ceremonial nor in wealth did they, at least in olden days, -approach their kinsmen in the North. There is still another chief of -the same rank in Sinaketa, who governs the small village of Oraywota. -This is Sinakadi, a puffed up, unhealthy looking, bald and toothless -old man, and a really contemptible and crooked character, despised by -black and white alike. He has a well-established reputation of boarding -white men’s boats as soon as they arrive, with one or two of his -young wives in the canoe, and of returning soon after, alone, but with -plenty of tobacco and good merchandise. Lax as is the -Trobriander’s sense of honour and morality in such matters, this -is too much even for them, and Sinakadi is accordingly not respected in -his village. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb197" href="#pb197" name= -"pb197">197</a>]</span></p> -<p>The rest of the villages are ruled by headmen of inferior rank, but -of not much less importance and power than the main chiefs. One of -them, a queer old man, spare and lame but with an extremely dignified -and deliberate manner, called Layseta, is renowned for his extensive -knowledge of all sorts of magic, and for his long sojourns in foreign -countries, such as the Amphletts and Dobu. We shall meet some of these -chiefs later on in our wanderings. Having described the villages and -headmen of Sinaketa let us return to our narrative.</p> -<p>A few days before the appointed date of the departure of the Kula -expedition there is a great stir in the villages. Visiting parties -arrive from the neighbourhood, bringing gifts mostly of food, to serve -as provisions for the journey. They sit in front of the huts, talking -and commenting, while the local people go about their business. In the -evenings, long conferences are held over the fires, and late hours are -kept. The preparation of food is mainly woman’s work, whereas the -men put the finishing touches to the canoes, and perform their -magic.</p> -<p>Sociologically the group of the departing differentiates itself of -course from those who remain. But even within that group a further -differentiation takes place, brought about by their respective -functions in the Kula. First of all there are the masters of the canoe, -the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, who will play quite a definite part for -the next few weeks. On each of them fall with greater stringency the -taboos, whether those that have to be kept in Sinaketa or in Dobu. Each -has to perform the magic and act in ceremonies. Each will also enjoy -the main honours and privileges of the Kula. The members of the crew, -the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i>, some four to six men in each canoe, form -another group. They sail the craft, perform certain magical rites, and -as a rule do the Kula each on his own account. A couple of younger men -in each canoe, who do not yet kula, but who help in the work of -sailing, form another class, and are called <i lang="kij">silasila</i>. -Here and there a small boy will go with his father on a Kula -expedition—such are called <i lang= -"kij">dodo’u</i>—and makes himself useful by blowing the -conch shell. Thus the whole fleet consists of four classes, that of the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i>, the helpers -and the children. From Sinaketa, women, whether married or unmarried, -never go on overseas expeditions, though a different custom prevails in -the eastern part of the Trobriands. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb198" href="#pb198" name="pb198">198</a>]</span>Each <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> has to give a payment in food to his <i lang= -"kij">usagelu</i>, and this is done in the form of a small ceremony of -distribution of food called <i lang="kij">mwalolo</i>, and held after -the return from the expedition, in the central place of the -village.</p> -<p>A few days before the sailing, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> starts -his series of magical rites and begins to keep his taboos, the women -busy themselves with the final Preparation of the food, and the men -trim the <i lang="kij">waga</i> (canoe) for the imminent, long -journey.</p> -<p>The taboo of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> refers to his sexual -life. During the last two nights, he has in any case to be up late in -connection with his magical performances, and with the visits of his -friends and relatives from other villages, who bring provisions for the -voyage, presents in trade goods, and who chat about the forthcoming -expedition. But he has also to keep vigil far into the night as a -customary injunction, and he has to sleep alone, though his wife may -sleep in the same house.</p> -<p>The preparations of the canoe are begun by covering it with plaited -mats called <i lang="kij">yawarapu</i>. They are put on the platform, -thus making it convenient for walking, sitting and spreading about of -small objects. This, the first act of canoe trimming, is associated -with a magical rite. The plaited leaves are chanted over by the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> on the shore as they are put on the canoe. -Or, in a different system of Kula magic the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> -medicates some ginger root and spits it on the mats in his hut. This is -a specimen of the magical formula which would be used in such a -rite:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Yawarapu Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Betel-nut, betel-nut, female betel-nut; -betel-nut, betel-nut, male betel-nut; betel-nut of the ceremonial -spitting!”</p> -<p>“The chiefs’ comrades; the chiefs and their followers; -their sun, the afternoon sun; their pig, a small pig. One only is my -day”—here the reciter utters his own -name—“their dawn, their morning.”</p> -<p>This is the exordium of the spell. Then follows the main body. The -two words <i lang="kij">boraytupa</i> and <i lang="kij">badederuma</i>, -coupled together, are repeated with a string of other words. The first -word of the couple means, freely translated, ‘quick -sailing,’ and the second one, ‘abundant haul.’ The -string of words which are in succession tacked on to this couple -describe various forms of Kula necklaces. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb199" href="#pb199" name="pb199">199</a>]</span>The necklaces of -different length and of different finish have each their own class -names, of which there are about a dozen. After that, a list of words, -referring to the human head, are recited:</p> -<p>“My head, my nose, my occiput, my tongue, my throat, my -larynx, etc., etc.” Finally, the various objects carried on a -Kula expedition are mentioned. The goods to be given (<i lang= -"kij">pari</i>); a ritually wrapped up bundle (<i lang= -"kij">lilava</i>); the personal basket; the sleeping mat; big baskets; -the lime stick; the lime pot and comb are uttered one after the -other.</p> -<p>Finally the magician recites the end part of the spell; “I -shall kick the mountain, the mountain moves, the mountain tumbles down, -the mountain starts on its ceremonial activities, the mountain -acclaims, the mountain falls down, the mountain lies prostrate! My -spell shall go to the top of Dobu Mountain, my spell will penetrate the -inside of my canoe. The body of my canoe will sink; the float of my -canoe will get under water. My fame is like thunder, my treading is -like the roar of the flying witches.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The first part of this spell contains a reference to the betel-nut, -this being one of the things which the natives expect to receive in the -Kula. On the other hand, it is one of the substances which the natives -charm over and give to the partner to induce him to <i lang= -"kij">kula</i> with them. To which of these two acts the spell refers, -it is impossible to decide, nor can the natives tell it. The part in -which he extols his speed and success are typical of the magic -formulæ, and can be found in many others.</p> -<p>The main part of the spell is as usual much easier to interpret. It -implies, broadly speaking, the declaration: “I shall speed and be -successful with regard to the various forms of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>; I shall speed and be successful with my head, -with my speech, with my appearance; in all my trade goods and personal -belongings.” The final part of the spell describes the impression -which is to be made by the man’s magic upon ‘the -mountain,’ which stands here for the district of Dobu and its -inhabitants. In fact, the districts in the d’Entrecasteaux to -which they are sailing are always called <i lang="kij">koya</i> -(mountain). The exaggerations, the metaphors, and the implicit -insistence on the power of the spell are very characteristic of all -magical spells. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb200" href="#pb200" -name="pb200">200</a>]</span></p> -<p>The next day, or the day after, as there is often a delay in -starting, a pig or two are given by the master of the expedition to all -the participants. In the evening of that day, the owner of each canoe -goes into the garden, and finds an aromatic mint plant (<i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i>). Taking a sprig of it into his hand, he moves it -to and fro, uttering a spell, and then he plucks it. This is the -spell:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Sulumwoya Spell.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6854src" -href="#xd26e6854" name="xd26e6854src">1</a></h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Who cuts the <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> of -Laba’i? I, Kwoyregu, with my father, we cut the <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i> of Laba’i! The roaring <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i>, it roars; the quaking <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, -it quakes; the soughing <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, it soughs; the -boiling <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, it boils<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e6880" title="Not in source">.</span>”</p> -<p>“My <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, it boils, my lime spoon, it -boils, my lime pot, it boils, my comb … my basket … my -small basket … my mat … my <i lang="kij">lilava</i> -bundle … my presentation goods (<i lang="kij">pari</i>) -…” And with each of these terms, the word -‘boils’ or ‘foams up’ is repeated often several -times. After that, the same verb ‘it boils’ is repeated -with all parts of the head, as in the previously quoted formula.</p> -<p>The last part runs thus: “Recently deceased spirit of my -maternal uncle Mwoyalova, breathe thy spell over the head of -Monikiniki. Breathe the spell upon the head of my light canoe. I shall -kick the mountain; the mountain tilts over; the mountain subsides; the -mountain opens up; the mountain jubilates; it topples over. I shall -<i lang="kij">kula</i> so as to make my canoe sink. I shall <i lang= -"kij">kula</i> so as to make my outrigger go under. My fame is like -thunder, my treading is like the roar of the flying witches.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The exordium of this spell contains some mythical references, of -which, however, my informants could give me only confused explanations. -But it is clear in so far as it refers directly to the magical mint, -and describes its magical efficiency. In the second part, there is -again a list of words referring to objects used in the Kula, and to the -personal appearance and persuasiveness of the magician. The verb with -which they are repeated refers to the boiling of the mint and coco-nut -oil which I shall presently have to mention, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb201" href="#pb201" name="pb201">201</a>]</span>and -it indicates that the magical properties of the mint are imparted to -the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and his goods. In the last part, the -magician invokes the spirit of his real maternal kinsman, from whom he -obtained this spell, and asks him to impart magical virtue to his -canoe. The mythological name, Monikiniki, with which there is no myth -connected, except the tradition that he was the original owner of all -these spells, stands here as synonym of the canoe. At the very end in -the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, which contains several expressions -identical with those in the end part of the <i lang="kij">Yawarapu</i> -spell, we have another example of the strongly exaggerated language so -often used in magic.</p> -<p>After having thus ritually plucked the mint plant, the magician -brings it home. There he finds one of his <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> -(members of crew) who helps him by boiling some coco-nut oil (<i lang= -"kij">bulami</i>) in a small native clay pot. Into the boiling oil the -mint plant is put, and, while it boils, a magical formula is uttered -over it.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kaymwaloyo Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“No betel-nut, no <i lang="kij">doga</i> -(ornament of circular boar’s tusk), no betel-pod! My power to -change his mind; my <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic, my <i lang= -"kij">mwase, mwasare, mwaserewai</i>.” This last sentence -contains a play on words very characteristic of Kiriwinian magic. It is -difficult to interpret the opening sentence. Probably it means -something like this: “No betel-nut or pod, no gift of a <i lang= -"kij">doga</i>, can be as strong as my <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> and -its power of changing my partner’s mind in my favour!”</p> -<p>Now comes the main part of the spell: “There is one <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i> (mint) of mine, a <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> of -Laba’i which I shall place on top of Gumasila.”</p> -<p>“Thus shall I make a quick Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall -I hide away my Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall I rob my Kula on top -of Gumasila; thus shall I forage my Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall -I steal my Kula on top of Gumasila.”</p> -<p>These last paragraphs are repeated several times, inserting instead -of the name of the island of Gumasila the following ones: Kuyawaywo, -Domdom, Tewara, Siyawawa, Sanaroa, Tu’utauna, Kamsareta, -Gorebubu. All these are the successive names of places in which Kula is -made. In this long spell, the magician follows the course of a Kula -expedition, enumerating its most <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb202" -href="#pb202" name="pb202">202</a>]</span>conspicuous landmarks. The -last part in this formula is identical with the last part of the -Yawarapu Spell, previously quoted: “I shall kick the mountain, -etc.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>After the recital of this spell over the oil and mint, the magician -takes these substances, and places them in a receptacle made of banana -leaf toughened by grilling. Nowadays a glass bottle is sometimes used -instead. The receptacle is then attached to a stick thrust through the -prow boards of the canoe and protruding slantwise over the nose. As we -shall see later on, the aromatic oil will be used in anointing some -objects on arrival at Dobu.</p> -<p>With this, however, the series of magical rites is not finished. The -next day, early in the morning, the ritual bundle of representative -trade goods, called <i lang="kij">lilava</i>, is made up with the -recital of a magical spell. A few objects of trade, a plaited armlet, a -comb, a lime pot, a bundle of betel-nut are placed on a clean, new mat, -and into the folded mat the spell is recited. Then the mat is rolled -up, and over it another mat is placed, and one or two may be wrapped -round; thus it contains, hermetically sealed, the magical virtue of the -spell. This bundle is placed afterwards in a special spot in the centre -of the canoe, and is not opened till the expedition arrives in Dobu. -There is a belief that a magical portent (<i lang="kij">kariyala</i>) -is associated with it. A gentle rain, accompanied by thunder and -lightning, sets in whenever the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> is opened. A -sceptical European might add, that in the monsoon season it almost -invariably rains on any afternoon, with the accompaniment of thunder, -at the foot or on the slopes of such high hills as are found in the -d’Entrecasteaux group. Of course when, in spite of that, a -<i lang="kij">kariyala</i> does not make its appearance, we all know -something has been amiss in the performance of the magical rite over -the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>! This is the spell recited over the -tabooed <i lang="kij">lilava</i> bundle.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Lilava Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I skirt the shore of the beach of Kaurakoma; -the beach of Kayli, the Kayli of Muyuwa.” I cannot add any -explanation which would make this phrase clearer. It obviously contains -some mythological references to which I have no key. The spell runs on: -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb203" href="#pb203" name= -"pb203">203</a>]</span></p> -<p>“I shall act magically on my mountain … Where -shall I lie? I shall lie in Legumatabu; I shall dream, I shall have -dream visions; rain will come as my magical portent … his -mind is on the alert; he lies not, he sits not, he stands up and -trembles, he stands up and is agitated; the renown of Kewara is small, -my own renown flares up …”</p> -<p>This whole period is repeated over and over again, each time the -name of another place being inserted instead of that of Legumatabu. -Legumatabu is a small coral island some two hundred yards long and a -hundred yards wide, with a few pandanus trees growing on it, wild fowl -and turtle laying their eggs in its sand. In this island, half way -between Sinaketa and the Amphletts, the Sinaketan sailors often spend a -night or two, if overtaken by bad weather or contrary winds.</p> -<p>This period contains first a direct allusion to the magical portent -of the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>. In its second half it describes the -state of agitation of the Dobuan partner under the influence of this -magic, a state of agitation which will prompt him to be generous in the -Kula. I do not know whether the word Kewara is a proper name or what -else it may mean, but the phrase contains a boast of the -magician’s own renown, very typical of magical formulæ.</p> -<p>The localities mentioned instead of Legumatabu in the successive -repetitions of the period are: Yakum, another small coral island, -Urasi, the Dobuan name for Gumasila, Tewara, Sanaro’a, and -Tu’utauna, all localities known to us already from our -description of Dobu.</p> -<p>This is a very long spell. After the recital, and a very lengthy -one, of the last period with its variants, yet another change is -introduced into it. Instead of the first phrase “where shall I -lie? etc.” the new form runs “Where does the rainbow stand -up? It stands up on the top of Koyatabu,” and after this the rest -of the period is repeated: “I shall dream, I shall have dream -visions, etc.” This new form is again varied by uttering instead -of Koyatabu, Kamsareta, Koyava’u, and Gorebubu.<a class="noteref" -id="xd26e7007src" href="#xd26e7007" name="xd26e7007src">2</a> This -again carries us through the landscape; but here, instead of the -sleeping places we follow the beacons of the sailing expedition by -mentioning the tops of the high mountains. The end part of this spell -is again identical with that of the Yawarapu Spell.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb204" href="#pb204" name= -"pb204">204</a>]</span></p> -<p>This magical rite takes place on the morning of the last day. -Immediately after the recital of the spell, and the rolling up of the -<i lang="kij">lilava</i>, it is carried to the canoe, and put into its -place of honour. By that time the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> (members of -the crew) have already made the canoe ready for sailing.</p> -<p>Each <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe is divided into ten, eleven, or -twelve compartments by the stout, horizontal poles called <i lang= -"kij">riu</i>, which join the body of the canoe with the outrigger. -Such a compartment is called <i lang="kij">liku</i>, and each <i lang= -"kij">liku</i> has its name and its function. Starting from the end of -the canoe, the first <i lang="kij">liku</i>, which, as is easily seen, -is both narrow and shallow, is called <i lang="kij">ogugwau</i>, -‘in the mist,’ and this is the proper place for the -conch-shell. Small boys will sit there and blow the conch-shell on -ceremonial occasions.</p> -<p>The next compartment is called <i lang="kij">likumakava</i>, and -there some of the food is stowed away. The third division is called -<i lang="kij">kayliku</i> and water-bottles made of coco-nut shells -have their traditional place in it. The fourth <i lang="kij">liku</i>, -called <i lang="kij">likuguya’u</i>, is, as its name indicates, -the place for the <i lang="kij">guya’u</i> or chief, which, it -may be added, is unofficially used as a courtesy title for any headman, -or man of importance. The baler, <i lang="kij">yalumila</i>, always -remains in this compartment. Then follow the central compartments, -called <i lang="kij">gebobo</i>, one, two or three, according to the -size of the canoe. This is the place where the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> -is put on the platform, and where are placed the best food, not to be -eaten till the arrival in Dobu, and all valuable trade articles. After -that central division, the same divisions, as in the first part are met -in inverse order (see <a href="#pl39">Plate XXXIX</a>).</p> -<p>When the canoe is going to carry much cargo, as is always the case -on an expedition to Dobu, a square space is fenced round corresponding -to the <i lang="kij">gebobo</i> part of the canoe. A big sort of square -hen-coop, or cage, is thus erected in the middle of the canoe, and this -is full of bundles wrapped up in mats, and at times when the canoe is -not travelling, it is usually covered over with a sail. In the bottom -of the canoe a floor is made by a framework of sticks. On this, people -can walk and things can rest, while the bilgewater flows underneath, -and is baled out from time to time. On this framework, in the <i lang= -"kij">gebobo</i>, four coco-nuts are placed, each in the corner of the -square, while a spell is recited over them. It is after that, that the -<i lang="kij">lilava</i> and the choice food, and the rest of the trade -are stowed away. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb205" href="#pb205" -name="pb205">205</a>]</span>The following spell belongs to the class -which is recited over the four coco-nuts.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Gebobo Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“My father, my mother … Kula, <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i>.” This short exordium, running in the -compressed style proper to magical beginnings, is rather enigmatic, -except for the mention of the Kula and <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, which -explain themselves. The second part is less obscure:</p> -<p>“I shall fill my canoe with <i lang="kij">bagido’u</i>, -I shall fill my canoe with <i lang="kij">bagiriku</i>, I shall fill my -canoe with <i lang="kij">bagidudu</i>, etc.” All the specific -names of the necklaces are enumerated. The last part runs as follows: -“I shall anchor in the open sea, and my renown will go to the -Lagoon, I shall anchor in the Lagoon, and my renown will go to the open -sea. My companions will be on the open sea and on the Lagoon. My renown -is like thunder, my treading is like earthquake.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This last part is similar to several of the other formulæ. -This rite is obviously a Kula rite, judging from the spell, but the -natives maintain that its special virtue is to make the food stuffs, -loaded into the canoe, last longer. After this rite is over, the -loading is done quickly, the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> is put into its -place of honour, and with it the best food to be eaten in Dobu. Some -other choice food to serve as <i lang="kij">pokala</i> (offerings) is -also put in the gebobo, to be offered to overseas partners; on it, the -rest of the trade, called <i lang="kij">pari</i>, is piled, and right -on top of all are the personal belongings of the <i lang= -"kij">usagelu</i> and the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> in their -respective baskets, shaped like travelling bags.</p> -<p>The people from the inland villages, <i lang= -"kij">kulila’odila</i>, as they are called, are assembled on the -beach. With them stand the women, the children, the old men, and the -few people left to guard the village. The master of the fleet gets up -and addresses the crowd on the shore, more or less in these words:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Women, we others sail; you remain in the -village and look after the gardens and the houses; you must keep -chaste. When you get into the bush to get wood, may not one of you lag -behind. When you go to the gardens to do work keep together. Return -together with your younger sisters.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>He also admonishes the people from the other villages to keep away, -never to visit Sinaketa at night or in the evening, and never to come -singly into the village. On hearing that, <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb206" href="#pb206" name="pb206">206</a>]</span>the headman of an -inland village will get up and speak in this fashion:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Not thus, oh, our chief; you go away, and your -village will remain here as it is. Look, when you are here we come to -see you. You sail away, we shall keep to our villages. When you return, -we come again. Perhaps you will give us some betel-nut, some sago, some -coco-nuts. Perhaps you will <i lang="kij">kula</i> to us some necklace -of shell beads.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>After these harangues are over, the canoes sail away in a body. Some -of the women on the beach may weep at the actual departure, but it is -taboo to weep afterwards. The woman are also supposed to keep the -taboo, that is, not to walk alone out of the village, not to receive -male visitors, in fact, to remain chaste and true to their husbands -during their absence. Should a woman commit misconduct, her -husband’s canoe would be slow. As a rule there are recriminations -between husbands and wives and consequent bad feeling on the return of -the party; whether the canoe should be blamed or the wife it is -difficult to say.</p> -<p>The women now look out for the rain and thunder, for the sign that -the men have opened the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> (special magical -bundle). Then they know that the party has arrived on the beach of -Sarubwoyna, and performs now its final magic, and prepares for its -entrance into the villages of Tu’utauna, and Bwayowa. The women -are very anxious that the men should succeed in arriving at Dobu, and -that they should not be compelled by bad weather to return from the -Amphletts. They have been preparing special grass skirts to put on, -when they meet the returning canoes on the beach; they also hope to -receive the sago, which is considered a dainty, and some of the -ornaments, which their men bring them back from Dobu. If for any reason -the fleet returns prematurely, there is great disappointment throughout -the village, because this means the expedition has been a failure, -nothing has been brought back to those left at home, and they have no -opportunity of wearing their ceremonial dress. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb207" href="#pb207" name="pb207">207</a>]</span></p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e6854" href="#xd26e6854src" name="xd26e6854">1</a></span> Compare -the linguistic analysis of the original text of this spell, given in -<a href="#ch18">Chapter XVIII</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e6854src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e7007" href="#xd26e7007src" name="xd26e7007">2</a></span> -Koyatabu—the mountain on the North shore of Fergusson; -Kamsareta,—the highest hill on Domdom,—in the Amphletts; -Koyava’u—the mountain opposite Dobu island, on the North -shore of Dawson Straits; Gorebubu—the volcano on Dobu -island. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e7007src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch8" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e611">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter VIII</h2> -<h2 class="main">The First Halt of the Fleet on Muwa</h2> -<div id="div8.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">After so many preparations and preliminaries, we might -expect that, once embarked, the natives would make straight for the -high mountains, which beckon them alluringly from the distant South. -Quite on the contrary, they are satisfied with a very short stage the -first day, and after sailing a few miles, they stop on a big sand bank -called Muwa, lying to the southwest of the village of Sinaketa. Here, -near the sandy shore, edged with old, gnarled trees, the canoes are -moored by sticks, while the crews prepare for a ceremonial distribution -of food, and arrange their camp for the night on the beach.</p> -<p>This somewhat puzzling delay is less incomprehensible, if we reflect -that the natives, after having prepared for a distant expedition, now -at last for the first time find themselves together, separated from the -rest of the villagers. A sort of mustering and reviewing of forces, as -a rule associated with a preliminary feast held by the party, is -characteristic of all the expeditions or visits in the Trobriands.</p> -<p>I have spoken already about big and small expeditions, but I have -not perhaps made quite clear that the natives themselves make a -definite distinction between big, competitive Kula expeditions, called -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, and sailings on a smaller scale, described -as ‘just Kula,’ (“Kula wala”). The <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> are held every two or three years from each district, -though nowadays, as in everything else, the natives are getting slack. -One would be held, whenever there is a great agglomeration of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, due to reasons which I shall describe later -on. Sometimes, a special event, such as the possession by one of the -head men of an exceptionally fine pig, or of an object of high value, -might give rise to an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. Thus, in 1918, a big -competitive expedition (<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>) from Dobu was held -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb208" href="#pb208" name= -"pb208">208</a>]</span>ostensibly for the reason that Kauyaporu, one of -the head men of Tu’utauna, owned a very large boar with tusks -almost curling over into a circle. Again, plenty of food, or in olden -days the completion of a successful war expedition, would form the -<i lang="fr">raison d’être</i> of an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i>. Of course these reasons, explicitly given by the -natives, are, so to speak, accessory causes, for in reality an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> would be held whenever its turn came, that is, -barring great scarcity of food or the death of an important -personage.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is a Kula expedition on an -exceptionally big scale, carried on with a definite social organisation -under scrupulous observance of all ceremonial and magical rites, and -distinguished from the smaller expeditions by its size, by a -competitive element, and by one or two additional features. On an -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, all the canoes in the district will sail, -and they will sail fully manned. Everybody will be very eager to take -part in it. Side by side with this natural desire, however, there -exists the idea that all the members of the crews are under an -obligation to go on the expedition. This duty they owe to the chief, or -master of the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. The <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i>, as he is called, is always one of the -sectional chiefs or headmen. He plays the part of a master of -ceremonies, on leaving the beach of Sinaketa, at the distributions of -food, on arrival in the overseas villages, and on the ceremonial return -home. A streamer of dried and bleached pandanus leaf, attached to the -prows of his canoe on a stick, is the ostensible sign of the dignity. -Such a streamer is called <i lang="kij">tarabauba’u</i> in -Kiriwinian, and <i lang="kij">doya</i> in the Dobuan language. The -headman, who is <i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku</i> on an expedition, -will as a rule receive more Kula gifts than the others. On him also -will devolve the glory of this particular expedition. Thus the title of -<i lang="kij">toli</i>, in this case, is one of honorary and nominal -ownership, resulting mainly in renown (<i lang="kij">butura</i>) for -its bearer, and as such highly valued by the natives.</p> -<p>From the economic and legal point of view, however, the obligation -binding the members of the expedition to him is the most important -sociological feature. He gives the distribution of food, in which the -others participate, and this imposes on them the duty of carrying out -the expedition, however hard this might be, however often they would -have to stop or even return owing to bad weather, contrary winds, or, -in olden<a id="xd26e7235" name="xd26e7235"></a> days, interference by -hostile natives. As the natives say, <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb209" href="#pb209" name="pb209">209</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“We cannot return on <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, -for we have eaten of the pig, and we have chewed of the betel-nut given -by the <i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku.</i>”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Only after the most distant community with whom the Sinaketans -<i lang="kij">kula</i> has been reached, and after due time has been -allowed for the collection of any <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> -within reach, will the party start on the return journey. Concrete -cases are quoted in which expeditions had to start several times from -Sinaketa, always returning within a few days after all the provisions -had been eaten on Muwa, from where a contrary wind would not allow the -canoes to move south. Or again, a memorable expedition, some few -decades ago, started once or twice, was becalmed in Vakuta, had to give -a heavy payment to a wind magician in the village of Okinai, to provide -them with a propitious northerly wind, and then, sailing South at last, -met with a <i lang="kij">vineylida</i>, one of the dreadful perils of -the sea, a live stone which jumps from the bottom of the sea at a -canoe. But in spite of all this, they persevered, reached Dobu in -safety, and made a successful return.</p> -<p>Thus we see that, from a sociological point of view, the <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> is an enterprise partially financed by the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i>, and therefore redounding to his credit, -and bringing him honour; while the obligation imposed on others by the -food distributed to them, is to carry on the expedition to a successful -end.</p> -<p>It is rather puzzling to find that, although everyone is eager for -the expedition, although they all enjoy it equally and satisfy their -ambition and increase their wealth by it, yet the element of compulsion -and obligation is introduced into it; for we are not accustomed to the -idea of pleasure having to be forced on people. None the less, the -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is not an isolated feature, for in almost all -tribal enjoyments and festive entertainments on a big scale, the same -principle obtains. The master of the festivities, by an initial -distribution of food, imposes an obligation on the others, to carry -through dancing, sports, or games of the season. And indeed, -considering the ease with which native enthusiasms flag, with which -jealousies, envies and quarrels creep in, and destroy the unanimity of -social amusements, the need for compulsion from without to amuse -oneself appears not so preposterous as at first sight.</p> -<p>I have said that an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition is -distinguished <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb210" href="#pb210" name= -"pb210">210</a>]</span>from an ordinary one, in so far also as the full -ceremonial of the Kula has to be observed. Thus all the canoes must be -either new or relashed, and without exception they must be also -repainted and redecorated. The full ceremonial launching, <i lang= -"kij">tasasoria</i>, and the presentation, <i lang= -"kij">kabigodoya</i>, are carried out with every detail only when the -Kula takes the form of an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. The pig or pigs -killed in the village before departure are also a special feature of -the competitive Kula. So is the <i lang="kij">kayguya’u</i> -ceremonial distribution held on Muwa, just at the point of the -proceedings at which we have now arrived. The <i lang= -"kij">tanarere</i>, a big display of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> -and comparison of the individual acquisitions at the end of an -expedition, is another ceremonial feature of the <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> and supplies some of the competitive element. There -is also competition as to the speed, qualities and beauties of the -canoes at the beginning of such an expedition. Some of the communities -who present their <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> to an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition vie with one another, as to who will give -most, and in fact the element of emulation or competition runs right -through the proceedings. In the following chapters, I shall have, in -several more points, occasion to distinguish an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> from an ordinary Kula sailing.</p> -<p>It must be added at once that, although all these ceremonial -features are compulsory only on an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> sailing, -and although only then are they one and all of them unfailingly -observed, some and even all may also be kept during an ordinary Kula -expedition, especially if it happens to be a somewhat bigger one. The -same refers to the various magical rites—that is to say the most -important ones—which although performed on every Kula expedition, -are carried out with more punctilio on an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i>.</p> -<p>Finally, a very important distinctive feature is the rule, that no -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> can be carried on the outbound sailing -of an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. It must not be forgotten that a Kula -overseas expedition sails, in order mainly to receive gifts and not to -give them, and on an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> this rule is carried to -its extreme, so that no Kula valuables whatever may be given by the -visiting party. The natives sailing from Sinaketa to Dobu on ordinary -Kula may carry a few armshells with them, but when they sail on a -ceremonial competitive <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, no armshell is ever -taken. For it must be remembered that Kula exchanges, as has been -explained in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, never take place -simultaneously. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb211" href="#pb211" -name="pb211">211</a>]</span>It is always a gift followed after a lapse -of time by a counter-gift. Now on a <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> the -natives would receive in Dobu a certain amount of gifts, which, within -a year or so, would be returned to the Dobuans, when these pay a visit -to Sinaketa. But there is always a considerable amount of valuables -which the Dobuans owe to the Sinaketans, so that when now the -Sinaketans go to Dobu, they will claim also these gifts due to them -from previous occasions. All these technicalities of Kula exchange will -become clearer in one of the subsequent chapters (<a href= -"#ch14">Chapter XIV</a>).</p> -<p>To sum up, the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is a ceremonial and -competitive expedition. Ceremonial it is, in so far as it is connected -with the special initial distribution of food, given by the master of -the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. It is also ceremonial in that all the -formalities of the Kula are kept rigorously and without exception, for -in a sense every Kula sailing expedition is ceremonial. Competitive it -is mainly in that at the end of it all the acquired articles are -compared and counted. With this also the prohibition to carry <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, is connected, so as to give everyone an even -start.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div8.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Returning now to the Sinaketan fleet assembled at -Muwa, as soon as they have arrived there, that is, some time about -noon, they proceed to the ceremonial distribution. Although the -<i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku</i> is master of ceremonies, in this -case he as a rule sits and watches the initial proceedings from a -distance. A group of his relatives or friends of lesser rank busy -themselves with the work. It might be better perhaps here to give a -more concrete account, since it is always difficult to visualise -exactly how such things will proceed.</p> -<p>This was brought home to me when in March, 1918, I assisted at these -initial stages of the Kula in the Amphlett Islands. The natives had -been preparing for days for departure, and on the final date, I spent -the whole morning observing and photographing the loading and trimming -of the canoes, the farewells, and the setting out of the fleet. In the -evening, after a busy day, as it was a full-moon night, I went for a -long pull in a <span class="corr" id="xd26e7370" title= -"Source: dinghey">dinghy</span>. Although in the Trobriands I had had -accounts of the custom of the first halt, yet it gave me a surprise -when on rounding a rocky point I came upon the whole <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb212" href="#pb212" name= -"pb212">212</a>]</span>crowd of Gumasila natives, who had departed on -the Kula that morning, sitting in full-moon light on a beach, only a -few miles from the village which they had left with so much to-do some -ten hours before. With the fairly strong wind that day, I was thinking -of them as camping at least half way to the Trobriands, on one of the -small sand banks some twenty miles North. I went and sat for a moment -among the morose and unfriendly Amphlett Islanders, who, unlike the -Trobrianders, distinctly resented the inquisitive and blighting -presence of an Ethnographer.</p> -<p>To return to our Sinaketan party, we can imagine the chiefs sitting -high up on the shore under the gnarled, broad-leafed branches of the -shady trees. They might perhaps be resting in one group, each with a -few attendants, or else every headman and chief near his own canoe, -To’udawada silently chewing betel-nut, with a heavy and bovine -dignity, the excitable Koutauya chattering in a high pitched voice with -some of his grown-up sons, among whom there are two or three of the -finest men in Sinaketa. Further on, with a smaller group of attendants, -sits the infamous Sinakadi, in conference with his successor to -chieftainship, his sister’s son, Gomaya, also a notorious -scoundrel. On such occasions it is good form for chiefs not to busy -themselves among the groups, nor to survey the proceedings, but to keep -an aloof and detached attitude. In company with other notables, they -discuss in the short, jerky sentences which make native languages so -difficult to follow, the arrangements and prospects of the Kula, making -now and then a mythological reference, forecasting the weather, and -discussing the merits of the canoes.</p> -<p>In the meantime, the henchmen of the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i>, his sons, his younger brothers, his -relatives-in-law, prepare the distribution. As a rule, either -To’udawada or Koutauya would be the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i>. The one who at the given time has more -wealth on hand and prospects of receiving more <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, would take over the dignity and the burdens. -Sinakadi is much less wealthy, and probably it would be an exception -for him and his predecessors and successors to play the part. The minor -headmen of the other compound villages of Sinaketa would never fill the -rôle.</p> -<p>Whoever is the master of the expedition for the time being will have -brought over a couple of pigs, which will now be laid <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb213" href="#pb213" name="pb213">213</a>]</span>on -the beach and admired by the members of the expedition. Soon some fires -are lit, and the pigs, with a long pole thrust through their tied feet, -are hung upside down over the fires. A dreadful squealing fills the air -and delights the hearers. After the pig has been singed to death, or -rather, into insensibility, it is taken off and cut open. Specialists -cut it into appropriate parts, ready for the distribution. Yams, taro, -coco-nuts and sugar cane have already been put into big heaps, as many -as there are canoes—that is, nowadays, eight. On these heaps, -some hands of ripe bananas and some betel-nut bunches are placed. On -the ground, beside them, on trays of plaited coco-nut leaves, the lumps -of meat are displayed. All this food has been provided by the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i>, who previously has received as -contributions towards it special presents, both from his own and from -his wife’s kinsmen. In fact, if we try to draw out all the -strands of gifts and contributions connected with such a distribution -we would find that it is spun round into such an intricate web, that -even the lengthy account of the foregoing chapter does not quite do it -justice.</p> -<p>After the chief’s helpers have arranged the heaps, they go -over them, seeing that the apportionment is correct, shifting some of -the food here and there, and memorising to whom each heap will be -given. Often in the final round, the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i> inspects the heaps himself, and then -returns to his former seat. Then comes the culminating act of the -distribution. One of the chief’s henchmen, always a man of -inferior rank, accompanied by the chief’s helpers, walks down the -row of heaps, and at each of them screams out in a very loud voice:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“O, Siyagana, thy heap, there, O Siyagana, -O!” At the next one he calls the name of another canoe: “O -Gumawora, thy heap, there! O Gumawora O!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>He goes thus over all the heaps, allotting each one to a canoe. -After that is finished, some of the younger boys of each canoe go and -fetch their heap. This is brought to their fire, the meat is roasted, -and the yams, the sugar cane and betel-nut distributed among the crew, -who presently sit down and eat, each group by itself. We see that, -although the <i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku</i> is responsible for -the feast, and receives from the natives all the credit for it, his -active part in the proceedings is a small one, and it is more nominal -than real. On such occasions it would <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb214" href="#pb214" name="pb214">214</a>]</span>perhaps be incorrect -to call him ‘master of ceremonies,’ although he assumes -this rôle, as we shall see, on other occasions. Nevertheless, for -the natives, he is the centre of the proceedings. His people do all the -work there is to be done, and in certain cases he would be referred to -for a decision, on some question of etiquette.</p> -<p>After the meal is over, the natives rest, chew betel-nut and smoke, -looking across the water towards the setting sun—it is now -probably late in the afternoon—towards where, above the moored -canoes, which rock and splash in the shallows, there float the faint -silhouettes of the mountains. These are the distant <i lang= -"kij">Koya</i>, the high hills in the d’Entrecasteaux and -Amphletts, to which the elder natives have often already sailed, and of -which the younger have heard so many times in myth, tales and magical -spells. Kula conversations will predominate on such occasions, and -names of distant partners, and personal names of specially valuable -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> will punctuate the conversation and -make it very obscure to those not initiated into the technicalities and -historical traditions of the Kula. Recollections how a certain big -spondylus necklace passed a couple of years ago through Sinaketa, how -So-and-so handed it to So-and-so in Kiriwina, who again gave it to one -of his partners in Kitava (all the personal names of course being -mentioned) and how it went from there to Woodlark Island, where its -traces become lost—such reminiscences lead to conjectures as to -where the necklace might now be, and whether there is a chance of -meeting it in Dobu. Famous exchanges are cited, quarrels over Kula -grievances, cases in which a man was killed by magic for his too -successful dealings in the Kula, are told one after the other, and -listened to with never failing interest. The younger men amuse -themselves perhaps with less serious discussions about the dangers -awaiting them on the sea, about the fierceness of the witches and -dreadful beings in the <i lang="kij">Koya</i>, while many a young -Trobriander would be warned at this stage of the unaccommodating -attitude of the women in Dobu, and of the fierceness of their men -folk.</p> -<p>After nightfall a number of small fires are lit on the beach. The -stiff pandanus mats, folded in the middle, are put over each sleeper so -as to form a small roof, and the whole crowd settle down for the night. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb215" href="#pb215" name= -"pb215">215</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div8.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Next morning, if there is a fair wind, or a hope of -it, the natives are up very early, and all are feverishly active. Some -fix up the masts and rigging of the canoes, doing it much more -thoroughly and carefully than it was done on the previous morning, -since there may be a whole day’s sailing ahead of them perhaps -with a strong wind, and under dangerous conditions. After all is done, -the sails ready to be hoisted, the various ropes put into good trim, -all the members of the crew sit at their posts, and each canoe waits -some few yards from the beach for its <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> -(master of the canoe). He remains on shore, in order to perform one of -the several magical rites which, at this stage of sailing, break -through the purely matter-of-fact events. All these rites of magic are -directed towards the canoes, making them speedy, seaworthy and safe. In -the first rite, some leaves are medicated by the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> as he squats over them on the beach and recites a -formula. The wording of this indicates that it is a speed magic, and -this is also the explicit statement of the natives.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kadumiyala Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In this spell, the flying fish and the jumping gar -fish are invoked at the beginning. Then the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> -urges his canoe to fly at its bows and at its stern. Then, in a long -<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, he repeats a word signifying the magical -imparting of speed, and with the names of the various parts of the -canoe. The last part runs: “The canoe flies, the canoe flies in -the morning, the canoe flies at sunrise, the canoe flies like a flying -witch,” ending up with the onomatopoetic words “<i lang= -"kij">Saydidi, tatata, numsa</i>,” which represent the flapping -of pandanus streamers in the wind, or as others say, the noises made by -the flying witches, as they move through the air on a stormy night.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>After having uttered this spell into the leaves, the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> gives them to one of the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> -(members of the crew), who, wading round the <i lang="kij">waga</i>, -rubs with them first the <i lang="kij">dobwana</i>, ‘head’ -of the canoe, then the middle of its body, and finally its <i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i> (basis). Proceeding round on the side of the -outrigger, he rubs the ‘head’ again. It may be remembered -here that, with the native canoes, fore and aft in the sailing sense -are interchangeable, since the canoe must sail having always the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb216" href="#pb216" name= -"pb216">216</a>]</span>wind on its outrigger side, and it often has to -change stern to bows. But standing on a canoe so that the outrigger is -on the left hand, and the body of the canoe on the right, a native will -call the end of the canoe in front of him its head (<i lang= -"kij">dabwana</i>), and that behind, its basis (<i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i>).</p> -<p>After this is over, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> enters the canoe, -the sail is hoisted, and the canoe rushes ahead. Now two or three -pandanus streamers which had previously been medicated in the village -by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> are tied to the rigging, and to the -mast. The following is the spell which had been said over them:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Bisila Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Bora’i, Bora’i (a mythical name). -Bora’i flies, it will fly; Bora’i Bora’i, -Bora’i stands up, it will stand up. In company with -Bora’i—<i lang="kij">sidididi</i>. Break through your -passage in Kadimwatu, pierce through thy Promontory of Salamwa. Go and -attach your pandanus streamer in Salamwa, go and ascend the slope of -Loma.”</p> -<p>“Lift up the body of my canoe; its body is like floating -gossamer, its body is like dry banana leaf, its body is like -fluff.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>There is a definite association in the minds of the natives between -the pandanus streamers, with which they usually decorate mast, rigging -and sail, and the speed of the canoe. The decorative effect of the -floating strips of pale, glittering<a id="xd26e7507" name= -"xd26e7507"></a> yellow is indeed wonderful, when the speed of the -canoe makes them flutter in the wind. Like small banners of some stiff, -golden fabric they envelope the sail and rigging with light, colour and -movement.</p> -<p>The pandanus streamers, and especially their trembling, are a -definite characteristic of Trobriand culture (see <a href="#pl29">Plate -XXIX</a>). In some of their dances, the natives use long, bleached -ribbons of pandanus, which the men hold in both hands, and set -a-flutter while they dance. To do this well is one of the main -achievements of a brilliant artist. On many festive occasions the -<i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamers) are tied to houses on -poles for decoration. They are thrust into armlets and belts as -personal ornaments. The <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> (valuables) -when prepared for the Kula, are decorated with strips of <i lang= -"kij">bisila</i>. In the Kula a chief will send to some distant partner -a <i lang="kij">bisila</i> streamer over which a special spell has been -recited, and this will make the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb217" -href="#pb217" name="pb217">217</a>]</span>partner eager to bestow -valuables on the sender. As we saw, a broad <i lang="kij">bisila</i> -streamer is attached to the canoe of a <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i> as his badge of honour. The flying witches -(<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>) are supposed to use pandanus streamers -in order to acquire speed and levitation in their nightly flights -through the air.</p> -<p>After the magical pandanus strips have been tied to the rigging, -beside the non-magical, purely ornamental ones, the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> sits at the <i lang="kij">veva</i> rope, the sheet -by which the sail is extended to the wind, and moving it to and fro he -recites a spell.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kayikuna Veva Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Two verbs signifying magical influence are repeated -with the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>—which implies the -conception of ‘ritual’ or ‘sacred’ or -‘being tabooed.’<a class="noteref" id="n217.1src" href= -"#n217.1" name="n217.1src">1</a> Then the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> -says: “I shall treat my canoe magically in its middle part, I -shall treat it in its body. I shall take my <i lang="kij">butia</i> -(flower wreath), of the sweet-scented flowers. I shall put it on the -head of my canoe.”</p> -<p>Then a lengthy middle strophe is recited, in which all the parts of -a canoe are named with two verbs one after the other. The verbs are: -“To wreathe the canoe in a ritual manner,” and “to -paint it red in a ritual manner.” The prefix <i lang= -"kij">bo-</i>, added to the verbs, has been here translated, “in -a ritual manner.”<a class="pseudonoteref" href= -"#n217.1">1</a></p> -<p>The spell ends by a conclusion similar to that of many other canoe -formulæ, “My canoe, thou art like a whirlwind, like a -vanishing shadow! Disappear in the distance, become like mist, -avaunt!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>These are the three usual rites for the sake of speed at the -beginning of the journey. If the canoe remains slow, however, an -auxiliary rite is performed; a piece of dried banana leaf is put -between the gunwale and one of the inner frame sticks of the canoe, and -a spell is recited over it. After that, they beat both ends of the -canoe with this banana leaf. If the canoe is <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb218" href="#pb218" name= -"pb218">218</a>]</span>still heavy, and lags behind the others, a piece -of <i lang="kij">kuleya</i> (cooked and stale yam) is put on a mat, and -the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> medicates it with a spell which -transfers the heaviness to the yam. The spell here recited is the same -one which we met when the heavy log was being pulled into the village. -The log was then beaten with a bunch of grass, accompanied by the -recital of the spell, and then this bunch was thrown away.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e7606src" href="#xd26e7606" name="xd26e7606src">2</a> -In this case the piece of yam which has taken on the heaviness of the -canoe is thrown overboard. Sometimes, however, even this is of no -avail. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> then seats himself on the -platform next to the steersman, and utters a spell over a piece of -coco-nut husk, which is thrown into the water. This rite, called -<i lang="kij">Bisiboda patile</i> is a piece of evil-magic (<i lang= -"kij">bulubwalata</i>), intended to keep all the other canoes back. If -that does not help, the natives conclude that some taboos pertaining to -the canoe might have been broken, and perhaps the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> may feel some misgivings regarding the conduct of -his wife or wives. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb219" href="#pb219" -name="pb219">219</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id="n217.1" -href="#n217.1src" name="n217.1">1</a></span> The prefix <i lang= -"kij">bo-</i> has three different etymological derivations, each -carrying its own shade of meaning. First, it may be the first part of -the word <i lang="kij">bomala</i>, in which case, its meaning will be -“ritual” or “sacred.” Secondly, it may be -derived from the word <i lang="kij">bu’a</i>, areca-nut, a -substance very often used and mentioned in magic, both because it is a -narcotic, and a beautiful, vermilion dye. Thirdly, the prefix may be a -derivation from <i lang="kij">butia</i>, the sweet scented flower made -into wreaths, in which case it would usually be <i lang="kij">bway</i>, -but sometimes might become <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, and would carry the -meaning of “festive,” “decorated.” To a native, -who does not look upon a spell as an ethnological document, but as an -instrument of magical power, the prefix probably conveys all three -meanings at once, and the word “ritual” covers best all -these three meanings. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#n217.1src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e7606" href="#xd26e7606src" name="xd26e7606">2</a></span> See -<a href="#div5.2">Division II of Chapter V</a>. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e7606src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch9" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e627">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter IX</h2> -<h2 class="main">Sailing on the Sea-Arm of Pilolu</h2> -<div id="div9.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Now at last the Kula expedition is properly set going. -The canoes are started on a long stage, before them the sea-arm of -Pilolu, stretching between the Trobriands and the -d’Entrecasteaux. On the North, this portion of the sea is bounded -by the Archipelago of the Trobriands, that is, by the islands of -Vakuta, Boyowa and Kayleula, joining in the west on to the scattered -belt of the Lousançay Islands. On the east, a long submerged -reef runs from the southern end of Vakuta to the Amphletts, forming an -extended barrier to sailing, but affording little protection from the -eastern winds and seas. In the South, this barrier links on to the -Amphletts, which together with the Northern coast of Fergusson and -Goodenough, form the Southern shore of Pilolu. To the West, Pilolu -opens up into the seas between the mainland of New Guinea and the -Bismarck Archipelago. In fact, what the natives designate by the name -of Pilolu is nothing else but the enormous basin of the -Lousançay Lagoon, the largest coral atoll in the world. To the -natives, the name of Pilolu is full of emotional associations, drawn -from magic and myth; it is connected with the experiences of past -generations, told by the old men round the village fires and with -adventure personally lived through.</p> -<p>As the Kula adventurers speed along with filled sails, the shallow -Lagoon of the Trobriands soon falls away behind; the dull green waters, -sprinkled with patches of brown where seaweed grows high and rank, and -lit up here and there with spots of bright emerald where a shallow -bottom of clean sand shines through, give place to a deeper sea of -strong green hue. The low strip of land, which surrounds the Trobriand -Lagoon in a wide sweep, thins away and dissolves in the haze, and -before them the southern mountains rise higher and higher. On a -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb220" href="#pb220" name= -"pb220">220</a>]</span>clear day, these are visible even from the -Trobriands. The neat outlines of the Amphletts stand diminutive, yet -firmer and more material, against the blue silhouettes of the higher -mountains behind. These, like a far away cloud are draped in wreaths of -cumuli, almost always clinging to their summits. The nearest of them, -Koyatabu—the mountain of the taboo—<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e7640src" href="#xd26e7640" name="xd26e7640src">1</a> on the North -end of Fergusson Island, a slim, somewhat tilted pyramid, forms a most -alluring beacon, guiding the mariners due South. To the right of it, as -we look towards the South-West, a broad, bulky mountain, the -Koyabwaga’u—mountain of the sorcerers—marks the -North-western corner of Fergusson Island. The mountains on Goodenough -Island are visible only in very clear weather, and then very -faintly.</p> -<p>Within a day or two, these disembodied, misty forms are to assume -what for the Trobrianders seems marvellous shape and enormous bulk. -They are to surround the Kula traders with their solid walls of -precipitous rock and green jungle, furrowed with deep ravines and -streaked with racing water-courses. The Trobrianders will sail deep, -shaded bays, resounding with the, to them unknown, voice of waterfalls; -with the weird cries of strange birds which never visit the Trobriands, -such as the laughing of the kookooburra (laughing jackass), and the -melancholy call of the South Sea crow. The sea will change its colour -once more, become pure blue, and beneath its transparent waters, a -marvellous world of multi-coloured coral, fish and seaweed will unfold -itself, a world which, through a strange geographical irony, the -inhabitants of a coral island hardly ever can see at home, and must -come to this volcanic region to discover.</p> -<p>In these surroundings, they will find also wonderful, heavy, compact -stones of various colours and shapes, whereas at home the only stone is -the insipid, white, dead coral. Here they can see, besides many types -of granite and basalt and volcanic tuff, specimens of black obsidian, -with its sharp edges and metallic ring, and sites full of red and -yellow ochre. Besides big hills of volcanic ash, they will behold hot -springs boiling up periodically. Of all these marvels the young -Trobriander hears tales, and sees samples brought back to his country, -and there is no <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb221" href="#pb221" -name="pb221">221</a>]</span>doubt that it is for him a wonderful -experience to find himself amongst them for the first time, and that -afterwards he eagerly seizes every opportunity that offers to sail -again to the Koya. Thus the landscape now before them is a sort of -promised land, a country spoken of in almost legendary tone.</p> -<p>And indeed the scenery here, on the borderland of the two different -worlds, is singularly impressive. Sailing away from the Trobriands on -my last expedition, I had to spend two days, weatherbound, on a small -sandbank covered with a few pandanus trees, about midway between the -Trobriands and the Amphletts. A darkened sea lay to the North, big -thunderclouds hanging over where I knew there was the large flat island -of Boyowa—the Trobriands. To the South, against a clearer sky, -were the abrupt forms of the mountains, scattered over half of the -horizon. The scenery seemed saturated with myth and legendary tales, -with the strange adventures, hopes and fears of generations of native -sailors. On this sandbank they had often camped, when becalmed or -threatened with bad weather. On such an island, the great mythical -hero, Kasabwaybwayreta stopped, and was marooned by his companions, -only to escape through the sky. Here again a mythical canoe once -halted, in order to be re-caulked. As I sat there, looking towards the -Southern mountains, so clearly visible, yet so inaccessible, I realised -what must be the feelings of the Trobrianders, desirous to reach the -Koya, to meet the strange people, and to <i lang="kij">kula</i> with -them, a desire made perhaps even more acute by a mixture of fear. For -there, to the west of the Amphletts, they see the big bay of Gabu, -where once the crews of a whole fleet of Trobriand canoes were killed -and eaten by the inhabitants of unknown villages, in attempting to -<i lang="kij">kula</i> with them. And stories are also told of single -canoes, drifted apart from the fleet and cast against the northern -shore of Fergusson Island, of which all the crew perished at the hands -of the cannibals. There are also legends of some inexperienced natives, -who, visiting the neighbourhood of Deyde’i and arriving at the -crystal water in the big stone basins there, plunged in, to meet a -dreadful death in the almost boiling pool.</p> -<p>But though the legendary dangers on the distant shores may appall -the native imagination, the perils of actual sailing are even more -real. The sea over which they travel is seamed with reefs, studded with -sandbanks and coral rocks awash. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb222" -href="#pb222" name="pb222">222</a>]</span>And though in fair weather -these are not so dangerous to a canoe as to a European boat, yet they -are bad enough. The main dangers of native sailing, however, lie in the -helplessness of a canoe. As we have said before, it cannot sail close -to the wind, and therefore cannot beat. If the wind comes round, the -canoe has to turn and retrace its course. This is very unpleasant, but -not necessarily dangerous. If, however, the wind drops, and the canoe -just happens to be in one of the strong tides, which run anything -between three and five knots, or if it becomes disabled, and makes -leeway at right angles to its course, the situation becomes dangerous. -To the West, there lies the open sea, and once far out there, the canoe -would have slender chances of ever returning. To the East, there runs -the reef, on which in heavy weather a native canoe would surely be -smashed. In May, 1918, a Dobuan canoe, returning home a few days after -the rest of the fleet, was caught by a strong South-Easterly wind, so -strong that it had to give up its course, and make North-West to one of -the Lousançay Islands. It had been given up as lost, when in -August it came back with a chance blow of the North-Westerly wind. It -had had, however, a narrow escape in making the small island. Had it -been blown further West, it would never have reached land at all.</p> -<p>There exist other tales of lost canoes, and it is a wonder that -accidents are not more frequent, considering the conditions under which -they have to sail. Sailing has to be done, so to speak, on straight -lines across the sea. Once they deviate from this course, all sorts of -dangers crop up. Not only that, but they must sail between fixed points -on the land. For, and this of course refers to the olden days, if they -had to go ashore, anywhere but in the district of a friendly tribe, the -perils which met them were almost as bad as those of reefs and sharks. -If the sailors missed the friendly villages of the Amphletts and of -Dobu, everywhere else they would meet with extermination. Even -nowadays, though the danger of being killed would be -smaller—perhaps not absolutely non-existent—yet the natives -would feel very uncomfortable at the idea of landing in a strange -district, fearing not only death by violence, but even more by evil -magic. Thus, as the natives sail across Pilolu, only very small sectors -of their horizon present a safe goal for their journey. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb223" href="#pb223" name="pb223">223</a>]</span></p> -<p>On the East, indeed, beyond the dangerous barrier reef, there is a -friendly horizon, marked for them by the Marshall Bennett Islands, and -Woodlark, the country known under the term Omuyuwa. To the South, there -is the Koya, also known as the land of the <i lang="kij">kinana</i>, by -which name the natives of the d’Entrecasteaux and the Amphletts -are known generically. But to the South-West and West there is the deep -open sea (<i lang="kij">bebega</i>), and beyond that, lands inhabited -by tailed people, and by people with wings, of whom very little more is -known. To the North, beyond the reef of small coral islands, lying off -the Trobriands, there are two countries, Kokopawa and Kaytalugi. -Kokopawa is peopled with ordinary men and women, who walk about naked, -and are great gardeners. Whether this country corresponds to the South -coast of New Britain, where people really are without any clothing, it -would be difficult to say.</p> -<p>The other country, Kaytalugi, is a land of women only, in which no -man can survive. The women who live there are beautiful, big and -strong, and they walk about naked, and with their bodily hair unshaven -(which is contrary to the Trobriand custom). They are extremely -dangerous to any man through the unbounded violence of their passion. -The natives never tire of describing graphically how such women would -satisfy their sensuous lust, if they got hold of some luckless, -shipwrecked man. No one could survive, even for a short time, the -amorous yet brutal attacks of these women. The natives compare this -treatment to that customary at the <i lang="kij">yousa</i>, the -orgiastic mishandling of any man, caught at certain stages of female -communal labour in Boyowa (cf. <a href="#div2.2">Chapter II, Division -II</a>). Not even the boys born on this island of Kaytalugi can survive -a tender age. It must be remembered the natives see no need for male -co-operation in continuing the race. Thus the women propagate the race, -although every male needs must come to an untimely end before he can -become a man.</p> -<p>None the less, there is a legend that some men from the village of -Kaulagu, in eastern Boyowa, were blown in their canoe far North from -the easterly course of a Kula expedition, and were stranded on the -coast of Kaytalugi. There, having survived the first reception, they -were apportioned individually and married. Having repaired their canoe, -ostensibly for the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb224" href="#pb224" -name="pb224">224</a>]</span>sake of bringing some fish to their wives, -one night they put food and water into it, and secretly sailed away. On -their return to their own village, they found their women married to -other men. However, such things never end tragically in the Trobriands. -As soon as their rightful lords reappeared their women came back to -them. Among other things these men brought to Boyowa a variety of -banana called <i lang="kij">usikela</i>, not known before.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div9.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Returning again to our Kula party, we see that, in -journeying across Pilolu, they move within the narrow confines of -familiar sailing ground, surrounded on all sides both by real dangers -and by lands of imaginary horrors. On their track, however, the natives -never go out of sight of land, and in the event of mist or rain, they -can always take sufficient bearings to enable them to make for the -nearest sand-bank or island. This is never more than some six miles -off, a distance which, should the wind have dropped, may even be -reached by paddling.</p> -<div class="figure pl40width" id="pl40"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl40width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XL</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl40.jpg" alt="A Waga Sailing on a Kula Expedition" -width="720" height="432"> -<p class="figureHead">A Waga Sailing on a Kula Expedition</p> -<p>A canoe fully loaded with a crew of twelve men, just about to furl -sail arriving in the Amphletts. Note the cargo at the <i lang= -"kij">gebobo</i> and each man’s personal bundle of folded mat on -top of it. (See <a href="#div9.2">Div. II</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl41width" id="pl41"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl41width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl41.jpg" alt="The Rigging of a Canoe" width="720" -height="433"> -<p class="figureHead">The Rigging of a Canoe</p> -<p>Each time before a canoe starts, its mast has to put up and fixed by -means of stays and a special arrangement of crescent-shaped -cross-pieces and a rope, to be seen in the picture. (See <a href= -"#div9.2">Div. II</a>.) Note the small <i lang= -"kij">kewoú</i>canoe to the left.</p> -</div> -<p>Another thing that also makes their sailing not so dangerous as one -would imagine, is the regularity of the winds in this part of the -world. As a rule, in each of the two main seasons, there is one -prevailing direction of wind, which does not shift more than within -some ninety degrees. Thus, in the dry season, from May to October, the -trade wind blows almost incessantly from the South-East or South, -moving sometimes to the North-East, but never beyond that<span class= -"corr" id="xd26e7730" title="Not in source">.</span> As a matter of -fact, however, this season, just because of the constancy of the wind, -does not lend itself very well to native sailing. For although with -this wind it is easy to sail from South to North, or East to West, it -is impossible to retrace the course, and as the wind often blows for -months without veering, the natives prefer to do their sailings between -the seasons, or in the time when the monsoon blows. Between the -seasons—November, December or March and April—the winds are -not so constant, in fact they shift from one position on the compass to -another. On the other hand, there is very seldom a strong blow at this -time, and so this is the ideal season for sailing<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e7733" title="Not in source">.</span> In the hot summer months, -December till March, the monsoon blows from the North-West or -South-West, less regularly than a trade wind, but <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb225" href="#pb225" name= -"pb225">225</a>]</span>often culminating in violent storms which almost -always come from the North-West. Thus the two strong winds to be met in -these seas come from definite directions, and this minimises the -danger. The natives also as a rule are able to foretell a day or two -beforehand the approach of a squall. Rightly or wrongly, they associate -the strength of the North-Westerly gales with the phases of the -moon.</p> -<p>There is, of course, a good deal of magic to make wind blow or to -put it down. Like many other forms of magic, wind magic is localised in -villages. The inhabitants of Simsim, the biggest village in the -Lousançay Islands, and the furthest North-Westerly settlement of -this district, are credited with the ability of controlling the -North-Westerly wind, perhaps through association with their -geographical position. Again, the control over the South-Easterly wind -is granted to the inhabitants of Kitava, lying to the East of Boyowa. -The Simsim people control all the winds which blow habitually during -the rainy season, that is the winds on the western side of the compass, -from North to South. The other half can be worked by the Kitavan -spells.</p> -<p>Many men in Boyowa have learnt both spells and they practise the -magic. The spells are chanted broadcast into the wind, without any -other ritual. It is an impressive spectacle to walk through a village, -during one of the devastating gales, which always arise at night and -during which people leave their huts and assemble in cleared spaces. -They are afraid the wind may lift their dwellings off the ground, or -uproot a tree which might injure them in falling, an accident which -actually did happen a year or two ago in Wawela, killing the -chief’s wife. Through the darkness from the doors of some of the -huts, and from among the huddled groups, there resound loud voices, -chanting, in a penetrating sing-song, the spells for abating the force -of the wind. On such occasions, feeling myself somewhat nervous, I was -deeply impressed by this persistent effort of frail, human voice, -fraught with deep belief, pitting itself so feebly against the -monotonous, overpowering force of the wind.</p> -<p>Taking the bearing by sight, and helped by the uniformity of winds, -the natives have no need of even the most elementary knowledge of -navigation. Barring accidents they never have to direct their course by -the stars. Of these, they know certain Outstanding constellations, -sufficient to indicate for them the <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb226" href="#pb226" name="pb226">226</a>]</span>direction, should -they need it. They have names for the Pleiades, for Orion, for the -Southern Cross, and they also recognise a few constellations of their -own construction. Their knowledge of the stars, as we have mentioned -already in <a href="#div2.5">Chapter II, Division V</a>, is localised -in the village of Wawela, where it is handed over in the maternal line -of the chiefs of the village.</p> -<p>In order to understand better the customs and problems of sailing, a -few words must be said about the technique of managing a canoe. As we -have said before, the wind must always strike the craft, on the -outrigger side, so the sailing canoe is always tilted with its float -raised, and the platform slanting towards the body of the canoe. This -makes it necessary for it to be able to change bows and stern at will; -for imagine that a canoe going due South, has to sail with a -North-Easterly wind, then the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger) must -be on the left hand, and the canoe sails with what the natives call its -“head” forward. Now imagine that the wind turns to the -North-West. Should this happen in a violent squall, without warning, -the canoe would be at once submerged. But, as such a change would be -gradual, barring accidents, the natives could easily cope with it. The -mast, which is tied at the fourth cross-pole (<i lang= -"kij">ri’u</i>) from the temporary bows of the canoe, would be -unbound, the canoe would be turned 180 degrees around, so that its head -would now form the stern, its <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> -(foundation) would face South, and become its bows, and the platform -would be to our right, facing West. The mast would be attached again to -the fourth cross-pole (<i lang="kij">ri’u</i>), from the <i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i> end, the sail hoisted, and the canoe would glide -along with the wind striking it again on its outrigger side, but having -changed bows to stern (see <a href="#pl41">Plate XLI</a>).</p> -<p>The natives have a set of nautical expressions to describe the -various operations of changing mast, of trimming the sail, of paying -out the sheet rope, of shifting the sail, so that it stands up with its -bottom end high, and its tip touching the canoe, or else letting it lie -with both boom and gaff almost horizontal. And they have definite rules -as to how the various manœuvres should be carried out, according -to the strength of the wind, and to the quarter on which it strikes the -canoe. They have four expressions denoting a following wind, wind -striking the outrigger beam, wind striking the canoe from the <i lang= -"kij">katala</i> (built-out body), and wind striking the canoe on the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb227" href="#pb227" name= -"pb227">227</a>]</span>outrigger side close to the direction of -sailing. There is no point, however, in adducing this native -terminology here, as we shall not any further refer to it; it is enough -to know that they have got definite rules, and means of expressing -them, with regard to the handling of a canoe.</p> -<p>It has been often remarked here, that the Trobriand canoes cannot -sail close to the wind. They are very light, and shallow, and have very -little water board, giving a small resistance against making lee-way. I -think that this is also the reason, why they need two men to do the -steering for the steering oars act as lee-boards. One of the men wields -a big, elongated steering oar, called <i lang="kij">kuriga</i>. He sits -at the stern, of course, in the body of the canoe. The other man -handles a smaller steering paddle, leaf-shaped, yet with a bigger blade -than the paddling oars; it is called <i lang="kij">viyoyu</i>. He sits -at the stern end of the platform, and does the steering through the -sticks of the <i lang="kij">pitapatile</i> (platform).</p> -<p>The other working members of the crew are the man at the sheet, the -<i lang="kij">tokwabila veva</i>, as he is called, who has to let out -the <i lang="kij">veva</i> or pull it in, according as the wind shifts -and varies in strength.</p> -<p>Another man, as a rule, stands in the bows of the ship on the -look-out, and if necessary, has to climb the mast in order to trim the -rigging. Or again, he would have to bale the water from time to time, -as this always leaks through, or splashes into the canoe. Thus four men -are enough to man a canoe, though usually the functions of the baler -and the man on the look-out and at the mast are divided.</p> -<p>When the wind drops, the men have to take to the small, leaf-shaped -paddles, while one, as a rule, wields a pulling oar. But in order to -give speed to a heavy <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe, at least ten men -would have to paddle and pull. As we shall see, on certain ceremonial -occasions, the canoes have to be propelled by paddling, for instance -when they approach their final destination, after having performed the -great <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic. When they arrive at a halting -place, the canoes, if necessary, are beached. As a rule, however, the -heavily loaded canoes on a Kula expedition, would be secured by both -mooring and anchoring, according to the bottom. On muddy bottoms, such -as that of the Trobriand Lagoon, a long stick would be thrust into the -slime, and one end of the canoe lashed to it. From the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb228" href="#pb228" name= -"pb228">228</a>]</span>other, a heavy stone, tied with a rope, would be -thrown down as an anchor. Over a hard, rocky bottom, the anchor stone -alone is used.</p> -<p>It can be easily understood that with such craft, and with such -limitations in sailing, there are many real dangers which threaten the -natives. If the wind is too strong, and the sea becomes too rough, a -canoe may not be able to follow its course, and making lee-way, or even -directly running before the wind, it may be driven into a quarter where -there is no landfall to be made, or from where at best there is no -returning at that season. This is what happened to the Dobuan boat -mentioned before. Or else, a canoe becalmed and seized by the tide may -not be able to make its way by means of paddling. Or in stormy weather, -it may be smashed on rocks and sandbanks, or even unable to withstand -the impact of waves. An open craft like a native canoe easily fills -with sea water, and, in a heavy rain-storm, with rain water. In a calm -sea this is not very dangerous, for the wooden canoe does not sink; -even if swamped, the water can be baled out and the canoe floats up. -But in rough weather, a water-logged canoe loses its buoyancy and gets -broken up. Last and not least, there is the danger of the canoe being -pressed into the water, outrigger first, should the wind strike it on -the opposite side. With so many real dangers around it, it is a -marvellous thing, and to the credit of native seamanship, that -accidents are comparatively rare.</p> -<p>We now know about the crew of the canoe and the different functions -which every man has to fulfil. Remembering what has been said in -<a href="#div4.5">Chapter IV, Division V</a>, about the sociological -division of functions in sailing, we can visualise concretely the craft -with all its inmates, as it sails on the Pilolu; the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> usually sits near the mast in the compartment called -<i lang="kij">kayguya’u</i>. With him perhaps is one of his sons -or young relatives, while another boy remains in the bows, near the -conch-shell ready to sound it, whenever the occasion arises. Thus are -employed the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and the <i lang= -"kij">dodo’u</i> (small boys). The <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> or -members of the crew, some four or five strong, are each at his post, -with perhaps one supernumerary to assist at any emergency, where the -task would require it. On the platform are lounging some of the -<i lang="kij">silasila</i>, the youths not yet employed in any work, -and not participating in the Kula, but there for their pleasure, and to -learn how to manage a boat (see <a href="#pl40">Plate XL</a>).</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div9.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">All these people have not only special posts and modes -of occupation assigned to them, but they have also to keep certain -rules. The canoe on a Kula expedition, is surrounded by taboos, and -many observances have to be strictly kept, else this or that might go -wrong. Thus it is not allowed to ‘point to objects with the -hand’ (<i lang="kij">yosala yamada</i>), or those who do it will -become sick. A new canoe has many prohibitions <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e7846" title="Source: cannected">connected</span> with it, which -are called <i lang="kij">bomala wayugo</i> (the taboos of the lashing -creeper). Eating and drinking are not allowed in a new canoe except -after sunset. The breaking of this taboo would make the canoe very -slow. On a very quick <i lang="kij">waga</i> this rule might perhaps be -disregarded, especially if one of the young boys were hungry or -thirsty. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> would then bale in some -sea-water, pour it over one of the lashings of the creeper with the -words:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I sprinkle thy eye, O <i lang= -"kij">kudayuri</i> creeper, so that our crew might eat.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>After that, he would give the boy something to eat and drink. -Besides this eating and drinking taboo, on a new <i lang="kij">waga</i> -the other physiological needs must not be satisfied. In case of urgent -necessity, a man jumps into the water, holding to one of the cross -sticks of the outrigger, or if it were a small boy, he is lowered into -the water by one of the elders. This taboo, if broken, would also make -the canoe slow. These two taboos, however, as was said, are kept only -on a new <i lang="kij">waga</i>, that is on such a one which either -sails for the first time, or else has been relashed and repainted -before this trip. The taboos are in all cases not operative on the -return journey. Women are not allowed to enter a new <i lang= -"kij">waga</i> before it sails. Certain types of yams may not be -carried on a canoe, which has been lashed with the rites of one of the -<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magical systems. There are several systems of -this magic (compare <a href="#div17.7">Chapter XVII, Division VII</a>) -and each has got its specific taboos. These last taboos are to be kept -right through the sailing. On account of a magic to be described in the -next chapter, the magic of safety as it might be called, a canoe has to -be kept free from contact with earth, sand and stones. Hence the -natives of Sinaketa do not beach their canoes if they can possibly -avoid it. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb230" href="#pb230" name= -"pb230">230</a>]</span></p> -<p>Among the specific taboos of the Kula, called <i lang="kij">bomala -lilava</i> (taboos of the magical bundle) there is a strict rule -referring to the entering of a canoe. This must not be entered from any -other point but on the <i lang="kij">vitovaria</i>, that is, the front -side of the platform, facing the mast. A native has to scale the -platform at this place, then, crouching low, pass to the back or front, -and there descend into the body of the canoe, or sit down where he is. -The compartment facing the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> (magical bundle) is -filled out with other trade goods. In front of it sits the chief, -behind it the man who handles the sheets. The natives have special -expressions which denote the various manners of illicitly entering a -canoe, and, in some of the canoe exorcisms, these expressions are used -to undo the evil effects of the breaking of these taboos. Other -prohibitions, which the natives call the taboo of the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i>, though not associated with the <i lang= -"kij">lilava</i>, are those which do not allow of using flower wreaths, -red ornaments, or red flowers in decorating the canoe or the bodies of -the crew. The red colour of such ornaments is, according to native -belief, magically incompatible with the aim of the expedition—the -acquisition of the red spondylus necklaces. Also, yams may not be -roasted on the outward journey, while later on, in Dobu, no local food -may be eaten, and the natives have to subsist on their own provisions, -until the first Kula gifts have been received.</p> -<p>There are, besides, definite rules, referring to the behaviour of -one canoe towards another, but these vary considerably with the -different villages. In Sinaketa, such rules are very few; no fixed -sequence is observed in the sailing order of the canoes, anyone of them -can start first, and if one of them is swifter it may pass any of the -others, even that of a chief. This, however, has to be done so that the -slower canoe is not passed on the outrigger side. Should this happen, -the transgressing canoe has to give the other one a peace offering -(<i lang="kij">lula</i>), because it has broken a <i lang="kij">bomala -lilava</i>, it has offended the magical bundle.</p> -<p>There is one interesting point with regard to priorities in -Sinaketa, and to describe this we must hark back to the subject of -canoe-building and launching. One of the sub-clans of the Lukwasisiga -clan, the Tolabwaga sub-clan, have the right of priority in all the -successive operations of piecing together, lashing, caulking, and -painting of their canoes. All these stages of building and all the -magic must first be done on <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb231" href= -"#pb231" name="pb231">231</a>]</span>the Tolabwaga canoe, and this -canoe is also the first to be launched. Only afterwards, the -chief’s and the commoners’ canoes may follow. A correct -observance of this rule ‘keeps the sea clean’ (<i lang= -"kij">imilakatile bwarita</i>). If it were broken, and the chiefs had -their canoes built or launched before the Tolabwaga, the Kula would not -be successful.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“We go to Dobu, no pig, no <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i> necklace is given. We would tell the chiefs: -‘Why have you first made your canoes? The ancestor spirits have -turned against us, for we have broken the old -custom!’ ”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Once at sea, however, the chiefs are first again, in theory at -least, for in practice the swiftest canoe may sail first.</p> -<p>In the sailing custom of Vakuta, the other South Boyowan community, -who make the Kula with the Dobu, a sub-clan of the Lukwasisiga clan, -called Tolawaga, have the privilege of priority in all the -canoe-building operations. While at sea, they also retain one -prerogative, denied to all the others: the man who steers with the -smaller oar, the <i lang="kij">tokabina viyoyu</i>, is allowed -permanently to stand up on the platform. As the natives put it,</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“This is the sign of the Tolawaga (sub-clan) of -Vakuta: wherever we see a man standing up at the <i lang= -"kij">viyoyu</i>, we say: ‘there sails the canoe of the -Tolawaga!’“</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The greatest privileges, however, granted to a sub-clan in sailing -are those which are to be found in Kavataria. This fishing and sailing -community from the North shore of the Lagoon makes distant and -dangerous sailings to the North-Western end of Fergusson Island. These -expeditions for sago, betel-nut, and pigs will be described in <a href= -"#ch21">Chapter XXI</a>. Their sea customs, however, have to be -mentioned here.</p> -<p>The Kulutula sub-clan of the Lukwasisiga clan enjoy all the same -privileges of priority in building, as the Tolabwaga and Tolawaga clans -in the southern villages, only in a still higher degree. For their -canoe has to pass each stage of construction on the first day, and only -the day after can the others follow. This refers even to launching, the -Kulutula canoe being launched one day, and on the next those of the -chiefs and commoners. When the moment of starting arrives, the Kulutula -canoe leaves the beach first, and during the sailing no one is allowed -to pass ahead of it. When they arrive at the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb232" href="#pb232" name= -"pb232">232</a>]</span>sandbanks or at an intermediate place in the -Amphletts, the Kulutula have to anchor first, and first go ashore and -make their camp ready. Only after that can the others follow. This -priority expires at the final point of destination. When they arrive at -the furthest Koya the Kulutula go ashore first, and they are the first -to be presented with the welcoming gift of the ‘foreigner’ -(<i lang="kij">tokinana</i>). He receives them with a bunch of -betel-nut, which he beats against the head of the canoe, till the nuts -scatter. On the return journey, the Kulutula clan sink again into their -naturally inferior position.</p> -<p>It may be noted that all the three privileged sub-clans in the three -villages belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and that the names of two of -them, Tolawaga, Tolabwaga have a striking resemblance to the word -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, although these resemblances would have to -be tested by some stricter methods of etymological comparison, than I -have now at my disposal. The fact that these clans, under special -circumstances of sailing, resume what may be a lost superiority points -to an interesting historical survival. The name Kulutula is undoubtedly -identical with Kulutalu, which is an independent totemic clan in the -Eastern Marshall Bennetts and in Woodlark.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e7964src" href="#xd26e7964" name="xd26e7964src">2</a></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div9.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us return now to our Sinaketan fleet, moving -southwards along the barrier reef and sighting one small island after -the other. If they did not start very early from Muwa—and delay -is one of the characteristics of native life—and if they were not -favoured with a very good wind, they would probably have to put in at -one of the small sand islands, Legumatabu, Gabuwana or Yakum. Here, on -the western side, sheltered from the prevalent trade winds, there is a -diminutive lagoon, bounded by two natural breakwaters of coral reef -running from the Northern and Southern ends of the island. Fires are -lit on the clean, white sand, under the scraggy pandanus trees, and the -natives boil their yam food and the eggs of the wild sea fowl, -collected on the spot. When darkness closes in and the fires draw them -all into a circle, the Kula talk begins again. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb233" href="#pb233" name="pb233">233</a>]</span></p> -<p>Let us listen to some such conversations, and try to steep ourselves -in the atmosphere surrounding this handful of natives, cast for a while -on to the narrow sandbank, far away from their homes, having to trust -only to their frail canoes on the long journey which faces them. -Darkness, the roar of surf breaking on the reef, the dry rattle of the -pandanus leaves in the wind, all produce a frame of mind in which it is -easy to believe in the dangers of witches and all the beings usually -hidden away, but ready to creep out at some special moment of horror. -The change of tone is unmistakable, when you get the natives to talk -about these things on such an occasion, from the calm, often -rationalistic way of treating them in broad daylight in an -Ethnographer’s tent. Some of the most striking revelations I have -received of this side of native belief and psychology were made to me -on similar occasions. Sitting on a lonely beach in Sanaroa, surrounded -by a crew of Trobrianders, Dobuans, and a few local natives, I first -heard the story of the jumping stones. On a previous night, trying to -anchor off Gumasila in the Amphletts, we had been caught by a violent -squall, which tore one of our sails, and forced us to run before the -wind, on a dark night, in the pouring rain. Except for myself, all the -members of the crew saw clearly the flying witches in the form of a -flame at the mast head. Whether this was St. Elmo’s fire I could -not judge, as I was in the cabin, seasick and indifferent to dangers, -witches, and even ethnographic revelations. Inspired by this incident, -my crew told me how this is, as a rule, a sign of disaster, how such a -light appeared a few years ago in a boat, which was sunk almost on the -same spot where the squall had caught us; but fortunately all were -saved. Starting from this, all sorts of dangers were spoken about, in a -tone of deep conviction, rendered perfectly sincere by the experiences -of the previous night, the surrounding darkness, and the difficulties -of the situation—for we had to repair our sail and again attempt -the difficult landing in the Amphletts.</p> -<p>I have always found that whenever natives are found under similar -circumstances, surrounded by the darkness and the imminent possibility -of danger, they naturally drift into a conversation about the various -things and beings into which the fears and apprehensions of generations -have traditionally crystallised. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb234" -href="#pb234" name="pb234">234</a>]</span></p> -<p>Thus if we imagine that we listen to an account of the perils and -horrors of the seas, sitting round the fire at Yakum or Legumatabu, we -do not stray from reality. One of those who are specially versed in -tradition, and who love to tell a story, might refer to one of his own -experiences; or to a well-known case from the past, while others would -chime in, and comment, telling their own stories. General statements of -belief would be given, while the younger men would listen to the tales -so familiar, but always heard with renewed interest.</p> -<p>They would hear about an enormous octopus (<i lang="kij">kwita</i>) -which lies in wait for canoes, sailing over the open seas. It is not an -ordinary <i lang="kij">kwita</i> of exceptional size, but a special -one, so gigantic that it would cover a whole village with its body; its -arms are thick as coco-nut palms, stretching right across the sea. With -typical exaggeration, the natives will say: ‘<i lang= -"kij">ikanubwadi Pilolu</i>,’ … ‘he covers up all -the Pilolu’ (the sea-arm between the Trobriands and the -Amphletts). Its proper home is in the East, ‘<i lang="kij">o -Muyuwa</i>,’ as the natives describe that region of sea and -islands, where also it is believed some magic is known against the -dreadful creature. Only seldom does it come to the waters between the -Trobriands and Amphletts, but there are people who have seen it there. -One of the old men of Sinaketa tells how, coming from Dobu, when he was -quite young, he sailed in a canoe ahead of the fleet, some canoes being -to the right and some to the left behind him. Suddenly from his canoe, -they saw the giant <i lang="kij">kwita</i> right in front of them. -Paralysed with fear, they fell silent, and the man himself, getting up -on the platform, by signs warned the other canoes of the danger. At -once they turned round, and the fleet divided into two, took big bends -in their course, and thus gave the octopus a wide berth. For woe to the -canoe caught by the giant <i lang="kij">kwita!</i> It would be held -fast, unable to move for days, till the crew, dying of hunger and -thirst, would decide to sacrifice one of the small boys of their -number. Adorned with valuables, he would be thrown overboard, and then -the <i lang="kij">kwita</i>, satisfied, would let go its hold of the -canoe, and set it free. Once a native, asked why a grown-up would not -be sacrificed on such an occasion, gave me the answer:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“A grown-up man would not like it; a boy has got -no mind. We take him by force and throw him to the <i lang= -"kij">kwita</i>.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb235" href="#pb235" name= -"pb235">235</a>]</span></p> -<p>Another danger threatening a canoe on the high seas, is a big, -special Rain, or Water falling from above, called <i lang= -"kij">Sinamatanoginogi</i>. When in rain and bad weather a canoe, in -spite of all the efforts to bale it out, fills with water, <i lang= -"kij">Sinamatanoginogi</i> strikes it from above and breaks it up. -Whether at the basis of this are the accidents with waterspouts, or -cloud-bursts or simply extremely big waves breaking up the canoe, it is -difficult to judge. On the whole, this belief is more easily accounted -for than the previous one.</p> -<p>The most remarkable of these beliefs is that there are big, live -stones, which lie in wait for sailing canoes, run after them, jump up -and smash them to pieces. Whenever the natives have reasons to be -afraid of them, all the members of the crew will keep silence, as -laughter and loud talk attracts them. Sometimes they can be seen, at a -distance, jumping out of the sea or moving on the water. In fact I have -had them pointed to me, sailing off Koyatabu, and although I could see -nothing, the natives, obviously, genuinely believed they saw them. Of -one thing I am certain, however, that there was no reef awash there for -miles around. The natives also know quite well that they are different -from any reefs or shallows, for the live stones move, and when they -perceive a canoe will pursue it, break it up on purpose and smash the -men. Nor would these expert fishermen ever confuse a jumping fish with -anything else, though in speaking of the stones they may compare them -to a leaping dolphin or stingaree.</p> -<p>There are two names given to such stones. One of them, <i lang= -"kij">nuwakekepaki</i>, applies to the stones met in the Dobuan seas. -The other, <i lang="kij">vineylida</i>, to those who live -‘<i lang="kij">o Muyuwa</i>.’ Thus, in the open seas, the -two spheres of culture meet, for the stones not only differ in name but -also in nature. The <i lang="kij">nuwakekepaki</i> are probably nothing -but malevolent stones. The <i lang="kij">vineylida</i> are inhabited by -witches, or according to others, by evil male beings.<a class="noteref" -id="xd26e8043src" href="#xd26e8043" name="xd26e8043src">3</a> Sometimes -a <i lang="kij">vineylida</i> will spring to the surface, and hold fast -the canoe, very much in the same manner as the giant octopus would do. -And here again offerings would have to be given. A folded mat would -first be thrown, in an attempt to deceive it; if this were of no avail, -a little boy would be anointed with coco-nut oil, adorned with -arm-shells and <i lang="kij">bagi</i> necklaces, and thrown over to the -evil stones. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb236" href="#pb236" name= -"pb236">236</a>]</span></p> -<p>It is difficult to realise what natural phenomena or actual -occurrences might be at the bottom of this belief, and the one of the -giant octopus. We shall presently meet with a cycle of beliefs -presenting the same striking features. We shall find a story told about -human behaviour mixed up with supernatural elements, laying down the -rules of what would happen, and how human beings would behave, in the -same matter of fact way, as if ordinary events of tribal life were -described. I shall have to comment on the psychology of these beliefs -in the next chapter, where also the story is told. Of all the dangerous -and frightful beings met with on a sailing expedition, the most -unpleasant, the best known and most dreaded are the flying witches, the -<i lang="kij">yoyova</i> or <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. The former -name means a woman endowed with such powers, whereas <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> describes the second self of the woman, as it -flies disembodied through the air. Thus, for instance, they would say -that such and such a woman in Wawela is a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>. But -sailing at night, one would have to be on the look out for <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i>, among whom might possibly be the double of that -woman in Wawela. Very often, especially at moments when the speaker -would be under the influence of fear of these beings, the deprecating -euphemism—‘<i lang="kij">vivila</i>’ (women) would be -used. And probably our Boyowan mariners would speak of them thus in -their talk round the campfire, for fear of attracting them by sounding -their real name. Dangerous as they always are, at sea they become -infinitely more dreaded. For the belief is deep that in case of -shipwreck or mishap at sea, no real evil can befall the crows except by -the agency of the dreaded women.</p> -<p>As through their connection with shipwreck, they enter inevitably -into our narrative, it will be better to leave our Kula expedition on -the beach of Yakum in the midst of Pilolu, and to turn in the next -chapter to Kiriwinian ethnography and give there an account of the -natives’ belief in the flying witches and their legend of -shipwreck. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb237" href="#pb237" name= -"pb237">237</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e7640" href="#xd26e7640src" name="xd26e7640">1</a></span> The word -<i lang="kij">tabu</i>, in the meaning of -taboo—prohibition—is used in its verbal form in the -language of the Trobriands, but not very often. The noun -“prohibition,” “sacred thing,” is always -<i lang="kij">bomala</i>, used with suffixed personal -pronouns. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e7640src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e7964" href="#xd26e7964src" name="xd26e7964">2</a></span> At a -later date, I hope to work out certain historical hypotheses with -regard to migrations and cultural strata in Eastern New Guinea. A -considerable number of independent indices seem to corroborate certain -simple hypotheses as to the stratification of the various cultural -elements. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e7964src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e8043" href="#xd26e8043src" name="xd26e8043">3</a></span> The word -vineylida suggests the former belief, as <i lang= -"kij">vine</i>—female, <i lang="kij">lida</i>—coral -stone. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e8043src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch10" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e642">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter X</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Story of Shipwreck</h2> -<div id="div10.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In this chapter an account will be given of the ideas -and beliefs associated with shipwreck, and of the various precautions -which the natives take to insure their own safety. We shall find here a -strange mixture of definite, matter of fact information, and of -fantastic superstitions. Taking a critical, ethnographic side view, it -may be said directly that the fanciful elements are intertwined with -the realities in such a manner, that it is difficult to make a -distinction between what is mere mytho-poetic fiction and what is a -customary rule of behaviour, drawn from actual experience. The best way -of presenting this material will be to give a consecutive account of a -shipwreck, as it is told in Kiriwinian villages by the travelled old -men to the younger generation. I shall adduce in it the several magical -formulæ, the rules of behaviour, the part played by the -miraculous fish, and the complex ritual of the saved party as they flee -from the pursuing <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>.</p> -<p>These—the flying witches—will play such an important -part in the account, that I must begin with a detailed description of -the various beliefs referring to them, though the subject has been -touched upon once or twice before (<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, -Division VII</a>, and other places). The sea and sailing upon it are -intimately associated in the mind of a Boyowan with these women. They -had to be mentioned in the description of canoe magic, and we shall see -what an important part they play in the legends of canoe building. In -his sailing, whether he goes to Kitava or further East, or whether he -travels South to the Amphletts and Dobu, they form one of the main -preoccupations of a Boyowan sailor. For they are not only dangerous to -him, but to a certain extent, foreign. Boyowa, with the exception of -Wawela and one or two other villages on the Eastern coast, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb238" href="#pb238" name="pb238">238</a>]</span>and -in the South of the island, is an ethnographic district, where the -flying witches do not exist, although they visit it from time to time. -Whereas all the surrounding tribes are full of women who practice this -form of sorcery. Thus sailing South, the Boyowan is travelling straight -into the heart of their domain.</p> -<p>These women have the power of making themselves invisible, and -flying at night through the air. The orthodox belief is that a woman -who is a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> can send forth a double which is -invisible at will, but may appear in the form of a flying fox or of a -night bird or a firefly. There is also a belief that a <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i> develops within her a something, shaped like an egg, -or like a young, unripe coco-nut. This something is called as a matter -of fact <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i>, which is the word for a small -coco-nut.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e8114src" href="#xd26e8114" name= -"xd26e8114src">1</a> This idea remains in the native’s mind in a -vague, indefinite, undifferentiated form, and any attempt to elicit a -more detailed definition by asking him such questions, as to whether -the <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i> is a material object or not, would be to -smuggle our own categories into his belief, where they do not exist. -The <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i> is anyhow believed to be the something -which in the nightly flights leaves the body of the <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i> and assumes the various forms in which the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> appears. Another variant of the belief about the -<i lang="kij">yoyova</i> is, that those who know their magic especially -well, can fly themselves, bodily transporting themselves through the -air.</p> -<p>But it can never be sufficiently emphasised that all these beliefs -cannot be treated as consistent pieces of knowledge; they flow into one -another, and even the same native probably holds several views -rationally inconsistent with one another. Even their terminology -(compare the last Division of the foregoing chapter), cannot be taken -as implying a strict distinction or definition. Thus, the word <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i> is applied to the woman as we meet her in the village, -and the word <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> will be used when we see -something suspicious flying through the air. But it would be incorrect -to systematise this use into a sort of doctrine and to say: “An -individual woman is conceived as consisting of an actual living -personality called <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, and of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb239" href="#pb239" name="pb239">239</a>]</span>an -immaterial, spiritual principle called <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, -which in its potential form is the <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i>.” -In doing this we would do much what the Mediæval Scholastics did -to the living faith of the early ages. The native feels and fears his -belief rather than formulates it clearly to himself. He uses terms and -expressions, and thus, as used by him, we must collect them as -documents of belief, but abstain from working them out into a -consistent theory; for this represents neither the native’s mind -nor any other form of reality.</p> -<p>As we remember from <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, the flying -witches are a nefarious agency, second in importance to the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> (male sorcerer), but in efficiency far more -deadly even than he himself. In contrast to the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i>, who is simply a man in possession of a special -form of magic, the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> have to be gradually -initiated into their status. Only a small child, whose mother is a -witch, can become a witch herself. When a witch gives birth to a female -child, she medicates a piece of obsidian, and cuts off the navel -string. The navel string is then buried, with the recital of a magical -formula, in the house, and not, as is done in all ordinary cases, in -the garden. Soon after, the witch will carry her daughter to the sea -beach, utter a spell over some brine in a coco-nut cup, and give the -child to drink. After that, the child is submerged in water and washed, -a kind of witch’s baptism! Then she brings back the baby into the -house, utters a spell over a mat, and folds her up in it. At night, she -carries the baby through the air, and goes to a trysting place of other -<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, where she presents her child ritually to -them. In contrast to the usual custom of young mothers of sleeping over -a small fire, a sorceress lies with her baby in the cold. As the child -grows up, the mother will take it into her arms and carry it through -the air on her nightly rounds. Entering girlhood at the age when the -first grass skirt is put on a maiden, the little prospective witch will -begin to fly herself.</p> -<p>Another system of training, running side by side with flying, -consists in accustoming the child to participation in human flesh. Even -before the growing witch will begin to fly on her own account, the -mother will take her to the ghoulish repasts, where she and other -witches sit over a corpse, eating its eyes, tongue, lungs, and -entrails. There the little girl receives her first share of corpse -flesh, and trains her taste to like this diet. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb240" href="#pb240" name="pb240">240</a>]</span></p> -<p>There are other forms of training ascribed to mothers solicitous -that their daughters should grow up into efficient <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i> and <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. At night the mother -will stand on one side of the hut, with the child in her hands, and -throw the little one over the roof. Then quickly, with the speed only -possible to a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, she will move round, and catch -the child on the other side. This happens before the child begins to -fly, and is meant to accustom it to passing rapidly through the air. Or -again, the child will be held by her feet, head down, and remain in -this position while the mother utters a spell. Thus gradually, by all -these means, the child acquires the powers and tastes of a <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i>.</p> -<p>It is easy to pick out such girls from other children. They will be -recognisable by their crude tastes, and more especially by their habit -of eating raw flesh of pigs or uncooked fish. And here we come to a -point, where mythical superstition plays over into something more real, -for I have been assured by reliable informants, and those not only -natives, that there are cases of girls who will show a craving for raw -meat, and when a pig is being quartered in the village will drink its -blood and tear up its flesh. These statements I never could verify by -direct observations, and they may be only the result of very strong -belief projecting its own realities, as we see on every side in our own -society in miraculous cures, spiritistic phenomena, etc., etc. If, -however, the eating of raw flesh by girl children really occurs, this -simply means that they play up to what they know is said and believed -about them. This again is a phenomenon of social <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e8204" title="Source: pyschology">psychology</span> met with in -many phases of Trobriand society and in our own.</p> -<p>This does not mean that the character of a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> -is publicly donned. Indeed, though a man often owns up to the fact that -he is a <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i>, and treats his speciality -quite openly in conversation, a woman will never directly confess to -being a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, not even to her own husband. But she -will certainly be marked by everyone as such a one, and she will often -play up to the rôle, for it is always an advantage to be supposed -to be endowed with supernatural powers. And moreover, being a sorceress -is also a good source of income. A woman will often receive presents -with the understanding that such and such a person has to be injured. -She will openly take gifts, avowedly in payment for healing someone who -has been hurt by <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb241" href="#pb241" -name="pb241">241</a>]</span>another witch. Thus the character of a -<i lang="kij">yoyova</i> is, in a way, a public one, and the most -important and powerful witches will be enumerated by name. But no woman -will ever openly speak about being one. Of course to have such a -character would in no way spoil matrimonial chances, or do anything but -enhance the social status of a woman.</p> -<p>So deep is the belief in the efficacy of magic, and in magic being -the only means of acquiring extraordinary faculties, that all powers of -a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> are attributed to magic. As we saw in the -training of a young <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, magic has to be spoken at -every stage in order to impart to her the character of a witch. A full -blown <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> has to utter special magic each time she -wishes to be invisible, or when she wants to fly, or acquire higher -speed, or penetrate darkness and distance in order to find out whether -an accident is happening there. But like everything referring to this -form of witchcraft, these formulæ never come to light. Although I -was able to acquire a whole body of spells of the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> sorcery, I could not even lift the fringe of -the impenetrable veil, surrounding the magic of the <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i>. As a matter of fact, there is not the slightest doubt -for me that not one single rite, not one single word of this magic, -have ever existed.</p> -<p>Once a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> is fully trained in her craft, -she will often go at night to feed on corpses or to destroy shipwrecked -mariners, for these are her two main pursuits. By a special sense, -acquired through magic, she can ‘hear,’ as the natives say, -that a man has died at such and such a place, or that a canoe is in -danger. Even a young apprenticed <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> will have her -hearing so sharpened that she will tell her mother: “Mother, I -hear, they cry!” Which means that a man is dead or dying at some -place. Or she will say: “Mother, a <i lang="kij">waga</i> is -sinking!” And then they both will fly to the spot.</p> -<p>When she goes out on such an errand, the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> -leaves her body behind. Then she climbs a tree, and reciting some -magic, she ties a creeper to it. Then, she flies off, along this -creeper, which snaps behind her. This is the moment when we see the -fire flying through the sky. Whenever the natives see a falling star, -they know it is a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> on her flight. Another -version is that, when a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> recites a certain -spell, a tree which stands somewhere near her destination bends down -towards the other tree on which she is perched. She jumps from one top -to the other, and it is then that we see the fire. According -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb242" href="#pb242" name= -"pb242">242</a>]</span>to some versions, the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i>, that is, the witch in her flying state, moves -about naked, leaving her skirt round the body, which remains asleep in -the hut. Other versions depict her as tying her skirt tightly round her -when flying, and beating her buttocks with a magical pandanus streamer. -These latter versions are embodied in the magic quoted above in -<a href="#ch5">Chapter V</a>.</p> -<p>Arrived at the place where lies the corpse, the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i>, with others who have also flown to the spot, -perches on some high object, the top of a tree or the gable of a hut. -There they all wait till they can feast on the corpse, and such is -their greed and appetite that they are also very dangerous to living -men. People who collect round the dead body to mourn and wake over it -often have a special spell against the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> -recited over them, by the one who knows it. They are careful not to -stray away from the others, and, during burial of the dead and -afterwards, they believe the air to be infested with these dangerous -witches, who spread the smell of carrion around them.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> will eat out the eyes, the tongue, -and the ‘insides’ (<i lang="kij">lopoula</i>) of the -corpse; when they attack a living man they may simply hit him or kick -him, and then he becomes more or less sick. But sometimes they get hold -of an individual and treat him like a corpse and eat some of his -organs, and then the man dies. It is possible to diagnose this, for -such a person would quickly fail, losing his speech, his vision, -sometimes suddenly being bereft of all power of movement. It is a less -dangerous method to the living man when the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> instead of eating his ‘insides’ on the -spot, simply remove them. They hide them in a place only known to -themselves, in order to have provision for a future feast. In that case -there is some hope for the victim. Another <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, -summoned quickly by the relations of the dying and well paid by them, -will, in the form of a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, go forth, search -for the missing organs, and, if she is fortunate enough to find and -restore them, save the life of the victim.</p> -<p>Kenoriya, the favourite daughter of To’ulawa, the chief of -Omarakana, while on a visit to another village, was deprived of her -internal organs by the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. When brought home, -she could neither move nor speak, and lay down as if dead. Her mother -and other relatives already began their mortuary wailing over her, the -chief himself broke out into loud lamentations. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb243" href="#pb243" name="pb243">243</a>]</span>But -nevertheless, as a forlorn hope, they sent for a woman from Wawela, a -well-known <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, who after receiving valuables and -food, flew out as a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and the very next -night found Kenoriya’s insides somewhere in the <i lang= -"kij">raybwag</i>, near the beach of Kaulukuba, and restored her to -health.</p> -<p>Another authentic story is that of the daughter of a Greek trader -and a Kiriwinian woman from Oburaku. This story was told me by the lady -herself, in perfectly correct English, learnt in one of the white -settlements of New Guinea, where she had been brought up in the house -of a leading missionary. But the story was not spoilt by any -scepticism; it was told with perfect simplicity and conviction.</p> -<p>When she was a little girl, a woman called Sewawela, from the Island -of Kitava, but married to a man of Wawela, came to her parents’ -house and wanted to sell a mat. They did not buy it, and gave her only -a little food, which, as she was a renowned <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> -and accustomed therefore to deferential treatment, made her angry. When -night came, the little one was playing on the beach in front of the -house, when the parents saw a big firefly hovering about the child. The -insect then flew round the parents and went into the room. Seeing that -there was something strange about the firefly, they called the girl and -put her to bed at once. But she fell ill immediately, could not sleep -all night, and the parents, with many native attendants, had to keep -watch over her. Next morning, added the Kiriwinian mother, who was -listening to her daughter telling me the tale, the girl “<i lang= -"kij">boge ikarige; kukula wala ipipisi</i>,” “she was dead -already, but her heart was still beating.” All the women present -broke out into the ceremonial lamentations. The father of the -girl’s mother, however, went to Wawela, and got hold of another -<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, called Bomrimwari. She took some herbs and -smeared her own body all over. Then she went out in the form of a -<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> in search of the girl’s <i lang= -"kij">lopoulo</i> (inside). She searched about and found it in the hut -of Sewawela, where it lay on the shelf on which are kept the big -clay-pots, in which the <i lang="kij">mona</i> (taro pudding), is -cooked ceremonially. There it lay “red as calico.” Sewawela -had left it there, while she went into the garden with her husband, -meaning to eat it on her return. Had this happened, the girl could not -have been saved. As soon as Bomrimwari found it, she made some magic -over it then and there. Then she came <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb244" href="#pb244" name="pb244">244</a>]</span>back to the -trader’s compound, made some more magic over ginger-root, and -water, and caused the <i lang="kij">lopoulo</i> to return to its place. -After that, the little girl soon got better. A substantial payment was -given by the parents to the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> for saving their -child.</p> -<p>Living in Oburaku, a village on the Southern half of Boyowa, I was -on the boundary between the district where the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> -do not exist, and the other one, to the East, where they are plentiful. -On the other side of the Island, which is very narrow at this part, is -the village of Wawela, where almost every woman is reputed to be a -witch, and some are quite notorious. Going over the <i lang= -"kij">raybwag</i> at night, the natives of Oburaku would point out -certain fireflies which would suddenly disappear, not to relight again. -These were the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. Again, at night, swarms of -flying foxes used to flap over the tall trees, making for the big, -swampy Island of Boymapo’u which closes in the Lagoon opposite -the village. These too were <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, travelling -from the East, their real home. They also used to perch on the tops of -the trees growing on the water’s edge, and this was therefore an -especially dangerous spot after sunset. I was often warned not to sit -there on the platforms of the beached canoes, as I liked to do, -watching the play of colours on the smooth, muddy waters, and on the -bright mangroves. When I fell ill soon after, everybody decided that I -had been ‘kicked’ by the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and -some magic was performed over me by my friend Molilakwa, the same who -gave me some formulæ of <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, the -magic spoken at sea against witches. In this case his efforts were -entirely successful, and my quick recovery was attributed by the -natives solely to the spells.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div10.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">What interests us most about <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i>, is their association with the sea and shipwreck. -Very often they will roam over the sea, and meet at a trysting place on -a reef. There they will partake of a special kind of coral, broken off -from a reef, a kind called by the natives <i lang="kij">nada</i>. This -whets their appetite for human flesh, exactly as the drinking of salt -water does with the <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i>. They have also -some indirect power over the elements in the sea. Although the natives -do not quite agree on the point, there is no doubt that a definite -connection <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb245" href="#pb245" name= -"pb245">245</a>]</span>exists between the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> -and all the other dangers which may be met in the sea, such as sharks, -the ‘gaping depth’ (<i lang="kij">ikapwagega wiwitu</i>), -many of the small sea animals, crabs, some of the shells and the other -things to be mentioned presently, all of which are considered to be the -cause of death of drowning men. Thus the belief is quite definite that, -in being cast into the water by the shipwreck, men do not meet any real -danger except by being eaten by the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, the -sharks, and the other animals. If by the proper magic these influences -can be obviated, the drowning men will escape unscathed. The belief in -the omnipotence of man, or rather, woman in this case, and of the equal -power in antidoting by magic, governs all the ideas of these natives -about shipwreck. The supreme remedy and insurance against any dangers -lies in the magic of mist, called <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, -which, side by side with Kula magic, and the magic of the canoes, is -the third of the indispensable magical equipments of a sailor.</p> -<p>A man who knows well the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> is -considered to be able to travel safely through the most dangerous seas. -A renowned chief, Maniyuwa, who was reputed as one of the greatest -masters in <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> as well as in other magic, -died in Dobu on an expedition about two generations ago. His son, -Maradiana, had learnt his father’s <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i>. Although the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are -extremely dangerous in the presence of a corpse, and though the natives -would never dream of putting a dead body on a canoe, and thus -multiplying the probabilities of an attack by the witches, still, -Maradiana, trusting to his <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, brought the -corpse back to Boyowa without mishap. This act, a testimony to the -daring sailor’s great prowess, and to the efficiency of the -<i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> magic, is kept alive in the memory and -tradition of the natives. One of my informants, boasting of his -<i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, told me how once, on a return from -Dobu, he performed his rites. Such a mist arose as a consequence of it -that the rest of the canoes lost their way, and arrived in the island -of Kayleula. Indeed, if we can speak of a belief being alive, that is, -of having a strong hold over human imagination, the belief in the -danger from <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> at sea is emphatically such a -one. In times of mental stress, in times of the slightest danger at -sea, or when a dying or dead person is near, the natives at once -respond emotionally in terms of this belief. No one could live among -these natives, speaking their language, and following their -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb246" href="#pb246" name= -"pb246">246</a>]</span>tribal life, without constantly coming up -against the belief in <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and in the -efficiency of the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>.</p> -<p>As in all other magic, also here, there are various systems of -<i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, that is, there are various -formulæ, slightly differing in their expressions, though usually -similar in their fundamental wordings and in certain ‘key’ -expressions. In each system, there are two main types of spells, the -<i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i>, or the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> of -the Underneath, and the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, or the <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> of the Above. The first one usually consists of -a short formula or formulæ spoken over some stones and some lime -in a lime pot and over some ginger root. This <i lang= -"kij">giyotanawa</i>, as its name indicates, is magic directed against -the evil agencies, awaiting the drowning men from below. Its spells -close up ‘the gaping depth’ and they screen off the -shipwrecked men from the eyes of the sharks. They also protect them -from the other evil things, which cause the death of a man in drowning. -The several little sea worms found on the beach, the crabs, the -poisonous fish, <i lang="kij">soka</i>, and the spiky fish, <i lang= -"kij">baiba’i</i>, as well as the jumping stones, whether -<i lang="kij">vineylida</i> or <i lang="kij">nu’akekepaki</i>, -are all warded off and blinded by the <i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i>. -Perhaps the most extraordinary belief in this connection is that the -<i lang="kij">tokwalu</i>, the carved human figures on the prow boards, -the <i lang="kij">guwaya</i>, the semi-human effigy on the mast top, as -well as the canoe ribs would ‘eat’ the drowning men if not -magically ‘treated.’</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> of the ‘Above,’ the -<i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, consists of long spells, recited over -some ginger root, on several occasions before sailing, and during bad -weather or shipwreck. They are directed exclusively against the -<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and form therefore the more important -class of the two. These spells must never be recited at night, as then -the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> could see and hear the man, and make -his magic inefficient. Again, the spell of the Above, when recited at -sea, must be spoken so that the magician is not covered with spray, for -if his mouth were wet with sea water, the smell would attract rather -than disperse, the flying witches. The man who knows the <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> must also be very careful at meal times. -Children may not speak, play about, or make any noise while he eats, -nor should anyone go round him behind his back while he is thus -engaged; normay they point out anything with the finger. Should the man -be thus disturbed during his food, he would have to stop eating at -once, and not resume it till the next meal time. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb247" href="#pb247" name="pb247">247</a>]</span></p> -<p>Now the leading idea of <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> is that it -produces some sort of mist. The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> who follow -the canoe, the sharks and live stones which lie in wait for it, the -depth with all its horror, and the <i lang="fr">débris</i> of -the canoe ready to harm the owner, all these are blinded by the mist -that arises in obedience to these spells. Thus the paralysing effect of -these two main forms of magic and the specialised sphere of influence -of each of them, are definite and clear dogmas of native belief.</p> -<p>But here again we must not try to press the interpretation of these -dogmas too far. Some sort of mist covers the eyes of all the evil -agencies or blinds them; it makes the natives invisible from them. But -to ask whether the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> produces a real -mist, visible also to man, or only a supernatural one, visible only to -the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>; or whether it simply blinds their -eyes so that they see nothing, would be asking too much. The same -native who will boast of having produced a real mist, so great that it -led astray his companions, will next day perform the <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> in the village during a burial, and affirm that -the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are in a mist, though obviously a -perfectly clear atmosphere surrounds the whole proceedings. The natives -will tell how, sailing on a windy but clear day, after a <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> has been recited into the eye of the wind, they -hear the shrieks of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, who, losing their -companions and the scent of the trail, hail one another in the dark. -Again, some expressions seem to represent the view that it is mainly an -action on the eyes of the witches. ‘<i lang="kij">Idudubila -matala mulukwausi</i>,’—‘It darkens the eyes of the -mulukwausi,’ or ‘<i lang= -"kij">iguyugwayu</i>’—‘It blinds,’ the natives -will say. And when asked:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“What do the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> see, -then?” they will answer: “They will see mist only. They do -not see the places, they do not see the men, only mist.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Thus here, as in all cases of belief, there is a certain latitude, -within which the opinions and views may vary, and only the broad -outline, which surrounds them, is definitely fixed by tradition, -embodied in ritual, and expressed by the phraseology of magical -formulæ or by the statements of a myth.</p> -<p>I have thus defined the manner in which the natives face the dangers -of the sea; we have found, that the fundamental conceptions underlying -this attitude are, that in shipwreck, men are entirely in the hands of -the witches, and that from <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb248" href= -"#pb248" name="pb248">248</a>]</span>this, only their own magical -defence can save them. This defence consists in the rites and -formulæ of the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, of which we have -also learnt the leading principles. Now, a consecutive description must -be given of how this magic is performed when a <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> sets out on an expedition. And following up this -expedition, it must be told how the natives imagine a shipwreck, and -what they believe the behaviour of the shipwrecked party would be.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div10.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">I shall give this narrative in a consecutive manner, -as it was told to me by some of the most experienced and renowned -Trobriand sailors in Sinaketa, Oburaku, and Omarakana. We can imagine -that exactly such a narrative would be told by a veteran <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> to his <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> on the beach of -Yakum, as our Kula party sit round the camp fires at night. One of the -old men, well-known for the excellence of his <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i>, and boastful of it, would tell his story, -entering minutely into all the details, however often the others might -have heard about them before, or even assisted at the performance of -his magic. He would then proceed to describe, with extreme realism, and -dwelling graphically on every point, the story of a shipwreck, very -much as if he had gone through one himself. As a matter of fact, no one -alive at present has had any personal experience of such a catastrophe, -though many have lived through frequent narrow escapes in stormy -weather. Based on this, and on what they have heard themselves of the -tradition of shipwrecks, natives will tell the story with -characteristic vividness. Thus, the account given below is not only a -summary of native belief, it is an ethnographic document in itself, -representing the manner in which such type of narrative would be told -over camp fires, the same subject being over and over again repeated by -the same man, and listened to by the same audience, exactly as we, when -children, or the peasants of Eastern Europe, will hearken to familiar -fairy tales and Märchen. The only deviation here from what would -actually take place in such a story-telling, is the insertion of -magical formulæ into the narrative. The speaker might indeed -repeat his magic, were he speaking in broad daylight, in his village, -to a group of close kinsmen and friends. But being on a small island in -the middle of the ocean, and at night, the recital of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb249" href="#pb249" name= -"pb249">249</a>]</span>spells would be a taboo of the <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i>; nor would a man ever recite his magic before a -numerous audience, except on certain occasions at mortuary vigils, -where people are expected to chant their magic aloud before hundreds of -listeners.</p> -<p>Returning then again to our group of sailors, who sit under the -stunted pandanus trees of Yakum, let us listen to one of the companions -of the daring Maradiana, now dead, to one of the descendants of the -great Maniyuwa. He will tell us how, early in the morning, on the day -of departure from Sinaketa, or sometimes on the next morning, when they -leave Muwa, he performs the first rite of <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i>. Wrapping up a piece of <i lang="kij">leyya</i> -(wild ginger root) in a bit of dried banana leaf, he chants over it the -long spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, the <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> of the Above. He chants this spell into the -leaf, holding it cup-shaped, with the morsel of ginger root at the -bottom, so that the spell might enter into the substance to be -medicated. After that, the leaf is immediately wrapped round, so as to -imprison the magical virtue, and the magician ties the parcel round his -left arm, with a piece of bast or string. Sometimes he will medicate -two bits of ginger and make two parcels, of which the other will be -placed in a string necklet, and carried on his breast. Our narrator, -who is the master of one of the canoes, will probably not be the only -one within the circle round the camp fire, who carries these bundles of -medicated ginger; for though a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> must always -perform this rite as well as know all the other magic of shipwreck, as -a rule several of the older members of his crew also know it, and have -also prepared their magical bundles.</p> -<p>This is one of the spells of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, such -as the old man said over the ginger root:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Giyorokaywa No. 1 (Leyya Kayga’u).</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I will befog Muyuwa!” (repeated). -“I will befog Misima!” (repeated). “The mist springs -up; the mist makes them tremble. I befog the front, I shut off the -rear; I befog the rear, I shut off the front. I fill with mist, mist -springs up; I fill with mist, the mist which makes them -tremble.”</p> -<p>This is the opening part of the formula, very clear, and easy to be -translated. The mist is magically invoked, the word for mist being -repeated with several verbal combinations, in a rhythmic and -alliterative manner. The <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb250" href= -"#pb250" name="pb250">250</a>]</span>expression tremble, <i lang= -"kij">maysisi</i>, refers to a peculiar belief, that when a sorcerer or -sorceress approaches the victim, and this man paralyses them with a -counter spell, they lose their bearings, and stand there trembling.</p> -<p>The main part of this spell opens up with the word ‘<i lang= -"kij">aga’u</i>,’ ‘I befog,’ which, like all -such leading words of a spell is first of all intoned in a long, -drawn-out chant, and then quickly repeated with a series of words. Then -the word ‘<i lang="kij">aga’u</i>’ is replaced by -‘<i lang="kij">aga’u sulu</i>,’ ‘I befog, lead -astray,’ which in its turn makes way for, ‘<i lang= -"kij">aga’u boda</i>,’ ‘I befog, shut off.’ The -list of words repeated in succession with each of these three -expressions is a long one. It is headed by the words ‘the eyes of -the witches.’ Then, ‘the eyes of the sea-crab.’ Then, -always with the word ‘eyes,’ the animals, worms and insects -which threaten drowning men in the sea, are enumerated. After they are -exhausted, the various parts of the body are repeated; then finally, a -long list of villages is recited, preceded by the word <i lang= -"kij">aga’u</i>, forming phrases such as: “I befog the eyes -of the women of Wawela, etc.”</p> -<p>Let us reconstruct a piece of this middle part in a consecutive -manner. “I befog …! I befog, I befog, the eyes of the -witches! I befog the eyes of the little crabs! I befog the eyes of the -hermit crab! I befog the eyes of the insects on the beach! … -etc.”</p> -<p>“I befog the hand, I befog the foot, I befog the head. I befog -the shoulders … etc.”</p> -<p>“I befog the eyes of the women of Wawela; I befog the eyes of -the women of Kaulasi; I befog the eyes of the women of Kumilabwaga, I -befog the eyes of the women of Vakuta … etc., etc.”</p> -<p>“I befog, lead astray, the eyes of the witches; I befog, lead -astray the eyes of the little crab! … etc.”</p> -<p>“I befog, shut off the eyes of the witches, I befog, shut off -the eyes of the little crab … etc., etc.”</p> -<p>It can easily be seen how long drawn such a spell is, especially as -in this middle part, the magician will often come back to where he has -started, and repeat the leading word over and over again with the -others. Indeed, this can be taken as a typical <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i>, or middle part, of a long spell, where the leading -words are, so to speak, well rubbed into the various other expressions. -One feature of this middle part is remarkable, namely, that the beings -from below, the crabs, the sea insects and worms are invoked, although -the spell is one of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> type, the magic -of the Above. This is an inconsistency <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb251" href="#pb251" name="pb251">251</a>]</span>frequently met with; -a contradiction between the ideas embodied in the spell, and the theory -of the magic, as explicitly formulated by the informants. The parts of -the body enumerated in the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> refer to the -magician’s own person, and to his companions in the canoe. By -this part of the spell, he surrounds himself and all his companions -with mist, which makes them invisible to all the evil influences.</p> -<p>After the long <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> has been recited, there -follows the last part, which, however, is not chanted in this case, but -spoken in a low, persuasive, tender voice.</p> -<p>“I hit thy flanks; I fold over thy mat, thy bleached mat of -pandanus; I shall make it into thy mantle. I take thy sleeping <i lang= -"kij">doba</i> (grass skirt), I cover thy loins; remain there, snore -within thy house! I alone myself” (here the reciter’s name -is uttered) “I shall remain in the sea, I shall swim!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This last part throws some interesting sidelights on native belief -in <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. We see here the expression of the idea -that the body of the witch remains in the house, whilst she herself -goes out on her nefarious errand. Molilakwa, the magician of Oburaku -who gave me this spell, said in commentary to this last part:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> casts off her body -(<i lang="kij">inini wowola</i>—which really means ‘peals -off her skin’); she lies down and sleeps, we hear her snoring. -Her covering (<i lang="kij">kapwalela</i> that is, her outward body, -her skin) remains in the house, and she herself flies (<i lang= -"kij">titolela biyova</i>). Her skirt remains in the house, she flies -naked. When she meets men, she eats us. In the morning, she puts on her -body, and lies down in her hut. When we cover her loins with the -<i lang="kij">doba</i>, she cannot fly any more.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This last sentence refers to the magical act of covering, as -expressed in the last part of the spell.</p> -<p>Here we find another variant of belief as to the nature of the -<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, to be added to those mentioned before. -Previously we met the belief of the disassociation of the woman into -the part that remains, and the part that flies. But here the real -personality is located in the flying part, whereas what remains is the -‘covering.’ To imagine the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, -the flying part, as a ‘sending,’ in the light of this -belief, would not be correct. In general, such categories as -‘agent,’ and ‘sending,’ or as <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb252" href="#pb252" name= -"pb252">252</a>]</span>‘real self’ and -‘emanation’ etc., etc., can be applied to native belief as -rough approximations only, and the exact definition should be given in -terms of native statement.</p> -<p>The final sentence of this spell, containing the wish to remain -alone in the sea, to be allowed to swim and drift, is a testimony to -the belief that without <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, there is no -danger to a man adrift on a piece of wreckage among the foaming waves -of a stormy sea.</p> -<p>After reciting this lengthy spell, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, -as he tells us in his narrative, has had to perform another rite, this -time, over his lime-pot. Taking out the stopper of rolled palm leaf and -plaited fibre from the baked and decorated gourd in which he keeps his -lime, he utters another spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> -cycle:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Giyorokaywa No. 2 (Pwaka Kayga’u).</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“There on Muruwa, I arise, I stand up! Iwa, -Sewatupa, at the head—I rumble, I disperse. Kasabwaybwayreta, -Namedili, Toburitolu, Tobwebweso, Tauva’u, Bo’abwa’u, -Rasarasa. They are lost, they disappear.”</p> -<p>This beginning, full of archaic expressions, implicit meanings and -allusions and personal names, is very obscure. The first words refer -probably to the head-quarters of sorcery; Muruwa (or -Murua—Woodlark Island), Iwa, Sewatupa. The long list of personal -names following afterwards contains some mythical ones, like -Kasabwaybwayreta, and some others, which I cannot explain, though the -words Tobwebweso, Tauva’u, and Bo’abwa’u suggest that -this is a list in which some sorcerers’ names figure. As a rule, -in such spells, a list of names signifies that all those who have used -and handed down this formula, are enumerated. In some cases the people -mentioned are frankly mythical heroes. Sometimes a few mythical names -are chanted, and then comes a string of actual people, forming a sort -of pedigree of the spell. If these in this spell are ancestor names -they all refer to mythical personalities, and not to real -ancestors.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e8721src" href="#xd26e8721" name= -"xd26e8721src">2</a> The last words contained an expression typical of -the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>. Then comes the middle part. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb253" href="#pb253" name= -"pb253">253</a>]</span></p> -<p>“I arise, I escape from <i lang="kij">bara’u</i>; I -arise, I escape from <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>. I arise, I escape from -<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. I arise, I escape from <i lang= -"kij">bowo’u</i>, etc.,” repeating the leading words -“I arise, I escape from—” with the words used to -describe the flying witches in the various surrounding districts. Thus -the word <i lang="kij">bara’u</i> comes from Muyuwa (Woodlark -Island), where it describes the sorceress, and not, as in other Massim -districts, a male sorcerer. The words <i lang="kij">yoyova, -mulukwausi</i> need no explanation. <i lang="kij">Bowo’u</i> is -an Amphlettan word. Words from Dobu, Tubetube, etc., follow. Then the -whole period is repeated, adding ‘eyes of’ in the middle of -each phrase, so that it runs:</p> -<p>“I arise, I escape from the eyes of the <i lang= -"kij">bara’u</i>. I arise, I escape from the eyes of the <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i>, etc.” The leading words, ‘I arise, I -escape from’ are then replaced by<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e8760" title="Not in source">:</span> ‘They wander -astray,’ which, again, make way to ‘the sea is cleared -off.’ This whole middle part of the spell is clear, and needs no -commentary. Then comes the concluding period (<i lang= -"kij">dogina</i>):</p> -<p>“I am a <i lang="kij">manuderi</i> (small bird), I am a -<i lang="kij">kidikidi</i> (small sea bird), I am a floating log, I am -a piece of sea-weed; I shall produce mist till it encloses all, I shall -befog, I shall shut off with fog. Mist, enveloped in mist, dissolving -in mist am I. Clear is the sea, (the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are) -straying in mist.” This part also needs no special -commentary.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This is again a long spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> -type, that is, directed against the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and -in this the spell is consistent, for the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> -alone are invoked in the middle period.</p> -<p>After the spell has been chanted into the lime pot, this is well -stoppered, and not opened till the end of the journey. It must be noted -that these two <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> spells have been spoken by -our <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> in the village or on Muwa beach, and in -day time. For, as said above, it is a taboo to utter them in the night -or at sea. From the moment he has spoken these two spells, both -medicated substances, the ginger root and the lime in the lime pot, -remain near him. He has also in the canoe some stones of those brought -from the Koya, and called <i lang="kij">binabina</i>, in distinction to -the dead coral, which is called <i lang="kij">dakuna</i>. Over these -stones, at the moment of the occurrence of danger, a spell of the -Underneath, a <i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i> will be recited. The -following is a formula of this type, short as they always are. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb254" href="#pb254" name= -"pb254">254</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Giyotanawa No. 1 (Dakuna Kayga’u).</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Man, bachelor, woman, young girl; woman, young -girl, man, bachelor! Traces, traces obliterated by cobwebs; traces, -obliterated by turning up (the material in which they were left); I -press, I close down! Sharks of Dukutabuya, I press, I close down; -Sharks of Kaduwaga, I press, I close down,” etc., the sharks of -Muwa, Galeya, Bonari, and Kaulokoki being invoked in turn. All these -words are names of marked parts of the sea, in and around the Trobriand -Lagoon. The formula ends up with the following peroration: “I -press down thy neck, I open up thy passage of Kiyawa, I kick thee down, -O shark. Duck down under water, shark. Die, shark, die away.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The commentary to the opening sentences given by my informant, -Molilakwa of Oburaku, was:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“This magic is taught to people when they are -quite young. Hence the mention of young people.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The obliterating of traces will be made clearer by the account which -follows, in which we shall see that to obliterate traces, to put off -the scent the shark and <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are the main -concerns of the shipwrecked party. The middle part refers to sharks -only, and so does the peroration. The passage of Kiyawa near Tuma is -mentioned in several types of magical exorcisms, when the evil -influence is being banished. This passage lies between the main island -and the island of Tuma, and leads into the unknown regions of the -North-Western seas.</p> -<p>It will be best to quote here another formula of the <i lang= -"kij">giyotanawa</i> type, and a very dramatic one. For this is the -formula spoken at the critical moment of shipwreck. At the moment when -the sailors decide to abandon the craft and to plunge into the sea, the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> stands up in the canoe, and slowly turning -round so as to throw his words towards all four winds, intones in a -loud voice this spell:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Giyotanawa No. 2.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Foam, foam, breaking wave, wave! I shall enter -into the breaking wave, I shall come out from behind it. I shall enter -from behind into the wave, and I shall come out in its breaking -foam!”</p> -<p>“Mist, gathering mist, encircling mist, surround, surround -me!” <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb255" href="#pb255" name= -"pb255">255</a>]</span></p> -<p>“Mist, gathering mist, encircling mist, surround, surround me, -my mast!</p> -<p>Mist, gathering mist, etc. … surround me, the nose of my -canoe.</p> -<p>Mist, etc. … surround me, my sail,</p> -<p>Mist, etc. … surround me, my steering oar,</p> -<p>Mist, etc. … surround me, my rigging,</p> -<p>Mist, etc. … surround me, my platform,”</p> -<p>And so on, enumerating one after the other all the parts of the -canoe and its accessories. Then comes the final part of the spell:</p> -<p>“I shut off the skies with mist; I make the sea tremble with -mist; I close up your mouth, sharks, <i lang="kij">bonubonu</i> (small -worms), <i lang="kij">ginukwadewo</i> (other worms). Go underneath and -we shall swim on top.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Little is needed as a commentary to this magic. Its beginning is -very clear, and singularly well depicts the situation in which it is -uttered. The end refers directly to the primary aim of the magic, to -the warding off of the Underneath, of the dangerous animals in the sea. -The only ambiguity refers to the middle part, where the magical leading -words of ‘enveloping by mist’ are associated with a list of -names of the parts of the canoe. I am not certain whether this is to be -interpreted, in the sense that the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> wants to -surround his whole canoe with mist so that it may not be seen by the -sharks, etc., or whether, on the contrary, just on the verge of -abandoning his canoe, and anxious to cut himself off from its various -parts which may turn on him and ‘eat him,’ he therefore -wants to surround each of them with mist so that it may be blinded. The -latter interpretation fits the above-quoted belief that certain parts -of the canoe, especially the carved human figures on the <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e8879" title="Source: prowboard">prow-board</span> and -the mast, the ribs of the canoe, and certain other parts of its -construction, ‘eat’ the shipwrecked men. But again, in this -spell, there are enumerated not certain parts, but every part, and that -undoubtedly is not consistent with this belief, so the question must -remain open.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div10.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">I have anticipated some of the events of the -consecutive narrative of shipwreck, in order to give the two last -mentioned magical formulæ first, and not to have to interrupt the -tale of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb256" href="#pb256" name= -"pb256">256</a>]</span>our <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, to which we now -return. We left it at the point where, having said his first two -<i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> formulæ over the ginger and into -the lime pot, he embarks, keeping these two things handy, and putting -some <i lang="kij">binabina</i> stones within his reach. From here, his -narrative becomes more dramatic. He describes the approaching -storm:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Narrative of Shipwreck and Salvage.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The canoe sails fast; the wind rises; big waves -come; the wind booms, du-du-du-du …. The sails flutter; -the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger) rises high! All the <i lang= -"kij">usagelu</i> crouch on the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>. I speak magic -to calm the wind. The big spell of the Sim-sim. They know all about -<i lang="kij">yavata</i> (North-Westerley Monsoon wind). They live in -the eye of the <i lang="kij">yavata</i>. The wind abates not, not a -little bit. It booms, it gains strength, it booms loud du-du-du-du-du. -All the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> are afraid. The <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> scream, u-ú, u-ú, u-ú, u; -their voices are heard in the wind. With the wind they scream and come -flying. The <i lang="kij">veva</i> (sheet rope) is torn from the hands -of the <i lang="kij">tokabinaveva</i>. The sail flutters freely in the -wind; it is torn away. It flies far into the sea; it falls on the -waters. The waves break over the canoe. I stand up. I take the <i lang= -"kij">binabina</i> stones; I recite the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> -over them, the <i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i>, the spell of the -Underneath. The short spell, the very strong spell. I throw the stones -into the deep. They weigh down the sharks, the <i lang= -"kij">vineylida</i>; they close the Gaping Depth. The fish cannot see -us. I stand up, I take my lime pot; I break it. The lime I throw into -the wind. It wraps us up in mist. Such a mist that no one can see us. -The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> lose sight of us. We hear them shout -near by. They shout u-û, u-û, u-û, u. The sharks, the -<i lang="kij">bonubonu</i>, the <i lang="kij">soka</i> do not see us; -the water is turbid. The canoe is swamped, the water is in it. It -drifts heavily, the waves break over us. We break the <i lang= -"kij">vatotuwa</i>, (the sticks joining the float to the platform). The -<i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger float) is severed; we jump from the -<i lang="kij">waga</i>; we catch hold of the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>. -On the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> we drift. I utter the great <i lang= -"kij">Kaytaria</i> spell; the big fish <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i> -comes. It lifts us. It takes the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> on its back, -and carries us. We drift, we drift, we drift.”</p> -<p>“We approach a shore; the <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i> brings -us there, the <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i> puts us on the shallows. I -take a stout pole, I lift it off; I speak a spell. The <i lang= -"kij">iraviyaka</i> turns back to the deep sea.” <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb257" href="#pb257" name="pb257">257</a>]</span></p> -<p>“We are all on the <i lang="kij">dayaga</i> (fringing reef). -We stand inwater. The water is cold, we all shiver with cold. We do not -go ashore. We are afraid of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. They -follow us ashore. They wait for us ashore. I take a <i lang= -"kij">dakuna</i> (piece of coral stone), I say a spell over it. I throw -the stone on the beach; it makes a big thud; good; the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> are not there. We go ashore. Another time, I throw -a stone, we hear nothing: <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are on the -beach; they catch it; we hear nothing. We remain on the <i lang= -"kij">dayaga</i>. I take some <i lang="kij">leyya</i> (ginger). I spit -it at the beach. I throw another stone. The <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> do not see it. It falls down; we hear it. We go -ashore; we sit on the sand in a row. We sit in one row, one man near -another, as on the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> (in the same order as they -drifted on the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>). I make a charm over the comb; -all the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> comb their hair; they tease their -hair a long time. They are very cold; we do not make the fire. First, I -put order on the beach; I take the piece of <i lang="kij">leyya</i>, I -spit it over the beach. One time, when the <i lang="kij">leyya</i> is -finished, I take some <i lang="kij">kasita</i> leaves (the beach is -always full of these). I put them on the shore, I put a stone on them, -uttering a spell—afterwards, we make fire. All sit round and warm -themselves at the fire.”</p> -<p>“At day time, we don’t go to the village; the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> would follow us. After dark, we go. Like on the -<i lang="kij">lamina</i>, we march in the same order, one after the -other. I go last; I chant a spell over a <i lang="kij">libu</i> plant. -I efface our traces. I put the <i lang="kij">libu</i> on our track; I -put the weeds together. I make the path confused. I say a charm to the -spider, that he might make a cobweb. I say a charm to the bush-hen, -that she might turn up the soil.”</p> -<p>“We go to the village. We enter the village, we pass the main -place. No one sees us; we are in mist, we are invisible. We enter the -house of my <i lang="kij">veyola</i> (maternal kinsman), he medicates -some <i lang="kij">leyya</i>; he spits (magically) on all of us. The -<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> smell us; they smell the salt water on our -skins. They come to the house, the house trembles. A big wind shakes -the house, we hear big thuds against the house. The owner of the house -medicates the <i lang="kij">leyya</i> and spits over us; they cannot -see us. A big fire is made in the house; plenty of smoke fills the -house. The <i lang="kij">leyya</i> and the smoke blind their eyes. Five -days we sit in smoke, our skin smells of smoke; our hair smells of -smoke; the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> cannot smell us. Then I -medicate some water and coco-nut, the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> wash -and annoint themselves. They leave the house, they sit on the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb258" href="#pb258" name= -"pb258">258</a>]</span><i lang="kij">kaukweda</i> (spot before the -house). The owner of the house chases them away. ‘Go, go to your -wife;’ we all go, we return to our houses.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>I have given here a reconstruction of a native account, as I have -often heard it told with characteristic vividness: spoken in short, -jerky sentences, with onamatopoetic representations of sound, the -narrative exaggerates certain features, and omits others. The -excellency of the narrator’s own magic, the violence of the -elements at critical moments, he would always reiterate with monotonous -insistence. He would diverge into some correlated subject, jump ahead, -missing out several stages, come back, and so on, so that the whole is -quite incoherent and unintelligible to a white listener, though the -native audience follows its trend perfectly well. For it must be -remembered that, when a native tells such a story, the events are -already known to his listeners, who have grown up gradually becoming -familiar with the narrow range of their tribal folklore. Our <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>, telling this story over again on the sandbank of -Yakum, would dwell on such points as allowed him to boast of his -<i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, to describe the violence of the storm, -to bear witness to the traditional effects of the magic.</p> -<p>It is necessary for an Ethnographer to listen several times to such -a narrative, in order to have a fair chance of forming some coherent -idea of its trend. Afterwards, by means of direct examination, he can -succeed in placing the facts in their proper sequence. By questioning -the informants about details of rite and magic, it is possible then to -obtain interpretations and commentaries. Thus the whole of a narrative -can be constructed, the various fragments, with all their spontaneous -freshness, can be put in their proper places, and this is what I have -done in giving this account of shipwreck.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e9093src" href="#xd26e9093" name="xd26e9093src">3</a></p> -<p>A few words of comment must now be given on the text of the above -narrative. In it, a number of magical rites were mentioned, besides -those which were described first with their spells. Something must be -said more in detail about the spells of the subsequent magical -performances. There are some eleven of them. First comes the ritual -invocation of the fish <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb259" href= -"#pb259" name="pb259">259</a>]</span>which helps the shipwrecked -sailors. The spell corresponding to this, is called <i lang= -"kij">kaytaria</i>, and it is an important formula, which every -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> is supposed to know. The question arises, -has this rite ever been practised in reality? Some of the actions taken -by the shipwrecked natives, such as the cutting of the the outrigger -float when the boat is abandoned, are quite rational. It would be -dangerous to float on the big, unwieldy canoe which might be constantly -turned round and round by the waves, and if smashed to pieces, might -injure the sailors with its wreckage. In this fact, perhaps there is -also the empirical basis for the belief that some fragments of the -canoe ‘eat’ the shipwrecked men. The round, symmetrical log -of the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>, on the other hand, will serve as an -excellent lifebuoy. Perhaps a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, arrived at -such a pass, would really utter the <i lang="kij">kaytaria</i> spell. -And if the party were saved, they would probably all declare, and, no -doubt believe, that the fish had come to their summons, and somehow or -other helped in the rescue.</p> -<p>It is less easy to imagine what elements in such an experience might -have given rise to the myth that the natives, landed on the shore, -magically lift the fish from the shallow waters by means of a charmed -pole. This indeed seems a purely imaginary incident, and my main -informant, Molilakwa of Oburaku, from whom I obtained the <i lang= -"kij">kaytaria</i> spell, did not know the spell of the pole, and would -have had to leave the <i lang="kij">iraviaka</i> to its own fate in the -shallows. Nor could I hear of anyone else professing to know this -spell. The formula uttered over the stone to be thrown on the beach was -equally unknown to the circle of my informants. Of course, in all such -cases, when a man carrying on a system of magic would come to a gap in -his knowledge, he would perform the rite without the spell, or utter -the most suitable spell of the system. Thus here, as the stone is -thrown in order to reconnoitre whether the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> -are waiting for them, a spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, the -spell of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, might be uttered over the -stone. Over the combs, as well as over the herbs on the beach, a -<i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> spell would be uttered, according to my -informants, but probably, a different spell from the one spoken -originally over the ginger root. Molilakwa, for instance, knows two -spells of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, both of which are suitable -to be spoken over the ginger and over the beach respectively. Then -there comes another <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb260" href="#pb260" -name="pb260">260</a>]</span>spell, to be uttered over the <i lang= -"kij">libu</i> plant, and in addressing the spider and the bush-hen. -Molilakwa told me that the same spell would be said in the three cases, -but neither he, nor anyone else, among my informants could give me this -spell. The magic done in the village, while the shipwrecked men -remained in the smoky hut, would be all accompanied by the <i lang= -"kij">leyya</i> (ginger) spells.</p> -<p>One incident in the above narrative might have struck the reader as -contradictory of the general theory of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> -belief, that, namely, where the narrator declares that the party on the -beach have to wait till nightfall before they enter the village. The -general belief expressed in all the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> -legends, as well as in the taboos of the <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i>, is that the witches are really dangerous only -at night, when they can see and hear better. Such contradictions, as I -have said, are often met in native belief, and in this, by the way, the -savages do not differ from ourselves. My informant, from whom I had -this version, simply said that such was the rule and the custom, and -that they had to wait till night. In another account, on the other -hand, I was told that the party must proceed to the village immediately -after having performed the several rites on the beach, whether night or -day.</p> -<p>There also arises the main question, regarding this narrative, to -which allusion has been made already, namely, how far does it represent -the normal behaviour in shipwreck, and how far is it a sort of -standardised myth? There is no doubt that shipwreck in these seas, -surrounded in many parts by islands, is not unlikely to end by the -party’s being saved. This again would result in some such -explanation as that contained in our narrative. Naturally, I tried to -record all the actual cases of shipwreck within the natives’ -memory. Some two generations ago, one of the chiefs of Omarakana, named -Numakala, perished at sea, and with him all his crew. A canoe of -another Eastern Trobriand village, Tilakaywa, was blown far North, and -stranded in Kokopawa, from where it was sailed back by its crew, when -the wind turned to the North-West. Although this canoe was not actually -shipwrecked, its salvation is credited to <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> magic, and to the kind fish, <i lang= -"kij">iraviyaka</i>. A very intelligent informant of mine explained -this point of view in answer to some of my cavillings: “If this -canoe had been wrecked, it would have been saved also.” -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb261" href="#pb261" name= -"pb261">261</a>]</span></p> -<p>A party from Muyuwa (Woodlark Island) were saved on the shore of -Boyowa. In the South of the Island, several cases are on record where -canoes were wrecked and saved in the d’Entrecasteaux Islands or -in the Amphletts. Once the whole crew were eaten by cannibals, getting -ashore in a hostile district of Fergusson Island, and one man only -escaped, and ran along the shore, south-eastwards towards Dobu. Thus -there is a certain amount of historical evidence for the saving power -of the magic, and the mixture of fanciful and real elements makes our -story a good example of what could be called <i>standardised</i> or -<i>universalised</i> myth—that is, a myth referring not to one -historical event but to a type of occurrence, happening -universally.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div10.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us now give the text of the remaining spells which -belong to the above narrative, but have not been adduced there, so as -not to spoil its flow. First of all there is the <i lang= -"kij">kaytaria</i> spell, that which the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, -drifting alongside his crew on the detached canoe float, intones in a -loud, slow voice, in order to attract the <i lang= -"kij">iraviyaka</i>.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kaytaria Spell.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I lie, I shall lie down in my house, a big -house. I shall sharpen my ear, I shall hear the roaring of the -sea—it foams up, it makes a noise. At the bottom of Kausubiyai, -come, lift me, take me, bring me to the top of Nabonabwana -beach.”</p> -<p>Then comes a sentence with mythological allusions which I could not -succeed in translating. After that follows the main part of the -spell:</p> -<p>“The <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i> fish shall lift me up; my -child, the <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i> shall lift me up; my -child’s things, the <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i> shall lift me up; -my basket, etc.; my lime pot, etc.; my lime spoon, etc.; my house, -etc.;” repeating the words “the <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i> -fish shall lift me up” with various expressions describing the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga’s</i> equipment as well as his child, -presumably a member of the shipwrecked crew.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>There is no end part to this spell, as it was given to me; only the -beginning is repeated after the main part. It is not impossible that -Molilakwa himself, my informant, did not <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb262" href="#pb262" name="pb262">262</a>]</span>know the spell to the -end. Such magic, once learnt by a native, never used, and recited -perhaps once a year during a mortuary ceremony, or occasionally, in -order to show off, is easily forgotten. There is a marked difference -between the vacillating and uncertain way in which such spells are -produced by informants, and the wonderful precision and the easy flow -with which, for example, the spells, year after year performed in -public, will trip off the tongue of the garden magician.</p> -<p>I cannot give a correct commentary to the mythological names -Kausubiyai and Nabonabwana, in the first part of the spell. What this -part means, whether the reclining individual who hears the noises of -the sea is the magician, or whether it represents the sensations of the -fish who hears the calling for help, I could not make out. The meaning -of the middle part is plain, however. <i lang="kij">Suyusayu</i> is -another name for <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i>, indeed, its magical name -used only in spells, and not when speaking of it in ordinary -conversations.</p> -<p>The other formula to be given here is the other <i lang= -"kij">giyorokaywa</i> spell, which would be used in spitting the ginger -on the beach after rescue, and also in medicating the herbs, which will -be put on the beach and beaten with a stone. This spell is associated -with the myth of the origin of <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, which -must be related here, to make the formula clear.</p> -<p>Near the beginning of time, there lived in Kwayawata, one of the -Marshall Bennetts, a family strange to our ideas of family life, but -quite natural in the world of Kiriwinian mythology. It consisted of a -man, Kalaytaytu, his sister, Isenadoga, and the youngest brother, a -dog, Tokulubweydoga. Like other mythological personages, their names -suggest that originally they must have conveyed some sort of -description. <i lang="kij">Doga</i> means the curved, almost circular, -boar’s tusk used as ornament. The name of the canine member of -the family might mean something like -Man-with-circular-tusks-in-his-head, and his sister’s name, -Woman-ornamented-with-<i lang="kij">doga</i>. The eldest brother has in -his name the word <i lang="kij">taytu</i>, which signifies the staple -food (small yams) of natives, and a verb, <i lang="kij">kalay</i>, -signifying ‘to put on ornaments.’ Not much profit, however, -can be deduced from this etymology, as far as I can see, for the -interpretation of this myth. I shall quote in a literal translation the -short version of this myth, as I obtained it first, when the -information was volunteered to me by Molilakwa in Oburaku. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb263" href="#pb263" name="pb263">263</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Myth of Tokulubwaydoga.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“They live in Kwayawata; one day Kalaytayta goes -to fish, gets into a small canoe (<i lang="kij">kewo’u</i>). -Behind him swims the dog. He comes to Digumenu. They fish with the -older brother. They catch fish! The elder brother paddles; that one -again goes behind; goes, returns to Kwayawata. They died; came Modokei, -he learned the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, the inside of -Tokulubwaydoga. The name of their mother, the mother of Tokulubwaydoga, -is Tobunaygu.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This little fragment gives a good idea of what the first version is, -even of so well fixed a piece of narrative as a myth. It has to be -supplemented by inquiries as to the motives of the behaviour of the -various personages, as to the relations of one event to the other. -Thus, further questions revealed that the elder brother refused to take -the dog with him on this fishing expedition. Tokulubwaydoga then -determined to go all the same, and swam to Digumenu, following the -canoe of his brother. This latter was astonished to see him, but none -the less they went to work together. In fishing, the dog was more -successful than his brother, and thus aroused his jealousy. The man -then refused to take him back. Tokulubwaydoga then jumped into the -water, and again swam and arrived safely in Kwayawata. The point of the -story lies in the fact that the dog was able to do the swimming, -because he knew the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, otherwise the -sharks, <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, or other evil things would have -eaten him. He got it from his mother, the lady Tobunaygu, who could -teach him this magic because she was a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> -herself. Another important point about this myth, also quite omitted -from the first version volunteered to me, is its sociological aspect. -First of all, there is the very interesting incident, unparalleled in -Kiriwinian tradition: the mother of the three belonged to the -Lukwasisiga clan. It was a most incongruous thing for a dog, who is the -animal of the Lukuba clan, to be born into a Lukwasisiga family. -However, there he was, and so he said:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Good, I shall be a Lukuba, this is my -clan.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Now the incident of the quarrel receives its significance in so far -as the dog, the only one to whom the mother gave the <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i>, did not hand it over to his brother and sister -who were <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb264" href="#pb264" name= -"pb264">264</a>]</span>of the Lukwasisiga clan, and so the magic went -down only the dog’s own clan, the Lukuba. It must be assumed -(though this was not known to my informant) that Madokei, who learnt -the magic from the dog, was also a Lukuba man.</p> -<p>Like all mythological mother-ancestresses, Tobunaygu had no husband, -nor does this circumstance call forth any surprise or comment on the -part of the natives, since the physiological aspect of fatherhood is -not known among them, as I have repeatedly observed.</p> -<p>As can be seen, by comparing the original fragment, and the -subsequent amplification by inquiries, the volunteered version misses -out the most important points. The concatenation of events, the origin -of the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, the important sociological -details, have to be dragged out of the informant, or, to put it more -correctly, he has to be made to enlarge on points, to roam over all the -subjects covered by the myth, and from his statements then, one has to -pick out and piece together the other bits of the puzzle. On the other -hand, the names of the people, the unimportant statements of what they -did and how they were occupied are unfailingly given.</p> -<p>Let us adduce now the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i>, which is said -to be derived from the dog, and ultimately from his mother:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kayga’u of Tokulubwaydoga.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Tobunaygu (repeated), Manemanaygu (repeated), -my mother a snake, myself a snake; myself a snake, my mother a snake. -Tokulubwaydoga, Isenadoga, Matagagai, Kalaytaytu; <i lang= -"kij">bulumava’u tabugu Madokei</i>. I shall befog the front, I -shall shut off the rear; I shall befog the rear, I shall shut off the -front.”</p> -<p>This exordium contains at first the invocation of the name of the -<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, who was the source of the spell. Its -pendant Manemanaygu is, according to my informant, derived from an -archaic word <i lang="kij">nema</i>, equivalent to the present day -<i lang="kij">yama</i>, hand. “As the right hand is to the left -one, so is Tobunaygu to Manemanaygu,” which was expressed as a -matter of fact in the less grammatically worded form; “this right -hand, this left” (clapped together) “so Tobunaygu, -Manemanaygu.”</p> -<p>Whether this analysis of my informant is correct must remain an open -question. It must be remembered that magic is not taken by the natives -as an ethnographic <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb265" href="#pb265" -name="pb265">265</a>]</span>document, allowing of interpretations and -developments, but as an instrument of power. The words are there to -act, and not to teach. Questions as to the meaning of magic, as a rule, -puzzled the informants, and therefore it is not easy to explain a -formula or obtain a correct commentary upon it. All the same there are -some natives who obviously have tried to get to the bottom of what the -various words in magic represent.</p> -<p>To proceed with our commentary, the phrase “My mother a snake, -etc.,” was thus explained to me by Molilakwa: “Supposing we -strike a snake, already it vanishes, it does not remain; thus also we -human beings, when <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> catch us, we -disappear.” That is, we disappear after having spoken this -magical formula, for in a formula the desired result is always -expressed in anticipation. Molilakwa’s description of a -snake’s behaviour is, according to my experience, not sound -Natural History, but it probably expresses the underlying idea, namely -the elusiveness of the snake, which would naturally be one of the -metaphorical figures used in the spell.</p> -<p>The string of words following the invocation of the snake are all -mythical names, four of which we found mentioned in the above myth, -while the rest remain obscure. The last-named, that of Modokei, is -preceded by the words <i lang="kij">bulumavau tabugu</i>, which means, -‘recent spirit of my ancestor,’ which words are as a rule -used in spells with reference to real grandfathers of the reciters.</p> -<p>The middle part of the spell proceeds:—</p> -<p>“I shall cover the eyes of the witches of Kitava; I shall -cover the eyes of the witches of Kumwageya; I shall cover the eyes of -the witches of Iwa; I shall cover the eyes of the witches of Gawa, -etc., etc.,” enumerating all the villages and islands renowned -for their witches. This list is again recited, substituting for the -expression “I shall cover,” in succession, “I shall -befog,” and “dew envelopes.” This middle part needs -no commentary.</p> -<p>The end of this formula runs as follows:</p> -<p>“I shall kick thy body, I shall take thy spirit skirt, I shall -cover thy buttocks, I shall take thy mat, a pandanus mat, I shall take -thy mantle. I shall strike thee with my foot, go, fly over Tuma, fly -away. I myself in the sea (here the reciter’s name is mentioned), -I shall drift away, well.” This last part of the spell is so much -alike to the end of the spell first quoted in this chapter, that no -commentary is needed.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb266" href="#pb266" name= -"pb266">266</a>]</span></p> -<p>The mythological and magical data presented in this chapter all bear -upon the native belief in flying witches and dangers at sea, a belief -in which elements of reality are strangely blended with traditionally -fixed fancies, in a way, however, not uncommon to human belief in -general. It is time now to return to our party on the beach at Yakum, -who, after having spent the night there, next morning rig up their -masts, and with a favourable wind, soon reach the waters of Gumasila -and Domdom. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb267" href="#pb267" name= -"pb267">267</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e8114" href="#xd26e8114src" name="xd26e8114">1</a></span> -Professor Seligman has described the belief in similar beings on the -North-East Coast of New Guinea. At Gelaria, inland of Bartle Bay, the -flying witches can produce a double, or “sending,” which -they call <i lang="kij">labuni</i>. “<i lang="kij">Labuni</i> -exists within women, and can be commanded by any woman who has had -children …. It was said that the <i lang="kij">labuni</i> -existed in, or was derived from, an organ called <i lang= -"kij">ipona</i>, situated in the flank, and literally meaning egg or -eggs.” <i>op. cit</i>., p. 640. The equivalence of beliefs here -is evident. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e8114src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e8721" href="#xd26e8721src" name="xd26e8721">2</a></span> Not all -the spells which I have obtained have been equally well translated and -commented upon. This one, although very valuable, for it is one of the -spells of the old chief Maniyuwa, and one which had been recited when -his corpse was brought over from Dobu by his son Maradiana, was -obtained early in my ethnographic career, and Gomaya, Maradiana’s -son, from whom I got it, is a bad commentator. Nor could I find any -other competent informant later on, who could completely elucidate it -for me. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e8721src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e9093" href="#xd26e9093src" name="xd26e9093">3</a></span> Such -reconstructions are legitimate for an Ethnographer, as well as for a -historian. But it is a duty of the former as well as of the latter to -show his sources as well as to explain how he has manipulated them. In -one of the next chapters, <a href="#div18.14">Chapter XVIII, Divisions -XIV–XVII</a>, a sample of this methodological aspect of the work -will be given, although the full elaboration of sources and methods -must be postponed to another publication. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e9093src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch11" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e668">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XI</h2> -<h2 class="main">In the Amphletts—Sociology of the Kula</h2> -<div id="div11.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Our party, sailing from the North, reach first the -main island of Gumasila, a tall, steep mountain with arched lines and -great cliffs, suggesting vaguely some huge Gothic monument. To the -left, a heavy pyramid, the island of Domdom, recedes behind the nearer -mountain as the travellers approach. The fleet now sails along the -westerly shore of Gumasila, on which side the jungle, interspersed with -bald patches, ascends a steep slope, ribbed with rocky ridges, and -creased by valleys which run at their foot into wide bays. Only here -and there can be seen triangular clearings, signs of cultivation made -by the natives from the other side of the island, where the two -villages are situated. At the South-West end of Gumasila, a narrow -promontory runs into a flat, low point with a sandy beach on both -sides. On the North side of the point, hidden from the villages, the -fleet comes to a halt, on the beach of Giyawana (called by the -Trobrianders Giyasila). This is the place where all the fleets, -arriving from the North, stop before approaching the villages. Here -also the inhabitants of the Amphletts rest for a day, after the first -false start they have made from the villages, and before they actually -set off for the Trobriands. This beach, in short, is the Amphlettan -counterpart of the sandbank Muwa. It was also here that I surprised the -Gumasilan canoes on a full moon night, in March, 1918, after they had -started to join the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition to -Sinaketa.</p> -<p>On this beach, the Sinaketans perform the final stage of Kula magic, -before approaching their partners in Gumasila. The same magic will be -repeated before arriving in Dobu, and as a matter of fact, when the -objective of the big <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is Dobu, the full and -ceremonial performance of the magic might <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb268" href="#pb268" name="pb268">268</a>]</span>usually be deferred -till then. It will be better therefore to postpone the description of -this magic till we have brought our fleet to the beach of Sarubwoyna. -Here it will be enough to mention that on occasions when magic is -performed, after an hour’s or half hour’s pause on the -beach of Giyawana, all the men get into their canoes, take the paddles -and oars, and the fleet sails round the point where, in a small, very -picturesque bay, there lies the smaller village of Gumasila, called -Nu’agasi (see <a href="#pl01">Plate I</a>). This village in olden -days was perched on a narrow ledge some one hundred metres above the -sea level, a fastness difficult of access, and overlooking all its -approaches. Now, after the white man’s influence has rendered -unnecessary all precautions against raiding parties, the village has -come down to the narrow strip of foreshore, a bridge between the sea -and a small swamp formed at the foot of the hill. Some of the canoes -will come to this beach, the others will sail further, under a -precipitous black rock of some 150 metres high and 300 metres wide (see -<a href="#pl42">Plate XLII</a>). Turning another corner, they arrive at -the big village of Gumasila, built on artificial stone terraces, -surrounded by dykes of small stones, forming square lagoons and -diminutive harbours (compare the description given above in <a href= -"#div1.5">Chapter I, Division V</a>). This is the old village which, -practically inaccessible by sea, formed a fastness of a different kind -from the other, high-perched villages typical of this district. Exposed -to the full onslaught of the South-Easterly winds and seas, against -which it was protected by its stone bulwarks and dykes, it was -approachable only in all weathers by a small channel to the South, -where a big rock and a reef shelter it from the rough waters.</p> -<div class="figure pl42width" id="pl42"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl42width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl42.jpg" alt="Scenery in the Amphletts." width="720" -height="428"> -<p class="figureHead">Scenery in the Amphletts.</p> -<p>(See <a href="#div11.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl43width" id="pl43"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl43width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl43.jpg" alt= -"Landing in the Main Village of Gumasila." width="720" height="426"> -<p class="figureHead">Landing in the Main Village of Gumasila.</p> -<p>(See <a href="#div11.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>Without any preliminary welcoming ceremony or formal reception, the -Sinaketan guests now leave their canoes and disperse among the -villagers, settle down in groups near the houses of their friends, and -engage in betel chewing and conversations. They speak in Kiriwinian, a -language which is universally known in the Amphletts. Almost as soon as -they go ashore, they give to their partners presents of <i lang= -"kij">pari</i> (opening gift), some small object, such as a comb, a -lime pot, or a lime stick. After that, they await some Kula gifts to be -given them. The most important headman will offer such a gift first to -Kouta’uya, or To’udawada, whichever of them is the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i> of the occasion. The soft, penetrating -sound of a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb269" href="#pb269" name= -"pb269">269</a>]</span>conch-shell soon announces that the first gift -has been given. Other blasts of conch-shells follow, and the Kula is in -full swing. But here again, what happens in the Amphletts, is only a -minor interlude to the Sinaketan adventurers, bent on the bigger goal -in Dobu. And in order for us to remain in harmony with the native -perspective we shall also wait for the detailed and circumstantial -description of the Kula proceedings till we arrive on the beach of -Tu’utauna, in Dobu. The concrete account of how such a visiting -fleet is received and behaves on arrival will be given, when I describe -a scene I saw with my own eyes in the village of Nabwageta, another -Amphlett island, when sixty Dobuan canoes arrived there on their -<i lang="fr"><span lang="kij">uvalaku</span>, en route</i> for -Boyowa.</p> -<p>To give a definite idea of the conversations which take place -between the visitors and the Amphlettans, I shall give a sample noted -down, during a visit of some Trobrianders to Nu’agasi, the -smaller village of Gumasila. A few canoes had arrived a day or two -before, in the neighbouring island, Nabwageta, coming from the small -Western islands of the Trobriands on a Kula. One of them paddled across -to Nu’agasi with a crew of some six men, in order to offer -<i lang="kij">pari</i> gifts to their partners and see what was to be -done in the way of Kula. The canoe was sighted from a distance, and its -purpose was guessed at once, as word had been brought before of the -arrival in Nabwageta of this small expedition. The headman of -Nu’agasi, Tovasana, hurried back to his house from my tent, where -I was taking great pains to obtain some ethnographic information from -him.</p> -<p>Tovasana is an outspoken character, and he is the most important -headman in the Amphletts. I am not using the word ‘chief,’ -for in the Amphletts, as I have said, the natives do not observe either -the court ceremonial with crouching and bending, nor do the headmen -have any power or economic influence, at all comparable with those of -the Trobriands. Yet, although I came from the Trobriands, I was struck -by the authoritative tone used, and the amount of influence evidently -wielded by Tovasana. This is partly due undoubtedly to the lack of -white man’s interference, which has so undermined native -authority and morality in the Trobriands, whereas the Amphletts have so -far escaped to a large extent Missionary teaching and Government law -and order. On the other hand, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb270" -href="#pb270" name="pb270">270</a>]</span>however, the very narrow -sphere of his powers, the authority over a small village, consolidates -the headman’s influence. The oldest and the most aristocratic by -descent of all the headmen, he is their acknowledged -‘doyen.’</p> -<p>In order to receive his visitors he went to the beach in front of -his house and sat there on a log, looking impassively over the sea. -When the Trobrianders arrived each man took a gift and went to his -partner’s house. The chief did not rise to meet them, nor did -they come in a body to greet him. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> came -towards the place where Tovasana was sitting; he carried a bundle of -taro and a piece of <i lang="kij">gugu’a</i> (objects of small -value, such as combs, lime pots, etc.). These he laid down near the -seated headman, who, however, took no notice of it. A small boy, a -grandchild of Tovasana, I think, took up the gifts and put them into -his house. Then, without having yet exchanged a word, the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> sat down on the platform next to Tovasana. Under a -shady tree, which spread its branches like a canopy above the bleached -canoe, the men formed a picturesque group sitting cross-legged on the -platform. Beside the slim, youthful figure of the Kaduwaga man, the old -Tovasana, with his big, roughly carved features, with his large -aquiline nose sticking out from under an enormous turban-like wig, -looked like an old gnome. At first exchanging merely a word or two, -soon they dropped into more animated conversation, and when other -villagers and the rest of the visitors joined them, the talk became -general. As they spoke in Kiriwinian, I was able to jot down the -beginning of their conversation.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Tovasana asked:</p> -<p>“Where have you anchored?”</p> -<p>“In Nabwageta.”</p> -<p>“When did you come?”</p> -<p>“Yesterday.”</p> -<p>“From where did you start on the last day before -arriving?”</p> -<p>“From Gabuwana.”</p> -<p>“When?”</p> -<p>“The day before yesterday.”</p> -<p>“What wind?”</p> -<p>“Started from home with <i lang="kij">yavata</i>; wind -changed. Arrived on sandbank (Gabuwana); we slept; so-and-so made wind -magic; wind changed again; good wind.” <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb271" href="#pb271" name="pb271">271</a>]</span></p> -<p>Then Tovasana asked the visitors about one of the chiefs from the -island of Kayleula (to the West of Kiriwina), and when he was going to -give him a big pair of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>. The man answered they -do not know; to their knowledge that chief has no big <i lang= -"kij">mwali</i> at present. Tovasana became very angry, and in a long -harangue, lapsing here and there into the Gumasila language, he -declared that he would never <i lang="kij">kula</i> again with that -chief, who is a <i lang="kij">topiki</i> (mean man), who has owed him -for a long time a pair of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> as <i lang= -"kij">yotile</i> (return gift), and who always is slow in making Kula. -A string of other accusations about some clay pots given by Tovasana to -the same chief, and some pigs promised and never given, were also made -by the angry headman. The visitors listened to it with polite assent, -uttering here and there some noncommital remark. They, in their turn, -complained about some sago, which they had hoped to receive in -Nabwageta, but which was churlishly refused for some reason or other to -all the men of Kaduwaga, Kaysiga and Kuyawa.</p> -<p>Tovasana then asked them, “How long are you going to -stay?”</p> -<p>“Till Dobu men come.”</p> -<p>“They will come,” said Tovasana, “not in two days, -not in three days, not in four days; they will come tomorrow, or at the -very last, the day after tomorrow.”</p> -<p>“You go with them to Boyowa?”</p> -<p>“I sail first to Vakuta, then to Sinaketa with the Dobu men. -They sail to Susuwa beach to fish, I go to your villages, to Kaduwaga, -to Kaysiga, to Kuyawa. Is there plenty of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> in -your villages?”</p> -<p>“Yes, there are. So-and-so has …”</p> -<p>Here followed a long string of personal names of big armshells, the -approximate number of smaller, nameless ones, and the names of the -people in whose possession they were at the time.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The interest of both hearers and speakers was very obvious, and -Tovasana gave the approximate dates of his movements to his visitors. -Full moon was approaching, and the natives have got names for every day -during the week before and after full moon, and the following and -preceding days can therefore be reckoned. Also, every seven-day period -within a moon is named after the quarter which falls in it. This allows -the natives to fix dates with a fair exactitude. The present example -shows the way in which, in olden times, the movements of the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb272" href="#pb272" name= -"pb272">272</a>]</span>various expeditions were known over enormous -areas; nowadays, when white men’s boats with native crews often -move from one island to the other, the news spreads even more easily. -In former times, small preliminary expeditions such as the one we have -just been describing, would fix the dates and make arrangements often -for as much as a year ahead.</p> -<p>The Kaduwaga men next inquired as to whether any strangers from the -Trobriands were then staying in Gumasila. The answer was that there was -in the village one man from Ba’u, and one from Sinaketa. Then -inquiries were made as to how many Kula necklaces there were in -Gumasila, and the conversation drifted again into Kula -technicalities.</p> -<p>It is quite customary for men from the Trobriands to remain for a -long time in the Amphletts, that is, from one expedition to another. -For some weeks or even months, they live in the house of their partner, -friend, or relative, careful to keep to the customs of the country. -They will sit about with the men of the village and talk. They will -help in the work and go out on fishing expeditions. These latter will -be specially attractive to a Trobriander, a keen fisherman himself, who -here finds an entirely new type of this pursuit. Whether an expedition -would be made on one of the sandbanks, where the fishermen remain for a -few days, casting their big nets for dugong and turtle; or whether they -would go out in a small canoe, trying to catch the jumping gar fish -with a fishing kite; or throwing a fish trap into the deep -sea—all these would be a novelty to the Trobriander, accustomed -only to the methods suitable to the shallow waters of the Lagoon, -swarming with fish.</p> -<p>In one point the Trobriander would probably find his sojourn in the -Amphletts uncongenial; he would be entirely debarred from any -intercourse with women. Accustomed in his country to easy intrigues, -here he has completely to abstain, not only from sexual relations with -women married or unmarried, but even from moving with them socially, in -the free and happy manner characteristic of Boyowa. One of my main -informants, Layseta, a Sinaketa man, who spent several years in the -Amphletts, confessed to me, not without shame and regret, that he never -succeeded in having any intrigues with the women there. To save his -face, he claimed that he had had several Amphlett belles declaring -their love to him, and offering their favours, but he always refused -them: <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb273" href="#pb273" name= -"pb273">273</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I feared; I feared the <i lang= -"kij">bowo’u</i> of Gumasila; they are very bad.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The <i lang="kij">bowo’u</i> are the local sorcerers of the -Amphletts. Whatever we might think about Layseta’s -temptations—and his personal appearance and charm do not make his -boastings very credible—and whether he was afraid of sorcery or -of a sound thrashing, the fact remains that a Trobriander would have to -change his usual mode of behaviour when in the Amphletts, and keep away -from the women entirely. When big parties arrive in Gumasila, or -Nabwageta, the women run away, and camp in the bush till the beach is -clear.</p> -<p>The Amphlettans, on the contrary, were used to receive favours from -unmarried women in Sinaketa. Nowadays, the male inhabitants of that -village, always disapproving of the custom, though not to the extent of -taking any action, tell the Amphlettans that the white man’s -Government has prohibited the men from Gumasila and Nabwageta to have -sexual relations in Sinaketa. One of the very few occasions, when the -men from the Amphletts showed any interest in talking to me was when -they asked me whether this was true.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The Sinaketa men tell us that we will go to -jail if we sleep with girls in Sinaketa. Would the Government put us -into jail, in truth?”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>As usually, I simply disclaimed all knowledge of the white -man’s arcana in such matters.</p> -<p>The small party of Kaduwaga men, whose visit to Tovasana I have just -been describing, sat there for about two hours, smoked and chewed -betel-nut, the conversation flagging now and then, and the men looking -into the distance with the habitual self-important expression worn on -such occasions. After the final words about mutual plans were -exchanged, and a few pots had been brought by small boys to the canoe -as <i lang="kij">taio’i</i> (farewell gift to the visitors), they -embarked, and paddled back three or four miles across to Nabwageta.</p> -<p>We must imagine the big Kula party from Sinaketa, whom we just -watched landing in the two villages of Gumasila, behaving more or less -in the same manner; conducting similar conversations, offering the same -type of <i lang="kij">pari</i> gifts to their partners. Only everything -happens of course on a much bigger scale. There is a big group seated -before each house, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb274" href="#pb274" -name="pb274">274</a>]</span>parties walk up and down the village, the -sea in front of it is covered with the gaudy, heavily laden canoes. In -the little village, of which Tovasana is headman, the two chiefs, -To’udawada and Kouta’uya, will be seated on the same -platform, on which we saw the old man receiving his other guests. The -other headmen of the Sinaketans will have gone to the bigger village -round the corner, and will encamp there under the tall palms, looking -across the straits towards the pyramidal forms of Domdom, and further -South, to the main island fronting them with the majestic form of -Koyatabu. Here, among the small houses on piles, scattered -picturesquely through the maze of little harbours, lagoons and dykes, -large groups of people will be seated on mats of plaited coco-nut, each -man as a rule under the dwelling of his partner, chewing betel-nut -stolidly, and watching stealthily the pots being brought out to be -presented to them, and still more eagerly awaiting the giving of Kula -gifts, although he remains to a superficial glance quite impassive.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div11.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a> I spoke about the -sociology of Kula, and gave a concise definition of partnership with -its functions and obligations. I said there that people enter into this -relationship in a definite manner, and remain in it for the rest of -their life. I also said that the number of partners a man possesses, -depends upon his social position and rank. The protective character of -an overseas partner becomes now clearer, after we have realised the -nervous tension with which each Kula party in olden days would have -approached a land full of <i lang="kij">mulukwausi, bowo’u</i> -and other forms of sorcery, a land from which originate the very -<i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> themselves.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e9581src" href="#xd26e9581" name="xd26e9581src">1</a> To have a -friend there, one who will not on the surface of it have bad -intentions, is a great boon. What this really means to the natives can, -however, only be realised when we arrive at Dobu, learn the special -safety magic performed there and find how genuinely serious these -apprehensions are.</p> -<p>We must now make another short digression from our consecutive -account, and discuss the several aspects of the sociology of the Kula -one after the other. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb275" href="#pb275" -name="pb275">275</a>]</span></p> -<p>1. <i>Sociological Limitations to the Participation in the -Kula</i>.—Not everyone who lives within the cultural sphere of -the Kula does participate in it. More especially in the Trobriand -Islands, there are whole districts which do not practise the Kula. Thus -a series of villages in the North of the main Island, the villages on -the Island of Tuma, as well as the industrial villages of Kuboma and -the agricultural ones of Tilataula do not practise Kula. In villages -like Sinaketa, Vakuta, Gumasila and Nabwageta, every man carries on the -Kula. The same applies to the small Islands which link up the big gaps -of the Kula chain, the Islands of Kitava, Iwa, Gawa and Kwayawata, -strewn on the seas between the Trobriands and Woodlark Island, to -Tubetube and Wari, etc., etc. In the Dobuan speaking district, on the -other hand, I think that certain village complexes either do not -practice Kula at all, or else practice it on a small scale, that is, -their headmen have only a few partners in the neighbouring -villages.</p> -<p>In some of the big chiefs’ villages in Kiriwina there are -certain people who never practice Kula. Thus, in a village where the -headman has the rank of <i lang="kij">guya’u</i> (chief) or -<i lang="kij">gumguya’u</i> (minor chief) the commoners of the -lowest rank and unrelated to the headman are not supposed to carry on -the Kula. In olden days this rule would be very strictly observed, and -nowadays even, though somewhat relaxed, not many commoners of this -description practice the Kula. Limitations as to entry into the Kula, -therefore, exist only in big Kula districts such as that of Dobu and of -the Trobriands, and they are partly local, excluding whole villages, -and partly social, excluding certain people of low rank.</p> -<p>2. <i>The Relation of Partnership</i>.—The name for an -overseas partner is in the Trobriand language <i lang= -"kij">karayta’u</i>; ‘my partner’ is styled <i lang= -"kij">ulo karayta’u, ulo</i> being the possessive pronoun of -remote relation. In Gumasila he is called ulo <i lang= -"kij">ta’u</i>, which means simply ‘my man’; in -Dobuan, <i lang="kij">yegu gumagi</i>. The inland partners are known in -Kiriwinian by the term denoting a friend, ‘<i lang= -"kij">lubaygu</i>,’ the suffixed possessive pronoun <i lang= -"kij">gu</i> being that of nearest possession.</p> -<p>Only after this relationship has been established between two men, -can the two make Kula with one another. An overseas visitor would as a -rule go to his partner’s house and <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb276" href="#pb276" name="pb276">276</a>]</span>offer him a small -present as <i lang="kij">pari</i>. This again would be returned by the -local man by means of a <i lang="kij">talo’i</i> present. There -would not be any great intimacy between two overseas partners. But, in -sharp contrast to the essential hostility between two strange -tribesmen, such a relationship of friendship would stand out as the -most remarkable deviation from the general rule. In inland relations -between two partners of neighbouring villages, the closeness and -intimacy would be relatively small as compared to other ties. This -relation was defined to me in these words:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“My partner same as my clansman (<i lang= -"kij">kakaveyogu</i>)—he might fight me. My real kinsman -(<i lang="kij">veyogu</i>), same navelstring, would always side with -us.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The best way of obtaining detailed information, and of eliminating -any errors which might have crept into ethnographic generalisations, is -to collect concrete data. I have drawn up a complete list of the -partners of Kouta’uya, who is one of the biggest Kula men in the -whole Ring; another list of a smaller Sinaketa headman, Toybayoba; and -of course I know several complements of partners of smaller men, who, -as <span class="corr" id="xd26e9652" title="Source: as">a</span> rule, -have about four to six partners each.</p> -<p>The full list of Kouta’uya includes fifty-five men in the -Northern Half of Boyowa, that is, in Luba, Kulumata and Kiriwina. From -these the chief receives armshells. To the South, his partners in the -Southern districts of Boyowa and Vakuta are twenty-three by number; in -the Amphletts eleven, and twenty-seven in Dobu. Thus we see that the -numbers to the South and North almost balance, the Southern exceeding -the Northern by six. These numbers include his partners in Sinaketa, -where he makes Kula with all his fellow chiefs, and with all the -headmen of the divisional villages, and in his own little village he -<i>kulas</i> with his sons. But even there, everyone of his partners is -either South or North to him, that is, either gives him the necklaces -or armshells.</p> -<p>All the clans are represented in the list. Often when asked with -regard to the name of some man, why he is in partnership with him, the -answer would be—“Because he is my kinsman,” which -means, in this case, clansman of equal rank. Men of other clans are -included, as ‘friends’ or relatives-in-law, or for some -other reason more or less imaginary. I shall speak <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb277" href="#pb277" name= -"pb277">277</a>]</span>presently of the mechanism through which the man -enters on this relation.</p> -<p>The list of Toybayoba’s partners includes twelve men to the -North, four in Southern Boyowa, three in the Amphletts and eleven in -Dobu, the balance here also being on the Southern side. As said above, -minor men might have anything between four to ten partners all told, -whereas there are men in northern Boyowa who have only two partners, -one on each side of the ring, so to speak, with whom they make -Kula.</p> -<p>In drawing up these lists, which I shall not reproduce here in -extenso, another striking feature comes to light: on both sides, there -is a definite geographical limit, beyond which a man cannot have any -partners. For all men in the village of Sinaketa, for instance, this -limit, as regards the armshells, coincides with the furthest boundary -of Kiriwina; that is, no man from Sinaketa has any partners in Kitava, -which is the next Kula district beyond Kiriwina. South, in the -direction from which the <i lang="kij">soulava</i> are received, the -villages at the South-East end of Fergusson Island are the last places -where partners of Sinaketan men are still to be found. The small Island -of Dobu itself lies just beyond this boundary, and no man in this -Island or in any of the villages on Normanby Island makes Kula with the -Sinaketans (compare the circles, indicating Kula Communities on -<a href="#map5">Map V</a>).</p> -<p>Beyond these districts, the men still know the names of what could -be called their partners-once-removed, that is, the partners of their -partners. In the case of a man who has only a couple of partners on -each side, who, again being modest men, have also only one or two, this -relationship is not devoid of importance. If I, in Sinaketa, have one -partner, say in Kiriwina, who again has one partner in Kitava, it is no -small matter for me to learn that this Kitava man just obtained a -splendid pair of armshells. For this means that there is about a -quarter of a chance of my receiving these armshells, on the supposition -that the Kitavan and Kiriwinian have two partners each between whom -they can choose in bestowing them. In the case of a big chief like -Kouta’uya, however, the number of once-removed partners becomes -so great that they lose any personal significance for him. -Kouta’uya has some twenty-five partners in Kiriwina; among them -To’uluwa, the big chief, makes Kula with more than half of all -the men in Kitava. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb278" href="#pb278" -name="pb278">278</a>]</span>Some other of Kouta’uya’s -partners in Kiriwina, of lesser rank, yet quite important, also make -Kula with a great number, so that probably practically everybody in -Kitava is Kouta’uya’s partner-once-removed.</p> -<p>If we were to imagine that on the Kula Ring there are many people -who have only one partner on each side, then the Ring would consist of -a large number of closed circuits, on each of which the same articles -would constantly pass. Thus if A in Kiriwina always <i>kulas</i> with B -in Sinaketa who <i>kulas</i> with C in Tubetube, who <i>kulas</i> with -D in Murua, who <i>kulas</i> with E in Kitava, who <i>kulas</i> with A -in Kiriwina, then A B C D E F would form such one strand in the big -Kula circuit. If an armshell got into the hands of one of them, it -could never leave this strand. But the Kula Ring is nothing approaching -this, because every small Kula partner has, as a rule, on one side or -the other, a big one, that is a chief. And every chief plays the part -of a shunting-station for Kula objects. Having so many partners on each -side, he constantly transfers an object from one strand to another. -Thus, any article which on its rounds has travelled through the hands -of certain men, may on its second round come through an entirely -different channel. This, of course, supplies a large part of the zest -and excitement of the Kula exchange.</p> -<p>The designation of such a partner-once-removed in the language of -Kiriwina is <i lang="kij">muri-muri</i>. A man will say that such and -such a one is ‘my partner-once-removed,’ ‘<i lang= -"kij">ulo murimuri</i>.’ Another expression connected with this -relationship is to inquire ‘whose hand’ has passed on such -and such a <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>. When To’uluwa gives a -pair of armshells to Kouta’uya, this latter will ask: -‘<i lang="kij">availe yamala</i>’ (‘whose -hand’)? The answer is ‘<i lang="kij">yamala -Pwata’i</i>,’ (‘the hand of <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e9714" title="Source: Pwatai">Pwata’i</span>’). And, -as a rule, more or less the following conversation will ensue: -“who gave this pair of armshells to Pwata’i?” -“how long were they kept by a man in the Island of Yeguma, and -then distributed on the occasion of a <i lang="kij">so’i</i> -(feast)?” “when they had been the last time in -Boyowa?” etc., etc.</p> -<p>3. <i>Entering the Kula Relationship</i>.—In order to become a -practising member of the Kula, a man must have passed the stage of -adolescence; he must have the status and rank required, that is in such -villages where this condition is demanded; he must know the magic of -the Kula; and last, not least, he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb279" -href="#pb279" name="pb279">279</a>]</span>must be in possession of a -piece of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>. The membership, with all its -concomitant implications, may be received from the father, who teaches -his son the magic, gives him a piece of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, and provides him with a partner, very often in -his own person.</p> -<p>Supposing one of the sons of Kouta’uya has reached the stage -where a lad may begin to <i lang="kij">kula</i>. The chief will have -been teaching him the spells for some time already. Moreover the lad, -who from childhood has taken part in overseas expeditions, has many a -time seen the rites performed and heard the spells uttered. When the -time is ripe, Kouta’uya, having the conch-shell blown, and with -all due formalities, presents a <i lang="kij">soulava</i> to his son. -This latter, soon afterwards, goes somewhere North. Perhaps he goes -only to one of the neighbouring villages within Sinaketa, perhaps he -accompanies his father on a visit as far North as Omarakana, and in any -case he makes Kula, either with one of his father’s friends and -partners, or with a special friend of his own. Thus, at one stroke, the -lad is equipped with magic, <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, and two -partners, one of whom is his father. His northern partner will give him -in due course an armshell, and this he will probably offer to his -father. The transactions once started continue. His father soon gives -him another <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, which he may <i lang= -"kij">kula</i> with the same northern partner, or he may try to -establish another partnership. The next <i lang="kij">mwali</i> -(armshells) he receives from the North, he will probably give to -another partner in the South, and thus establish a new relationship. A -chief’s son, who is always a commoner himself (since the chief -cannot marry within his own sub-clan and the son has the status of his -mother), would not multiply his partners beyond the limit numerically -given by the above mentioned partners of Toybayoba.</p> -<p>Not everyone, however, is as fortunate as to be the son of a chief, -which in the Trobriands is, on the whole, one of the most enviable -positions, since it confers many privileges, and entails no special -responsibilities. A young chief himself would have to pay substantially -for establishing his position in the Kula, for a chief is always the -son of a woman of high rank, and the nephew of a chief, though his -father may be a commoner of small influence only. In any case, his -maternal uncle will expect from him some <i lang="kij">pokala</i> -(offerings by instalment), in payment for magic, <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, and finally for a leading position in -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb280" href="#pb280" name= -"pb280">280</a>]</span>the Kula. The young chief would marry, and thus -acquire wealth within limits, and with this he would have to give -presents to his maternal uncle, who in turn would introduce him into -the Kula, exactly as a chief does his son, only not -disinterestedly.</p> -<p>A commoner enters into the Kula like a chief, with the only -exception that everything is on a smaller scale, the amount of the -<i lang="kij">pokala</i> which he gives to his maternal uncle, the -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> which he receives, and the number of -partners with whom he <i>kulas</i>. When a man gives to another a piece -of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, of the Kula kind, but not as a Kula -exchange but as a gift, let us say as <i lang="kij">youlo</i> (gift in -repayment for the harvest supply offerings, see above, <a href= -"#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>), this <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> does not leave the Kula Ring. The receiver, if -he had not been in the Kula yet, enters into it by acquiring the -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, and can then choose his partner, and -go on with the exchange.</p> -<p>There is one important qualification of the statement made at the -beginning of this section. I said there that a man entering the Kula -Ring, must learn the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic. This refers only -to those who practise overseas Kula. For people who do only the inland -exchange, magic is not necessary, and in fact it is never learned by -them.</p> -<p>4. <i>Participation of Women in the Kula</i>.—As I have said -in the general descriptive chapter on the Kula tribes, the position of -women among them is by no means characterised by oppression or social -insignificance. They have their own sphere of influence, which, in -certain cases and in certain tribes, is of great importance. The Kula, -however, is essentially a man’s type of activity. As mentioned -above, in the section between Sinaketa and Dobu, women do not sail on -the big expeditions. From Kiriwina young, unmarried girls would sail -East to Kitava, Iwa, and Gawa, and from these Islands even old, married -women, indeed whole families, come to Kiriwina. But they do not carry -on overseas Kula exchange, neither among themselves, nor with men.</p> -<p>In Kiriwina, some women, notably the chief’s wives, are -admitted to the honour and privilege of exchanging <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, though in such cases the transactions are done -<i lang="fr">en famille</i>. To take a concrete case, in October or -November, 1915, To’uluwa, the chief of Omarakana, brought a fine -haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> from Kitava. The best pair of these he -presented to his veteran wife, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb281" -href="#pb281" name="pb281">281</a>]</span>Bokuyoba, a wife whom he had -inherited from his elder brother Numakala. Bokuyoba in turn gave the -pair, without much delay, to Kadamwasila, the favourite wife of the -chief, the mother of five sons and one daughter. She again gave it to -her son, Namwana Guyau, who <i lang="kij">kula’d</i> it on to -some of his southern partners. Next time he receives a <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i> necklace, he will give it, not to his father -directly, but to his mother, who will hand it over to her senior -colleague, and this venerable lady will give it to To’uluwa. The -whole transaction is evidently a complimentary interpolation of the two -<i lang="kij">giyovila</i> (chief’s wives) in between the simple -transaction of the chief giving the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> to -his son. This interpolation gives the women much pleasure, and is -highly valued by them. In fact, at that time I heard more about that -than about all the rest of the exchanges associated with this overseas -trip.</p> -<p>In Southern Boyowa, that is in Sinaketa and Vakuta, the rôle -of women is similar, but they play besides another part. A man would -sometimes send his wife with a Kula gift to his partner in the -neighbouring village. On some occasions, when he needs <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> very badly, as for instance when he is -expecting some <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visitors, his wife may help -him to obtain the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> from that partner. -For, though this latter might refuse to give it to his Sinaketan -partner, he would not do so to his wife. It must be added that no -sexual motives are associated with it, and that it is only a sort of -customary compliment paid to the fair sex.</p> -<p>In Dobu, the wife, or the sister of a man, is always credited with a -great influence over his Kula decisions. Therefore, there is a special -form of magic, used by the Sinaketans, in order to act on the minds of -the Dobuan women. Although, in matters of sex, a Trobriander would have -absolutely to keep aloof from Dobuan women, married or unmarried, he -would approach them with nice speeches and gifts in matters of Kula. He -would reproach an unmarried girl with her brother’s conduct -towards him. She would then ask for a piece of <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e9841" title="Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span>. This would be -given with some magic spoken over it, and the girl, it is believed, -would then influence her brother to <i lang="kij">kula</i> with his -partner.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e9847src" href="#xd26e9847" name= -"xd26e9847src">2</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb282" href="#pb282" -name="pb282">282</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div11.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In the short outline of the Amphlett tribe which was -given in <a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Division IV</a>, I called them -‘typical monopolists,’ both with reference to their -economic position and to their character. Monopolists they are in two -respects, namely as manufacturers of the wonderful clay pots which form -the only supply for the surrounding districts; and in the second place, -as a commercial community, situated half-way between the populous -country of Dobu, with its rich gardens and coco-nut plantations, on the -one hand, and the Trobriands, the main industrial community in Eastern -New Guinea on the other.</p> -<p>The expression ‘monopolists’ must, however, be correctly -understood. The Amphletts are not a centre of commercial middle-men, -constantly busy importing and exporting desirable utilities. Only about -once or twice a year, a big expedition comes to their Islands, and -every few months they themselves will sail South-East or North and -again receive visits from smaller expeditions from one of the -neighbours or the other. It is through just such small expeditions that -they collect a <span class="corr" id="xd26e9861" title= -"Source: relattively">relatively</span> considerable amount of -utilities from all surrounding districts, and these they can give to -such visitors as need and desire them. Nor would they impose high -prices on any such exchange, but they are certainly considered less -liberal, less ready to give or to trade and always on the look out for -higher return gifts and extras. In their bartering away of the clay -pots, they also cannot ask extortionate prices, such as, according to -the laws of supply and demand, they could impose on their neighbours. -For, no more than any other natives, can they run counter to customary -rules, which regulate this exchange as much as all others. Indeed, -considering the great amount of trouble which they have in obtaining -the clay, and the high degree of skill necessary to produce the pots, -the prices for which they sell them are very low. But here again, their -manners over this transaction are distinctly haughty, and they are well -aware of their value as potters and distributors of pots to the other -natives.</p> -<p>A few more words must be said about their pot making industry as -well as about the trade in these islands.</p> -<p>The natives of the Amphletts are exclusive manufacturers of pottery, -within a wide radius. They are the only purveyors <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb283" href="#pb283" name="pb283">283</a>]</span>to -the Trobrianders, to the inhabitants of the Marshall Bennett Islands, -and also, I believe, all the <span class="corr" id="xd26e9870" title= -"Source: claypots">clay-pots</span> in Woodlark come from the -Amphletts.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e9873src" href="#xd26e9873" name= -"xd26e9873src">3</a> To the South, they export their pots to Dobu, -Du’a’u, and further South as far as Milne Bay. This is not -all, however, for although in some of these farther districts the -Amphlett pots are used side by side with other ones, they are -infinitely superior to any earthenware found in the whole of British -New Guinea. Of a large size, yet extremely thin, they possess great -durability, and in form they are extremely well shaped and finished -(see <a href="#pl46">Plate XLVI</a>).</p> -<p>The best Amphlett pots owe their high quality to the excellence of -their material as well as their workmanship. The clay for them has to -be imported into the Islands from Yayawana, a quarry on the Northern -shore of Fergusson Island, about a day’s journey from the -Amphletts. Only a very inferior clay can be found in the islands of -Gumasila and Nabwageta, good enough to make small pots, but quite -useless for the big ones.</p> -<p>There is a legend, explaining why the good clay cannot be obtained -nowadays in the Amphletts. In olden days, two brothers, Torosipupu and -Tolikilaki, lived on one of the summits of Gumasila called Tomonumonu. -There was plenty of fine clay there at that time. One day Torosipupu -went to fish with a trap. He caught a very fine giant clam-shell. When -he came back, Tolikilaki said: “O my shell! I shall eat -it!” Torosipupu refused it and answered with a very obscene -allusion to the bivalvular mollusc and to the uses he was going to make -of it. Tolikilaki asked again; Torosipupu refused. They quarrelled. -Tolikilaki then took part of the clay with him, and went to Yayawana on -the main island. Torosipupu afterwards took the rest and followed him. -What were their further destinies, the legend does not say. But on -Gumasila there remained only very poor clay, which is all that can be -found there ever since.</p> -<p>Since then, the men have to go about twice yearly to Yayawana in -order to bring the clay from which the women afterwards will -manufacture the pots. It takes them about a day to reach Yayawana, to -which, as it lies to the <span class="corr" id="xd26e9891" title= -"Source: South West">South-West</span>, <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb284" href="#pb284" name="pb284">284</a>]</span>they can travel with -any of the prevailing winds and return equally well. They remain for a -couple of days there, digging the clay, drying it and filling a few -<i lang="kij">vataga</i> baskets with it. I estimate that each canoe -carries about two ton weight on its return journey. This will last the -women for half a year’s production. The pale, straw-coloured clay -is kept under the houses in big troughs made of sides of discarded -canoes.</p> -<p>In olden days, before the white man’s advent, the conditions -were a little more complicated. Only one island, Kwatouto, being on -friendly terms with the natives had the freedom of the Northern shore. -Whether the other islands used also to fetch the clay from there, doing -so armed and ready for attack; or whether they used to acquire the clay -by barter from Kwatouto, I could not definitely establish. The -information one receives in the Amphletts is exceedingly -unsatisfactory, and my several informants gave contradictory accounts -on this point. The fact seems clear, in my case, that Kwatouto, then as -now, was the source of the best pottery, but that both Gumasila and -Nabwageta also always manufactured pots, though perhaps inferior ones. -The fourth island, Domdom, never participated in this trade, and up to -the present there is not a single woman in Domdom who can shape a -pot.</p> -<p id="pl44"></p> -<div class="figure pl44-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl44-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLIV</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl44-1.jpg" alt="" width="445" height="379"></div> -<div class="figure pl44-2width"><img src="images/pl44-2.jpg" alt= -"Technology of Pot Making (I.)" width="439" height="374"> -<p class="figureHead">Technology of Pot Making (I.)</p> -<p class="first">Top picture: the clumps of clay have been put in a -circle and joined up, forming thick, circular roll. Bottom picture: the -roll is being worked upwards, caving in all round. (See <a href= -"#div11.3">Div. III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p id="pl45"></p> -<div class="figure pl45-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl45-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLV</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl45-1.jpg" alt="" width="444" height="507"></div> -<div class="figure pl45-2width"><img src="images/pl45-2.jpg" alt= -"Technology of Pot Making (II.)" width="446" height="437"> -<p class="figureHead">Technology of Pot Making (II.)</p> -<p class="first">Top picture: the dome-shaped mass of clay is worked -near the hole in the top; presently the latter will be closed, and, as -this is a small pot, only after that is the pot beaten, as shown in the -picture below. (See <a href="#div11.3">Div. III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>The <span class="corr" id="xd26e9934" title= -"Source: manufucturing">manufacturing</span> of this article, as said, -is exclusively the work of women. They sit in groups of two or three -under the houses, surrounded by big clumps of clay and the implements -of their craft, and produce in these very shabby and mean conditions, -veritable masterpieces of their art. Personally I had only the -opportunity of seeing groups of very old women at work, although I -spent about a month in the Amphletts.</p> -<p>With regard to the technology of pot-making, the method is that of -first roughly moulding the clay into its form and then beating with a -spatula and subsequently scraping the walls to the required thinness -with a mussel-shell. To give the description in detail, a woman starts -first by kneading a certain amount of clay for a long time. Of this -material she makes two semi-circular clumps, or several clumps, if a -big pot is to be made. These clumps are then placed in a ring, touching -one another upon a flat stone or board, so that they form a thick, -circular roll (<a href="#pl44">Plate XLIV</a>, top). The woman now -begins to work this roll with both hands, gradually pressing it -together, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb285" href="#pb285" name= -"pb285">285</a>]</span>and at the same time bringing it up all round -into a slanting wall (see <a href="#pl44">Plate XLIV</a>, bottom). Her -left hand works as a rule on the inside, and her right on the outside -of this wall; gradually it begins to shape into a semi-spherical dome. -On the top of the dome there is a hole, through which the woman thrusts -her left hand, working with it on the inside<a id="xd26e9947" name= -"xd26e9947"></a> of the dome (see <a href="#pl45">Plate XLV</a>, top). -At first the main movements of her hands were from downward up, -flattening out the rolls into thin walls. The traces of her fingers -going up and down on the outside leave longitudinal furrows (see -details on <a href="#pl45">Plate XLV</a>, top). Towards the end of this -stage her hands move round and round, leaving concentric, horizontal -marks on the dome. This is continued until the pot has assumed a good -curvature all round.</p> -<p>It seems almost a miracle to see how, in a relatively short time, -out of this after all brittle material, and with no implements -whatever, a woman will shape a practically faultless hemisphere, often -up to a metre in diameter.</p> -<p>After the required shape has been obtained the woman takes a small -spatula of light-wood into her right hand and she proceeds to tap the -clay gently (see <a href="#pl45">Plate XLV</a>, bottom). This stage -lasts a fairly long time, for big pots about an hour. After the dome -has been sufficiently worked in this way small pieces of clay are -gradually fitted in at the top, closing the orifice, and the top of the -dome is beaten again. In the case of small pots the beating is done -only after the orifice has been closed. The pot is put with the mat -into the sun, where it remains for a day or two to harden. It is then -turned round, so that its mouth is now uppermost, and its bottom is -carefully placed into a basket. Then, round the rim of the mouth, a -flat strip of clay is placed horizontally, turned towards the inside, -forming a graceful lip. Three small lumps of clay are put 120° -distance from each other near the lip as ornaments, and, with a pointed -stick, a design is scratched in round the lip and sometimes down the -outside of the body. In this state the pot is again left in the sun for -some length of time.</p> -<p>After it has sufficiently hardened to be handled with safety, though -it must be done with the utmost care, it is placed on some dried -sticks, mouth downwards, supported by stones put between the sticks. It -is surrounded with twigs and pieces of wood on its outside, fire is -kindled, the sticks below bake it from the inside, and those from above -on the outside. The final result is a beautiful pot, of a brick red -colour when new, though after several uses it becomes completely black. -Its shape is not quite semi-spherical; it is rather half an -<span class="corr" id="xd26e9965" title= -"Source: elipsoid">ellipsoid</span>, like the broader half of an egg, -cut off in the middle. The whole gives the feeling of perfection in -form and of elegance, unparalleled in any South Sea pottery<a id= -"xd26e9968" name="xd26e9968"></a> I know (see <a href="#pl46">Plate -XLVI</a>).</p> -<p>These pots in Kiriwinian language <i lang="kij">kuria</i>, are -called by the Amphlett natives <i lang="kij">kuyana</i> or <i lang= -"kij">va’ega</i>. The biggest specimens are about a metre across -their mouth, and some sixty centimetres deep; they are used exclusively -for the ceremonial cooking of <i lang="kij">mona</i> (see <a href= -"#pl35">Plate XXXV</a>), and are called <i lang="kij">kwoylamona</i> -(in the Amphletts: <i lang="kij">nokunu</i>). The second size <i lang= -"kij">kwoylakalagila</i> (in the Amphletts, <i lang= -"kij">nopa’eva</i>) are used for ordinary boiling of yams or -taro. <i lang="kij">Kwoylugwawaga</i> (Amphletts, <i lang= -"xx">nobadala</i>), are used for the same purposes but are much -smaller. An especial size, <i lang="kij">kwoylamegwa</i> (Amphletts, -<i lang="xx">nosipoma</i>) are used in sorcery. The smallest ones, -which I do not remember ever having seen in the Trobriands though there -is a Trobriand word for them, <i lang="kij">kwoylakekila</i>, are used -for everyday cooking in the Amphletts where they are called <i lang= -"kij">va’ega</i>, in the narrower sense of the word.</p> -<p>I have expatiated on this singular and artistic achievement of the -natives of the Amphletts, because from all points of view it is -important to know the details of a craft so far in advance of any -similar achievement within the Melanesian region.</p> -<p>A few words must now be said about trade in the Amphletts. The -central position of this little archipelago situated between, on one -side, the big, flat, extremely fertile coral islands, which, however, -are deprived of many indispensable, natural resources; and on the -other, the rich jungle and varied mineral supplies of the volcanic -regions in the d’Entrecasteaux archipelago, indicates on which -lines this trade would be likely to develop. To this natural inequality -between them and their neighbours are added social elements. The -Trobrianders are skilful, industrious, and economically highly -organised. In this respect, even the Dobuans stand on a lower level, -and the other inhabitants of the d’Entrecasteaux much more -so.</p> -<p>If we imagine a commercial diagram drawn on the map, we would first -of all notice the export in pottery, radiating from the Amphletts as -its source. In the inverse direction, flowing <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb287" href="#pb287" name= -"pb287">287</a>]</span>towards them, would be imports in food such as -sago, pigs, coco-nut, betel-nut, taro and yams. An article very -important in olden days, which had to be imported into the Amphletts, -was the stone for implements coming via the Trobriands from Woodlark -Island. These indeed would be traded on by the Amphlettans, as all the -d’Entrecasteaux relied, for the most part at least, on the -imports from Woodlark, according to information I obtained in the -Amphletts. The Amphlett islands further depended on the Trobriands for -the following articles: wooden dishes, manufactured in Bwoytalu; -lime-pots manufactured in several villages of Kuboma; three-tiered -baskets and folding baskets, made in Luya; ebony lime pots and mussel -shells, these latter fished mainly by the village of Kavataria in the -lagoon. These articles were paid for, or matched as presents by the -following ones: first of all, of course the pots; secondly, -turtle-shell earrings, special nose sticks, red ochre, <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e10030" title="Source: pummice">pumice</span> stone and -obsidian, all of these obtainable locally. Further, the natives of the -Amphletts procured on Fergusson Island, for the Trobrianders, wild -banana seeds used for necklaces, strips of rattan used as belts and for -lashing, feathers of the cassowary and red parrot, used for dancing -decorations, plaited fibre-belts, bamboo and barbed spears.</p> -<p>It may be added that in olden days, the natives in the Amphletts -would not sail freely to all the places on the main island. Each -Amphlett village community had a district on the mainland, with which -they were on friendly terms and with which they could trade without -incurring any danger. Thus, as said above, only the village of -Kwatouto, in the southernmost inhabited Amphlett island, was free to go -unmolested to the district round Yayawana, from whence they obtained -the pale yellow clay, so excellent for pottery. The natives of -Nabwageta had a few villages eastwards from Yayawana to deal with, and -those of Gumasila went further East still. Domdom natives were never -great traders or sailors. The trading conditions in the islands were -further complicated by the constant internal quarrels and warfare -between the districts. Kwatouto and Domdom on the one side, Gumasila -and Nabwageta on the other were allies, and between these two factions -there was a constant, smouldering hostility, preventing any development -of friendly commercial intercourse, and breaking out now and then into -open warfare. This was <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb288" href= -"#pb288" name="pb288">288</a>]</span>the reason why the villages were -all perched on high, inaccessible ledges, or like Gumasila, were built -so as to be protected by the sea and reefs from attack.</p> -<div class="figure pl46width" id="pl46"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl46width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLVI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl46.jpg" alt="Fine Specimens of Amphlett Pots." -width="720" height="410"> -<p class="figureHead">Fine Specimens of Amphlett Pots.</p> -<p>The largest type of cooking pots, used only for the preparation of -taro pudding, are an article of high value and often handled and -displayed in connection with ceremonial distributions (<i lang= -"kij">sagali</i>) and communal cooking. (See <a href="#div11.3">Div. -III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl47width" id="pl47"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl47width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLVII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl47.jpg" alt="A Canoe in Gumasila Loading Pots." -width="720" height="426"> -<p class="figureHead">A Canoe in Gumasila Loading Pots.</p> -<p>The main article of export from the Amphletts has to be stowed away -very carefully. (See <a href="#div11.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>The influence of the surrounding great districts, that is, of the -Trobriands and of Dobu upon the Amphletts neither was nor is merely -commercial. From the limited linguistic material collected in the -Amphletts, I can only say that their language is related both to that -of the Trobriands and of Dobu. Their social organisation resembles -closely that of the Trobrianders with the exception of chieftainship, -which is lacking in the Amphletts. In their beliefs as to sorcery, -spirits, etc., they seem to be more akin to the Dobuans than to the -Trobrianders. Their canoe magic has come <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e10067" title="Source: form">from</span> the Trobriands, but the -art of building their canoes is that of Dobu, which as we have seen -before is also the one adopted by the Trobrianders. The magic of the -Kula, known in the Amphletts, is partly adopted from the Trobriands, -and partly from Dobu. There is only one indigenous system of magic -which originated in the islands. Long ago there lived a man of the -Malasi clan, who had his abode in the rock of Selawaya, which stands -out of the jungle, above the big village of Gumasila. This man knew the -magic of <i lang="kij">ayowa</i>, which is the name given to <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) in the language of the Amphletts and of -Dobu. Some people passed near the stone while it was being recited -within it; they learned it, and handed it over to their -descendants.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div11.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">One more point of importance must be mentioned here, a -point bearing upon the intertribal relations in this district. As we -saw, some Trobriand people remain sometimes on prolonged visits in the -Amphletts. This custom, however, is never reciprocated, and people from -the Amphletts never visit for any length of time their Northern -neighbours. The same refers to the relations between the Trobriands and -the district of Dobu. In discussing the lists of Kula partners of -Kouta’uya and Toybayoba, I was told about some of their Southern -partners, that they were <i lang="kij">veyola</i> (maternal kinsmen) of -my informant. On further inquiry it appeared that these people were -emigrants from the Trobriands, who settled down in Tewara, Sanaroa or -the big Dobuan settlements on the North-West shores of Dawson Straits. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb289" href="#pb289" name= -"pb289">289</a>]</span></p> -<p>When I asked whether, on the contrary, there were any cases of -Dobuans settling in Boyowa, it was emphatically denied that such a -thing could happen. And indeed, in the numerous genealogical data which -I have collected from all over the district, there is no trace of -migration from the South, although frequent migrations occur within the -district and some from the Marshall Bennett Islands. In general, all -these migrations within the Trobriands show also a marked tendency to -move form North to South. Thus, the most aristocratic sub-clan, the -Tabalu, originated in the Northernmost village of Laba’i. But now -their stronghold is further South in Omarakana, and the members of the -same sub-clan are ruling in Olivilevi, and Tukwa’ukwa, that is in -the middle of the island. Some of them even migrated as far South as -Vakuta, where they established a feeble imitation of chieftainship, -never being able to subdue the other natives to any extent. Several -sub-clans, now firmly established in the Middle and Southern portions -of the island, trace their descent from the North, and in the Amphletts -there are also a couple of cases of sub-clans immigrated from -Boyowa.</p> -<p>In contrast to this migration of people from North to South, we have -noted the spread of one of the main cultural elements, of the canoe, -from South to North. We saw how the <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, the big, -sea-worthy, but heavy and slow canoe has been superseded by the -<i lang="kij">masawa</i> or <i lang="kij">tadobu</i>, which spread a -few generations ago, till it arrived at the island of Kitava. It is -more difficult to follow the movements of beliefs. But I have reason to -assume that beliefs in sorcery, more especially in the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> and <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i>, move from -South to North.</p> -<p>In the <a href="#ch12">next Chapter</a>, we shall return to our -Sinaketan expedition, in order to move them for a short distance along -their route into the first settlements of the Dobu speaking people. -These places will suggest a new theme for a lengthy digression, this -time into the mythological subjects and legends connected with the -Kula. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb290" href="#pb290" name= -"pb290">290</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e9581" href="#xd26e9581src" name="xd26e9581">1</a></span> See -<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e9581src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e9847" href="#xd26e9847src" name="xd26e9847">2</a></span> I cannot -tell what sort of influence this would be, exercised by a sister over -her brother in Dobu. I do not even know whether, in that district, -there obtains the same taboo between brother and sister as in the -Trobriands. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e9847src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e9873" href="#xd26e9873src" name="xd26e9873">3</a></span> This is -the information which I obtained during my short visit to Murua -(Woodlark Island), and which was confirmed by the Trobriand Islanders. -Professor <span class="corr" id="xd26e9875" title= -"Source: Seligmann">Seligman</span> states, also, that the sepulchral -pots, found in this island come from the Amphletts. <i>op. cit</i>., p. -731. Compare also pp. 15 and 535. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e9873src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch12" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e684">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XII</h2> -<h2 class="main">In Tewara and Sanaroa—Mythology of the Kula</h2> -<div id="div12.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">At daybreak the party leave the Amphletts. This is the -stage when the parting gifts, the <i lang="kij">talo’i</i> are -given. The clay pots, the several kinds of produce of the islands and -of the Koya, which had been laid aside the previous day, are now -brought to the canoes (see <a href="#pl47">Plate XLVII</a>). Neither -the giver nor the main receiver, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, take -much notice of the proceedings, great nonchalance about give and take -being the correct attitude prescribed by good manners. Children bring -the objects, and the junior members of the crew stow them away. The -general behaviour of the crowds, ashore and in the canoes, is as -unostentatious at this moment of parting as it was at the arrival. No -more farewells than greetings are spoken or shouted, nor are there any -visible or formal signs of grief, or of hope of meeting again, or of -any other emotions. The busy, self-absorbed crews push off stolidly, -step the mast, set sail, and glide away.</p> -<p>They now approach the broad front of Koyatabu, which with a -favourable wind, they might reach within two hours or so. They probably -sail near enough to get a clear view of the big trees standing on the -edge of the jungle, and of the long waterfall dividing the -mountain’s flank right down the middle; of the triangular patches -under cultivation, covered with the vine of yams and big leaves of -taro. They could also perceive here and there smoke curling out of the -jungle where, hidden under the trees, there lies a village, composed of -a few miserable huts. Nowadays these villages have come down to the -water’s edge, in order to supplement their garden yield with -fish. In olden days they were all high up on the slope, and their huts -hardly ever visible from the sea. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb291" -href="#pb291" name="pb291">291</a>]</span></p> -<p>The inhabitants of these small and ramshackle villages are shy and -timid, though in olden days they would have been dangerous to the -Trobrianders. They speak a language which differs from that of Dobu and -is usually called by the natives ‘the Basima talk.’ There -seem to be about four or five various languages on the island of -Fergusson, besides that of Dobu. My acquaintance with the Basima -natives is very small, due only to two forced landings in their -district. They struck me as being physically of a different type from -the Dobuans, though this is only an impression. They have got no boats, -and do the little sailing they require on small rafts of three or five -logs tied together. Their houses are smaller and less well-made than -those in Dobu. Further investigation of these natives would be very -interesting, and probably also very difficult, as is always the case -when studying very small communities, living at the same time right out -of touch with any white man.</p> -<p>This land must remain, for the present anyhow, veiled for ourselves, -as it also is for the Trobriand natives. For these, indeed, the few -attempts which they occasionally made to come into contact with these -natives, and the few mishaps which brought them to their shores, were -all far from encouraging in results, and only strengthened the -traditional superstitious fear of them. Several generations ago, a -canoe or two from Burakwa, in the island of Kayeula, made an exploring -trip to the district of Gabu, lying in a wide bay under the North-West -flank of Koyatabu. The natives of Gabu, receiving them at first with a -show of interest, and pretending to enter into commercial relations, -afterwards fell on them treacherously and slew the chief Toraya and all -his companions. This story has become famous, and indeed one of the -outstanding historical events of the Trobriands, because Tomakam, the -slain chief’s younger brother, went to the Koya of Gabu, and -killed the head man of one of the villages, avenging thus his -brother’s death. He then composed a song and a dance which is -performed to this day in Kiriwina, and has indeed one of the finest -melodies in the islands.</p> -<p>This is the verbatim account of the story as it was told to me by -To’uluwa himself, the chief of Omarakana, who at present -‘owns’ this Gumagabu dance, his ancestors having acquired -it from the descendants of Tomakam by a <i lang="kij">laga</i> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb292" href="#pb292" name= -"pb292">292</a>]</span>payment.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e10143src" -href="#xd26e10143" name="xd26e10143src">1</a> It is a commentary to the -song, and begins only with the avenging expedition of Tomakam, which is -also the theme of the song.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">The Story of Gumagabu</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Tomakam got a new <i lang="kij">waga</i>. He -blew the conch shell and went to the Koya. He spoke to his -mother” (that is, before leaving), “ ‘My -mother, you remain, I shall sail. One conch shell you hear, it will be -a conch shell of a necklace.’ ” (That is, it will be -a sign that he has been successful in getting a good Kula necklace). -“ ‘The second conch shell will be the conch shell of -the dead man; the sign that I have already carried out my revenge. I -shall sail, I shall anchor, I shall sleep. The second day I shall sail, -I shall anchor, I shall sleep. The third day I shall anchor in a -village, having already arrived in the Mountain. The fourth day I shall -give <i lang="kij">pari</i>, the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> (the Southern -foreigner) will come, I shall hit him. The fifth day I shall return. I -shall sail fast, till night grows on the sea. The next day I shall -anchor at Burakwa. You hear the conch shell, you sleep in the house, -arise. One blow you hear of the shell—the blow of the <i lang= -"kij">bagi</i> (necklace). Two blows you hear, the blow of the dead -man! Then the men of Burakwa will say: ‘Two conch shells, two -necklaces,’ then, you come out of the house, you speak: -‘Men of Burakwa, from one side of the village and from the other; -indeed you mocked my son, Tomakam. Your speech was—go, carry out -thy vendetta in Gabu. The first conch shell is that of the necklace, -the second conch shell is that of the dead man. I have -spoken!’ ” (Here ends the speech of Tomakam to his -mother.)</p> -<p>“He anchored in the village in the Koya. He told his younger -brother: ‘Go, tell the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> men these words: -Your friend has a sore leg, well, if we together go to the canoe he -will give the <i lang="kij">pari!</i>’ The younger brother went -and spoke those words to the headman of the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i>: -‘Some green coco-nuts, some betel-nut, some pig, bring this to us -and we shall give you <i lang="kij">pari</i>. Your arm-shells, your big -stone blade, your boar’s tusk, your whale-bone spatula await you -in the canoe. The message for you is that your friend has a sore leg -and cannot walk.’ Says the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> man: -‘Well, let us go!’ ”</p> -<p>“He caught a pig, he collected betel-nut, sugar cane, bananas, -necklaces, betel-pod, he said: ‘Well, let us go <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb293" href="#pb293" name= -"pb293">293</a>]</span>together to the canoe.’ <i lang= -"kij">Pu’u</i> he gives the necklace; <i lang= -"kij">pu’u</i>, the pig; then he gave the coco-nut, the -betel-nut, the sugar cane, the bananas. Tomakam lay on one side; his -leg he wrapped up in a white, soft pandanus mat. Before he had spoken -to his younger brother”: (i.e., he gave him this instruction -also, when he sent him to meet the people of Gabu): -“ ‘You all come with the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> -man. Do not remain in the village.’ Then” (after the first -gifts were exchanged) “the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> man stood up -in the canoe. His betel-pod fell down. Spoke Tomakam, addressing the -<i lang="kij">Kinana</i> man: ‘My friend, pick up the betel-pod. -It fell and went down into the canoe.’ The <i lang= -"kij">Kinana</i> man bent down, he took the betel-pod. Tomakam saw that -the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> bent down, he took an axe, and sitting he -made a stroke at him. He cut off his neck. Then Tomakam took the head, -threw the body into the sea. The head he stuck on a stick of his canoe. -They sailed, they arrived in their village. He caught a pig, prepared a -taro pudding, cut sugar cane, they had a big feast, he invented this -song.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Such was the story told me by the chief of Omarakana about the song -and dance of Gumagabu, which at that time they were singing and -performing in his village. I have adduced it in full, in an almost -literal translation from the native text, in order to show it side by -side with the song. The narrative thus reproduced shows characteristic -gaps, and it does not cover even the incidents of the song.</p> -<p>The following is a free translation of the song, which, in its -original native text, is very condensed and impressionistic. A word or -two indicates rather than describes whole scenes and incidents, and the -traditional commentary, handed on in a native community side by side -with the song, is necessary for a full understanding.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="lgouter"> -<h4>The Gumagabu Song</h4> -<div class="lg"> -<h4>I</h4> -<p class="line">The stranger of Gumagabu sits on the top of the -mountain.</p> -<p class="line">‘Go on top of the mountain, the towering -mountain ….’</p> -<p class="line">——They cry for -Toraya …——</p> -<p class="line">The stranger of Gumagabu sits on the slope of the -mountain.</p> -<p class="line">——The fringe of small clouds lifts above -Boyowa;</p> -<p class="line">The mother cries for Toraya—— <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb294" href="#pb294" name="pb294">294</a>]</span></p> -<p class="line">‘I shall take my revenge.’</p> -<p class="line">The mother cries for Toraya.</p> -</div> -<div class="lg"> -<h4>II</h4> -<p class="line">Our mother, Dibwaruna, dreams on the mat.</p> -<p class="line">She dreams about the killing.</p> -<p class="line">‘Revenge the wailing;</p> -<p class="line">Anchor; hit the Gabu strangers!’</p> -<p class="line">——The stranger comes out;</p> -<p class="line">The chief gives him the <i lang="kij">pari</i>;</p> -<p class="line">‘I shall give you the <i lang="kij">doga</i>;</p> -<p class="line">Bring me things from the mountain to the -canoe!’</p> -</div> -<div class="lg"> -<h4>III</h4> -<p class="line">We exchange our <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>;</p> -<p class="line">The rumour of my arrival spreads through the Koya</p> -<p class="line">We talk and talk.</p> -<p class="line">He bends and is killed.</p> -<p class="line">His companions run away;</p> -<p class="line">His body is thrown into the sea;</p> -<p class="line">The companions of the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> run -away,</p> -<p class="line">We sail home.</p> -</div> -<div class="lg"> -<h4>IV</h4> -<p class="line">Next day, the sea foams up,</p> -<p class="line">The chief’s canoe stops on the reef;</p> -<p class="line">The storm approaches;</p> -<p class="line">The chief is afraid of drowning.</p> -<p class="line">The conch shell is blown:</p> -<p class="line">It sounds in the mountain.</p> -<p class="line">They all weep on the reef.</p> -</div> -<div class="lg"> -<h4>V</h4> -<p class="line">They paddle in the chief’s canoe;</p> -<p class="line">They circle round the point of Bewara.</p> -<p class="line">‘I have hung my basket.</p> -<p class="line">I have met him.’</p> -<p class="line">So cries the chief,</p> -<p class="line">So cries repeatedly the chief.</p> -</div> -<div class="lg"> -<h4>VI</h4> -<p class="line">Women in festive decoration</p> -<p class="line">Walk on the beach.</p> -<p class="line">Nawaruva puts on her turtle rings;</p> -<p class="line">She puts on her <i lang="kij">luluga’u</i> -skirt.</p> -<p class="line">In the village of my fathers, in Burakwa,</p> -<p class="line">There is plenty of food;</p> -<p class="line">Plenty is brought in for distribution.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb295" href="#pb295" name= -"pb295">295</a>]</span></p> -<p>The character of this song is extremely elliptic, one might even say -futuristic, since several scenes are crowded simultaneously into the -picture. In the first strophe we see the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i>, by -which word all the tribesmen from the d’Entrecasteaux Archipelago -are designated in Boyowa, on the top of his Mountain in Gabu. -Immediately afterwards, we are informed of the intentions of Tomakam to -ascend the mountain, while the women cry for Toraya, for the slain -chief—probably his kinswomen and widows. The next picture again -spans over the wide seas, and on the one shore we see the Gabuan -sitting on the slopes of his hill and far away on the other, under the -fringe of small clouds lifting above Boyowa, the mother cries for her -son, the murdered chief. Tomakam takes a resolve, ‘I shall take -my revenge,’ hearing her cry.</p> -<p>In the second strophe, the mother dreams about the expedition; the -words about revenge to be taken on the Gabu men and the directions to -anchor and hit him are probably taken from her dream. Then suddenly we -are transported right across to the mountain, the expedition having -arrived there already. The strangers, the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> are -coming down to the canoe, and we assist at the words spoken between -them and the people of Buakwa.</p> -<p>Then in the third strophe, we arrive at the culminating scene of the -drama; even here, however, the hero, who is also his own bard, could -not help introducing a few boastful words about his renown resounding -in the Koya. In a few words the tragedy is described: the <i lang= -"kij">Kinana</i> bends down, is killed, and his body is thrown into the -water. About his head we hear nothing in this verse.</p> -<p>In the next one, a storm overtakes the returning party. Signals of -distress are re-echoed by the mountain, and like Homeric heroes, our -party are not ashamed to weep in fear and anguish. Somehow they escape, -however, and in the next verse, they are already near their village and -Tomakam, their leader, bursts into a pæan of triumph. It is not -quite clear what the allusion to the basket means, whether he keeps -there his Kula trophies or the slain enemy’s head; this latter, -in contradiction to what we heard in the prose story of its being -impaled. The song ends with a description of a feast. The woman -mentioned there is Tomakam’s daughter, who puts on festive attire -in order to welcome her father. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb296" -href="#pb296" name="pb296">296</a>]</span></p> -<p>Comparing now the song with the story, we see that they do not quite -tally. In the story, there is the dramatic interest of the -mother’s intervention. We gather from it that Tomakam, goaded by -the aspersions of his fellow-villagers, wishes to make his return as -effective as possible. He arranges the signals of the two conch shell -blasts with his mother, and asks her to harangue the people at the -moment of his return. All this finds no expression in the song. The -ruse of the chief’s sore leg is also omitted from there, which, -however, does not mean that the hero was ashamed of it. On the other -hand, the storm described in the song is omitted from the story, and -there is a discrepancy about the head of the Gabu man, and we do not -know whether it really is conveyed in a basket as the song has it or -impaled, as the story relates!</p> -<p>I have adduced in detail the story and the song, because they are a -good illustration of the native’s attitude towards the dangers, -and towards the heroic romance of the Koya. They are also interesting -as documents, showing which salient points would strike the -natives’ imagination in such a dramatic occurrence. Both in the -story and in the song, we find emphasised the motives of social duty, -of satisfied self-regard and ambition; again, the dangers on the reef, -the subterfuge in killing, finally the festivities on return home. Much -that would interest us in the whole story is omitted, as anyone can see -for himself.</p> -<p>Other stories, though not made illustrious through being set into a -song, are told about the Koya. I met myself an old man in the island of -Vakuta, who, as a boy, had been captured with a whole party by a -village community of Dobu-speaking people on Normanby Island. The men -and another small boy of the party were killed and eaten, but some -women took pity on him, and he was spared, to be brought up amongst -them. There is another man, either alive or recently dead in Kavataria, -who had a similar experience in Fergusson Island. Another man called -Kaypoyla, from the small island of Kuyawa in the Western Trobriands, -was stranded with his crew somewhere in the West of Fergusson Island, -but not in the district where they used to trade. His companions were -killed and eaten. He was taken alive and kept to fatten for a proximate -feast. His host, or rather the host of the feast in which he was going -to furnish the <i lang="fr">pièce de résistence</i>, was -away inland, to invite the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb297" href= -"#pb297" name="pb297">297</a>]</span>guests, while the host’s -wife went for a moment behind the house, sweeping the ground. Kaypoyla -jumped up and ran to the shore. Being chased by some other men from the -settlement, he concealed himself in the branches of a big tree standing -on the beach, and was not found by his pursuers. At night he came down, -took a canoe or a raft, and paddled along the coast. He used to sleep -on shore during the night, and paddle on in day time. One night he -slept among some sago-palms, and, awakening in the morning, found -himself, to his terror, surrounded by <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> men. -What was his joyful surprise after all, when he recognised among them -his friend and Kula partner, with whom he always used to trade! After -some time, he was sent back home in his partner’s canoe.</p> -<p>Many such stories have a wide currency, and they supply one of the -heroic elements in tribal life, an element which now, with the -establishment of white man’s influence, has vanished. Yet even -now the gloomy shores which our party are leaving to the right, the -tall jungle, the deep valleys, the hill-tops darkened with trailing -clouds, all this is a dim mysterious background, adding to the awe and -solemnity of the Kula, though not entering into it. The sphere of -activities of our traders lies at the foot of the high mountains, -there, where a chain of rocks and islands lies scattered along the -coast. Some of them are passed immediately after leaving Gumasila. -Then, after a good distance, a small rock, called Gurewaya, is met, -remarkable for the taboos associated with it. Close behind it, two -islands, Tewara and Uwama, are separated by a narrow passage, the -mythical straits of Kadimwatu. There is a village on the -first-mentioned, and the natives of this make gardens on both islands. -The village is not very big; it may have some sixty to eighty -inhabitants, as it can man three canoes for the Kula. It has no -commercial or industrial importance, but is notable because of its -mythological associations. This island is the home of the mythological -hero, Kasabwaybwayreta, whose story is one of the most important -legends of the Kula. Here indeed, in Tewara, we are right within the -mythological heart of the Kula. In fact, we entered its legendary area -with the moment the Sinaketan fleet sailed out of the Lagoon into the -deep waters of Pilolu. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb298" href= -"#pb298" name="pb298">298</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div12.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Once more we must pause, this time in an attempt to -grasp the natives’ mental attitude towards the mythological -aspect of the Kula. Right through this account it has been our constant -endeavour to realise the vision of the world, as it is reflected in the -minds of the natives. The frequent references to the scenery have not -been given only to enliven the narrative, or even to enable the reader -to visualise the setting of the native customs. I have attempted to -show how the scene of his actions appears actually to the native, to -describe his impressions and feelings with regard to it, as I was able -to read them in his folk-lore, in his conversations at home, and in his -behaviour when passing through this scenery itself.</p> -<p>Here we must try to reconstruct the influence of myth upon this vast -landscape, as it colours it, gives it meaning, and transforms it into -something live and familiar. What was a mere rock, now becomes a -personality; what was a speck on the horizon becomes a beacon, hallowed -by romantic associations with heroes; a meaningless configuration of -landscape acquires a significance, obscure no doubt, but full of -intense emotion. Sailing with natives, especially with novices to the -Kula, I often observed how deep was their interest in sections of -landscape impregnated with legendary meaning, how the elder ones would -point and explain, the younger would gaze and wonder, while the talk -was full of mythological names. It is the addition of the human -interest to the natural features, possessing in themselves less power -of appealing to a native man than to us, which makes the difference for -him in looking at the scenery. A stone hurled by one of the heroes into -the sea after an escaping canoe; a sea passage broken between two -islands by a magical canoe; here two people turned into rock; there a -petrified <i lang="kij">waga</i>—all this makes the landscape -represent a continuous story or else the culminating dramatic incident -of a familiar legend. This power of transforming the landscape, the -visible environment, is one only of the many influences which myth -exercises upon the general outlook of the natives. Although here we are -studying myth only in its connection with the Kula, even within these -narrow limits some of its broader connections will be apparent, notably -its influence upon sociology, magic and ceremonial.</p> -<p>The question which presents itself first, in trying to grasp -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb299" href="#pb299" name= -"pb299">299</a>]</span>the native outlook on the subject is: what is -myth to the natives? How do they conceive and define it? Have they any -line of demarcation between the mythical and the actual reality, and if -so, how do they draw this line?</p> -<p>Their folk-lore, that is, the verbal tradition, the store of tales, -legends, and texts handed on by previous generations, is composed of -the following classes: first of all, there is what the natives call -<i lang="kij">libogwo</i>, ‘old talk,’ but which we would -call tradition; secondly, <i lang="kij">kukwanebu</i>, fairy tales, -recited for amusement, at definite seasons, and relating avowedly -untrue events; thirdly, <i lang="kij">wosi</i>, the various songs, and -<i lang="kij">vinavina</i>, ditties, chanted at play or under other -special circumstances; and last, not least, <i lang="kij">megwa</i> or -<i lang="kij">yopa</i>, the magical spells. All these classes are -strictly distinguished from one another by name, function, social -setting, and by certain formal characteristics. This brief outline of -the Boyowan folk-lore in general must suffice here, as we cannot enter -into more details, and the only class which interests us in the present -connection is the first one, that called <i lang="kij">libogwo</i>.</p> -<p>This, the ‘old talk,’ the body of ancient tradition, -believed to be true, consists on the one hand of historical tales, such -as the deeds of past chiefs, exploits in the Koya, stories of -shipwreck, etc. On the other hand, the <i lang="kij">libogwo</i> class -also contains what the natives call <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>—myths, narratives, deeply believed by -them, held by them in reverence, and exercising an active influence on -their conduct and tribal life. Now the natives distinguish definitely -between myth and historic account, but this distinction is difficult to -formulate, and cannot be stated but in a somewhat deliberate -manner.</p> -<p>First of all, it must be borne in mind, that a native would not -trouble spontaneously to analyse such distinctions and to put them into -words. If an Ethnographer succeeded in making the problem clear to an -intelligent informant (and I have tried and succeeded in doing this) -the native would simply state:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“We all know that the stories about Tudava, -about Kudayuri, about Tokosikuna, are <i lang="kij">lili’u</i>; -our fathers, our <i lang="kij">kadada</i> (our maternal uncles) told us -so; and we always hear these tales; we know them well; we know that -there are no other tales besides them, which are <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>. Thus, whenever we hear a story, we know whether -it is a <i lang="kij">lili’u</i> or not.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb300" href="#pb300" name= -"pb300">300</a>]</span></p> -<p>Indeed, whenever a story is told, any native, even a boy, would be -able to say whether this is one of his tribal <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i> or not. For the other tales, that is the -historical ones, they have no special word, but they would describe the -events as happening among ‘humans like ourselves.’ Thus -tradition, from which the store of tales is received, hands them on -labelled as <i lang="kij">lili’u</i>, and the definition of a -<i lang="kij">lili’u</i>, is that it is a story transmitted with -such a label. And even this definition is contained by the facts -themselves, and not explicitly stated by the natives in their current -stock of expressions.</p> -<p>For us, however, even this is not sufficient, and we have to search -further, in order to see whether we cannot find other indices, other -characteristic features which differentiate the world of mythical -events from that of real ones. A reflection which would naturally -present itself would be this: “Surely the natives place their -myths in ancient, pre-historic times, while they put historical events -into recent ages?” There is some truth in this, in so far as most -of the historical events related by the natives are quite recent, have -occurred within the community where they are told and can be directly -connected with people and conditions existing at present, by memory of -living man, by genealogies or other records. On the other hand, when -historical events are told from other districts, and cannot be directly -linked with the present, it would be erroneous to imagine that the -natives place them into a definite compartment of time different from -that of the myth. For it must be realised that these natives do not -conceive of a past as of a lengthy duration, unrolling itself in -successive stages of time. They have no idea of a long vista of -historical occurrences, narrowing down and dimming as they recede -towards a distant background of legend and myth, which stands out as -something entirely different from the nearer planes. This view, so -characteristic of the naive, historical thinking among ourselves, is -entirely foreign to the natives. Whenever they speak of some event of -the past, they distinguish whether it happened within their own memory -or that of their fathers’ or not. But, once beyond this line of -demarcation, all the past events are placed by them on one plane, and -there are no gradations of ‘long ago’ and ‘very long -ago.’ Any idea of epochs in time is absent from their mind; the -past is one vast storehouse of events, and the line of demarcation -between myth <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb301" href="#pb301" name= -"pb301">301</a>]</span>and history does not coincide with any division -into definite and distinct periods of time. Indeed, I have found very -often that when they told me some story of the past, for me obviously -mythological, they would deem it necessary to emphasise that this did -not happen in their fathers’ time or in their -grand-fathers’ time, but long ago, and that it is a <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>.</p> -<p>Again, they have no idea of what could be called the evolution of -the world or the evolution of society; that is, they do not look back -towards a series of successive changes, which happened in nature or in -humanity, as we do. We, in our religious and scientific outlook alike, -know that earth ages and that humanity ages, and we think of both in -these terms; for them, both are eternally the same, eternally youthful. -Thus, in judging the remoteness of traditional events, they cannot use -the co-ordinates of a social setting constantly in change and divided -into epochs. To give a concrete example, in the myths of Torosipupu and -Tolikalaki, we saw them having the same interest and concerns, engaged -in the same type of fishing, using the same means of locomotion as the -present natives do. The mythical personages of the natives’ -legends, as we shall presently see, live in the same houses, eat the -same food, handle the same weapons and implements as those in use at -present. Whereas in any of our historical stories, legends or myths, we -have a whole set of changed cultural conditions, which allow us to -co-ordinate any event with a certain epoch, and which make us feel that -a distant historical event, and still more, a mythological one, is -happening in a setting of cultural conditions entirely different from -those in which we are living now. In the very telling of the stories -of, let us say, Joan of Arc, Solomon, Achilles, King Arthur, we have to -mention all sorts of things and conditions long since disappeared from -among us, which make even a superficial and an uneducated listener -realise that it is a story of a remote and different past.</p> -<p>I have said just now that the mythical personages in the Trobriand -tradition are living the same type of life, under the same social and -cultural conditions as the present natives. This needs one -qualification, and in this we shall find a very remarkable criterion -for a distinction between what is legendary and what is historical: in -the mythical world, although <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb302" href= -"#pb302" name="pb302">302</a>]</span>surrounding conditions were -similar, all sorts of events happened which do not happen nowadays, and -people were endowed with powers such as present men and their -historical ancestors do not possess. In mythical times, human beings -come out of the ground, they change into animals, and these become -people again; men and women rejuvenate and slough their skins; flying -canoes speed through the air, and things are transformed into -stone.</p> -<p>Now this line of demarcation between the world of myth and that of -actual reality—the simple difference that in the former things -happen which never occur nowadays—is undoubtedly felt and -realised by the natives, though they themselves could not put it into -words. They know quite well that to-day no one emerges from -underground; that people do not change into animals, and <i lang= -"la">vice versa</i>; nor do they give birth to them; that present-day -canoes do not fly. I had the opportunity of grasping their mental -attitude towards such things by the following occurrence. The Fijian -missionary teacher in Omarakana was telling them about white -man’s flying machines. They inquired from me, whether this was -true, and when I corroborated the Fijian’s report and showed them -pictures of aeroplanes in an illustrated paper, they asked me whether -this happened nowadays or whether it were a <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>. This circumstance made it clear to me then, -that the natives would have a tendency, when meeting with an -extraordinary and to them supernatural event, either to discard it as -untrue, or relegate it into the regions of the <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>. This does not mean, however, that the untrue -and the mythical are the same or even similar to them. Certain stories -told to them, they insist on treating as <i lang="kij">sasopa</i> -(lies), and maintain that they are not <i lang="kij">lili’u</i>. -For instance, those opposed to missionary teaching will not accept the -view that Biblical stories told to them are a <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>, but they reject them as <i lang= -"kij">sasopa</i>. Many a time did I hear such a conservative native -arguing thus:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Our stories about Tudava are true; this is a -<i lang="kij">lili’u</i>. If you go to Laba’i you can see -the cave in which Tudava was born, you can see the beach where he -played as a boy. You can see his footmark in a stone at a place in the -Raybwag. But where are the traces of Yesu Keriso? Who ever saw any -signs of the tales told by the misinari? Indeed they are not <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb303" href="#pb303" name= -"pb303">303</a>]</span></p> -<p>To sum up, the distinction between the <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i> and actual or historical reality is drawn -firmly, and there is a definite cleavage between the two. <i lang= -"la">Prima facie</i>, this distinction is based on the fact that all -myth is labelled as such and known to be such to all natives. A further -distinctive mark of the world of <i lang="kij">lili’u</i> lies in -the super-normal, supernatural character of certain events which happen -in it. The supernatural is believed to be true, and this truth is -sanctioned by tradition, and by the various signs and traces left -behind by mythical events, more especially by the magical powers handed -on by the ancestors who lived in times of <i lang= -"kij">lili’u</i>. This magical inheritance is no doubt the most -palpable link between the present and the mythical past. But this past -must not be imagined to form a pre-historic, very distant background, -something which preceded a long evolution of mankind. It is rather the -past, but extremely near reality, very much alive and true to the -natives.</p> -<p>As I have just said, there is one point on which the cleavage -between myth and present reality, however deep, is bridged over in -native ideas. The extraordinary powers which men possess in myths are -mostly due to their knowledge of magic. This knowledge is, in many -cases, lost, and therefore the powers of doing these marvellous things -are either completely gone, or else considerably reduced. If the magic -could be recovered, men would fly again in their canoes, they could -rejuvenate, defy ogres, and perform the many heroic deeds which they -did in ancient times. Thus, magic, and the powers conferred by it, are -really the link between mythical tradition and the present day. Myth -has crystallised into magical formulæ, and magic in its turn -bears testimony to the authenticity of myth. Often the main function of -myth is to serve as a foundation for a system of magic, and, wherever -magic forms the backbone of an institution, a myth is also to be found -at the base of it. In this perhaps, lies the greatest sociological -importance of myth, that is, in its action upon institutions through -the associated magic. The sociological point of view and the idea of -the natives coincide here in a remarkable manner. In this book we see -this exemplified in one concrete case, in that of the relation between -the mythology, the magic, and the social institution of the Kula.</p> -<p>Thus we can define myth as a narrative of events which are to the -native supernatural, in this sense, that he knows well <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb304" href="#pb304" name="pb304">304</a>]</span>that -to-day they do not happen. At the same time he believes deeply that -they did happen then. The socially sanctioned narratives of these -events; the traces which they left on the surface of the earth; the -magic in which they left behind part of their supernatural powers, the -social institutions which are associated with the practice of this -magic—all this brings about the fact that a myth is for the -native a living actuality, though it has happened long ago and in an -order of things when people were endowed with supernatural powers.</p> -<p>I have said before that the natives do not possess any historical -perspective, that they do not range events—except of course, -those of the most recent decades—into any successive stages. They -also do not classify their myths into any divisions with regard to -their antiquity. But in looking at their myths, it becomes at once -obvious that they represent events, some of which must have happened -prior to others. For there is a group of stories describing the origin -of humanity, the emerging of the various social units from underground. -Another group of mythical tales gives accounts of how certain important -institutions were introduced and how certain customs crystallised. -Again, there are myths referring to small changes in culture, or to the -introduction of new details and minor customs. Broadly speaking, the -mythical folk-lore of the Trobrianders can be divided into three groups -referring to three different strata of events. In order to give a -general idea of Trobriand mythology, it will be good to give a short -characterisation of each of these groups.</p> -<p>1. <i>The Oldest Myths</i>, referring to the origin of human beings; -to the sociology of the sub-clans and villages; to the establishment of -permanent relations between this world and the next. These myths -describe events which took place just at the moment when the earth -began to be peopled from underneath. Humanity existed, somewhere -underground, since people emerged from there on the surface of Boyowa, -in full decoration, equipped with magic, belonging to social divisions, -and obeying definite laws and customs. But beyond this we know nothing -about what they did underground. There is, however, a series of myths, -of which one is attached to every one of the more important sub-clans, -about various ancestors coming out of the ground, and almost at once, -doing some important deed, which gives a definite character to the -sub-clan. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb305" href="#pb305" name= -"pb305">305</a>]</span>Certain mythological versions about the nether -world belong also to this series.</p> -<p>2. <i>Kultur-myths</i>.—Here belong stories about ogres and -their conquerors; about human beings who established definite customs -and cultural features; about the origin of certain institutions. These -myths are different from the foregoing ones, in so far as they refer to -a time when humanity was already established on the surface of the -earth, and when all the social divisions had already assumed a definite -character. The main cycle of myths which belong here, are those of a -culture hero, Tudava, who slays an ogre and thus allows people to live -in Boyowa again, whence they all had fled in fear of being -eaten<span class="corr" id="xd26e10548" title="Not in source">.</span> -A story about the origins of cannibalism belongs here also, and about -the origin of garden making.</p> -<p>3. <i>Myths in which figure only ordinary human beings</i>, though -endowed with extraordinary magical powers. These myths are -distinguished from the foregoing ones, by the fact that no ogres or -non-human persons figure in them, and that they refer to the origin, -not of whole aspects of culture, such as cannibalism or garden-making, -but to definite institutions or definite forms of magic. Here comes the -myth about the origins of sorcery, the myth about the origins of love -magic, the myth of the flying canoe, and finally the several Kula -myths. The line of division between these three categories is, of -course, not a rigid one, and many a myth could be placed in two or even -three of these classes, according to its several features or episodes. -But each myth contains as a rule one main subject, and if we take only -this, there is hardly ever the slightest doubt as to where it should be -placed.</p> -<p>A point which might appear contradictory in superficial reading is -that before, we stressed the fact that the natives had no idea of -change, yet here we spoke of myths about ‘origins’ of -institutions. It is important to realise that, though natives do speak -about times when humanity was not upon the earth, of times when there -were no gardens, etc., yet all these things arrive ready-made; they do -not change or evolve. The first people, who came from underground, came -up adorned with the same trinkets, carrying their lime-pot and chewing -their betel-nut. The event, the emergence from the earth was mythical, -that is, such as does not happen now; but the human beings and the -country which received them were such as exist to-day. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb306" href="#pb306" name="pb306">306</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div12.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The myths of the Kula are scattered along a section of -the present Kula circuit. Beginning with a place in Eastern Woodlark -Island, the village of Wamwara, the mythological centres are spread -round almost in a semi-circle, right down to the island of Tewara, -Where we have left for the present our party from Sinaketa.</p> -<p>In Wamwara there lived an individual called Gere’u, who, -according to one myth, was the originator of the Kula. In the island of -Digumenu, West of Woodlark Island, Tokosikuna, another hero of the -Kula, had his early home, though he finished his career in Gumasila, in -the Amphletts. Kitava, the westernmost of the Marshall Bennetts, is the -centre of canoe magic associated with the Kula. It is also the home of -Monikiniki, whose name figures in many formulæ of the Kula magic, -though there is no explicit myth about him, except that he was the -first man to practice an important system of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> -(Kula magic), probably the most widespread system of the present day. -Further West, in Wawela, we are at the other end of the -Kasabwaybwayreta myth, which starts in Tewara, and goes over to Wawela -in its narrative of events, to return to Tewara again. This -mythological narrative touches the island of Boyowa at its southernmost -point, the passage Giribwa, which divides it from Vakuta. Almost all -myths have one of their incidents laid in a small island between Vakuta -and the Amphletts, called Gabuwana. One of the myths leads us to the -Amphletts, that of Tokosikuna; another has its beginning and end in -Tewara. Such is the geography of the Kula myths on the big sector -between Murua and Dobu.</p> -<p>Although I do not know the other half through investigations made on -the spot, I have spoken with natives from those districts, and I think -that there are no myths localised anywhere on the sector Murua -(Woodlark Island), Tubetube, and Dobu. What I am quite certain of, -however, is that the whole of the Trobriands, except the two points -mentioned before, lie outside the mythological area of the Kula. No -Kula stories, associated with any village in the Northern half of -Boyowa exist, nor does any of the mythical heroes of the other stories -ever come to the Northern or Western provinces of the Trobriands. Such -extremely important centres as Sinaketa <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb307" href="#pb307" name="pb307">307</a>]</span>and Omarakana are -never mentioned. This would point, on the surface of it, to the fact -that in olden days, the island of Boyowa, except its Southern end and -the Eastern settlement of Wawela, either did not enter at all or did -not play an important part in the Kula.</p> -<p>I shall give a somewhat abbreviated account of the various stories, -and then adduce in extenso the one last mentioned, perhaps the most -noteworthy of all the Kula myths, that of Kasabwaybwayreta, as well as -the very important canoe myth, that of the flying <i lang= -"kij">waga</i> of Kudayuri.</p> -<p>The Muruan myth, which I obtained only in a very bald outline, is -localised in the village of Wamwara, at the Eastern end of the island. -A man called Gere’u, of the Lukuba clan, knew very well the -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic, and wherever he went, all the -valuables were given to him, so that all the others returned -empty-handed. He went to Gawa and Iwa, and as Soon as he appeared, -<i lang="kij">pu-pu</i> went the conch shells, and everybody gave him -the <i lang="kij">bagi</i> necklaces. He returned to his village, full -of glory and of Kula spoils. Then he went to Du’a’u, and -obtained again an enormous amount of arm-shells. He settled the -direction in which the Kula valuables have to move. <i lang= -"kij">Bagi</i> necklaces have ‘to go,’ and the arm-shells -‘to come.’ As this was spoken on Boyowa, ‘go’ -meant to travel from Boyowa to Woodlark, ‘come’ to travel -from Gere’u’s village to Sinaketa. The culture hero -Gere’u was finally killed, through envy of his success in the -Kula.</p> -<p>I obtained two versions about the mythological hero, Tokosikuna of -Digumenu. In the first of them, he is represented as a complete -cripple, without hands and feet, who has to be carried by his two -daughters into the canoe. They sail on a Kula expedition through Iwa, -Gawa, through the Straits of Giribwa to Gumasila. Then they put him on -a platform, where he takes a meal and goes to sleep. They leave him -there and go into a garden which they see on a hill above, in order to -gather some food. On coming back, they find him dead. On hearing their -wailing, an ogre comes out, marries one of them and adopts the other. -As he was very ugly, however, the girls killed him in an obscene -manner, and then settled in the island. This obviously mutilated and -superficial version does not give us many clues to the native ideas -about the Kula. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb308" href="#pb308" -name="pb308">308</a>]</span></p> -<p>The other version is much more interesting. Tokosikuna, according to -it, is also slightly crippled, lame, very ugly, and with a pitted skin; -so ugly indeed that he could not marry. Far North, in the mythical land -of Kokopawa, they play a flute so beautifully that the chief of -Digumenu, the village of Tokosikuna, hears it. He wishes to obtain the -flute. Many men set out, but all fail, and they have to return half -way, because it is so far. Tokosikuna goes, and, through a mixture of -cunning and daring, he succeeds in getting possession of the flute, and -in returning safely to Digumenu. There, through magic which one is led -to infer he has acquired on his journey, he changes his appearance, -becomes young, smooth-skinned and beautiful. The <i lang= -"kij">guya’u</i> (chief) who is away in his garden, hears the -flute played in his village, and returning there, he sees Tokosikuna -sitting on a high platform, playing the flute and looking beautiful. -“Well,” he says, “all my daughters, all my -granddaughters, my nieces and my sisters, you all marry Tokosikuna! -Your husbands, you leave behind! You marry Tokosikuna, for he has -brought the flute from the distant land!” So Tokosikuna married -all the women.</p> -<p>The other men did not take it very well, of course. They decided to -get rid of Tokosikuna by stratagem. They said: “The chief would -like to eat giant clam-shell, let us go and fish it.” “And -how shall I catch it?” asks Tokosikuna. “You put your head, -where the clam-shell gapes open.” (This of course would mean -death, as the clam-shell would close, and, if a really big one, would -easily cut off his head). Tokosikuna, however, dived and with his two -hands, broke a clam-shell open, a deed of super-human strength. The -others were angry, and planned another form of revenge. They arranged a -shark-fishing, advising Tokosikuna to catch the fish with his hands. -But he simply strangled the big shark, and put it into the canoe. Then, -he tears asunder a boar’s mouth, bringing them thus to despair. -Finally they decide to get rid of him at sea. They try to kill him -first by letting the heavy tree, felled for the <i lang="kij">waga</i>, -fall on him. But he supports it with his outstretched arms, and does no -harm to himself. At the time of lashing, his companions wrap some -<i lang="kij">wayaugo</i> (lashing creeper) into a soft pandanus leaf; -then they persuade him to use pandanus only for the lashing of his -canoe, which he does indeed, deceived by seeing them use what -apparently is the same. Then they <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb309" -href="#pb309" name="pb309">309</a>]</span>sail, the other men in good, -sea-worthy canoes, he in an entirely unseaworthy one, lashed only with -the soft, brittle pandanus leaf.</p> -<p>And here begins the real Kula part of the myth. The expedition -arrives at Gawa, where Tokosikuna remains with his canoe on the beach, -while the other men go to the village to <i lang="kij">kula</i>. They -collect all the smaller armshells of the <i lang="kij">soulava</i> -type, but the big ones, the <i lang="kij">bagi</i>, remain in the -village, for the local men are unwilling to give them. Then Tokosikuna -starts for the village after all the others have returned. After a -short while, he arrives from the village, carrying all the <i lang= -"kij">bagido’u bagidudu</i>, and <i lang= -"kij">bagiriku</i>—that is, all the most valuable types of -spondylus necklaces. The same happens in Iwa and Kitava. His companions -from the other canoes go first and succeed only in collecting the -inferior kinds of valuables. He afterwards enters the village, and -easily obtains the high grades of necklace, which had been refused to -the others. These become very angry; in Kitava, they inspect the -lashings of his canoe, and see that they are rotten. “Oh well, -to-morrow, Vakuta! The day after, Gumasila,—he will drown in -Pilolu.” In Vakuta the same happens as before, and the wrath of -his unsuccessful companions increases.</p> -<p>They sail and passing the sandbank of Gabula (this is the Trobriand -name for Gabuwana, as the Amphlettans pronounce it) Tokosikuna eases -his helm; then, as he tries to bring the canoe up to the wind again, -his lashings snap, and the canoe sinks. He swims in the waves, carrying -the basket-full of valuables in one arm. He calls out to the other -canoes: “Come and take your <i lang="kij">bagi!</i> I shall get -into your <i lang="kij">waga!</i>” “You married all our -women,” they answer, “now, sharks will eat you! We shall go -to make Kula in Dobu!” Tokosikuna, however, swims safely to the -point called Kamsareta, in the island of Domdom. From there he beholds -the rock of Selawaya standing out of the jungle on the eastern slope of -Gumasila. “This is a big rock, I shall go and live there,” -and turning towards the Digumenu canoes, he utters a curse:</p> -<p>“You will get nothing in Dobu but poor necklaces, <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i> of the type of <i lang="kij">tutumuyuwa</i> and -<i lang="kij">tutuyanabwa</i>. The big <i lang="kij">bagido’u</i> -will stop with me.” He remains in the Amphletts and does not -return to Digumenu. And here ends the myth.</p> -<p>I have given an extensive summary of this myth, including its first -part, which has nothing to do with the Kula, because <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb310" href="#pb310" name="pb310">310</a>]</span>it -gives a full character sketch of the hero as a daring sailor and -adventurer. It shows, how Tokosikuna, after his Northern trip, acquired -magic which allowed him to change his ugly and weak frame into a -powerful body with a beautiful appearance. The first part also contains -the reference to his great success with women, an association between -Kula magic and love magic, which as we shall see, is not without -importance. In this first part, that is, up to the moment when they -start on the Kula, Tokosikuna appears as a hero, endowed with -extraordinary powers, due to his knowledge of magic.</p> -<p>In this myth, as we see, no events are related through which the -natural appearance of the landscape is changed. Therefore this myth is -typical of what I have called the most recent stratum of mythology. -This is further confirmed by the circumstance that no allusion is made -in it to any origins, not even to the origins of the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> magic. For, as the myth is at present told and -commented upon, all the men who go on the Kula expedition with our -hero, know a system of Kula magic, the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> of -Monikiniki. Tokosikuna’s superiority rests with his special -beauty magic; with his capacity to display enormous strength, and to -face with impunity great dangers; with his ability to escape from -drowning, finally, with his knowledge of the evil magic, <i lang= -"kij">bulubwalata</i>, with which he prevents his companions from doing -successful Kula. This last point was contained in a commentary upon -this myth, given to me by the man who narrated it. When I speak about -the Kula magic more explicitly further on, the reader will see that the -four points of superiority just mentioned correspond to the categories -into which we have to group the Kula magic, when it is classified -according to its leading ideas, according to the goal towards which it -aims.</p> -<p>One magic Tokosikuna does not know. We see from the myth that he is -ignorant of the nature of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, the lashing -creeper. He is therefore obviously not a canoe-builder, nor acquainted -with canoe-building magic. This is the point on which his companions -are able to catch him.</p> -<p>Geographically, this myth links Digumenu with the Amphletts, as also -did the previous version of the Tokosikuna story. The hero, here as -there, settles finally in Gumasila, and the element of migration is -contained in both versions. Again, in the last story, Tokosikuna -decides to settle in the Amphletts, <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb311" href="#pb311" name="pb311">311</a>]</span>on seeing the -Selawaya rock. If we remember the Gumasilan legend about the origin of -Kula magic, it also refers to the same rock. I did not obtain the name -of the individual who is believed to have lived on the Selawaya rock, -but it obviously is the same myth, only very mutilated in the Gumasilan -version.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div12.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Moving Westwards from Digumenu, to which the -Tokosikuna myth belongs, the next important centre of Kula magic is the -island of Kitava. With this place, the magical system of Monikiniki is -associated by tradition, though no special story is told about this -individual. A very important myth, on the other hand, localised in -Kitava, is the one which serves as foundation for canoe magic. I have -obtained three independent versions of this myth, and they agree -substantially. I shall adduce at length the story as it was told to me -by the best informant, and written down in Kiriwinian, and after that, -I shall show on what points the other versions vary. I shall not omit -from the full account certain tedious repetitions and obviously -inessential details, for they are indispensable for imparting to the -narrative the characteristic flavour of native folk-lore.</p> -<p>To understand the following account, it is necessary to realise that -Kitava is a raised coral island. Its inland part is elevated to a -height of about three hundred feet. Behind the flat beach, a steep -coral wall rises, and from its summit the land gently falls towards the -central declivity. It is in this central part that the villages are -situated, and it would be quite impossible to transport a canoe from -any village to the beach. Thus, in Kitava, unlike what happens with -some of the Lagoon villages of Boyowa, the canoes have to be always dug -out and lashed on the beach.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">The Myth of the Flying Canoe of Kudayuri.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Mokatuboda of the Lukuba clan and his younger -brother Toweyre’i lived in the village of Kudayuri. With them -lived their three sisters Kayguremwo, Na’ukuwakula and -Murumweyri’a. They had all come out from underground in the spot -called Labikewo, in Kitava. These people were the <i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i> (foundation, basis, here: first possessors) of -the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> and <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magic.” -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb312" href="#pb312" name= -"pb312">312</a>]</span></p> -<p>“All the men of Kitava decided on a great Kula expedition to -the Koya. The men of Kumwageya, Kaybutu, Kabululo and Lalela made their -canoes. They scooped out the inside of the <i lang="kij">waga</i>, they -carved the <i lang="kij">tabuyo</i> and <i lang="kij">lagim</i> -(decorated prow boards), they made the <i lang="kij">budaka</i> -(lateral gunwale planks). They brought the component parts to the -beach, in order to make the <i lang="kij">yowaga</i> (to put and lash -them together).”</p> -<p>“The Kudayuri people made their canoe in the village. -Mokatuboda, the head man of the Kudayuri village, ordered them to do -so. They were angry: ‘Very heavy canoe. Who will carry it to the -beach?’ He said: ‘No, not so; it will be well. I shall just -lash my <i lang="kij">waga</i> in the village.’ He refused to -move the canoe; it remained in the village. The other people pieced -their canoe on the beach; he pieced it together in the village. They -lashed it with the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> creeper on the beach; he -lashed his in the village. They caulked their canoes on the sea-shore; -he caulked his in the village. They painted their canoes on the beach -with black; he blackened his in the village. They made the <i lang= -"kij">youlala</i> (painted red and white) on the beach; he made the -<i lang="kij">youlala</i> in the village. They sewed their sail on the -beach; he did it in the village. They rigged up the mast and rigging on -the beach; he in the village. After that, the men of Kitava made -<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> (trial run) and <i lang= -"kij">kabigidoya</i> (visit of ceremonial presentation), but the -Kudayuri canoe did not make either.”</p> -<p>“By and by, all the men of Kitava ordered their women to -prepare the food. The women one day put all the food, the <i lang= -"kij">gugu’a</i> (personal belongings), the <i lang= -"kij">pari</i> (presents and trade goods) into the canoe. The people of -Kudayuri had all these things put into their canoe in the village. The -headman of the Kudayuri, Mokatuboda, asked all his younger brothers, -all the members of his crew, to bring some of their <i lang= -"kij">pari</i>, and he performed magic over it, and made a <i lang= -"kij">lilava</i> (magical bundle) of it.”</p> -<p>“The people of other villages went to the beach; each canoe -was manned by its <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> (members of the crew). The -man of Kudayuri ordered his crew to man his canoe in the village. They -of the other villages stepped the mast on the shore; he stepped the -mast in the village. They prepared the rigging on the shore; he -prepared the rigging in the village. They hoisted the sail on the sea; -he spoke ‘May our sail be hoisted,’ and his companions -hoisted the sail. He spoke: ‘Sit in your places, every -man!’ He went into the house, he took his <i lang= -"kij">ligogu</i> (adze), <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb313" href= -"#pb313" name="pb313">313</a>]</span>he took some coco-nut oil, he took -a staff. He spoke magic over the adze, over the coco-nut oil. He came -out of the house, he approached the canoe. A small dog of his called -Tokulubweydoga jumped into the canoe.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e10761src" href="#xd26e10761" name="xd26e10761src">2</a> He spoke -to his crew: ‘Pull up the sail higher.’ They pulled at the -halyard. He rubbed the staff with the coco-nut oil. He knocked the -canoe’s skids with the staff. Then he struck with his ligogu the -<i lang="kij">u’ula</i> of his canoe and the <i lang= -"kij">dobwana</i> (that is, both ends of the canoe). He jumped into the -canoe, sat down, and the canoe flew!”</p> -<p>“A rock stood before it. It pierced the rock in two, and flew -through it. He bent down, he looked; his companions (that is, the other -canoes of Kitava) sailed on the sea. He spoke to his younger brothers, -(that is to his relatives in the canoe): ‘Bail out the water, -pour it out!’ Those who sailed on the earth thought it was rain, -this water which they poured out from above.”</p> -<p>“They (the other canoes) sailed to Giribwa, they saw a canoe -anchored there. They said: ‘Is that the canoe from Dobu?’ -They thought so, they wanted to <i lang="kij">lebu</i> (take by force, -but not necessarily as a hostile act) the <i lang="kij">buna</i> (big -cowrie) shells of the Dobu people. Then they saw the dog walking on the -beach. They said: ‘Wi-i-i! This is Tokulubweydoga, the dog of the -Lukuba! This canoe they lashed in the village, in the village of -Kudayuri. Which way did it come? It was anchored in the jungle!’ -They approached the people of Kudayuri, they spoke: ‘Which way -did you come?’ ‘Oh, I came together with you (the same -way).’ ‘It rained. Did it rain over you?’ ‘Oh -yes, it has rained over me.’ ”</p> -<p>“Next day, they (the men of the other villages of Kitava), -sailed to Vakuta and went ashore. They made their Kula. The next day -they sailed, and he (Mokatuboda) remained in Vakuta. When they -disappeared on the sea, his canoe flew. He flew from Vakuta. When they -(the other crews) arrived in Gumasila, he was there on the promontory -of Lububuyama. They said: ‘This canoe is like the canoe of our -companions,’ and the dog came out. ‘This is the dog of the -Lukuba clan of Kudayuri.’ They asked him again which way he came; -he said he came the same way as they. They made the Kula in Gumasila. -He said: ‘You sail first, I shall sail later on.’ They were -astonished: ‘Which way does he sail?’ They slept in -Gumasila.” <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb314" href="#pb314" -name="pb314">314</a>]</span></p> -<p>“Next day they sailed to Tewara, they arrived at the beach of -Kadimwatu. They saw his canoe anchored there, the dog came out and ran -along the beach. They spoke to the Kudayuri men, ‘How did you -come here?’ ‘We came with you, the same way we came.’ -They made Kula in Tewara. Next day, they sailed to Bwayowa (village in -Dobu district). He flew, and anchored at the beach Sarubwoyna. They -arrived there, they saw: ‘Oh, look at the canoe, are these -fishermen from Dobu?’ The dog came out. They recognised the dog. -They asked him (Mokatuboda) which way he came: ‘I came with you, -I anchored here.’ They went to the village of Bwayowa, they made -Kula in the village, they loaded their canoes. They received presents -from the Dobu people at parting, and the Kitava men sailed on the -return journey. They sailed first, and he flew through the air.<a id= -"xd26e10792" name="xd26e10792"></a>”</p> -<p>On the return journey, at every stage, they see him first, they ask -him which way he went, and he gives them some sort of answer as the -above ones.</p> -<p>“From Giribwa they sailed to Kitava; he remained in Giribwa; -he flew from Giribwa; he went to Kitava, to the beach. His <i lang= -"kij">gugu’a</i> (personal belongings) were being carried to the -village when his companions came paddling along, and saw his canoe -anchored and the dog running on the beach. All the other men were very -angry, because his canoe flew.”</p> -<p>“They remained in Kitava. Next year, they made their gardens, -all the men of Kitava. The sun was very strong, there was no rain at -all. The sun burned their gardens. This man (the head man of Kudayuri, -Mokatuboda) went into the garden. He remained there, he made a <i lang= -"kij">bulubwalata</i> (evil magic) of the rain. A small cloud came and -rained on his garden only, and their gardens the sun burned. They (the -other men of Kitava) went and saw their gardens. They arrived there, -they saw all was dead, already the sun had burned them. They went to -his garden and it was all wet: yams, <i lang="kij">taitu</i>, taro, all -was fine. They spoke: ‘Let us kill him so that he might die. We -shall then speak magic over the clouds, and it will rain over our -gardens.’ ”</p> -<p>“The real, keen magic, the Kudayuri man (i.e. Mokatuboda) did -not give to them; he gave them not the magic of the <i lang= -"kij">ligogu</i> (adze); he gave them not the magic of <i lang= -"kij">kunisalili</i> (rain magic); he gave them not the magic of the -<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> (lashing creeper), of the coco-nut oil and -staff. Toweyre’i, his younger brother, thought that he -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb315" href="#pb315" name= -"pb315">315</a>]</span>had already received the magic, but he was -mistaken. His elder brother gave him only part of the magic, the real -one he kept back.”</p> -<p>“They came (to Mokatuboda, the head man of Kudayuri), he sat -in his village. His brothers and maternal nephews sharpened the spear, -they hit him, he died.”</p> -<p>“Next year, they decided to make a big Kula expedition, to -Dobu. The old <i lang="kij">waga</i>, cut and lashed by Mokatuboda, was -no more good, the lashings had perished. Then Toweyre’i, the -younger brother, cut a new one to replace the old. The people of -Kumwageya and Lalela (the other villages in Kitava) heard that -Toweyre’i cuts his <i lang="kij">waga</i>, and they also cut -theirs. They pieced and lashed their canoes on the beach. -Toweyre’i did it in the village.”</p> -<p>Here the native narrative enumerates every detail of canoe making, -drawing the contrast between the proceedings on the beach of the other -Kitavans, and of Toweyre’i building the canoe in the village of -Kudayuri. It is an exact repetition of what was said at the beginning, -when Mokatuboda was building his canoe, and I shall not adduce it here. -The narrative arrives at the critical moment when all the members of -the crew are seated in the canoe ready for the flight.</p> -<p>“Toweyre’i went into the house and made magic over the -adze and the coco-nut oil. He came out, smeared a staff with the oil, -knocked the skids of the canoe. He then did as his elder brother did. -He struck both ends of the canoe with the adze. He jumped into the -canoe and sat down; but the <i lang="kij">waga</i> did not fly. -Toweyre’i went into the house and cried for his elder brother, -whom he had slain; he had killed him without knowing his magic. The -people of Kumwageya and Lalela went to Dobu and made their Kula. The -people of Kudayuri remained in the village.”</p> -<p>“The three sisters were very angry with Toweyre’i, for -he killed the elder brother and did not learn his magic. They -themselves had learnt the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i>, the <i lang= -"kij">wayugo</i> magic; they had it already in their <i lang= -"kij">lopoula</i> (belly). They could fly through the air, they were -<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>. In Kitava they lived on the top of -Botigale’a hill. They said: ‘Let us leave Kitava and fly -away.’ They flew through the air. One of them, -Na’ukuwakula, flew to the West, pierced through the sea-passage -Dikuwa’i (Somewhere in the Western Trobriands); she arrived at -Simsim (one of the Lousançay). There she turned into a stone, -she stands in the sea.” <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb316" -href="#pb316" name="pb316">316</a>]</span></p> -<p>“The two others flew first (due West) to the beach of -Yalumugwa (on the Eastern shore of Boyowa). There they tried to pierce -the coral rock named Yakayba—it was too hard. They went (further -South on the Eastern shore) through the sea-passage of Vilasasa and -tried to pierce the rock Kuyaluya—they couldn’t. They went -(further South) and tried to pierce the rock of Kawakari—it was -too hard. They went (further South). They tried to pierce the rocks at -Giribwa. They succeeded. That is why there is now a sea passage at -Giribwa (the straits dividing the main island of Boyowa from the island -of Vakuta).”</p> -<p>“They flew (further South) towards Dobu. They came to the -island of Tewara. They came to the beach of Kadimwatu and pierced it. -This is where the straits of Kadimwatu are now between the islands of -Tewara and Uwama. They went to Dobu; they travelled further South, to -the promontory of Saramwa (near Dobu island). They spoke: ‘Shall -we go round the point or pierce right through?’ They went round -the point. They met another obstacle and pierced it through, making the -Straits of Loma (at the Western end of Dawson Straits). They came back, -they returned and settled near Tewara. They turned into stones; they -stand in the sea. One of them cast her eyes on Dobu, this is -Murumweyri’a; she eats men, and the Dobuans are cannibals. The -other one, Kayguremwo, does not eat men, and her face is turned towards -Boyowa. The people of Boyowa do not eat man.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This story is extremely clear in its general outline, and very -dramatic, and all its incidents and developments have a high degree of -consistency and psychological motivation. It is perhaps the most -telling of all myths from this part of the world which came under my -notice. It is also a good example of what has been said before in -<a href="#div12.2">Division II</a>. Namely that the identical -conditions, sociological and cultural, which obtain at the present -time, are also reflected in mythical narratives. The only exception to -this is the much higher efficiency of magic found in the world of myth. -The tale of Kudayuri, on the one hand, describes minutely the -sociological conditions of the heroes, their occupations and concerns, -and all these do not differ at all from the present ones. On the other -hand, it shows the hero endowed with a truly super-normal power through -his magic of canoe building and of rain making. Nor could it be -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb317" href="#pb317" name= -"pb317">317</a>]</span>more convincingly stated than is done in this -narrative that the full knowledge of the right magic was solely -responsible for these supernatural powers.</p> -<p>In its enumeration of the various details of tribal life, this myth -is truly a fount of ethnographic information. Its statements, when made -complete and explicit by native comment, contain a good deal of what is -to be known about the sociology, technology and organisation of -canoe-making, sailing, and of the Kula. If followed up into detail, the -incidents of this narrative make us acquainted for instance, with the -division into clans; with the origin and local character of these -latter; with ownership of magic and its association with the totemic -group. In almost all mythological narratives of the Trobriands, the -clan, the sub-clan and the locality of the heroes are stated. In the -above version, we see that the heroes have emerged at a certain spot, -and that they themselves came from underground; that is, that they are -the first representatives of their totemic sub-clan on the surface of -the earth. In the two other versions, this last point was not -explicitly stated, though I think it is implied in the incidents of -this myth, for obviously the flying canoe is built for the first time, -as it is for the last. In other versions, I was told that the hole from -which this sub-clan emerged is also called Kudayuri, and that the name -of their magical system is Viluvayaba.</p> -<p>Passing to the following part of the tale, we find in it a -description of canoe-building, and this was given to me in the same -detailed manner in all three versions. Here again, if we would -substitute for the short sentences a fuller account of what happens, -such as could be elicited from any intelligent native informant; if for -each word describing the stages of canoe-building we insert a full -description of the processes for which these words stand—we would -have in this myth an almost complete, ethnographic account of -canoe-building. We would see the canoe pieced together, lashed, -caulked, painted, rigged out, provided with a sail till it lies ready -to be launched. Besides the successive enumeration of technical stages, -we have in this myth a clear picture of the rôle played by the -headman, who is the nominal owner of the canoe, and who speaks of it as -his canoe and at the same time directs its building; overrides the -wishes of others, and is responsible for the magic. We have even the -mention of the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> and <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb318" href="#pb318" name= -"pb318">318</a>]</span><i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>, and several -allusions to the Kula expedition of which the canoe-building in this -myth is represented as a preliminary stage. The frequent, tedious -repetitions and enumerations of customary sequences of events, -interesting as data of folk-lore, are not less valuable as ethnographic -documents, and as illustrations of the natives’ attitude towards -custom. Incidentally, this feature of native mythology shows that the -task of serving as ethnographic informant is not so foreign and -difficult to a native as might at first appear. He is quite used to -recite one after the other the various stages of customary proceedings -in his own narratives, and he does it with an almost pedantic accuracy -and completeness, and it is an easy task for him to transfer these -qualities to the accounts, which he is called upon to make in the -service of ethnography.</p> -<p>The dramatic effect of the climax of the story, of the unexpected -flight of the canoe is clearly brought out in the narrative, and it was -given to me in all its three versions. In all three, the members of the -crew are made to pass through the numerous preparatory stages of -sailing. And the parallel drawn between the reasonable proceedings of -their fellows on the beach, and the absurd manner in which they are -made to get ready in the middle of the village, some few hundred feet -above the sea, makes the tension more palpable and the sudden -<i>denouement</i> more effective. In all accounts of this myth, the -magic is also performed just before the flight, and its performance is -explicitly mentioned and included as an important episode in the -story.</p> -<p>The incident of bailing some water out of a canoe which never -touched the sea, seems to show some inconsistency. If we remember, -however, that water is poured into a canoe, while it is built, in order -to prevent its drying and consequently its shrinking, cracking and -warping, the inconsistency and flaw in the narrative disappear. I may -add that the bailing and rain incident is contained in one of my three -versions only.</p> -<p>The episode of the dog is more significant and more important to the -natives, and is mentioned in all three versions. The dog is the animal -associated with the Lukuba clan; that is, the natives will say that the -dog is a Lukuba, as the pig is a Malasi, and the igwana a Lukulabuta. -In several stories about the origin and relative rank of the clans, -each of them is represented by its totemic animal. Thus the igwana is -the first to emerge from underground. Hence the Lukulabuta are the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb319" href="#pb319" name= -"pb319">319</a>]</span>oldest clan. The dog and the pig dispute with -one another the priority of rank, the dog basing his claims on his -earlier appearance on the earth, for he followed immediately the -igwana; the pig, asserting himself in virtue of not eating unclean -things. The pig won the day, and therefore the Malasi clan are -considered to be the clan of the highest rank, though this is really -reached only in one of its sub-clans, that of the Tabalu of Omarakana. -The incident of the <i lang="kij">lebu</i> (taking by force) of some -ornaments from the Dobuans refers to the custom of using friendly -violence in certain Kula transactions (see <a href="#div14.2">chapter -XIV, Division II</a>).</p> -<p>In the second part of the story, we find the hero endowed again with -magical powers far superior to those of the present-day wizards. They -can make rain, or stay the clouds, it is true, but he is able to create -a small cloud which pours copious rain over his own gardens, and leaves -the others to be shrivelled up by the sun. This part of the narrative -does not touch the canoe problem, and it is of interest to us only in -so far as it again shows what appears to the natives the real source of -their hero’s supernatural powers.</p> -<p>The motives which lead to the killing of Mokatuboda are not stated -explicitly in the narrative. No myth as a rule enters very much into -the subjective side of its events. But, from the lengthy, indeed -wearisome repetition of how the other Kitava men constantly find the -Kudayuri canoe outrunning them, how they are astonished and angry, it -is clear that his success must have made many enemies to Mokatuboda. -What is not so easily explained, is the fact that he is killed, not by -the other Kitava men, but by his own kinsmen. One of the versions -mentions his brothers and his sister’s sons as the slayers. One -of them states that the people of Kitava ask Toweyre’i, the -younger brother, whether he has already acquired the flying magic and -the rain magic, and only after an affirmative is received, is -Mokatuboda killed by his younger brother, in connivance with the other -people. An interesting variant is added to this version, according to -which Toweyre’i kills his elder brother in the garden. He then -comes back to the village and instructs and admonishes -Mokatuboda’s children to take the body, to give it the mortuary -attentions, to prepare for the burial. Then he himself arranges the -<i lang="kij">sagali</i>, the big mortuary distribution of food. In -this we find an interesting document <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb320" href="#pb320" name="pb320">320</a>]</span>of native custom and -ideas. Toweyre’i, in spite of having killed his brother, is still -the man who has to arrange the mortuary proceedings, act as master of -ceremonies, and pay for the functions performed in them by others. He -personally may neither touch the corpse, nor do any act of mourning or -burial; nevertheless he, as the nearest of kin of the dead man, is the -bereaved one, is the one from whom a limb has been severed, so to -speak. A man whose brother has died cannot mourn any more than he could -mourn for himself.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e10904src" href= -"#xd26e10904" name="xd26e10904src">3</a> To return to the motives of -killing, as this was done according to all accounts by -Mokatuboda’s own kinsmen, with the approval of the other men, -envy, ambition, the desire to succeed the headman in his dignity, must -have been mixed with spite against him. In fact, we see that -Toweyre’i proceeds confidently to perform the magic, and bursts -out into wailing only after he has discovered he has been duped.</p> -<p>Now we come to one of the most remarkable incidents of the whole -myth, that namely which brings into connection the <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i>, or the flying witches, with the flying canoe, and -with such speed of a canoe, as is imparted to it by magic. In the -spells of swiftness there are frequent allusions to the <i lang= -"kij">yoyova</i> or <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. This can be clearly -seen in the spell of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, already adduced -(<a href="#div5.3">Chapter V, Division III</a>), and which is still to -be analysed linguistically (<a href="#div18.2">Chapter XVIII, Divisions -II</a> to IV). The <i lang="kij">kariyala</i> (magical portent, cf. -<a href="#div17.7">Chapter XVII, Division VII</a>) of the <i lang= -"kij">wayugo</i> spell consists in shooting stars, that is, when a -<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> rite is performed at night over the creeper -coils, there will be stars falling in the sky. And again, when a -magician, knowing this system of magic, dies, shooting stars will be -seen. Now, as we have seen (<a href="#div10.1">Chapter X, Division -I</a>), falling stars are <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> in their -flight.</p> -<p>In this story of the Kudayuri we see the mythological ground for -this association. The same magic which allowed the canoe to sail -through the air gives the three sisters of Kudayuri their power of -being <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and of flying. In this myth they -are also endowed with the power of cleaving the rocks, a power which -they share with the canoe, which <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb321" -href="#pb321" name="pb321">321</a>]</span>cleft a rock immediately -after leaving the village. The three sisters cleave rocks and pierce -the land in several places. My native commentators assured me that when -the canoe first visited Giribwa and Kadimwatu at the beginning of this -myth, the land was still joined at these places and there was a beach -at each of them. The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> tried to pierce -Boyowa at several spots along the Eastern coast, but succeeded only at -Giribwa. The myth thus has the archaic stamp of referring to deep -changes in natural features. The two sisters, who fly to the South -return from the furthest point and settle near Tewara, in which there -is some analogy to several other myths in which heroes from the -Marshall Bennett Islands settle down somewhere between the Amphletts -and Dobu. One of them turns her eyes northwards towards the -non-cannibal people of Boyowa and she is said to be averse to -cannibalism. Probably this is a sort of mythological explanation of why -the Boyowan people do not eat men and the Dobuans do, an explanation to -which there is an analogy in another myth shortly to be adduced, that -of Atu’a’ine and Aturamo’a, and a better one still in -a myth about the origins of cannibalism, which I cannot quote here.</p> -<p>In all these traditions, so far, the heroes belonged to the clan of -Lukuba. To it belong Gere’u, Tokosikuna, the Kudayuri family and -their dog, and also the dog, Tokulubwaydoga of the myth told in -<a href="#div10.5">Chapter X, Division V</a>. I may add that, in some -legends told about the origin of humanity, this clan emerges first from -underground and in some it emerges second in time, but as the clan of -highest rank, though in this it has to yield afterwards to the Malasi. -The main Kultur-hero of Kiriwina, the ogre-slayer Tudava, belongs, also -to the clan of Lukuba. There is even a historic fact, which agrees with -this mythological primacy, and subsequent eclipse. The Lukuba were, -some six or seven generations ago, the leading clan in Vakuta, and then -they had to surrender the chieftainship of this place to the Malasi -clan, when the sub-clan of the Tabalu, the Malasi chiefs of the highest -rank in Kiriwina, migrated South, and settled down in Vakuta. In the -myths quoted here, the Lukuba are leading canoe-builders, sailors, and -adventurers, that is with one exception, that of Tokosikuna, who, -though excelling in all other respects, knows nothing of canoe -construction. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb322" href="#pb322" name= -"pb322">322</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div12.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us now proceed to the last named mythological -centre, and taking a very big step from the Marshall Bennetts, return -to Tewara, and to its myth of the origin of the Kula. I shall tell this -myth in a translation, closely following the original account, obtained -in Kiriwinian from an informant at Oburaku. I had an opportunity of -checking and amending his narrative, by the information obtained from a -native of Sanaro’a in pidgin English.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">The Story of Kasabwaybwayreta and -Gumakarakedakeda</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Kasabwaybwayreta lived in Tewara. He heard the -renown of a <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (spondylus necklace) which was -lying (kept) in Wawela. Its name was Gumakarakedakeda. He said to his -children: ‘Let us go to Wawela, make Kula to get this <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i>.’ He put into his canoe unripe coco-nut, -undeveloped betel-nut, green bananas.”</p> -<p>“They went to Wawela; they anchored in Wawela. His sons went -ashore, they went to obtain Gumakarakedakeda. He remained in the canoe. -His son made offering of food, they (the Wawela people) refused. -Kasabwaybwayreta spoke a charm over the betel-nut: it yellowed (became -ripe); he spoke the charm over the coco-nut: its soft kernel swelled; -he charmed the bananas they ripened. He took off his hair, his gray -hair; his wrinkled skin, it remained in the canoe. He rose, he went he -gave a <i lang="kij">pokala</i> offering of food, he received the -valuable necklace as Kula gift, for he was already a beautiful man. He -went, he put it down, he thrust it into his hair. He came to the canoe, -he took his covering (the sloughed skin); he donned the wrinkles, the -gray hairs, he remained.”</p> -<p>“His sons arrived, they took their places in the canoe, they -sailed to Giribwa. They cooked their food. He called his grandson; -‘Oh, my grandson, come here, look for my lice.’ The -grandson came there, stepped near him. Kasabwaybwayreta spoke, telling -him: ‘My grandson, catch my lice in the middle (of my -hair).’ His grandson parted his hair; he saw the valuable -necklace, Gumakarakedakeda remaining there in the hair of -Kasabwaybwayreta. ‘Ee …’ he spoke to his -father, telling him, ‘My father, Kasabwaybwayreta already -obtained Gumakarakedakeda.’ ‘O, no, he did not <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb323" href="#pb323" name= -"pb323">323</a>]</span>obtain it! I am a chief, I am beautiful, I have -not obtained that valuable. Indeed, would this wrinkled old man have -obtained the necklace? No, indeed!’ ‘Truly, my father, he -has obtained it already. I have seen it; already it remains in his -hair!’ ”</p> -<p>“All the water-vessels are empty already; the son went into -the canoe, spilled the water so that it ran out, and only the empty -vessels (made of coco-nut shell) remained. Later on they sailed, they -went to an island, Gabula (Gabuwana in Amphlettan and in Dobuan). This -man, Kasabwaybwayreta wanted water, and spoke to his son. This man -picked up the water vessels—no, they were all empty. They went on -the beach of Gabula, the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> (members of the -crew) dug out their water-holes (in the beach). This man remained in -the canoe and called out: ‘O my grandson, bring me here my water, -go there and dip out my water!’ The grandson said: ‘No, -come here and dip out (yourself)!’ Later on, they dipped out -water, they finished, and Kasabwaybwayreta came. They muddied the -water, it was muddy. He sat down, he waited.”</p> -<p>“They went, they sailed in the canoe. Kasabwaybwayreta called -out, ‘O, my son, why do you cast me off?’ Spoke the son: -‘I think you have obtained Gumakarakedakeda!’ ‘O, by -and by, my son, when we arrive in the village, I shall give it to -you!’ ‘O, no!<span class="corr" id="xd26e10999" title= -"Not in source">’</span> <span class="corr" id="xd26e11002" -title="Not in source">‘</span>Well, you remain, I shall -go!<span class="corr" id="xd26e11005" title= -"Source: ”">’</span> He takes a stone, a <i lang= -"kij">binabina</i> one, this man Kasabwaybwayreta, he throws so that he -might make a hole in the canoe, and the men might go into the sea. No! -they sped away, they went, this stone stands up, it has made an island -in the sea. They went, they anchored in Tewara. They (the villagers) -asked: ‘And where is Kasabwaybwayreta?’ ‘O, his son -got angry with him, already he had obtained -Gumakarakedakeda!<span class="corr" id="xd26e11011" title= -"Not in source">’</span>”</p> -<p>“Well, then, this man Kasabwaybwayreta remained in the island -Gabula. He saw Tokom’mwawa (evening star) approach. He spoke: -‘My friend, come here, let me just enter into your canoe!’ -‘O no, I shall go to another place.’ There came Kaylateku -(Sirius). He asked him: ‘Let me go with you.’ He refused. -There came Kayyousi (Southern Cross). Kasabwaybwayreta wanted to go -with him. He refused. There came Umnakayva’u, (Alpha and Beta -Centauri). He wanted a place in his canoe. He refused. There came Kibi -(three stars widely distant, forming no constellation in our -sky-chart). He also refused to take Kasabwaybwayreta. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb324" href="#pb324" name= -"pb324">324</a>]</span>There came Uluwa (the Pleiades). -Kasabwaybwayreta asked him to take him. Uluwa said: ‘You wait, -you look out, there will come Kaykiyadiga, he will take you.’ -There came Kaykiyadiga (the three central stars in Orion’s belt). -Kasabwaybwayreta asked him: ‘My friend, which way will you -go?’ ‘I shall come down on top of Taryebutu mountain. I -shall go down, I shall go away.’ ‘Oh, my friend, come here, -let me just sit down (on you).’ ‘Oh come,—see on one -side there is a <i lang="kij">va’i</i> (stingaree) on the other -side, there is the <i lang="kij">lo’u</i> (a fish with poisonous -spikes); you sit in the middle, it will be well! Where is your -village?’ ‘My village is Tewara.’ ‘What stands -in the site of your village?’ ‘In the site of my village, -there stands a <i lang="kij">busa</i> tree!<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e11027" title="Not in source">’</span>”</p> -<p>“They went there. Already the village of Kasabwaybwayreta is -straight below them. He charmed this <i lang="kij">busa</i> tree, it -arose, it went straight up into the skies. Kasabwaybwayreta changed -place (from Orion’s belt on to the tree), he sat on the <i lang= -"kij">busa</i> tree. He spoke: ‘Oh, my friend, break asunder this -necklace. Part of it, I shall give you; part of it, I shall carry to -Tewara.’ He gave part of it to his companion. This <i lang= -"kij">busa</i> tree came down to the ground. He was angry because his -son left him behind. He went underground inside. He there remained for -a long time. The dogs came there, and they dug and dug. They dug him -out. He came out on top, he became a <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> -(evil spirit, see <a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>.) He -hits human beings. That is why in Tewara the village is that of -sorcerers and witches, because of Kasabwaybwayreta.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>To make this somewhat obscure narrative clearer, a short commentary -is necessary. The first part tells of a Kula expedition in which the -hero, his son, his grandson, and some other members of the crew take -part. His son takes with him good, fresh food, to give as solicitory -offering and thus tempt his partners to present him with the famous -necklace. The son is a young man and also a chief of renown. The later -stages are clearer; by means of magic, the hero changes himself into a -young, attractive man, and makes his own unripe, bad fruit into -splendid gifts to be offered to his partner. He obtains the prize -without difficulty, and hides it in his hair. Then, in a moment of -weakness, and for motives which it is impossible to find out from -native commentators, he on purpose reveals the necklace to his -grandson. Most likely, the motive was <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb325" href="#pb325" name="pb325">325</a>]</span>vanity. His son, and -probably also the other companions, become very angry and set a trap -for him. They arrange things so that he has to go for his own water on -the beach of Gabula. When they have already got theirs and while he is -dipping it out, they sail away, leaving him marooned on the sand-bank. -Like Polyphemus after the escaping party of Odysseus, he throws a stone -at the treacherous canoe, but it misses its mark, and becomes an -outstanding rock in the sea.</p> -<p>The episode of his release by the stars is quite clear. Arrived at -the village, he makes a tree rise by his magic, and after he has given -the bigger part of his necklace to his rescuer, he descends, with the -smaller part. His going underground and subsequent turning into a -<i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> shows how bitter he feels towards -humanity. As usual, the presence of such a powerful, evil personality -in the village, gives its stamp to the whole community, and this latter -produces sorcerers and witches. All these additions and comments I -obtained in cross-questioning my original informant.</p> -<p>The Dobuan informant from Sanaro’a introduced one or two -variants into the second part of the narrative. According to him, -Kasabwaybwayreta marries while in the sky, and remains there long -enough to beget three male and two female children. After he has made -up his mind to descend to earth again, he Makes a hole in the heavens, -looks down and sees a betel-nut tree in his village. Then he speaks to -his child, ‘When I go down, you pull at one end of the -necklace.’ He climbs down by means of the necklace on to the -betel palm and pulls at one end of Gumakarakedakeda. It breaks, a big -piece remains in the skies, the small one goes with him below. Arrived -in the village, he arranges a feast, and invites all the villagers to -it. He speaks some magic over the food and after they have eaten it, -the villagers are turned into birds. This last act is quite in harmony -with his profession of <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i>, which he -assumed in the previous version of the myth. My Dobuan informant also -added, by way of commentary, that the companions of Kasabwaybwayreta -were angry with him, because he obtained the necklace in Boyowa, which -was not the right direction for a necklace to travel in the Kula. This, -however, is obviously a rationalisation of the events of the myth.</p> -<p>Comparing the previously related story of Tokosikuna with this one, -we see at once a clear resemblance between them <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb326" href="#pb326" name="pb326">326</a>]</span>in -several features. In both, the heroes start as old, decrepit, and very -ugly men. By their magical powers, they rejuvenate in the course of the -story, the one permanently, the other just sloughing off his skin for -the purpose of a Kula transaction. In both cases, the hero is -definitely superior in the Kula, and by this arouses the envy and -hatred of his companions. Again, in both stories, the companions decide -to punish the hero, and the island or sandbank of Gabuwana is the scene -of the punishment. In both, the hero finally settles in the South, only -in one case it is his original home, while in the other he has migrated -there from one of the Marshall Bennett Islands. An anomaly in the -Kasabwaybwayreta myth, namely, that he fetches his necklace from the -North, whereas the normal direction for necklaces to travel is from -South to North in this region, makes us suspect that perhaps this story -is a transformation of a legend about a man who made the Kula from the -North. Ill-treated by his companions, he settled in Tewara, and -becoming a local Kultur-hero, was afterwards described as belonging to -the place. However this might be, and the hypothetical interpretation -is mine, and not obtained from the natives, the two stories are so -similar that they must be regarded obviously as variants of the same -myth, and not as independent traditions.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div12.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">So much about the ethnographic analysis of these -myths. Let us now return to the general, sociological considerations -with which we opened this digression into mythology. We are now better -able to realise to what extent and in what manner Kula myths influence -the native outlook.</p> -<p>The main social force governing all tribal life could be described -as the inertia of custom, the love of uniformity of behaviour. The -great moral philosopher was wrong when he formulated his <i>categorical -imperative</i>, which was to serve human beings as a fundamental -guiding principle of behaviour. In advising us to act so that our -behaviour might be taken as a norm of universal law, he reversed the -natural state of things. The real rule guiding human behaviour is this: -“what everyone else does, what appears as norm of general -conduct, this is right, moral and proper. Let me look over the fence -and see what my neighbour does, and take it as a rule for my -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb327" href="#pb327" name= -"pb327">327</a>]</span>behaviour.” So acts every -‘man-in-the-street’ in our own society, so has acted the -average member of any society through the past ages, and so acts the -present-day savage; and the lower his level of cultural development, -the greater stickler he will be for good manners, propriety and form, -and the more incomprehensive and odious to him will be the -non-conforming point of view. Systems of social philosophy have been -built to explain and interpret or misinterpret this general principle. -Tarde’s ‘Imitation,’ Giddings’ -‘Consciousness of Kind,’ Durkheim’s ‘Collective -Ideas,’ and many such conceptions as ‘social -consciousness,’ ‘the soul of a nation,’ ‘group -mind’ or now-a-days prevalent and highly fashionable ideas about -‘suggestibility of the crowd,’ ‘the instinct of -herd,’ etc., etc., try to cover this simple empirical truth. Most -of these systems, especially those evoking the Phantom of Collective -Soul are futile, to my mind, in so far as they try to explain in the -terms of a hypothesis that which is most fundamental in sociology, and -can therefore be reduced to nothing else, but must be simply recognised -and accepted as the basis of our science. To frame verbal definitions -and quibble over terms does not seem to bring us much more forward in a -new branch of learning, where a knowledge of facts is above all -needed.</p> -<p>Whatever might be the case with any theoretical interpretations of -this principle, in this place, we must simply emphasise that a strict -adherence to custom, to that which is done by everyone else, is the -main rule of conduct among our natives in the Trobriands. An important -corollary to this rule declares that the past is more important than -the present. What has been done by the father—or, as the -Trobriander would say, by the maternal uncle—is even more -important as norm of behaviour than what is done by the brother. It is -to the behaviour of the past generations that the Trobriander -instinctively looks for his guidance. Thus the mythical events which -relate what has been done, not by the immediate ancestors but by -mythical, illustrious forbears, must evidently carry an enormous social -weight. The stories of important past events are hallowed because they -belong to the great mythical generations and because they are generally -accepted as truth, for everybody knows and tells them. They bear the -sanction of righteousness and propriety in virtue of these two -qualities of preterity and universality. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb328" href="#pb328" name="pb328">328</a>]</span></p> -<p>Thus, through the operation of what might be called the elementary -law of sociology, myth possesses the normative power of fixing custom, -of sanctioning modes of behaviour, of giving dignity and importance to -an institution. The Kula receives from these ancient stories its stamp -of extreme importance and value. The rules of commercial honour, of -generosity and punctiliousness in all its operations, acquire through -this their binding force. This is what we could call the normative -influence of myth on custom.</p> -<p>The Kula myth, however, exercises another kind of appeal. In the -Kula, we have a type of enterprise where the vast possibilities of -success are very much influenced by chance. A man, whether he be rich -or poor in partners, may, according to his luck, return with a -relatively big or a small haul from an expedition. Thus the imagination -of the adventurers, as in all forms of gambling, must be bent towards -lucky hits and turns of extraordinarily good chance. The Kula myths -feed this imagination on stories of extreme good luck, and at the same -time show that it lies in the hands of man to bring this luck on -himself, provided he acquires the necessary magical lore.</p> -<p>I have said before that the mythological events are distinct from -those happening nowadays, in so far as they are extraordinary and -super-normal. This adds both to their authoritative character and to -their desirability. It sets them before the native as a specially -valuable standard of conduct, and as an ideal towards which their -desires must go out.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div12.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">But I also said before that, distinct as it is, the -mythical world is not separated by an <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e11092" title="Source: unbridgable">unbridgeable</span> gulf from -the present order of events. Indeed, though an ideal must be always -beyond what actually exists, yet it must appear just within reach of -realisation if it is to be effective at all. Now, after we have become -acquainted with their stories, we can see clearly what was meant when -it was said, that magic acts as a link between the mythical and the -actual realities. In the canoe myth, for instance, the flying, the -super-normal achievement of the Kudayuri canoe, is conceived only as -the highest degree of the virtue of speed, which is still being -imparted nowadays to canoes by magic. The magical heritage of the -Kudayuri <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb329" href="#pb329" name= -"pb329">329</a>]</span>clan is still there, making the canoes sail -fast. Had it been transmitted in its complete form, any present canoe, -like the mythical one, could be seen flying. In the Kula myths also, -magic is found to give super-normal powers of beauty, strength and -immunity from danger. The mythological events demonstrate the truth of -the claims of magic. Their validity is established by a sort of -retrospective, mythical empiry. But magic, as it is practised nowadays, -accomplishes the same effects, only in a smaller degree. Natives -believe deeply that the formulæ and rites of <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> magic make those who carry them out attractive, -irresistible and safe from dangers (compare <a href="#ch13">next -chapter</a>).</p> -<p>Another feature which brings the mythical events into direct -connection with the present state of affairs, is the sociology of -mythical personages. They all are associated with certain localities, -as are the present local groups. They belong to the same system of -totemic division into clans and sub-clans as obtains nowadays. Thus, -members of a sub-clan, or a local unit, can claim a mythical hero as -their direct ancestor, and members of a clan can boast of him as of a -clansman. Indeed, myths, like songs and fairy stories, are -‘owned’ by certain sub-clans. This does not mean that other -people would abstain from telling them, but members of the sub-clan are -supposed to possess the most intimate knowledge of the mythical events, -and to be an authority in interpreting them. And indeed, it is a rule -that a myth will be best known in its own locality, that is, known with -all the details and free from any adulterations or not quite genuine -additions and fusions.</p> -<p>This better knowledge can be easily understood, if we remember that -myth is very often connected with magic in the Trobriands, and that -this latter is a possession, kept by some members of the local group. -Now, to know the magic, and to understand it properly, it is necessary -to be well acquainted with the myth. This is the reason why the myth -must be better known in the local group with which it is connected. In -some cases, the local group has not only to practise the magic -associated with the myth, but it has to look after the observance of -certain rites, ceremonies and taboos connected with it. In this case, -the sociology of the mythical events is intimately bound up with the -social divisions as they exist now. But even in such myths as those of -the Kula, which have become the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb330" -href="#pb330" name="pb330">330</a>]</span>property of all clans and -local groups within the district, the explicit statement of the -hero’s clan, sub-clan and of his village gives the whole myth a -stamp of actuality and reality. Side by side with magic, the -sociological continuity bridges over the gap between the mythical and -the actual. And indeed the magical and the sociological bridges run -side by side.</p> -<p>I spoke above (beginning of <a href="#div12.2">Division II</a>) of -the enlivening influence of myth upon landscape. Here it must be noted -also that the mythically changed features of the landscape bear -testimony in the native’s mind to the truth of the myth. The -mythical word receives its substance in rock and hill, in the changes -in land and sea. The pierced sea-passages, the cleft boulders, the -petrified human beings, all these bring the mythological world close to -the natives, make it tangible and permanent. On the other hand, the -story thus powerfully illustrated, re-acts on the landscape, fills it -with dramatic happenings, which, fixed there for ever, give it a -definite meaning. With this I shall close these general remarks on -mythology though with myth and mythical events we shall constantly meet -in further inquiries.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div12.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VIII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">As we return to our party, who, sailing past the -mythical centre of Tewara, make for the island of Sanaro’a, the -first thing to be related about them, brings us straight to another -mythological story. As the natives enter the district of Siayawawa, -they pass a stone or rock, called Sinatemubadiye’i. I have not -seen it, but the natives tell me it lies among the mangroves in a tidal -creek. Like the stone Gurewaya, mentioned before, this one also enjoys -certain privileges, and offerings are given to it.</p> -<p>The natives do not tarry in this unimportant district. Their final -goal is now in sight. Beyond the sea, which is here land-locked like a -lake, the hills of Dobu, topped by Koyava’u loom before them. In -the distance to their right as they sail South, the broad Easterly -flank of Koyatabu runs down to the water, forming a deep valley; behind -them spreads the wide plain of Sanaro’a, with a few volcanic -cones at its Northern end, and far to the left the mountains of -Normanby unfold in a long chain. They sail straight South, making for -the beach of Sarubwoyna, where they will have to pause for a ritual -halt in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb331" href="#pb331" name= -"pb331">331</a>]</span>order to carry out the final preparations and -magic. They steer towards two black rocks, which mark the Northern end -of Sarubwoyna beach as they stand, one at the base, the other at the -end of a narrow, sandy spit. These are the two rocks -Atu’a’ine and Aturamo’a, the most important of the -tabooed places, at which natives lay offerings when starting or -arriving on Kula expeditions. The rock among the mangroves of Siyawawa -is connected with these two by a mythical story. The three—two -men whom we see now before us in petrified form, and one -woman—came to this district from somewhere ‘Omuyuwa,’ -that is, from Woodlark Island or the Marshall Bennetts. This is the -story:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Myth of Atu’a’ine, Aturamo’a and -Sinatemubadiye’i.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“They were two brothers and a sister. They came -first to the creek called Kadawaga in Siyawawa. The woman lost her -comb. She spoke to her brethren: ‘My brothers, my comb fell -down.’ They answered her: ‘Good, return, take your -comb.’ She found it and took it, and next day she said: -‘Well, I shall remain here already, as -Sinatemubadiye’i.’ ”</p> -<p>“The brothers went on. When they arrived at the shore of the -main island, Atu’a’ine said: ‘Aturamo’a, how -shall we go? Shall we look towards the sea?’ Said -Aturamo’a; ‘O, no, let us look towards the jungle.’ -Aturamo’a went ahead, deceiving his brother, for he was a -cannibal. He wanted to look towards the jungle, so that he might eat -men. Thus Aturamo’a went ahead, and his eyes turned towards the -jungle. Atu’a’ine turned his eyes, looked over the sea, he -spoke: ‘Why did you deceive me, Aturamo’a? Whilst I am -looking towards the sea, you look towards the jungle.’ -Aturamo’a later on returned and came towards the sea. He spoke, -‘Good, you Atu’a’ine, look towards the sea, I shall -look to the jungle!’ This man, who sits near the jungle, is a -cannibal, the one who sits near the sea is good.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This short version of the myth I obtained in Sinaketa. The story -shows us three people migrating for unknown reasons from the North-East -to this district. The sister, after having lost her comb, decides to -remain in Siyawawa, and turns into the rock Sinatemubadiye’i. The -brothers go only a few miles further, to undergo the same -transformation at the Northern end of Sarubwoyna beach. There is the -characteristic distinction <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb332" href= -"#pb332" name="pb332">332</a>]</span>between the cannibal and the -non-cannibal. As the story was told to me in Boyowa, that is, in the -district where they were not man-eaters, the qualification of -‘good’ was given to the non-cannibal hero, who became the -rock further out to sea. The same distinction is to be found in the -previously quoted myth of the Kudayuri sisters who flew to Dobu, and it -is to be found also in a myth, told about the origins of cannibalism, -which I shall not quote here. The association between the jungle and -cannibalism on the one hand, and between the sea and abstention from -human flesh on the other, is the same as the one in the Kudayuri myth. -In that myth, the rock which looks towards the South is cannibal, while -the Northern one is not, and for the natives this is the reason why the -Dobuans do eat human flesh and the Boyowans do not. The designation of -one of these rocks as a man-eater (<i lang="kij">tokamlata’u</i>) -has no further meaning, more especially it is not associated with the -belief that any special dangers surround the rock.</p> -<p>The importance of these two rocks, Atu’a’ine and -Aturamo’a lies, however, not so much in the truncated myth as in -the ritual surrounding them. Thus, all three stones receive an -offering—<i lang="kij">pokala</i>—consisting of a bit of -coco-nut, a stale yam, a piece of sugar cane and banana. As the canoes -go past, the offerings are placed on the stone, or thrown towards it, -with the words:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Old man (or in the case of <span class="corr" -id="xd26e11152" title= -"Source: Sinatemubadiyei">Sinatemubadiye’i</span>, ‘old -woman’)<a id="xd26e11155" name="xd26e11155"></a> here comes your -coco-nut, your sugar cane, your bananas, bring me good luck so that I -may go and make my Kula quickly in Tu’utauna.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This offering is given by the Boyowan canoes on their way to Dobu, -and by the Dobuans as they start on the Kula Northwards, to Boyowa. -Besides the offerings, certain taboos and observances are kept at these -rocks. Thus, any people passing close to the rock would have to bathe -in the sea out of their canoes, and the children in the canoes would be -sprinkled with sea-water. This is done to prevent disease. A man who -would go for the first time to <i lang="kij">kula</i> in Dobu would not -be allowed to eat food in the vicinity of these rocks. A pig, or a -green coco-nut would not be placed on the soil in this neighbourhood, -but would have to be put on a mat. A novice in the Kula would have to -make a point of going and bathing at the foot of Atu’a’ine -and Aturamo’a. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb333" href="#pb333" -name="pb333">333</a>]</span></p> -<p>The Dobuans <i lang="kij">pokala</i> some other stones, to which the -Boyowans do not give any offerings. The previously mentioned Gurewaya -rock receives its share from the Dobuans, who believe that if they -passed it close by without making a <i lang="kij">pokala</i>, they -would become covered with sores and die. Passing Gurewaya, they would -not stand up in their canoes, nor would they eat any food when camping -on a beach within sight of Gurewaya. If they did so, they would become -seasick, fall asleep, and their canoe would drift away into the -unknown. I do not know whether there is any myth in Dobu about the -Gurewaya stone. There is a belief that a big snake is coiled on the top -of this rock, which looks after the observance of the taboos, and in -case of breach of any of them would send down sickness on them. Some of -the taboos of Gurewaya are also kept by the Boyowans, but I do not -exactly know which.</p> -<p>I obtained from a Dobuan informant a series of names of other, -similar stones, lying to the East of Dobu, on the route between there -and <span class="corr" id="xd26e11174" title= -"Source: Tubtube">Tubetube</span>. Thus, somewhere in the district of -Du’a’u, there is a rock called Kokorakakedakeda. Besides -this, near a place called Makaydokodoko there is a stone, Tabudaya. -Further East, near Bunama, a small stone called Sinada enjoys some Kula -prestige. In a spot Sina’ena, which I cannot place on the map, -there is a stone called Taryadabwoyro, with eye, nose, legs and -hind-quarters shaped like those of a pig. This stone is called -‘the mother of all the pigs,’ and the district of -Sina’ena is renowned for the abundance of these animals -there.</p> -<p>The only mythical fragment about any of these stones which I -obtained is the one quoted above. Like the two Kula myths previously -adduced, it is a story of a migration from North to South. There is no -allusion to the Kula in the narrative, but as the stones are <i lang= -"kij">pokala’d</i> in the Kula, there is evidently some -association between it and them. To understand this association better, -it must be realised that similar offerings are given in certain forms -of magic to ancestral spirits and to spirits of Kultur-heroes, who have -founded the institution in which the magic is practised. This suggests -the conclusion that Atu’a’ine and Aturamo’a are -heroes of the Kula like Tokosikuna and Kasabwaybwayreta; and that their -story is another variant of the fundamental Kula myth. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb334" href="#pb334" name="pb334">334</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e10143" href="#xd26e10143src" name="xd26e10143">1</a></span> See -<a href="#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e10143src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e10761" href="#xd26e10761src" name="xd26e10761">2</a></span> The -reader will note that this is the same name, which another mythical dog -bore, also of the Lukuba clan as all dogs are, the one namely from whom -the <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> magic is traced. Cf. <a href= -"#div10.5">Chapter X, Division V</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e10761src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e10904" href="#xd26e10904src" name="xd26e10904">3</a></span> Cf. -Professor C. G. Seligman, “The Melanesians,” Chapter LIV, -“Burial and Mourning Ceremonies” (among the natives of the -Trobriand Islands, of Woodlark and the Marshall -Bennetts). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e10904src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch13" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e705">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XIII</h2> -<h2 class="main">On the Beach of Sarubwoyna</h2> -<div id="div13.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">When the Sinaketan fleet passes the two mythical rocks -of Atu’a’ine and <span class="corr" id="xd26e11193" title= -"Source: Aturamoa">Aturamo’a</span>, the final goal of the -expedition has been already reached. For before them, there stretch in -a wide expanse the N.W. shores of Dawson Straits, where on the wide -beach, there are scattered the villages of Bwayowa, Tu’utauna and -Deyde’i, at the foot of Koyava’u. This latter, the Boyowans -call Koyaviguna—the final mountain. Immediately behind the two -rocks, there stretches the beach of Sarubwoyna, its clean, white sand -edging the shallow curve of a small bay. This is the place where the -crews, nearing their final destination, have to make a halt, to prepare -themselves magically for approaching their partners in Dobu. As, on -their start from Sinaketa, they stopped for some time on Muwa and there -performed the last act of their inaugurating rites and ceremonies, so -in the same manner this beach is the place where they once more muster -their forces after the journey has been accomplished.</p> -<div class="figure pl48width" id="pl48"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl48width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLVIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl48.jpg" alt= -"A Kula Fleet Halting to Perform the Final Rites of Mwasila." width= -"720" height="429"> -<p class="figureHead">A Kula Fleet Halting to Perform the Final Rites -of Mwasila.</p> -<p>This photograph was taken in the Trobriands, and it shows the Dobuan -fleet just arriving and its final halt (cf. Chapter XVI, Division II). -The scene on the beach of Sarubwoyna would present an identical -picture. Note the two men in the forefront, wading ashore to produce -the leaves for the Kaykakaya. (See <a href="#div13.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl49width" id="pl49"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl49width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -XLIX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl49.jpg" alt="The Beauty Magic of the Mwasila." -width="720" height="429"> -<p class="figureHead">The Beauty Magic of the Mwasila.</p> -<p>The whole fleet are preparing for the final approach; in each canoe -magic is spoken over cosmetics and every man combs his hair, anoints -his body, and paints his face. (See <a href="#div13.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>This is the place which was already mentioned in <a href= -"#ch2">Chapter II</a> when, in giving a description of the district, we -imagined ourselves passing near this beach and meeting there a large -fleet of canoes, whose crews were engaged in some mysterious -activities. I said there that up to a hundred canoes might have been -seen anchored near the beach, and indeed, on a big <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition in olden days such a figure could easily -have been reached. For, on a rough estimate, Sinaketa could have -produced some twenty canoes; the Vakutans could have joined them with -about forty; the Amphlettans with another twenty; and twenty more would -have followed from Tewara, Siyawawa, and Sanaroa. Some of them would -indeed not have taken part in the Kula, but have followed only out of -sheer curiosity, just <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb335" href= -"#pb335" name="pb335">335</a>]</span>as in the big <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, which I accompanied in 1918 from Dobu to -Sinaketa, the sixty Dobuan canoes were joined by some twelve canoes -from the Amphletts and about as many again from Vakuta.</p> -<p>The Sinaketans having arrived at this beach, now stop, moor the -canoes near the shore, adorn their persons, and perform a whole series -of magical rites. Within a short space of time they crowd in a great -number of short rites, accompanied by formulæ as a rule not very -long. In fact, from the moment they have arrived at Sarubwoyna up to -their entry into the village, they do not cease doing one magical act -or another, and the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> never stop incessantly -muttering their spells. To the observer, a spectacle of feverish -activity unfolds itself, a spectacle which I witnessed in 1918 when I -assisted at an analogous performance of the Dobuan Kula fleet -approaching Sinaketa.</p> -<p>The fleet halts; the sails are furled, the masts dismounted, the -canoes moored (see <a href="#pl48">Plate XLVIII</a>). In each canoe, -the elder men begin to undo their baskets and take out their personal -belongings. The younger ones run ashore and gather copious supplies of -leaves which they bring back into the canoes. Then the older men again -murmur magical formulæ over the leaves and over other substances. -In this, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> is assisted by others. Then, -they all wash in sea-water, and rub themselves with the medicated -leaves. Coco-nuts are broken, scraped, medicated, and the skin is -rubbed with the mess, which greases it and gives it a shining surface. -A comb is chanted over, and the hair teased out with it (see <a href= -"#pl49">Plate XLIX</a>). Then, with crushed betel-nut mixed with lime, -they draw red ornamental designs on their faces, while others use the -<i lang="kij">sayyaku</i>, an aromatic resinous stuff, and draw similar -lines in black. The fine-smelling mint plant, which has been chanted -over at home before starting, is taken out of its little receptacle -where it was preserved in coco-nut oil. The herb is inserted into the -armlets, while the few drops of oil are smeared over the body, and over -the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>, the magical bundle of <i lang= -"kij">pari</i> (trade goods).</p> -<p>All the magic which is spoken over the native cosmetics is the -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) of beauty. The main aim of these -spells is the same one which we found so clearly expressed in myth; to -make the man beautiful, attractive, and irresistible <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb336" href="#pb336" name="pb336">336</a>]</span>to -his Kula partner. In the myths we saw how an old, ugly and ungainly man -becomes transformed by his magic into a radiant and charming youth. Now -this mythical episode is nothing else but an exaggerated version of -what happens every time, when the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> of beauty -is spoken on Sarubwoyna beach or on other similar points of approach. -As my informants over and over again told me, when explaining the -meaning of these rites:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Here we are ugly; we eat bad fish, bad food; -our faces remain ugly. We want to sail to Dobu; we keep taboos, we -don’t eat bad food. We go to Sarubwoyna; we wash; we charm the -leaves of <i lang="kij">silasila</i>; we charm the coco-nut; we -<i lang="kij">putuma</i> (anoint ourselves); we make our red paint and -black paint; we put in our fine-smelling <i lang="kij">vana</i> (herb -ornament in armlets); we arrive in Dobu beautiful looking. Our partner -looks at us, sees our faces are beautiful; he throws the <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> at us.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The bad fish and bad food here mentioned are the articles which are -tabooed to those who know the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, and a man may -often unwittingly break such a taboo.</p> -<p>There is no doubt that a deep belief in the efficacy of such magic -might almost make it effective. Although actual beauty cannot be -imparted by spells, yet the feeling of being beautiful through magic -may give assurance, and influence people in their behaviour and -deportment, and as in the transaction it is the manner of the -soliciting party which matters, this magic, no doubt, achieves its aim -by <span class="corr" id="xd26e11295" title= -"Source: pyschological">psychological</span> means.</p> -<p>This branch of Kula magic has two counter-parts in the other magical -lore of the Trobrianders. One of them is the love magic, through which -people are rendered attractive and irresistible. Their belief in these -spells is such that a man would always attribute all his success in -love to their efficiency. Another type closely analogous to the beauty -magic of the Kula is the specific beauty magic practised before big -dances and festivities.</p> -<p>Let us now give one or two samples of the magic which is performed -on Sarubwoyna beach. The ritual in all of it is exceedingly simple. In -each case the formula is spoken over a certain substance, and then this -substance is applied to the body. The first rite to be performed is -that of ceremonial washing. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> brings his -mouth close to the big <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb337" href= -"#pb337" name="pb337">337</a>]</span>bundles of herbs, brought from the -shore and utters the formula called <i lang="kij">kaykakaya</i> (the -ablution formula) over them. After an ablution, these leaves are rubbed -over the skins of all those in the canoe who practise Kula. Then, in -the same succession as I mention them, the coco-nut, the comb, the -ordinary or the aromatic black paint or the betel-nut are charmed -over.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e11311src" href="#xd26e11311" name= -"xd26e11311src">1</a> Only one, as a rule, of the paints is used. In -some cases the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> does the spell for everybody. -In other cases, a man who knows, say, the betel-nut or the comb spell, -will do it for himself or even for all others. In some cases again, out -of all these rites, only the <i lang="kij">kaykakaya</i> (ablution) and -one of the others will be performed.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kaykakaya Spell</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“O <i lang="kij">katatuna</i> fish, O <i lang= -"kij">marabwaga</i> fish, <i lang="kij">yabwau</i> fish, <i lang= -"kij">reregu</i> fish!”</p> -<p>“Their red paint, with which they are painted; their red -paint, with which they are adorned.”</p> -<p>“Alone they visit, together we visit; alone they visit, -together we visit a chief.”</p> -<p>“They take me to their bosom; they hug me.”</p> -<p>“The great woman befriends me, where the pots are boiling; the -good woman befriends me, on the sitting platform.”</p> -<p>“Two pigeons stand and turn round; two parrots fly -about.”</p> -<p>“No more it is my mother, my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu! -No more it is my father, my father art thou, O man of Dobu! No more it -is the high platform, the high platform are his arms; no more it is the -sitting platform, the sitting platform are his legs; no more it is my -lime spoon, my lime spoon is his tongue; no more it is my lime pot, my -lime pot is his gullet.”</p> -<p>This formula then passes into the same ending as the <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i> spell, quoted previously, <a href="#ch7">Chapter -VII</a>, which runs: “Recently deceased spirit of my maternal -uncle, etc.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>At the beginning of this spell, we find enumerated a series of fish -names. These fishes all have red markings on their bodies, and they are -tabooed to the people, who recite the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic -and do the Kula. If eaten, they would give a man an ugly appearance. -The above quoted saying of one of my informants: <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb338" href="#pb338" name= -"pb338">338</a>]</span>“we eat bad fish, we are ugly,” -refers to these fishes amongst others. In this formula, the invocation -is partly an appeal for assistance, and partly a sort of exorcism, -which is meant to undo the evil effects of breaking the taboo of eating -these fish. As this formula is associated with the ritual washing, the -whole <span class="corr" id="xd26e11375" title= -"Source: proceding">proceeding</span> possesses a sort of magical -consistency, which obtains within an exceedingly obscure and confused -concatenation of ideas: the redness of the fish, the red painting on -the human bodies for beauty, the invocation of the fishing magic, the -taboo on this fish. These ideas hang together somehow, but it would be -unwise and incorrect to attempt to put them into any logical order or -sequence.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e11378src" href="#xd26e11378" name= -"xd26e11378src">2</a> The sentence about ‘visiting,’ in -this spell could not be made clear by any of my native informants. I -venture to suggest that the fish are invited to assist the adventurer -on his Kula visit, and to help him with their beauty.</p> -<p>The next few sentences refer to the reception he anticipates at -Dobu, in the forcible and exaggerated language of magic. The words -which have been here translated by ‘take to his bosom,’ -‘hug,’ ‘befriend,’ are the terms used to -describe the fondling and rocking and hugging of small children. -According to native custom, it would not be considered effeminate or -ridiculous for men to put their arms round each other and walk or sit -about thus. And it must be added, this is done without any homo-sexual -intention, at least of the grosser type. None the less, no such -fondling would really take place between the Dobuans and their Kula -partners. The mention of the ‘great woman,’ the -‘great good woman’ refers to the wife and sister of the -partner, who, as we have said before, are considered to wield great -influence in the transactions.</p> -<p>The two pigeons and the two parrots express metaphorically the -friendship between the reciter of this magic and his partner. The long -list that follows expresses the exchange of his ordinary relations for -his Dobuan friends. An exaggerated description follows of the intimacy -between him and his partner, on whose arms and legs he will sit, and -from whose mouth he will partake of the betel chewing materials.</p> -<p>I shall give a sample of another of these spells, associated with -adornment and personal beauty. This is the spell spoken <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb339" href="#pb339" name="pb339">339</a>]</span>over -the betel-nut with which the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and the members -of his canoe draw lines of vermilion red on their faces. Young -betel-nut, when crushed with lime in a small mortar, produces pigment -of wonderful brightness and intensity. Travellers in the countries of -the Indian Ocean and parts of the Pacific know it well, as the paint -that colours the lips and tongues of the natives.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Talo Spell</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Red paint, red paint of the <i lang= -"kij">udawada</i> fish! Red paint, red paint, of the <i lang= -"kij">mwaylili</i> fish! At the one end of the aromatic pandanus -flower-petal; at the other end of the Duwaku flower. There are two red -paints of mine, they flare up, they flash.”</p> -<p>“My head, it flares up, it flashes; my red paint, it flares -up, it flashes,</p> -<p>My facial blacking, it flares up, it flashes;</p> -<p>My aromatic paint, it flares up, it flashes;</p> -<p>My little basket, it flares up, it flashes;</p> -<p>My lime spoon, it flares up, it flashes;</p> -<p>My lime pot, it flares up, it flashes;</p> -<p>My comb, it flares up, it flashes.”</p> -<p>And so on, enumerating the various personal appurtenances, such as -the mat, the stock-in-trade, the big basket, the charmed bundle -(<i lang="kij">lilava</i>) and then again the various parts of his -head, that is his nose, his occiput, his tongue, his throat, his -larynx, his eyes, and his mouth. The whole series of words is again -repeated with another leading word instead of “it flares up, it -flashes.” The new word, ‘<i lang= -"kij">mitapwaypwa’i</i>’ is a compound, expressing a -desire, a coveting, nascent in the eyes. The eyes are, according to -native psycho-physical theories, the seat of admiration, wish and -appetite in matters of sex, of greed for food, and for material -possessions. Here, this expression conveys that the Dobuan partner, -will, on beholding his visitor, desire to make Kula with him.</p> -<p>The spell ends: “My head is made bright, my face flashes. I -have acquired a beautiful shape, like that of a chief; I have acquired -a shape that is good. I am the only one; my renown stands -alone.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>At the beginning we have again the mention of two fishes; evidently -the redness of the fish is the right redness for the Kula! I am unable -to explain the meaning of the second sentence, except that the petals -of the pandanus flower are slightly coloured at one end, and that they -are considered as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb340" href="#pb340" -name="pb340">340</a>]</span>one of the finest and most attractive -ornaments. The middle part and the end of this spell need no -commentary.</p> -<p>These two spells will be sufficient to indicate the general -character of the beauty magic of the Kula. One more spell must be -adduced here, that of the conch shell. This shell is as a rule -medicated at this stage of the Kula proceedings. Sometimes, however, -the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> would, before departure from home, utter -the formula into the opening of the conch shell, and close this up -carefully, so that the virtue might not evaporate. The conch shell is -made of a big specimen of the <i lang="la">Cassis cornuta</i> shell, at -the broad end of which the apex of the spiral windings is knocked out, -so as to form a mouth-piece. The spell is not uttered into the -mouthpiece, but into the broad opening between the lips, both orifices -being afterwards closed with coco-nut husk fibre until the shell has -actually to be blown.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">The Spell of the Ta’uya (Conch Shell)</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“<i lang="kij">Mwanita, Mwanita!</i> Come there -together; I will make you come there together! Come here together; I -will make you come here together! The rainbow appears there; I will -make the rainbow appear there! The rainbow appears here; I will make -the rainbow here.”</p> -<p>“Who comes ahead with the Kula? I” (here the name of the -reciter is uttered), “come ahead with the Kula, I shall be the -only chief; I shall be the only old man; I shall be the only one to -meet my partner on the road. My renown stands alone; my name is the -only one. Beautiful valuables are exchanged here with my partner; -Beautiful valuables are exchanged there with my partner; The contents -of my partner’s basket are mustered.”</p> -<p>After this exordium there comes a middle part, constructed on the -general principle of one word’s being repeated with a series of -others. The keyword here is an expression denoting the state of -excitement which seizes a partner, and makes him give generous Kula -offerings. This word here is repeated first with a series of words, -describing the various personal belongings of the partner, his dog, his -belt; his tabooed coco-nut and betel-nut; and then, with a new series -of terms denoting the different classes of Kula valuables which are -expected to be given. This part could therefore be translated -thus:—</p> -<p>“A state of excitement seizes his dog, his belt, his <i lang= -"kij">gwara</i>” (taboo on coco-nuts and betel-nuts) “his -<i lang="kij">bagido’u</i> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb341" -href="#pb341" name="pb341">341</a>]</span>necklace, his <i lang= -"kij">bagiriku</i> necklace, his <i lang="kij">bagidudu</i> necklace, -etc.” The spell ends in a typical manner: “I shall <i lang= -"kij">kula</i>, I shall rob my Kula; I shall steal my Kula; I shall -pilfer my Kula. I shall <i lang="kij">kula</i> so as to make my canoe -sink; I shall <i lang="kij">kula</i> so as to make my outrigger go -under. My fame is like thunder, my steps are like -earthquake!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The first word of this spell, <i lang="kij">mwanita</i>, is the -native name for a long worm covered with rings of black armour. I was -told that it is mentioned here because of its similarity to the -spondylus shell necklaces, which also consist of many rings. I obtained -this formula in Sinaketa, hence this interpretation heeds only the -necklaces, though the simile might also obviously be extended to -armshells, for a number of armshells threaded on a string, as they can -be seen on <a href="#pl60">Plate LX</a>, presents also a likeness to -the <i lang="kij">mwanita</i> worm. It may be added here that Sinaketa -is one of these Kula communities in which the overseas expeditions are -done only in one direction, to the South, from where only the spondylus -necklaces are fetched. Its counterpart, Kiriwina, to the North, carries -on again only one-sided overseas Kula. The formulæ which I -obtained in Kiriwina differ from those of Sinaketa in their main parts: -whenever there is a list of spondylus necklaces in a Sinaketan <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i> (main part) a list of the several varieties of -armshells would be used in a Kiriwinian <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>. In -Kitava, where, as in several other Kula communities, the overseas -expeditions are carried out in both directions, the same formula would -be used by the same man with two different main parts, according as to -whether he was sailing East to fetch <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, or West -to fetch <i lang="kij">soulava</i>. No changes, however, would be made -in the beginning of a spell.</p> -<p>The sentence ‘come here together’ refers to the -collected valuables. The play on ‘there’ and -‘here,’ represented in the native language by the sounds -‘m’ and ‘w,’ which are used as interchangeable -formatives, is very frequent in magic; (see <a href="#div18.12">Chapter -XVIII, Division XII</a>). The rainbow here invoked is a <i lang= -"kij">kariyala</i> (magical portent) of this formula. When the conch -shell is blown, and the fleet approaches the shore, a rainbow will -appear in the skies.</p> -<p>The rest of the exordium is taken up by the usual boasts and -exaggerations typical of magic. The middle part needs no <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb342" href="#pb342" name= -"pb342">342</a>]</span>commentary. It is clear that the sound of the -conch shell is meant to arouse the partner to do his duty eagerly. The -magic spoken into the conch shell heightens and strengthens this -effect.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div13.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">After the beauty magic and the spell over the conch -shell are finished—and the whole performance does not take more -than half an hour or so—every man, in full festive array, takes -his place in his canoe. The sails have been folded and the masts -removed, and the final stage is done by paddling. The canoes close in, -not in any very regular formation, but keeping near to one another, the -canoe of the <i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku</i> as a rule moving in -the van. In each canoe, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> sits at his -proper place in the middle of the canoe near the <i lang= -"kij">gebobo</i> (special erection made for cargo). One man sits in the -front, right against the prow-board, and another at the stern on the -platform. All the remaining members of the canoe wield the paddles, -while the small boy or the junior member of the crew, sits near the -front, ready to blow the conch shell. The oarsmen swing their -leaf-shaped paddles with long, energetic and swift strokes, letting the -water spray off them and the glistening blades flash in the -sunlight—a ceremonial stroke which they call <i lang= -"kij">kavikavila</i> (lightening).</p> -<p>As the canoes begin to move, the three men, so far idle, intone a -chant, reciting a special magical formula, each a different one. The -man in the front, holding his hand on the <i lang="kij">tabuyo</i> -(oval prow-board), recites a spell, called <i lang="kij">kayikuna -tabuyo</i> (the swaying of the prow-board). The <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> in the middle recites the powerful formula called -<i lang="kij">kavalikuliku</i> (the earthquake spell), a formula which -makes “the mountain tremble and subside.” The man at the -stern recites what is called <i lang="kij">kaytavilena moynawaga</i>, a -name which I cannot very well explain, which literally means, -“the changing of the canoe entrance.” Thus, laden with -magical force, which is poured forth irresistibly on to the mountain, -the canoes advance towards the goal of their enterprise. With the -voices of the reciters mingle the soft, penetrating sounds of the conch -shell, blending their various pitches into a weird, disturbing harmony. -Samples of the three spells must be given here. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb343" href="#pb343" name="pb343">343</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kayikuna Tabuyo</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Moruborogu, Mosilava’u!”</p> -<p>“Fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it.</p> -<p>My prow-board, O fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it.</p> -<p>This key expression, the invocation of the fish-hawk, is repeated -with a string of words, denoting, first, the ornamental parts of the -canoe; afterwards, certain of its constructive parts; and finally, the -lime-pot, the lime stick<span class="corr" id="xd26e11571" title= -"Not in source">,</span> the comb, the paddles, the mats, the <i lang= -"kij">lilava</i> (magical bundle), and the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> -(members of the crew). The spell ends with the words:—</p> -<p>“I shall <i lang="kij">kula</i>, I shall rob my Kula, -etc.,” as in the previously given formula of the conch shell.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The first two words of this spell are personal names of men, as the -initial syllable Mo- indicates, but no information about them was -available. The allusion to the fish-hawk in the main part suggests a -connection between the action of the rite, that is, the moving of the -<i lang="kij">tabuyo</i>, with this part of the spell, for the -ornamental prow-boards are called synonymously <i lang= -"kij">buribwari</i> (fish-hawk). On the other hand, the expression: -“Fish-hawk, fall on thy prey,” is no doubt also a magical -simile, expressing the idea: “As a fish-hawk falls on his prey -and carries it off, so let this canoe fall on the Kula valuables and -carry them off.” The association of this simile with the act of -shaking the <span class="corr" id="xd26e11594" title= -"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span> is very suggestive. It may be -an attempt to assimilate the whole canoe and all its parts to a -fish-hawk falling on its prey, through the special mediation of the -ornamental <span class="corr" id="xd26e11597" title= -"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>.</p> -<p>The spell recited by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> in the middle of -the canoe runs thus:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kavalikuliku</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I anchor at the open sea beach, my renown -reaches the Lagoon; I anchor at the Lagoon, my renown reaches the open -sea beach.”</p> -<p>“I hit the mountain; the mountain shivers; the mountain -subsides; the mountain trembles; the mountain falls down; the mountain -falls asunder. I kick the ground on which the mountain stands. I bring -together, I gather.”</p> -<p>“The mountain is encountered in the Kula; we encounter the -mountain in the Kula.”</p> -<p>The expression, <i lang="kij">kubara, takuba, kubara</i>, which we -have here translated by “the mountain is met in the Kula, -etc.” <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb344" href="#pb344" name= -"pb344">344</a>]</span>is then repeated with a long string of words -denoting the various classes of valuables to be received in the Kula. -It ends with the conclusion already quoted: “My renown is like -thunder, my steps are like earthquake.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The opening two sentences are clear; they contain a typical magical -exaggeration, and equally typical permutation of words. Then comes the -terrible verbal onslaught on “the mountain,” in which the -dreadful upheaval is carried on in words. “The mountain” -(<i lang="kij">koya</i>) stands here for the community of partners, for -the partner, for his mind. It was very difficult to translate the -expression <i lang="kij">kubara, takuba kubara</i>. It is evidently an -archaic word, and I have found it in several formulæ of the -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>. It seems to mean something like an encounter -between the approaching fleet and the <i lang="kij">koya</i>. The word -for sea battle is <i lang="kij">kubilia</i> in the Trobriand language, -and <i lang="kij">kubara</i> in that of the Amphletts and Dobu, and as -often the words of the partner’s language are mixed up into these -formulæ, this etymology and translation seem to be the correct -ones.</p> -<p>The third formula, that of the man in the stern, is as -follows:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kaytavilena Mwoynawaga</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Crocodile, fall down, take thy man! push him -down under the <i lang="kij">gebobo!</i> (part of the canoe where the -cargo is stowed away).”</p> -<p>“Crocodile, bring me the necklace, bring me the <i lang= -"kij">bagido’u</i>, etc.”</p> -<p>The formula is ended by the usual phrase: “I shall <i lang= -"kij">kula</i>, I shall rob my Kula, etc.,” as in the two -previously quoted spells (Ta’uyo and Kayikuna Tabuyo).</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This formula is obviously a pendant to the first of these three -spells, and the crocodile is here invoked instead of the <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e11672" title="Source: fish hawk">fish-hawk</span>, with -the same significance. The rest of the spell is clear, the crocodile -being appealed to, to bring all the different classes of the spondylus -shell valuables.</p> -<p>It is interesting to reflect upon the psychological importance of -this magic. There is a deep belief in its efficiency, a belief -cherished not only by those who advance chanting it, but shared also by -the men awaiting the visitors on the shore. The Dobuans know that -powerful forces are at work upon them. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb345" href="#pb345" name="pb345">345</a>]</span>They must feel the -wave of magical influence slowly advancing, spreading over their -villages. They hear the appeal of the conch-shell, wafting the magic to -them in its irresistible note. They can guess the murmur of the many -voices accompanying it. They know what is expected from them, and they -rise to the occasion. On the part of the approaching party, this magic, -the chant of the many voices blended with the <i lang= -"kij">ta’uyo</i> (conch shell), expresses their hopes and desires -and their rising excitement; their attempt to “shake the -mountain,” to stir it to its very foundations.</p> -<p>At the same time, a new emotion arises in their minds, that of awe -and apprehension; and another form of magic has to come to their -assistance at this juncture, to give expression to this fear and to -assuage it—the magic of safety. Spells of this magic have been -spoken previously, perhaps on the beach of Sarubwoyna alongside with -the rest, perhaps even earlier, at one of the intermediate stages of -the journey. But the rite will be performed at the moment of setting -foot ashore, and as this is also the psychological moment to which the -magic corresponds, it must be described here.</p> -<p>It seems absurd, from the rational point of view, that the natives, -who know that they are expected, indeed, who have been invited to come, -should yet feel uncertain about the good will of their partners, with -whom they have so often traded, whom they have received in visit, and -themselves visited and re-visited again and again. Coming on a -customary and peaceful errand, why should they have any apprehensions -of danger, and develop a special magical apparatus to meet the natives -of Dobu? This is a logical way of reasoning, but custom is not logical, -and the emotional attitude of man has a greater sway over custom than -has reason. The main attitude of a native to other, alien groups is -that of hostility and mistrust. The fact that to a native every -stranger is an enemy, is an ethnographic feature reported from all -parts of the world. The Trobriander is not an exception in this -respect, and beyond his own, narrow social horizon, a wall of -suspicion, misunderstanding and latent enmity divides him from even -near neighbours. The Kula breaks it through at definite geographical -points, and by means of special customary transactions. But, like -everything extraordinary and exceptional, this waiving of the general -taboo on strangers must be justified and bridged over by magic. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb346" href="#pb346" name= -"pb346">346</a>]</span></p> -<p>Indeed, the customary behaviour of the Dobuans and of the visitors -expresses this state of affairs with singular accuracy. It is the -customary rule that the Trobrianders should be received first with a -show of hostility and fierceness; treated almost as intruders. But this -attitude entirely subsides after the visitors have ritually spat over -the village on their arrival. The natives express their ideas on this -subject very characteristically:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The Dobu man is not good as we are. He is -fierce, he is a man-eater! When we come to Dobu, we fear him, he might -kill us. But see! I spit the charmed ginger root, and their mind turns. -They lay down their spears, they receive us well.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div13.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">This show of hostility is fixed into a definite -ceremonial attitude when the Dobuan village, which consists of a -collection of hamlets, has been laid under a taboo. On the death of a -man of importance in any of the hamlets, the whole community undergoes -the so called <i lang="kij">gwara</i> taboo. The coco-nut and betel-nut -palms around and within the village are not allowed to be scaled, and -the fruit must not be touched by the Dobuans themselves, and still less -by strangers. This state of affairs lasts a varying length of time, -according to the importance of the dead man, and to other -circumstances. Only after the <i lang="kij">gwara</i> has run out its -course, and is ripe for expiring, do the Kiriwinians dare to come on a -visit to Dobu, having been advised beforehand of the circumstance. But -then, when they arrive, the Dobuans put up a show of real hostility, -for the visitors will have to break the taboo, they will have to scale -the palms, and take the forbidden fruit. This is in accordance with a -wide-spread Papuo-Melanesian type of custom of finishing tabooed -periods: in all cases, someone else, who is not under the taboo, has to -put an end to it, or to force the imposer of the taboo to break it. And -in all cases, there is some show of violence and struggle on the part -of the one who has to allow it to be broken. In this case, as the -Kiriwinian natives put it:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Supposing we do not perform the <i lang= -"kij">ka’ubana’i</i> (safety magic), we are afraid, when -there is a <i lang="kij">gwara</i> in Dobu<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e11723" title="Source: ,">.</span> The Dobuans put on war paint, -take spear in hand, and a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb347" href= -"#pb347" name="pb347">347</a>]</span><i lang="kij">puluta</i> (sword -club); they sit and look at us. We run into the village; we climb the -tree. He runs at us ‘Don’t climb,’ he cries. Then we -spit <i lang="kij">leyya</i> (ginger root) at him. He throws down his -spear, he goes back and smiles. The women take the spears away. We spit -all around the village. Then he is pleased. He speaks: ‘You climb -your coco-nut, your betel-nut; cut your -bananas.’ ”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Thus the taboo is broken, the <i lang="kij">gwara</i> is finished, -and the customary and histrionic moment of tension is over, which must -have been none the less a strain on the nerves of both parties.</p> -<p>This is the lengthy formula which a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> -utters over several bits of ginger root, which are afterwards -distributed among his crew, each of whom carries a piece when getting -ashore.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Ka’ubana’i</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Floating spirit of Nikiniki!</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Duduba, Kirakira</i>.” (These words are -untranslatable).</p> -<p>“It ebbs, it ebbs away!</p> -<p>Thy fury ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p> -<p>Thy war paint ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p> -<p>Thy sting ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p> -<p>Thy anger ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p> -<p>Thy chasing away ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!”</p> -<p>A long string of various expressings denoting hostile passions, -disinclination to make Kula, and all the paraphernalia of war are here -enumerated. Thus, such words as “Kula refusal,” -“growling,” “sulking,” “dislike”; -further: “weapon,” “bamboo knife,” -“club-sword,” “large-barbed spear,” -“small-barbed spear,” “round club,” “war -blackening,” “red war paint,” are uttered one after -the other. Moreover, all of them are repeated in their Dobuan -equivalents after the list has been exhausted in Kiriwinian. When this -series has been exhausted with reference to the man of Dobu, part of it -is repeated with the addition “Woman of Dobu,” the mention -of weapons, however, being omitted. But this does not end this -extremely long formula. After the protracted litany has been finished, -the reciter chants:</p> -<p>“Who emerges at the top of Kinana? I” (here the name of -the reciter is mentioned) “emerge on the top of -Kinana.”</p> -<p>Then the whole litany is again repeated, the key word, instead of, -“it ebbs, it ebbs away” being “the dog sniffs.” -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb348" href="#pb348" name= -"pb348">348</a>]</span></p> -<p>In connection with all the other words, this would run, more or -less, in a free translation:—</p> -<p>“Thy fury, O man of Dobu, is as when the dog sniffs,” -or, more explicitly:—</p> -<p>“Thy fury, O man of Dobu, should abate as the fury of a dog -abates when it comes and sniffs at a new-comer.”</p> -<p>The simile of the dog must be very strongly ingrained in the magical -tradition, for in two more versions of this formula, obtained from -different informants, I received as key-words the expressions: -“The dog plays about,” and “The dog is docile.” -The final part of this formula is identical with that of the Kaykakaya -spell previously given in this chapter:—</p> -<p>“No more it is my mother, my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu, -etc.,” running into the ending “Recently deceased, -etc.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>In comment on this formula, there is first of all the name mentioned -in the first line, that of Nikiniki, or Monikiniki, as it is usually -pronounced, with the prefix of masculinity, <i lang="kij">mo-</i>. He -is described as “A man, an ancient man; no myth about him; he -spoke the magic.” Indeed, the main system of <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> magic is named after him, but none of my informants -knew any legend about him.</p> -<p>The first key word of the middle part is quite clear. It describes -the ebbing away of the Dobuans’ passions and of their outward -trappings. It is noteworthy that the word for ‘ebbing’ here -used, is in the Dobuan, and not in the Kiriwinian language. The -reference to the dog already explained may be still made clearer in -terms of native comment. One explanation is simple:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“They invoke the dog in the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i>, because when master of dog comes, the dog stands up -and licks; in the same way, the inclinations of the Dobu people.” -Another explanation is more sophisticated: “The reason is that -dogs play about nose to nose. Supposing we mentioned the word, as it -was of old arranged, the valuables do the same. Supposing we had given -away armshells, the necklace will come, they will meet.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This means, by invoking the dog in this magic, according to old -magical tradition, we also influence the Kula gifts. This explanation -is undoubtedly far-fetched, and probably does not express the real -meaning of the spell. It would have no <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb349" href="#pb349" name="pb349">349</a>]</span>meaning in -association with the list of passions and weapons, but I have adduced -it as an example of native scholasticism.</p> -<p>The dog is also a taboo associated with this magic. When a man, who -practices the <i lang="kij">ka’ubana’i</i> eats and a dog -howls within his hearing, he has to leave his food, else his magic -would ‘blunt.’</p> -<p>Safe under the auspices of this magic, the Trobriand sailors land on -the beach of Tu’utauna, where we shall follow them in the next -chapter. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb350" href="#pb350" name= -"pb350">350</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e11311" href="#xd26e11311src" name="xd26e11311">1</a></span> -Compare also No. VI (A), in the Synoptic Table of Kula magic, in -<a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>, <a href="#pb418">p. -418</a>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e11311src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e11378" href="#xd26e11378src" name="xd26e11378">2</a></span> There -can be no better expression to denote the mutual relation of all these -ideas than that used by Frazer to describe one of the typical forms of -magic thought, the ‘contagion of ideas.’ The subjective, -psychological process leads the natives to the belief in magical -contagion of things. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e11378src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch14" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e724">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XIV</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Kula in Dobu—Technicalities of the -Exchange</h2> -<div id="div14.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In the last chapter, we spoke about the institution of -<i lang="kij">gwara</i> (mortuary taboo) and of the threatening -reception accorded to the visiting party, at the time when it is laid -upon the village, and when it has to be lifted. When there is no -<i lang="kij">gwara</i>, and the arriving fleet are on an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, there will be a big and ceremonial -welcome. The canoes, as they approach, will range themselves in a long -row facing the shore. The point selected will be the beach, -corresponding to a hamlet where the main partner of the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i> lives. The canoe of the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i>, of the master of the <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, will range itself at the end of the row. -The <i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku</i> will get up on to the platform -and harangue the natives assembled on the beach. He will try to appeal -to their ambition, so that they might give the visitors a large amount -of valuables and surpass all other occasions. After that, his partner -on the shore will blow a conch-shell, and, wading through the water, -advance towards the canoe, and offer the first gift of valuables to the -master of the expedition. This may be followed by another gift, again -given to the <i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku</i>. Other blasts then -follow, and men disengage themselves from the throng on the shore, -approaching the canoes with necklaces for their partners. A certain -order of seniority will be observed in this. The necklaces are always -carried ceremonially; as a rule they will be tied by both ends to a -stick, and carried hanging down, with the pendant at the bottom (see -<a href="#pl41">Plate LXI</a>). Sometimes, when a <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> (valuable) is carried to the canoes by a woman -(a headman’s wife or sister) it will be put into a basket and -carried on her head. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb351" href="#pb351" -name="pb351">351</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div14.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">After this ceremonial reception, the fleet disperses. -As we remember from <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, the villages in Dobu -are not built in compact blocks of houses, but scattered in hamlets, -each of about a dozen huts. The fleet now sails along the shore, every -canoe anchoring in front of the hamlet in which its <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i> has his main partner.</p> -<p>We have at last arrived at the point when the real Kula has begun. -So far, it was all preparations, and sailing with its concomitant -adventure, and a little bit of preliminary Kula in the Amphletts. It -was all full of excitement and emotion, pointing always towards the -final goal, the big Kula in Dobu. Now we have at last reached the -climax. The net result will be the <span class="corr" id="xd26e11874" -title="Source: acquision">acquisition</span> of a few dirty, greasy, -and insignificant looking native trinkets, each of them a string of -flat, partly discoloured, partly raspberry-pink or brick-red discs, -threaded one behind the other into a long, cylindrical roll. In the -eyes of the natives, however, this result receives its meaning from the -social forces of tradition and custom, which give the imprint of value -to these objects, and surround them with a halo of romance. It seems -fit here to make these few reflections upon the native psychology on -this point, and to attempt to grasp its real significance.</p> -<p>It may help us towards this understanding to reflect, that not far -from the scenes of the Kula, large numbers of white adventurers have -toiled and suffered, and many of them given their lives, in order to -acquire what to the natives would appear as insignificant and filthy as -their <i lang="kij">bagi</i> are to us—a few nuggets of gold. -Nearer, even, in the very Trobriand Lagoon, there are found valuable -pearls. In olden days, when the natives on opening a shell to eat it, -found a <i lang="kij">waytuna</i>, as they called it, a -‘seed’ of the pearl shell, they would throw it to their -children to play with. Now they see a number of white men straining all -their forces in competition to acquire as many of these worthless -things as they can. The parallel is very close. In both cases, the -conventionalised value attached to an object carries with it power, -renown, and the pleasure of increasing them both. In the case of the -white man, this is infinitely more complex and indirect, but not -essentially different from that of the natives. If we would imagine -that a great number of celebrated gems are let loose among us, and -travel from hand <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb352" href="#pb352" -name="pb352">352</a>]</span>to hand—that Koh-i-noor and Orloff -and other celebrated diamonds, emeralds and rubies—were on a -continuous round tour, and to be obtained through luck, daring and -enterprise, we would have a still closer analogy. Even though the -possession of them would be a short and temporary one, the renown of -having possessed them and the mania of ‘collectioneering’ -would add its spur to the lust for wealth.</p> -<p>This general, human, psychological foundation of the Kula must be -kept constantly in mind. If we want, however, to understand its -specific forms, we have to look for the details and technicalities of -the transaction. A short outline of these has been given before in -<a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>. Here, after we have acquired a better -knowledge of preliminaries, and a more thorough grasp of native -psychology and custom, we shall be more ready to enter into a detailed -description.</p> -<p>The main principle of the Kula exchange has been laid down in the -before-mentioned chapter; the Kula exchange has always to be a -<i>gift</i>, followed by a <i>counter-gift</i>; it can never be a -barter, a direct exchange with assessment of equivalents and with -haggling. There must be always in the Kula two transactions, distinct -in name, in nature and in time. The exchange is opened by an initial or -opening gift called <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, and closed by a final or -return present called <i lang="kij">yotile</i>. They are both -ceremonial gifts, they have to be accompanied by the blow of a conch -shell, and the present is given ostentatiously and in public. The -native term “to throw” a valuable describes well the nature -of the act. For, though the valuable has to be handed over by the -giver, the receiver hardly takes any notice of it, and seldom receives -it actually into his hands. The etiquette of the transaction requires -that the gift should be given in an off-hand, abrupt, almost angry -manner, and received with equivalent <span class="corr" id="xd26e11906" -title="Source: nochalance">nonchalance</span> and disdain. A slight -modification in this is introduced when, as it happens sometimes, in -the Trobriands, and in the Trobriands only, the <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> is given by a chief to a commoner, in which -case the commoner would take it into his hand, and show some -appreciation of it. In all other cases, the valuable would be placed -within the reach of the receiver, and an insignificant member of his -following would pick it up.</p> -<p>It is not very easy to unravel the various motives which combine to -make up this customary behaviour on receiving and <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb353" href="#pb353" name= -"pb353">353</a>]</span>giving a gift. The part played by the receiver -is perhaps not so difficult to interpret. Right through their -ceremonial and commercial give and take, there runs the crude and -fundamental human dissatisfaction with the value received. A native -will always, when speaking about a transaction, insist on the magnitude -and value of the gift he gave, and minimise those of the equivalent -accepted. Side by side with this, there is the essential native -reluctance to appear in want of anything, a reluctance which is most -pronounced in the case of food, as we have said before (<a href= -"#div6.4">Chapter VI, Division IV</a>). Both these motives combine to -produce the, after all, very human and understandable attitude of -disdain at the reception of a gift. In the case of the donor, the -histrionic anger with which he gives an object might be, in the first -place, a direct expression of the natural human dislike of parting with -a possession. Added to this, there is the attempt to enhance the -apparent value of the gift by showing what a wrench it is to give it -away. This is the interpretation of the etiquette in giving and taking -at which I have arrived after many observations of native behaviour, -and through many conversations and casual remarks of the natives.</p> -<p>The two gifts of the Kula are also distinct in time. It is quite -obvious this must be so in the case of an overseas expedition of an -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> type, on which no valuables whatever are -taken with them by the visiting party, and so, any valuable received on -such an occasion, whether as <i lang="kij">vaga</i> or <i lang= -"kij">yotile</i>, cannot therefore be exchanged at the same time. But -even when the exchange takes place in the same village during an inland -Kula, there must be an interval between the two gifts, of a few minutes -at least.</p> -<p>There are also deep differences in the nature of the two gifts. The -<i lang="kij">vaga</i>, as the opening gift of the exchange, has to be -given spontaneously, that is, there is no enforcement of any duty in -giving it. There are means of soliciting it, (<i lang= -"kij">wawoyla</i>), but no pressure can be employed. The <i lang= -"kij">yotile</i>, however, that is, the valuable which is given in -return for the valuable previously received, is given under pressure of -a certain obligation. If I have given a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening -gift of valuable) to a partner of mine, let us say a year ago, and now, -when on a visit, I find that he has an equivalent <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, I shall consider it his duty to give it to me. -If he does not do so, I am angry with him, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb354" href="#pb354" name="pb354">354</a>]</span>and -justified in being so. Not only that, if I can by any chance lay my -hand on his <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> and carry if off by force -(<i lang="kij">lebu</i>), I am entitled by custom to do this, although -my partner in that case may become very irate. The quarrel over that -would again be half histrionic, half real.</p> -<p>Another difference between a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> and a <i lang= -"kij">yotile</i> occurs in overseas expeditions which are not <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i>. On such expeditions, valuables sometimes are -carried, but only such as are due already for a past <i lang= -"kij">vaga</i>, and are to be given as <i lang="kij">yotile</i>. -Opening gifts, <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, are never taken overseas.</p> -<p>As mentioned above, the <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, entails more wooing -or soliciting than the <i lang="kij">yotile</i>. This process, called -by the natives <i lang="kij">wawoyla</i>, consists, among others of a -series of solicitary gifts. One type of such gifts is called <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i>, and consists of food.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e11992src" href="#xd26e11992" name="xd26e11992src">1</a> In the -myth of Kasabwaybwayreta, narrated in <a href="#ch12">Chapter XII</a>, -this type of gift was mentioned. As a rule, a considerable amount of -food is taken on an expedition, and when a good valuable is known to be -in the possession of a man, some of this food will be presented to him, -with the words: “I <i lang="kij">pokala</i> your valuable; give -it to me.” If the owner is not inclined to part with his -Valuable, he will not accept the <i lang="kij">pokala</i>. If accepted, -it is an intimation that the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> will -sooner or later be given to the man who offers the <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i>. The owner, however, may not be prepared to part with -it at once, and may wish to receive more solicitary gifts.</p> -<p>Another type of such a gift is called <i lang="kij">kaributu</i>, -and consists of a valuable which, as a rule, is not one of those which -are regularly <i lang="kij">kulaed</i>. Thus, a small polished axe -blade, or a valuable belt is given with the words: “I <i lang= -"kij">kaributu</i> your necklace (or armshells); I shall take it and -carry it off.” This gift again may only be accepted if there is -an intention to satisfy the giver with the desired <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>. A very famous and great valuable will often be -solicited by gift of <i lang="kij">pokala</i> and of <i lang= -"kij">kaributu</i>, one following the other. If, after one or two of -such solicitory gifts, the big <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> is -finally given, the satisfied receiver will often give some more food to -his partner, which gift is called <i lang="kij">kwaypolu</i>.</p> -<p>The food gifts would be returned on a similar occasion if it arises. -But there would be no strict equivalence in the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb355" href="#pb355" name= -"pb355">355</a>]</span>matter of food. The <i lang="kij">kaributu</i> -gift of a valuable, however, would always have to be returned later on, -in an equivalent form. It may be added that the <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i> offerings of food would be most often given from a -district, where food is more abundant than in the district to which it -is carried. Thus, the Sinaketans would bring <i lang="kij">pokala</i> -to the Amphletts, but they would seldom or never <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i> the Dobuans, who are very rich in food. Again, within -the Trobriands, a <i lang="kij">pokala</i> would be offered from the -Northern agricultural district of Kiriwina to men of Sinaketa, but not -inversely.</p> -<p>Another peculiar type of gift connected with the Kula is called -<i lang="kij">korotomna</i>. After a Sinaketan has given a necklace to -a man of Kiriwina, and this latter receives a minor valuable from his -partner further East, this minor valuable will be given to the -Sinaketan as the <i lang="kij">korotomna</i> of his necklace. This gift -usually consists of a lime spatula of whalebone ornamented with -spondylus discs, and it has to be repaid.</p> -<p>It must be noted that all these expressions are given in the -language of the Trobriands, and they refer to the gifts exchanged -between the Northern and Southern Trobriands on the one hand, and these -latter and the Amphletts on the other. In an overseas expedition from -Sinaketa to Dobu, the solicitary gifts would be rather given wholesale, -as the visitors’ gifts of <i lang="kij">pari</i>, and the subtle -distinctions in name and in technicality would not be observed. That -this must be so becomes clear, if we realise that, whereas, between the -Northern and Southern Trobriands the news about an exceptionally good -valuable spreads easily and quickly, this is not the case between Dobu -and Boyowa. Going over to Dobu, therefore, a man has to make up his -mind, whether he will give any solicitory presents to his partner, what -and how much he will give him, without knowing whether he has any -specially fine valuables to expect from him or not. If, however, there -was any exceptionally valuable gift in the visitors’ <i lang= -"kij">pari</i>, it will have to be returned later on by the -Dobuans.</p> -<p>Another important type of gift essential to the Kula is that of the -intermediary gifts, called <i lang="kij">basi</i>. Let us imagine that -a Sinaketan man has given a very fine pair of armshells to his Dobuan -partner at their last meeting in Sinaketa. Now, arriving in Dobu, he -finds that his partner has not got any necklace equivalent in value to -the armshells given. He none <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb356" href= -"#pb356" name="pb356">356</a>]</span>the less will expect his partner -to give him meanwhile a necklace, even though it be of inferior value. -Such a gift is a <i lang="kij">basi</i>, that is, not a return of the -highly valuable <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, but a gift given to fill in the -gap. This <i lang="kij">basi</i> will have to be repaid by a small -equivalent pair of armshells at a later date. And the Dobuan on his -side has still to repay the big armshells he received, and for which he -has as yet got no equivalent in his possession. As soon as this is -obtained, it will be given, and will close the transaction as a -clinching gift, or <i lang="kij">kudu</i>. Both these names imply -figures of speech. <i lang="kij">Kudu</i> means ‘tooth,’ -and is a good name for a gift which clinches or bites. <i lang= -"kij">Basi</i> means to pierce, or to stab, and this is the literal -translation of a native comment on this name:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“We say <i lang="kij">basi</i>, for it does not -truly bite, like a <i lang="kij">kudu</i> (tooth); it just <i lang= -"kij">basi</i> (pierces) the surface; makes it lighter.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The equivalence of the two gifts, <i lang="kij">vaga</i> and -<i lang="kij">yotile</i>, is expressed by the word <i lang= -"kij">kudu</i> (tooth) and <i lang="kij">bigeda</i> (it will bite). -Another figure of speech describing the equivalence is contained in the -word <i lang="kij">va’i</i>, to marry. When two of the opposite -valuables meet in the Kula and are exchanged, it is said that these two -have married. The armshells are conceived as a female principle, and -the necklaces as the male. An interesting comment on these ideas was -given to me by one of the informants. As mentioned above, a gift of -food is never given from Sinaketa to Kiriwina, obviously because it -would be a case of bringing coals to Newcastle. When I asked why this -is so, I received the answer:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“We do not now <i lang="kij">kwaypolu</i> or -<i lang="kij">pokala</i> the <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, for they are -women, and there is no reason to <i lang="kij">kwaypolu</i> or <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i> them.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>There is little logic in this comment, but it evidently includes -some idea about the smaller value of the female principle. Or else -perhaps it refers to the fundamental idea of the married status, namely -that it is for the woman’s family to provide the man with -food.</p> -<p>The idea of equivalence in the Kula transaction is very strong and -definite, and when the receiver is not satisfied with the <i lang= -"kij">yotile</i> (return gift) he will violently complain that it is -not a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb357" href="#pb357" name= -"pb357">357</a>]</span>proper ‘tooth’ (<i lang= -"kij">kudu</i>) for his opening gift, that it is not a real -‘marriage,’ that it is not properly -‘bitten.’</p> -<p>These terms, given in the Kiriwinian language, cover about half of -the Kula ring from Woodlark Island and even further East, from Nada -(Loughlan Islands) as far as the Southern Trobriands. In the language -of Dobu, the same word is used for <i lang="kij">vaga</i> and <i lang= -"kij">basi</i>, while <i lang="kij">yotile</i> is pronounced <i lang= -"kij">yotura</i>, and <i lang="kij">kudu</i> is <i lang="kij">udu</i>. -The same terms are used in the Amphletts.</p> -<p>So much about the actual regulations of the Kula transactions. With -regard to the further general rules, the definition of Kula partnership -and sociology has been discussed in detail in <a href="#ch11">Chapter -XI</a>. As to the rule that the valuables have always to travel and -never to stop, nothing has to be added to what has been said about this -in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, for there are no exceptions to this -rule. A few more words must be said on the subject of the valuables -used in the Kula. I said in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, stating the -case briefly, that in one direction travel the armshells, whilst in the -opposite, following the hands of the clock, travel the necklaces. It -must now be added that the <i lang= -"kij">mwali</i>—armshells—are accompanied by another -article, the <i lang="kij">doga</i>, or circular boar’s tusks. In -olden days, the <i lang="kij">doga</i> were almost as important as the -<i lang="kij">mwali</i> in the stream of the Kula. Nowadays, hardly any -at all are to be met as Kula articles. It is not easy to explain the -reason for this change. In an institution having the importance and -traditional tenacity which we find in the Kula, there can be no -question of the interference of fashion to bring about changes. The -only reason which I can suggest is that nowadays, with immensely -increased intertribal intercourse, there is a great drainage on all -Kula valuables by other districts lying outside the Kula. Now, on the -one hand the <i lang="kij">doga</i> are extremely valued on the -main-land of New Guinea, much more, I assume, than they are within the -Kula district. The drainage therefore would affect the <i lang= -"kij">doga</i> much more strongly than any other articles, one of -which, the spondylus necklaces, are actually imported into the Kula -region from without, and even manufactured by white men in considerable -quantities for native consumption. The armshells are produced within -the district in sufficient numbers to replace any leakage, but <i lang= -"kij">doga</i> are extremely difficult to reproduce, as they are -connected with a rare freak of nature—a boar with a circular -tusk. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb358" href="#pb358" name= -"pb358">358</a>]</span></p> -<p>One more article which travels in the same direction as the <i lang= -"kij">mwali</i>, consists of the <i lang="kij">bosu</i>, the big lime -spatulæ made of whale-bone and decorated with spondylus shells. -They are not strictly speaking Kula articles, but play a part as the -<i lang="kij">korotomna</i> gifts mentioned above and nowadays are -hardly to be met with. With the necklaces, there travel only as an -unimportant subsidiary Kula article, belts made of the same red -spondylus shell. They would be given as return presents for small -armshells, as <i lang="kij">basi</i>, etc.</p> -<p>There is one important exception in the respective movements of -necklace and armshell. A certain type of spondylus shell strings, much -bigger and coarser than the strings which are used in the Kula, are -produced in Sinaketa, as we saw in the <a href="#ch13">last -Chapter</a>. These strings, called <i lang="kij">katudababile</i> in -Kiriwinian, or <i lang="kij">sama’upa</i> in Dobuan, are -sometimes exported from Sinaketa to Dobu as Kula gifts, and function -therefore as armshells. These <i lang="kij">katudababile</i>, however, -never complete the Kula ring, in the wrong direction, as they never -return to the Trobriands from the East. Part of them are absorbed into -the districts outside the Kula, part of them come back again to -Sinaketa, and join the other necklaces in their circular movement.</p> -<p>Another class of articles, which often take a subsidiary part in the -Kula exchange, consists of the large and thin polished axe blades, -called in the Kiriwinian language <i lang="kij">beku</i>. They are -never used for any practical purposes, and fulfil only the function of -tokens of wealth and objects of parade. In the Kula they would be given -as <i lang="kij">kaributu</i> (solicitary gifts), and would go both -ways. As they are quarried in Woodlark Island and polished in Kiriwina, -they would, however, move in the direction from the Trobriands to Dobu -more frequently than in the opposite one.</p> -<p>To summarise this subject, it may be said that the proper Kula -articles are on the one hand, the armshells (<i lang="kij">mwali</i>), -and the curved tusks (<i lang="kij">doga</i>); and, on the other hand, -the fine, long necklaces (<i lang="kij">soulava</i> or <i lang= -"kij">bagi</i>), of which there are many sub-classes. An index of the -special position of these three articles is that they are the only -ones, or at least, by far the most important ones, mentioned in the -spells. Later on, I shall enumerate all the sub-classes and varieties -of these articles.</p> -<p>Although, as we have seen, there is both a good deal of ceremony -attached to the transaction and a good deal of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb359" href="#pb359" name= -"pb359">359</a>]</span>decorum, one might even say commercial honour, -implied in the technicalities of the exchange, there is much room left -as well for quarrelling and friction. If a man obtains a very fine -valuable, which he is not already under an obligation to offer as -<i lang="kij">yotile</i> (return payment), there will be a number of -his partners, who will compete to receive it. As only one can be -successful, all the others will be thwarted and more or less offended -and full of malice. Still more room for bad blood is left in the matter -of equivalence. As the valuables exchanged cannot be measured or even -compared with one another by an exact standard; as there are no -definite correspondences or indices of correlation between the various -kinds of the valuables, it is not easy to satisfy a man who has given a -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> of high value. On receiving a repayment -(<i lang="kij">yotile</i>), which he does not consider equivalent, he -will not actually make a scene about it, or even show his displeasure -openly in the act. But he will feel a deep resentment, which will -express itself in frequent recriminations and abuse. These, though not -made to his partner’s face, will reach his ears sooner or later. -Eventually, the universal method of settling differences may be -resorted to—that of black magic, and a sorcerer will be paid to -cast some evil spell over the offending party.</p> -<p>When speaking about some celebrated <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, -a native will praise its value in the words: “Many men died -because of it”—which does not mean that they died in battle -or fight, but were killed by black magic. Again, there is a system of -signs by which one can recognise, on inspecting the corpse the day -after death, for what reasons it has been bewitched. Among these signs -there are one or two which mean that the man has been done away with, -because of his success in Kula, or because he has offended somebody in -connection with it. The mixture of punctilio and decorum, on the one -hand, with passionate resentment and greed on the other, must be -realised as underlying all the transactions, and giving the leading -psychological tone to the natives’ interest. The obligation of -fairness and decency is based on the general rule, that it is highly -improper and dishonourable to be mean. Thus, though a man will -generally strive to belittle the thing received, it must not be -forgotten that the man who gave it was genuinely eager to do his best. -And after all, in some cases when a man receives a really fine -valuable, he will boast of it and be frankly satisfied. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb360" href="#pb360" name="pb360">360</a>]</span>Such -a success is attributed of course not to his partner’s -generosity, but to his own magic.</p> -<p>A feature which is universally recognised as reprehensible and -discreditable, is a tendency to retain a number of valuables and be -slow in passing them on. A man who did this would be called “hard -in the Kula.” The following is a native description of this -feature as exhibited by the natives of the Amphletts.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The Gumasila, their Kula is very hard; they are -mean, they are retentive. They would like to take hold of one <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i>, of two, of three big ones, of four perhaps. A man -would <i lang="kij">pokala</i> them, he would <i lang= -"kij">pokapokala</i>; if he is a kinsman he will get a <i lang= -"kij">soulava</i>. The Kayleula only, and the Gumasila are mean. The -Dobu, the Du’a’u, the Kitava are good. Coming to -Muyuwa—they are like Gumasila.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This means that a man in Gumasila would let a number of necklaces -accumulate in his possession; would require plenty of food as <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i>—a characteristic reduplication describes the -<span class="corr" id="xd26e12327" title= -"Source: insistance">insistence</span> and perseverance in <i lang= -"kij">pokala</i>—and even then he would give a necklace to a -kinsman only. When I inquired from the same informant whether such a -mean man would also run a risk of being killed by sorcery, he -answered</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“A man who is very much ahead in the -Kula—he will die—the mean man not; he will sit in -peace.<span class="corr" id="xd26e12339" title= -"Not in source">”</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div14.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Returning now to the concrete proceedings of the Kula, -let us follow the movements of a Sinaketan <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. -He has presumably received a necklace or two on his arrival; but he has -more partners and he expects more valuables. Before he receives his -fill, he has to keep a taboo. He may not partake of any local food, -neither yams, nor coco-nuts, nor betel pepper or nut. According to -their belief, if he transgressed this taboo he would not receive any -more valuables. He tries also to soften the heart of his partner by -feigning disease. He will remain in his canoe and send word that he is -ill. The Dobu man will know what such a conventional disease means. -None the less, he may yield to this mode of persuasion. If this ruse -does not succeed, the man may have recourse to magic. There is a -formula called <i lang="kij">kwoygapani</i> or ‘enmeshing -magic,’ <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb361" href="#pb361" name= -"pb361">361</a>]</span>which seduces the mind of a man on whom it is -practised, makes him silly, and thus amenable to persuasion. The -formula is recited over a betel-nut or two, and these are given to the -partner and to his wife or sister.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Kwoygapani Spell</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“O <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf; O friendly -<i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf; O <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf hither; O -<i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf thither!”</p> -<p>“I shall enter through the mouth of the woman of Dobu; I shall -come out through the mouth of the man of Dobu. I shall enter through -the mouth of the man of Dobu; I shall come out through the mouth of the -woman of Dobu.”</p> -<p>“Seducing <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf; enmeshing <i lang= -"kij">kwega</i> leaf; the mind of the woman of Dobu is seduced by the -<i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf, is enmeshed by the <i lang= -"kij">kwega</i> leaf.”</p> -<p>The expression “is seduced,” “is enmeshed -“by the <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf, is repeated with a string -of words such as: “Thy mind, O man of Dobu,” “thy -refusal, O woman of Dobu,” “Thy disinclination, O woman of -Dobu,” “Thy bowels, thy tongue, thy liver,” going -thus over all the organs of understanding and feeling, and over the -words which describe these faculties. The last part is identical with -that of one or two formulæ previously quoted:</p> -<p>“No more it is my mother; my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu, -etc.” (Compare the Kaykakaya and Ka’ubana’i spells of -the previous chapter.)</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><i lang="kij">Kwega</i> is a plant, probably belonging to the same -family as betel pepper, and its leaves are chewed with areca-nut and -lime, when real betel-pods (<i lang="kij">mwayye</i>) are not -available. The <i lang="kij">kwega</i> is, remarkably enough, invoked -in more than one magical formula, instead of the real betel-pod. The -middle part is quite clear. In it, the seducing and enmeshing power of -the <i lang="kij">kwega</i> is cast over all the mental faculties of -the Dobuan, and on the anatomical seats of these faculties. After the -application of this magic, all the resources of the soliciting man are -exhausted. He has to give up hope, and take to eating the fruit of -Dobu, as his taboo lapses.</p> -<p>Side by side with the Kula, the subsidiary exchange of ordinary -goods takes place. In <a href="#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>, we -have classified the various types of <i>give and take</i>, as they are -to be found in the Trobriand Islands. The inter-tribal transactions -which now take place in Dobu also fit into that scheme. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb362" href="#pb362" name="pb362">362</a>]</span>The -Kula itself belongs to class (6), ‘Ceremonial Barter with -deferred payment.’ The offering of the <i lang="kij">pari</i>, of -landing gifts by the visitors, returned by the <i lang= -"kij">talo’i</i> or farewell gifts from the hosts fall into the -class (4) of presents more or less equivalent. Finally, between the -visitors and the local people there takes place, also, barter pure and -simple (<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>). Between partners, however, there is -never a direct exchange of the <i lang="kij">gimwali</i> type. The -local man will as a rule contribute a bigger present, for the <i lang= -"kij">talo’i</i> always exceeds the <i lang="kij">pari</i> in -quantity and value, and small presents are also given to the visitors -during their stay. Of course, if in the <i lang="kij">pari</i> there -were included gifts of high value, like a stone blade or a good lime -spoon, such solicitary gifts would always be returned in strictly -equivalent form. The rest would be liberally exceeded in value.</p> -<p>The trade takes place between the visitors and local natives, who -are not their partners, but who must belong to the community with whom -the Kula is made. Thus, Numanuma, Tu’utauna and Bwayowa are the -three communities which form what we have called the ‘Kula -community’ or ‘Kula unit,’ with whom the Sinaketans -stand in the relation of partnership. And a Sinaketa man will <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i> (trade) only with a man from one of these villages -who is not his personal partner. To use a native statement:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Some of our goods we give in <i lang= -"kij">pari</i>; some we keep back; later on, we <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i> it. They bring their areca-nut, their sago, they put -it down. They want some article of ours, they say: ‘I want this -stone blade.’ We give it, we put the betel-nut, the sago into our -canoe. If they give us, however, a not sufficient quantity, we rate -them. Then they bring more.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This is a clear definition of the <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>, with -haggling and adjustment of equivalence in the act.</p> -<p>When the visiting party from Sinaketa arrive, the natives from the -neighbouring districts, that is, from the small island of Dobu proper, -from the other side of Dawson Straits, from Deyde’i, the village -to the South, will assemble in the three Kula villages. These natives -from other districts bring with them a certain amount of goods. But -they must not trade directly with the visitors from Boyowa. They must -exchange their goods with the local natives, and these again will trade -them with the Sinaketans. Thus the hosts from the Kula <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb363" href="#pb363" name= -"pb363">363</a>]</span>community act as intermediaries in any trading -relations between the Sinaketans and the inhabitants of more remote -districts.</p> -<p>To sum up the sociology of these transactions, we may say that the -visitor enters into a threefold relation with the Dobuan natives. -First, there is his partner, with whom he exchanges general gifts on -the basis of free give and take, a type of transaction, running side by -side with the Kula proper. Then there is the local resident, not his -personal Kula partner, with whom he carries on <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i>. Finally there is the stranger with whom an indirect -exchange is carried on through the intermediation of the local men. -With all this, it must not be imagined that the commercial aspect of -the gathering is at all conspicuous. The concourse of the natives is -great, mainly owing to their curiosity, to see the ceremonial reception -of the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> party. But if I say that every visitor -from Boyowa, brings and carries away about half-a-dozen articles, I do -not under-state the case. Some of these articles the Sinaketan has -acquired in the industrial districts of Boyowa during his preliminary -trading expedition (see <a href="#div6.3">Chapter VI, Division -III</a>). On these he scores a definite gain. A few samples of the -prices paid in Boyowa and those received in Dobu will indicate the -amount of this gain.</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t5"> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellTop">Kuboma to -Sinaketa.</td> -<td class="cellRight cellTop">Dobu to Sinaketa.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1 <i lang="kij">tanepopo</i> basket</td> -<td>= 12 coco-nuts</td> -<td class="cellRight">= 12 coco-nuts + sago + 1 belt</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1 comb</td> -<td>= 4 coco-nuts</td> -<td class="cellRight">= 4 coco-nuts + 1 bunch of betel</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1 armlet</td> -<td>= 8 coco-nuts</td> -<td class="cellRight">= 8 coco-nuts + 2 bundles of betel</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">1 lime pot</td> -<td class="cellBottom">= 12 coco-nuts</td> -<td class="cellRight cellBottom">= 12 coco-nuts + 2 pieces of sago</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p>This table shows in its second column the prices paid by the -Sinaketans to the industrial villages of Kuboma, a district in the -Northern Trobriands. In the third column what they receive in Dobu is -recorded. The table has been obtained from a Sinaketan informant, and -it probably is far from accurate, and the transactions are sure to vary -greatly in the gain which they afford. There is no doubt, however, that -for <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb364" href="#pb364" name= -"pb364">364</a>]</span>each article, the Sinaketan would ask the price -which he paid for them as well as some extra article.</p> -<p>Thus we see that there is in this transaction a definite gain -obtained by the middlemen. The natives of Sinaketa act as -intermediaries between the industrial centres of the Trobriands and -Dobu, whereas their hosts play the same rôle between the -Sinaketans and the men from the outlying districts.</p> -<p>Besides trading and obtaining of Kula valuables, the natives of -Sinaketa visit their friends and their distant relatives, who, as we -saw before, are to be found in this district owing to migrations. The -visitors walk across the flat, fertile plain from one hamlet to the -other, enjoying some of the marvellous and unknown sights of this -district. They are shown the hot springs of Numanuma and of -Deyde’i, which are in constant eruption. Every few minutes, the -water boils up in one spring after another of each group, throwing up -jets of spray a few metres high. The plain around these springs is -barren, with nothing but here and there a stunted kind of eucalyptus -tree. This is the only place in the whole of Eastern New Guinea where -as far as I know, eucalyptus trees are to be found. This was at least -the information of some intelligent natives, in whose company I visited -the springs, and who had travelled all over the Eastern islands and the -East end of the mainland.</p> -<p>The land-locked bays and lagoons, the Northern end of Dawson Strait, -enclosed like a lake by mountains and volcanic cones, all this must -also appear strange and beautiful to the Trobrianders. In the villages, -they are entertained by their male friends, the language spoken by both -parties being that of Dobu, which differs completely from Kiriwinian, -but which the Sinaketans learn in early youth. It is remarkable that no -one in Dobu speaks Kiriwinian.</p> -<p>As said above, no sexual relations of any description take place -between the visitors and the women of Dobu. As one of the informants -told me:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“We do not sleep with women of Dobu, for Dobu is -the final mountain (Koyaviguna Dobu); it is a taboo of the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> magic.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>But when I enquired, whether the results of breaking this taboo -would be baneful to their success in Kula only, the reply was that they -were afraid of breaking it, and that it was <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb365" href="#pb365" name= -"pb365">365</a>]</span>ordained of old (<i lang="kij">tokunabogwo -ayguri</i>) that no man should interfere with the women of Dobu. As a -matter of fact, the Sinaketans are altogether afraid of the Dobuans, -and they would take good care not to offend them in any way.</p> -<p>After some three or four days’ sojourn in Dobu, the Sinaketan -fleet starts on its return journey. There is no special ceremony of -farewell. In the early morning, they receive their <i lang= -"kij">talo’i</i> (farewell gifts) of food, betel-nut, objects of -use and sometimes also a Kula valuable is enclosed amongst the the -<i lang="kij">talo’i</i>. Heavily laden as they are, they lighten -their canoes by means of a magic called <i lang="kij">kaylupa</i>, and -sail away northwards once more. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb366" -href="#pb366" name="pb366">366</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e11992" href="#xd26e11992src" name="xd26e11992">1</a></span> It -will be noted, that this is the third meaning in which the term -<i lang="kij">pokala</i> is used by the natives. (Cf. <a href= -"#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>.) <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e11992src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch15" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e763">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XV</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Journey Home—The Fishing and Working of the -Kaloma Shell</h2> -<div id="div15.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The return journey of the Sinaketan fleet is made by -following exactly the same route as the one by which they came to Dobu. -In each inhabited island, in every village, where a halt had previously -been made, they stop again, for a day or a few hours. In the hamlets of -Sanaroa, in Tewara and in the Amphletts, the partners are revisited. -Some Kula valuables are received on the way back, and all the <i lang= -"kij">talo’i</i> gifts from those intermediate partners are also -collected on the return journey. In each of these villages people are -eager to hear about the reception which the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> -party have received in Dobu; the yield in valuables is discussed, and -comparisons are drawn between the present occasion and previous -records.</p> -<p>No magic is performed now, no ceremonial takes place, and there -would be very little indeed to say about the return journey but for two -important incidents; the fishing for spondylus shell (<i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i>) in Sanaroa Lagoon, and the display and comparison of -the yield of Kula valuables on Muwa beach.</p> -<p>The natives of Sinaketa, as we have seen in the last chapter, -acquire a certain amount of the Koya produce by means of trade. There -are, however, certain articles, useful yet unobtainable in the -Trobriands, and freely accessible in the Koya, and to these the -Trobrianders help themselves. The glassy forms of lava, known as -obsidian, can be found in great quantities over the slopes of the hills -in Sanaroa and Dobu. This article, in olden days, served the -Trobrianders as material for razors, scrapers, and sharp, delicate, -cutting instruments. <span class="corr" id="xd26e12586" title= -"Source: Pummice-stone">Pumice-stone</span> abounding in this district -is collected and carried to the Trobriands, where it is used for -polishing. Red ochre is also procured there by the visitors, and so are -the hard, basaltic stones (<i lang="kij">binabina</i>) used for -hammering and pounding and for <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb367" -href="#pb367" name="pb367">367</a>]</span>magical purposes. Finally, -very fine silica sand, called <i lang="kij">maya</i>, is collected on -some of the beaches, and imported into the Trobriands, where it is used -for polishing stone blades, of the kind which serve as tokens of value -and which are manufactured up to the present day.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div15.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">But by far the most important of the articles which -the Trobrianders collect for themselves are the spondylus shells. These -are freely, though by no means easily, accessible in the coral outcrops -of Sanaroa Lagoon. It is from this shell that the small circular -perforated discs (<i lang="kij">kaloma</i>) are made, out of which the -necklaces of the Kula are composed, and which also serve for -ornamenting almost all the articles of value or of artistic finish -which are used within the Kula district. But, only in two localities -within the district are these discs manufactured, in Sinaketa and in -Vakuta, both villages in Southern Boyowa. The shell can be found also -in the Trobriand Lagoon, facing these two villages. But the specimens -found in Sanaroa are much better in colour, and I think more easily -procured. The fishing in this latter locality, however, is done by the -Sinaketans only.</p> -<p>Whether the fishing is done in their own Lagoon, near an uninhabited -island called Nanoula, or in Sanaroa, it is always a big, ceremonial -affair, in which the whole community takes part in a body. The magic, -or at least part of it, is done for the whole community by the magician -of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (<i lang="kij">towosina kaloma</i>), -who also fixes the dates, and conducts the ceremonial part of the -proceedings. As the spondylus shell furnishes one of the essential -episodes of a Kula expedition, a detailed account both of fishing and -of manufacturing must be here given. The native name, <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i> (in the Southern Massim districts the word <i lang= -"kij">sapi-sapi</i> is used) describes both the shell and the -manufactured discs. The shell is the large spondylus shell, containing -a crystalline layer of a red colour, varying from dirty brick-red to a -soft, raspberry pink, the latter being by far the most prized. It lives -in the cavities of coral outcrop, scattered among shallow mud-bottomed -lagoons.</p> -<p>This shell is, according to tradition, associated with the village -of Sinaketa. According to a Sinaketan legend, once upon a time, three -<i lang="kij">guya’u</i> (chief) women, belonging to the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb368" href="#pb368" name= -"pb368">368</a>]</span>Tabalu sub-clan of the Malasi clan, wandered -along, each choosing her place to settle in. The eldest selected the -village of Omarakana; the second went to Gumilababa; the youngest -settled in Sinaketa. She had <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> discs in her -basket, and they were threaded on a long, thin stick, called <i lang= -"kij">viduna</i>, such as is used in the final stage of manufacture. -She remained first in a place called Kaybwa’u, but a dog howled, -and she moved further on. She heard again a dog howling, and she took a -<i lang="kij">kaboma</i> (wooden plate) and went on to the fringing -reef to collect shells. She found there the <i lang="kij">momoka</i> -(white spondylus), and she exclaimed: “Oh, this is the <i lang= -"kij">kaloma!</i>” She looked closer, and said: “Oh no, you -are not red. Your name is <i lang="kij">momoka</i>.” She took -then the stick with the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> discs and thrust it -into a hole of the reef. It stood there, but when she looked at it, she -said: “Oh, the people from inland would come and see you and -pluck you off.” She went, she pulled out the stick; she went into -a canoe, and she paddled. She paddled out into the sea. She anchored -there, pulled the discs off the stick, and she threw them into the sea -so that they might come into the coral outcrop. She said: “It is -forbidden that the inland natives should take the valuables. The people -of Sinaketa only must dive.” Thus only the Sinaketa people know -the magic, and how to dive.</p> -<p>This myth presents certain remarkable characteristics. I shall not -enter into its sociology, though it differs in that respect from the -Kiriwinian myths, in which the equality of the Sinaketan and the -Gumilababan chiefs with those of Omarakana is not acknowledged. It is -characteristic that the Malasi woman in this myth shows an aversion to -the dog, the totem animal of the Lukuba clan, a clan which according to -mythical and historical data had to recede before and yield its -priority to the Malasi (compare <a href="#div12.4">Chapter XII, -Division IV</a>). Another detail of interest is that she brings the -<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> on their sticks, as they appear in the final -stage of manufacturing. In this form, also, she tries to plant them on -the reef. The finished <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>, however, to use the -words of one of my informants, “looked at her, the water swinging -it to and fro; flashing its red eyes.” And the woman, seeing it, -pulls out the too accessible and too inviting <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> -and scatters them over the deep sea. Thus she makes them inaccessible -to the uninitiated inland villagers, and monopolises them for Sinaketa. -There <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb369" href="#pb369" name= -"pb369">369</a>]</span>can be no doubt that the villages of Vakuta have -learnt this industry from the Sinaketans. The myth is hardly known in -Vakuta, only a few are experts in diving and manufacturing; there is a -tradition about a late transference of this industry there; finally the -Vakutans have never fished for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> in the Sanaroa -Lagoon.</p> -<p>Now let us describe the technicalities and the ceremonial connected -with the fishing for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>. It will be better to -give an account of how this is done in the Lagoon of Sinaketa, round -the sandbank of Nanoula, as this is the normal and typical form of -<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> fishing. Moreover, when the Sinaketans do it -in Sanaroa, the proceedings are very much the same, with just one or -two phases missed out.</p> -<p>The office of magician of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (<i lang= -"kij">towosina kaloma</i>) is hereditary in two sub-clans, belonging to -the Malasi clan, and one of them is that of the main chief of -Kasi’etana. After the Monsoon season is over, that is, some time -in March or April, <i lang="kij">ogibukuvi</i> (i.e., in the season of -the new yams) the magician gives the order for preparations. The -community give him a gift called <i lang="kij">sousula</i>, one or two -bringing a <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, the rest supplying <i lang= -"kij">gugu’a</i> (ordinary chattels), and some food. Then they -prepare the canoes, and get ready the <i lang="kij">binabina</i> -stones, with which the spondylus shell will be knocked off the -reef.</p> -<p>Next day, in the morning, the magician performs a rite called -‘<i lang="kij">kaykwa’una la’i</i>,’ ‘the -attracting of the reef,’ for, as in the case of several other -marine beings, the main seat of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> is far -away. Its dwelling place is the reef Ketabu, somewhere between Sanaroa -and Dobu. In order to make it move and come towards Nanoula, it is -necessary to recite the above-named spell. This is done by the magician -as he walks up and down on the Sinaketa beach and casts his words into -the open, over the sea, towards the distant seat of the <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i>. The <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> then ‘stand -up’ (<i lang="kij">itolise</i>) that is start from their original -coral outcrop (<i lang="kij">vatu</i>) and come into the Lagoon of -Sinaketa. This spell, I obtained from To’udavada, the present -chief of Kasi’etana, and descendant of the original giver of this -shell, the woman of the myth. It begins with a long list of ancestral -names; then follows a boastful picture of how the whole fleet admires -the magical success of the magician’s spell. The key-word in the -main part is the word ‘<i lang="kij">itolo</i>’: ‘it -stands up,’ i.e., ‘it starts,’ and with this, there -are enumerated all the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb370" href= -"#pb370" name="pb370">370</a>]</span>various classes of the <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i> shell, differentiated according to size, colour and -quality. It ends up with another boast; “My canoe is <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e12729" title="Source: overladed">overloaded</span> with -shell so that it sinks,” which is repeated with varying -phraseology.</p> -<p id="pl50"></p> -<div class="figure pl50-1width" id="pl50-1"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl50-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate L -(A)</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl50-1.jpg" alt="Working the Kaloma Shell (I.)" width= -"679" height="525"> -<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (I.)</p> -<p>The spondylus shell broken and made into roughly circular pieces by -knocking all round; this is done by men.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl50-2width" id="pl50-2"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl50-2width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate L -(B)</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl50-2.jpg" alt="Working the Kaloma Shell (II.)" -width="683" height="528"> -<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (II.)</p> -<p>Women grinding pieces of shell into flat discs. Each piece is -inserted into a hole at the end of a wooden cylinder and ground on a -flat sandstone.(See <a href="#div15.3">Div. III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>This spell the magician may utter once only, or he may repeat it -several times on successive days. He fixes then the final date for the -fishing expedition. On the evening before that date, the men perform -some private magic, every one in his own house. The hammering stone, -the <i lang="kij">gabila</i>, which is always a <i lang= -"kij">binabina</i> (it is a stone imported from the Koya), is charmed -over. As a rule it is put on a piece of dried banana leaf with some red -hibiscus blossoms and leaves or flowers of red colour. A formula is -uttered over it, and the whole is then wrapped up in the banana leaf -and kept there until it is used. This will make the stone a lucky one -in hitting off many shells, and it will make the shells very red.</p> -<p>Another rite of private magic consists in charming a large mussel -shell, with which, on the next morning, the body of the canoe will be -scraped. This makes the sea clear, so that the diver may easily see and -frequently find his spondylus shells.</p> -<p>Next morning the whole <span class="corr" id="xd26e12766" title= -"Source: fleets">fleet</span> starts on the expedition. Some food has -been taken into the canoes, as the fishing usually lasts for a few -days, the nights being spent on the beach of Nanoula. When the canoes -arrive at a certain point, about half-way between Sinaketa and Nanoula, -they all range themselves in a row. The canoe of the magician is at the -right flank, and he medicates a bunch of red hibiscus flowers, some red -croton leaves, and the leaves of the red-blossomed mangrove—red -coloured substances being used to make the shell red, magically. Then, -passing in front of all the other canoes, he rubs their prows with the -bundle of leaves. After that, the canoes at both ends of the row begin -to punt along, the row evolving into a circle, through which presently -the canoe of the magician passes, punting along its diameter. At this -place in the Lagoon, there is a small <i lang="kij">vatu</i> (coral -outcrop) called Vitukwayla’i. This is called the <i lang= -"kij">vatu</i> of the <i lang="kij">baloma</i> (spirits). At this -<i lang="kij">vatu</i> the magician’s canoe stops, and he orders -some of its crew to dive down and here to begin the gathering of -shells.</p> -<p>Some more private magic is performed later on by each canoe on its -own account. The anchor stone is charmed <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb371" href="#pb371" name="pb371">371</a>]</span>with some red -hibiscus flowers, in order to make the spondylus shell red. There is -another private magic called ‘sweeping of the sea,’ which, -like the magic of the mussel shell, mentioned above, makes the sea -clear and transparent. Finally, there is an evil magic called -‘besprinkling with salt water.’ If a man does it over the -others, he will annul the effects of their magic, and frustrate their -efforts, while he himself would arouse astonishment and suspicion by -the amount of shell collected. Such a man would dive down into the -water, take some brine into his mouth, and emerging, spray it towards -the other canoes, while he utters the evil charm.</p> -<p>So much for the magic and the ceremonial associated with the -spondylus fishing in the Trobriand Lagoon. In Sanaroa, exactly the same -proceedings take place, except that there is no attracting of the reef, -probably because they are already at the original seat of the <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i>. Again I was told that some of the private magic would -be performed in Sinaketa before the fleet sailed on the Kula -expedition. The objects medicated would be then kept, well wrapped in -dried leaves.</p> -<p>It may be added that neither in the one Lagoon nor in the other are -there any private, <span class="corr" id="xd26e12792" title= -"Source: proprietory">proprietary</span> rights to coral outcrops. The -whole community of Sinaketa have their fishing grounds in the Lagoon, -within which every man may hunt for his spondylus shell, and catch his -fish at times. If the other spondylus fishing community, the Vakutans, -encroached upon their grounds, there would be trouble, and in olden -days, fighting. Private ownership in coral outcrops exists in the -Northern villages of the Lagoon, that is in Kavataria, and the villages -on the island of Kayleula.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div15.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We must now follow the later stages of the <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i> industry. The technology of the proceedings is so -mixed up with remarkable sociological and economic arrangements that it -will be better to indicate it first in its main outlines. The spondylus -consists of a shell, the size and shape of a hollowed out half of a -pear, and of a flat, small lid. It is only the first part which is -worked. First it has to be broken into pieces with a <i lang= -"kij">binabina</i> or an <i lang="kij">utukema</i> (green stone -imported from Woodlark Island) as shown on <a href="#pl50">Plate L -(<span class="sc">A</span>)</a>. On each piece, then, can be seen the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb372" href="#pb372" name= -"pb372">372</a>]</span>stratification of the shell: the outside layer -of soft, chalky substance; under this, the layer of red, hard, -calcareous material, and then the inmost, white, crystalline stratum. -Both the outside and inside have to be rubbed off, but first each piece -has to be roughly rounded up, so as to form a thick circular lump. Such -a lump (see foregrounds of <a href="#pl50">Plates L (<span class= -"sc">A</span>)</a>, <a href="#pl50">L (<span class="sc">B</span>)</a>) -is then put in the hole of a cylindrical piece of wood. This latter -serves as a handle with which the lumps are rubbed on a piece of flat -sandstone (see <a href="#pl50">Plate L (<span class= -"sc">B</span>)</a>). The rubbing is carried on so far till the outside -and inside layers are gone, and there remains only a red, flat tablet, -polished on both sides. In the middle of it, a hole is drilled through -by means of a pump drill—<i lang= -"kij">gigi’u</i>—(see <a href="#pl51">Plate LI</a>), and a -number of such perforated discs are then threaded on a thin, but tough -stick (see <a href="#pl52">Plate LII</a>), with which we have already -met in the myth. Then the cylindrical roll is rubbed round and round on -the flat sandstone, until its form becomes perfectly symmetrical (see -<a href="#pl52">Plate LII</a>). Thus a number of flat, circular discs, -polished all round and perforated in the middle, are produced. The -breaking and the drilling, like the diving are done exclusively by men. -The polishing is as a rule woman’s work.</p> -<div class="figure pl51width" id="pl51"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl51width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl51.jpg" alt="Working the Kaloma Shell (III.)" width= -"662" height="523"> -<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (III.)</p> -<p>By means of a pump drill, a hole is bored in each disc. (See -<a href="#div15.3">Div. III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p id="pl52"></p> -<div class="figure pl52-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl52-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LII</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl52-1.jpg" alt="" width="431" height="557"></div> -<div class="figure pl52-2width"><img src="images/pl52-2.jpg" alt= -"Working the Kaloma Shell (IV.)" width="438" height="558"> -<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (IV.)</p> -<p class="first">The shell discs, flat and perforated, but of irregular -contour still, are now threaded on to a thin, tough stick, and in this -form they are ground on a flat sandstone till the roll is cylindrical, -that is, each disc is a perfect circle. (See <a href="#div15.3">Div. -III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>This technology is associated with an interesting sociological -relation between the maker and the man for whom the article is made. As -has been stated in <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, one of the main -features of the Trobriand organisation consists of the mutual duties -between a man and his wife’s maternal kinsmen. They have to -supply him regularly with yams at harvest time, while he gives them the -present of a valuable now and then. The manufacture of <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i> valuables in Sinaketa is very often associated with -this relationship. The Sinaketan manufacturer makes his <i lang= -"kij">kutadababile</i> (necklace of large beads) for one of his -relatives-in-law, while this latter pays him in food. In accordance -with this custom, it happens very frequently that a Sinaketan man -marries a woman from one of the agricultural inland villages, or even a -woman of Kiriwina. Of course, if he has no relatives-in-law in one of -these villages, he will have friends or distant relatives, and he will -make the string for one or the other of them. Or else he will produce -one for himself, and launch it into the Kula. But the most typical and -interesting case is, when the necklace is produced to order for a man -who repays it according to a remarkable economic system, a <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb373" href="#pb373" name= -"pb373">373</a>]</span>system similar to the payments in instalments, -which I have mentioned with regard to canoe making. I shall give here, -following closely the native text, a translation of an account of the -payments for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> making.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Account of the Kaloma Making</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Supposing some man from inland lives in Kiriwina or in -Luba or in one of the villages nearby; he wants a <i lang= -"kij">katudababile</i>. He would request an expert fisherman who knows -how to dive for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>. This man agrees; he dives, he -dives … till it is sufficient; his <i lang="kij">vataga</i> -(large folding basket) is already full, this man (the inlander) hears -the rumour; he, the master of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (that is, -the man for whom the necklace will be made) says: “Good! I shall -just have a look!” He would come, he would see, he would not give -any <i lang="kij">vakapula</i> payment. He (here the Sinaketan diver is -meant) would say: “Go, tomorrow, I shall break the shell, come -here, give me <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>.” Next day, he (the -inlander) would cook food, he would bring, he would give <i lang= -"kij">vakapula</i>; he (the diver) would break the shell. Next day, the -same. He (the inlander) would give the <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>, he -(the diver) would break the shell. Supposing the breaking is already -finished, he (the diver) would say: “Good! already the breaking -is finished, I shall polish.” Next day, he (the inlander) would -cook food, would bring bananas, coco-nut, betel-nut, sugar cane, would -give it as <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>; this man (the diver) polishes. -The polishing already finished, he would speak: “Good! To-morrow -I shall drill.” This man (the inlander) would bring food, -bananas, coco-nuts, sugar cane, he would give it as <i lang= -"kij">vakapula</i>: it would be abundant, for soon already the necklace -will be finished. The same, he would give a big <i lang= -"kij">vakapula</i> on the occasion of the rounding up of the cylinder, -for soon everything will be finished. When finished, we thread it on a -string, we wash it. (Note the change from the third singular into the -first plural). We give it to our wife, we blow the conch shell; she -would go, she would carry his valuable to this man, our -relative-in-law. Next day, he would <i lang="kij">yomelu</i>; he would -catch a pig, he would break off a bunch of betel-nut, he would cut -sugar cane, bananas, he would fill the baskets with food, and spike the -coco-nut on a multi-forked piece of wood. By-and-by he would bring it. -Our house would be filled up. Later on we would make a distribution of -the bananas, of the sugar cane, of the betel-nut. We give it to our -helpers. We sit, we sit (i.e., we wait); at harvest <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb374" href="#pb374" name="pb374">374</a>]</span>time -he brings yams, he <i lang="kij">karibudaboda</i> (he gives the payment -of that name), the necklace. He would bring the food and fill out our -yam house.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This narrative, like many pieces of native information, needs -certain corrections of perspective. In the first place, events here -succeed one another with a rapidity quite foreign to the extremely -leisurely way in which natives usually accomplish such a lengthy -process as the making of a <i lang="kij">katudababile</i>. The amount -of food which, in the usual manner, is enumerated over and over again -in this narrative would probably not be exaggerated, for—such is -native economy—a man who makes a necklace to order would get -about twice as much or even more for it than it would fetch in any -other transaction. On the other hand, it must be remembered that what -is represented here as the final payment, the <i lang= -"kij">karibudaboda</i>, is nothing else but the normal filling up of -the yam house, always done by a man’s relations-in-law. None the -less, in a year in which a <i lang="kij">katudababile</i> would be -made, the ordinary yearly harvest gift would be styled the -‘<i lang="kij">karibudaboda</i> payment for the necklace.’ -The giving of the necklace to the wife, who afterwards carries it to -her brother or kinsman, is also characteristic of the relation between -relatives-in-law.</p> -<p>In Sinaketa and Vakuta only the necklaces made of bigger shell and -tapering towards the end are made. The real Kula article, in which the -discs are much thinner, smaller in diameter and even in size from one -end of the necklace to the other, these were introduced into the Kula -at other points, and I shall speak about this subject in one of the -following chapters (<a href="#ch21">Chapter XXI</a>), where the other -branches of the Kula are described.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div15.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Now, having come to an end of this digression on -<i lang="kij">kaloma</i>, let us return for another short while to our -Sinaketan party, whom we have left on the Lagoon of Sanaroa. Having -obtained a sufficient amount of the shells, they set sail, and -re-visiting Tewara and Gumasila, stopping perhaps for a night on one of -the sandbanks of Pilolu, they arrive at last in their home Lagoon. But -before rejoining their people in their villages, they stop for the last -halt on Muwa. Here they make what <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb375" -href="#pb375" name="pb375">375</a>]</span>is called <i lang= -"kij">tanarere</i>, a comparison and display of the valuables obtained -on this trip. From each canoe, a mat or two are spread on the sand -beach, and the men put their necklaces on the mat. Thus a long row of -valuables lies on the beach, and the members of the expedition walk up -and down, admire, and count them. The chiefs would, of course, have -always the greatest haul, more especially the one who has been the -<i lang="kij">toli’uvalaku</i> on that expedition.</p> -<p>After this is over, they return to the village. Each canoe blows its -conch shell, a blast for each valuable that it contains. When a canoe -has obtained no <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> at all, this means -great shame and distress for its members, and especially for the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. Such a canoe is said to <i lang= -"kij">bisikureya</i>, which means literally ‘to keep a -fast.’</p> -<p>On the beach all the villagers are astir. The women, who have put on -their new grass petticoats (<i lang="kij">sevata’i</i>) specially -made for this occasion, enter the water and approach the canoes to -unload them. No special greetings pass between them and their husbands. -They are interested in the food brought from Dobu, more especially in -the sago.</p> -<p>People from other villages assemble also in great numbers to greet -the incoming party. Those who have supplied their friends or relatives -with provisions for their journey, receive now sago, betel-nuts and -coco-nuts in repayment. Some of the welcoming crowd have come in order -to make Kula. Even from the distant districts of Luba and Kiriwina -natives will travel to Sinaketa, having a fair idea of the date of the -arrival of the Kula party from Dobu. The expedition will be talked -over, the yield counted, the recent history of the important valuables -described. But this stage leads us already into the subject of inland -Kula, which will form the subject of one of the following chapters. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb376" href="#pb376" name= -"pb376">376</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch16" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e781">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XVI</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Return Visit of the Dobuans to Sinaketa</h2> -<div id="div16.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In the twelve preceding chapters, we have followed an -expedition from Sinaketa to Dobu. But branching off at almost every -step from its straight track, we studied the various associated -institutions and underlying beliefs; we quoted magical formulæ, -and told mythical stories, and thus we broke up the continuous thread -of the narrative. In this chapter, as we are already acquainted with -the customs, beliefs and institutions implied in the Kula, we are ready -to follow a straight and consecutive tale of an expedition in the -inverse direction, from Dobu to Sinaketa.</p> -<p>As I have seen, indeed followed, a big <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> -expedition from the South to the Trobriands, I shall be able to give -some of the scenes from direct impression, and not from reconstruction. -Such a reconstruction for one who has seen much of the natives’ -tribal life and has a good grip over intelligent informants is neither -very difficult nor need it be fanciful at all. Indeed, towards the end -of my second visit, I had several times opportunities to check such a -reconstruction by witnessing the actual occurrence, for after my first -year’s stay in the Trobriands I had written out already some of -my material. As a rule, even in minute details, my reconstructions -hardly differed from reality, as the tests have shown. None the less, -it is possible for an Ethnographer to enter into concrete details with -more conviction when he describes things actually seen.</p> -<div class="figure pl53width" id="pl53"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl53width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl53.jpg" alt="On the Beach of Nabwageta." width="720" -height="422"> -<p class="figureHead">On the Beach of Nabwageta.</p> -<p>In the middle of the picture a sail is seen, hung on a scaffolding -of sticks; natives are pausing in their work of overhauling it and -patching it up. (See <a href="#div16.1">Div. I</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>In September, 1917, an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition was led -by Kouta’uya from Sinaketa to Dobu. The Vakutans joining them on -the way, and the canoes of the Amphletts following them also, some -forty canoes finally arrived at the western shore of Dawson Straits. It -was arranged then and there that a return expedition from that district -should visit Sinaketa in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb377" href= -"#pb377" name="pb377">377</a>]</span>about six months’ time. -Kauyaporu, the <i lang="kij">esa’esa</i> (headman) of -Kesora’i hamlet in the village of Bwayowa, had a pig with -circular tusks. He decided therefore to arrange an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, at the beginning of which the pig was to -be killed and feasted upon and its tusks turned into ornaments.</p> -<p>When, in November, 1917, I passed through the district, the -preparing of the canoes was already afoot. All of those, which still -could be repaired, had been taken to pieces and were being relashed, -recaulked and repainted. In some hamlets, new dug-outs were being -scooped. After a few months stay in the Trobriands, I went South again -in March, 1918, intending to spend some time in the Amphletts. Landing -there is always difficult, as there are no anchorages near the shore, -and it is quite impossible to disembark in rough weather at night. I -arrived late in a small cutter, and had to cruise between Gumasila and -Domdom, intending to wait till daybreak and then effect a landing. In -the middle of the night, however, a violent north-westerly squall came -down, and making a split in the main-sail, forced us to run before the -wind, southwards towards Dobu. It was on this night that the native -boys employed in the boat, saw the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> flaming -up at the head of the mast. The wind dropped before daybreak, and we -entered the Lagoon of Sanaroa, in order to repair the sail. During the -three days we stopped there, I roamed over the country, climbing its -volcanic cones, paddling up the creeks and visiting the villages -scattered on the coral plain. Everywhere I saw signs of the approaching -departure for Boyowa; the natives preparing their canoes on the beach -to be loaded, collecting food in the gardens and making sago in the -jungle. At the head of one of the creeks, in the midst of a sago swamp, -there was a long, low shelter which serves as a dwelling to Dobuan -natives from the main Island when they come to gather sago. This swamp -was said to be reserved to a certain community of Tu’utauna.</p> -<p>Another day I came upon a party of local natives from Sanaroa, who -were pounding sago pulp out of a palm, and sluicing it with water. A -big tree had been felled, its bark stripped in the middle of the trunk -in a large square, and the soft, fleshy interior laid open. There were -three men standing in a row before it and pounding away at it. A few -more men waited to relieve the tired ones. The pounding instruments, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb378" href="#pb378" name= -"pb378">378</a>]</span>half club, half adzes, had thick but not very -broad blades of green stone, of the same type as I have seen among the -Mailu natives of the South Coast.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e13048src" -href="#xd26e13048" name="xd26e13048src">1</a></p> -<p>The pulp was then carried in baskets to a neighbouring stream. At -this spot there was a natural trough, one of the big, convex scales, -which form the basis of the sago leaf. In the middle of it, a sieve was -made of a piece of coco-nut spathing, a fibre which covers the root of -a coco-nut leaf, and looks at first sight exactly like a piece of -roughly woven material. Water was directed so that it flowed into the -trough at its broad end, coming out at the narrow one. The sago pulp -was put at the top, the water carried away with it the powdered sago -starch, while the wooden, husky fibres were retained by the sieve. The -starch was then carried with the water into a big wooden canoe-shaped -trough; there the heavier starch settled down, while the water welled -over the brim. When there is plenty of starch, the water is drained off -carefully and the starch is placed into another of the trough-shaped, -sago leaf bases, where it is allowed to dry. In such receptacles it is -then carried on a trading expedition, and is thus counted as one unit -of sago.</p> -<p>I watched the proceedings for a long time with great interest. There -is something fascinating about the big, antideluvian-looking sago palm, -so malignant and unapproachable in its unhealthy, prickly swamp, being -turned by man into food by such simple and direct methods. The sago -produced and eaten by the natives is a tough, starchy stuff, of dirty -white colour, very unpalatable. It has the consistency of rubber, and -the taste of very poor, unleavened bread. It is not clear, like the -article which is sold under the name of sago in our groceries, but is -mealy, tough, and almost elastic. The natives consider it a great -delicacy, and bake it into little cakes, or boil it into dumplings.</p> -<p>The main fleet of the Dobuans started some time in the second half -of March from their villages, and went first to the beach of -Sarubwoyna, where they held a ceremonial distribution of food, <i lang= -"kij">eguya’i</i>, as it is called in Dobu. Then, offering the -<i lang="kij">pokala</i> to Aturamo’a and Atu’a’ine, -they sailed by way of Sanaroa and Tewara, passing the tabooed rock of -Gurewaya to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb379" href="#pb379" name= -"pb379">379</a>]</span>the Amphletts. The wind was light and -changeable, weak S.W. breezes prevailing. The progress of this stage of -the journey must have been very slow. The natives must have spent a few -nights on the intermediate islands and sandbanks, a few canoes’ -crews camping at one spot.</p> -<p>At that time I had already succeeded in reaching the Amphletts, and -had been busy for two or three weeks doing ethnographic work, though -not very successfully; for, as I have already once or twice remarked, -the natives here are very bad informants. I knew of course that the -Dobuan fleet was soon to come, but as my experience had taught me to -mistrust native time-tables and fixtures of date, I did not expect them -to be punctual. In this, however, I was mistaken. On a Kula expedition, -when the dates are once fixed, the natives make real and strenuous -efforts to keep to them. In the Amphletts the people were busy -preparing for the expedition, because they had the intention of joining -the Dobuans and proceeding with them to the Trobriands. A few canoes -went to the mainland to fetch sago, pots were being mustered and made -ready for stowing away, canoes were overhauled. When the small -expedition returned from the mainland with sago, after a week or so, a -<i lang="kij">sagali</i> (in Amphlettan<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e13070" title="Source: ;">:</span> <i lang="kij">madare</i>), that -is, a ceremonial distribution of food was held on the neighbouring -island, Nabwageta.</p> -<p>My arrival was a very untoward event to the natives, and complicated -matters, causing great annoyance to Tovasana, the main headman. I had -landed in his own little village, Nu’agasi, on the island of -Gumasila, for it was impossible to anchor near the big village, nor -would there have been room for pitching a tent. Now, in the Amphletts, -a white man is an exceedingly rare occurrence, and to my knowledge, -only once before, a white trader remained there for a few weeks. To -leave me alone with the women and one or two old men was impossible, -according to their ideas and fears, and none of the younger men wanted -to forgo the privilege and pleasure of taking part in the expedition. -At last, I promised them to move to the neighbouring island of -Nabwageta, as soon as the men were gone, and with this they were -satisfied.</p> -<p>As the date fixed for the arrival of the Dobuans approached, the -excitement grew. Little by little the news arrived, and was eagerly -received and conveyed to me: “Some sixty canoes <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb380" href="#pb380" name="pb380">380</a>]</span>of -the Dobuans are coming,” “the fleet is anchored off -Tewara,” “each canoe is heavily laden with food and -gifts,” “Kauyaporu sails in his canoe, he is <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i>, and has a big pandanus streamer attached -to the prow.” A string of other names followed which had very -little meaning for me, since I was not acquainted with the Dobuan -natives. From another part of the world, from the Trobriands, the goal -of the whole expedition, news reached us again: “To’uluwa, -the chief of Kiriwina has gone to Kitava—he will soon come back, -bringing plenty of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>.” “The -Sinaketans are going there to fetch some of the <i lang= -"kij">mwali</i>.” “The Vakutans have been in Kitava and -brought back great numbers of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>.” It was -astonishing to hear all this news, arriving at a small island, -apparently completely isolated with its tiny population, within these -savage and little navigated seas; news only a few days old, yet -reporting events which had occurred at a travelling distance of some -hundred miles.</p> -<p>It was interesting to follow up the way it had come. The earlier -news about the Dobuans had been brought by the canoes, which had -fetched the sago to Gumasila from the main island. A few days later, a -canoe from one of the main island villages had arrived here, and on its -way had passed the Dobuans in Tewara. The news from the Trobriands in -the North had been brought by the Kuyawa canoe which had arrived a -couple of days before in Nabwageta (and whose visit to Nu’agasi I -have described in <a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a>). All these movements -were not accidental, but connected with the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> -expedition. To show the complexity, as well as the precise timing of -the various movements and events, so perfectly synchronised over a vast -area, in connection with the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, I have -tabulated them in the Chart, facing this page, in which almost all the -dates are quite exact, being based on my own observations. This Chart -also gives a clear, synoptic picture of an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, -and it will be useful to refer to it, in reading this Chapter.</p> -<p>In olden days, not less than now, there must have been an -<span class="corr" id="xd26e13111" title= -"Source: ebulition">ebullition</span> in the inter-tribal relations, -and a great stirring from one place to another, whenever an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> Kula was afoot. Thus, news would be carried rapidly -over great distances, the movements of the vast numbers of natives -would be co-ordinated, and dates fixed. As has been said already, a -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb382" href="#pb382" name= -"pb382">382</a>]</span>culminating event of an expedition, in this case -the arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa, would be always so timed -as to happen on, or just before, a full moon, and this would serve as a -general orientation for the preliminary movements, such as in this -case, the visits of the single canoes. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb381" href="#pb381" name="pb381">381</a>]</span></p> -<div class="table" id="table2"> -<h4 class="tablecaption">Time-table of the Uvalaku Expedition, Dobu to -Sinaketa, 1918</h4> -<table class="t5"> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight cellTop">The Previous -Uvalaku</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Date</td> -<td class="cellRight"></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">September, 1917</td> -<td class="cellRight">The expedition, led by Kouta’uya from -Sinaketa to Dobu.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">Preparatory -Stage</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Oct., 1917–Feb., 1918</td> -<td class="cellRight">Building of new canoes and repairing of old ones, -in the district of N.W. Dobu.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Feb.–March, 1918</td> -<td class="cellRight">Sago making, collecting of trade and food.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Middle of March</td> -<td class="cellRight">Launching, fitting and loading of the canoes; -preliminary magic.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">The Sailing</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">About 25th March</td> -<td class="cellRight">The Dobuan canoes start on their overseas -trip.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">About same time</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: the Vakutans return from Kitava with -a good haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>].</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Same time</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: preparations to sail; -collecting food; repairing canoes.]</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">About 28th March</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: To’uluwa returns from Kitava -bringing <i lang="kij">mwali</i>.]</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Same time</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: news reach of the approaching -fleet from Dobu; of the doings in Boyowa.]</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">29th March</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: part of the canoes sail ahead -to Vakuta.]</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">31st March</td> -<td class="cellRight">The Dobuan fleet arrives in the Amphletts.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1st April</td> -<td class="cellRight">They proceed on their journey to Boyowa.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">2nd April</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: rest of local canoes sail to -Boyowa.]</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Same day</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: the Sinaketans go to Kiriwina.]</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">3rd April</td> -<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: they return with the armshells.]</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">The Arrival of the -Dobuans in Boyowa</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">3rd April</td> -<td class="cellRight">The Dobuan fleet appears in Vakuta.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">3rd–5th April</td> -<td class="cellRight">They receive Kula gifts, exchange presents and -trade in Vakuta.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">6th April</td> -<td class="cellRight">Arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa, magic at -the beach of Kaykuyawa, ceremonial reception.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">6th–10th April</td> -<td class="cellRight">The Dobuans (as well as the Amphlettans) remain -in Sinaketa, receiving Kula presents, giving <i lang="kij">pari</i> -gifts and trading.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">10th April</td> -<td class="cellRight">They all leave Sinaketa, receiving <i lang= -"kij">talo’i</i> (farewell) gifts. The Dobuans sail south (and -the Amphlettans to Kayleula and the smaller Western Trobriand -Islands).</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">10th–14th April</td> -<td class="cellRight">The Dobuans are engaged in fishing in the S. -Lagoon.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">Return Journey</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">14th April</td> -<td class="cellRight">They reappear in Vakuta, and receive their -<i lang="kij">talo’i</i> (farewell) gifts.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">15th April</td> -<td class="cellRight">They leave Vakuta.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">About 20th or 21st</td> -<td class="cellRight cellBottom"><i lang="kij">Tanarere</i> -(competitive display and comparison) on the beach of Sarubwoyna, and -return to Dobu.</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb382a" href="#pb382a" name= -"pb382a">382</a>]</span></p> -<p>Indeed, from that moment, the events on and about the Amphlett -Islands moved rapidly. The day after the visit from the Kuyawan canoes, -the canoes of the main village of Gumasila sailed off to the -Trobriands, starting therefore a few days ahead of the Dobuan <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> fleet. I rowed over in a dinghy to the big village, -and watched the loading and departing of the canoes. There was a bustle -in the village, and even a few old women could be seen helping the men -in their tasks. The large canoes were being pushed into the water from -their supports, on which they were beached. They had been already -prepared for the journey there, their platforms covered with plaited -palm leaves, frames put in their bottoms to support the cargo, boards -placed crossways within the canoe to serve as seats for the crew, the -mast, rigging and sail laid handy. The loading, however, begins only -after the canoe is in water. The large, trough-shaped chunks of sago -were put at the bottom, while men and women carefully brought out the -big clay pots, stowing them away with many precautions in special -places in the middle (see <a href="#pl47">Plate XLVII</a>). Then, one -after the other, the canoes went off, paddling round the southern end -of the island towards the West. At about ten o’clock in the -morning, the last canoe disappeared round the promontory, and the -village remained practically empty. There was no saying of farewells, -not a trace of any emotion on the part of those leaving or those -remaining. But it must be remembered that, owing to my presence, no -women except one or two old hags, were visible on the shore. All my -best informants gone, I intended to move to Nabwageta next morning. At -sunset, I made a long excursion in my dinghy round the western shores -of Gumasila, and it was on that occasion that I discovered all those -who had left that morning on the Kula sitting on Giyasila beach, in -accordance with the Kula custom of a preliminary halt, such as the one -on Muwa described in <a href="#ch7">Chapter VII</a>.</p> -<p>Next morning, I left for the neighbouring island and village of -Nabwageta, and only after he saw me safely off, Tovasana and his party -left in his canoe, following the others to Vakuta. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb383" href="#pb383" name="pb383">383</a>]</span>In -Nabwageta, the whole community were in the midst of their final -preparations for departure, for they intended to wait for the Dobuans -and sail with them to Kiriwina. All their canoes were being painted and -renovated, a sail was being repaired on the beach (see <a href= -"#pl53">Plate LIII</a>). There were some minor distributions of food -taking place in the village, the stuff being over and over again -allotted and re-allotted, smaller pieces carved out of the big chunks -and put into special wrappings. This constant handling of food is one -of the most prominent features of tribal life in that part of the -world. As I arrived, a sail for one of the canoes was just being -finished by a group of men. In another canoe, I saw them mending the -outrigger by attaching the small log of light, dry wood to make the -old, waterlogged float more buoyant. I could also watch in detail the -final trimming of the canoes, the putting up of the additional frames, -of the coco-nut mats, the making of the little cage in the central part -for the pots and for the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> (the sacred bundle), -I was, nevertheless, not on sufficiently intimate terms with these -Nabwageta natives to be allowed to witness any of the magic. Their -system of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> is identical with that of Boyowa, -in fact, it is borrowed from there.</p> -<p>Next day—in this village again I had difficulty in finding any -good informants, a difficulty increased by the feverish occupation of -all the men—I went for a long row in the afternoon with my two -‘boys,’ hoping to reach the island of Domdom. A strong -current, which in this part is at places so pronounced that it breaks -out into steep, tidal waves, made it impossible to reach our goal. -Returning in the dark, my boys suddenly grew alert and excited, like -hounds picking up a scent. I could perceive nothing in the dark, but -they had discerned two canoes moving westwards. Within about -half-an-hour, a fire became visible, twinkling on the beach of a small, -deserted island South of Domdom; evidently some Dobuans were camping -there. The excitement and intense interest shown by my boys, one a -Dobuan, the other from Sariba (Southern Massim), gave me an inkling of -the magnitude of this event—the vanguard of a big Kula fleet -slowly creeping up towards one of its intermediate halting places. It -also brought home to me vividly the inter-tribal character of this -institution, which unites in one common and strongly emotional interest -so many scattered communities. That night, as we learnt afterwards, a -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb384" href="#pb384" name= -"pb384">384</a>]</span>good number of canoes had anchored on the -outlying deserted islands of the Amphletts, waiting for the rest of the -fleet to arrive. When we came that evening to Nabwageta, the news had -already been received of the important event, and the whole village was -astir.</p> -<p>Next day, the weather was particularly fine and clear, with the -distant mountains wreathed only in light cumuli, their alluring -outlines designed in transparent blue. Early in the afternoon, with a -blast of conch shell, a Dobuan waga, in full paint and decoration, and -with the rich pandanus mat of the sail glowing like gold against the -blue sea, came sailing round the promontory. One after the other, at -intervals of a few minutes each, other canoes came along, all sailing -up to some hundred yards from the beach, and then, after furling the -sail, paddling towards the shore (see <a href="#pl40">Plate XL</a>). -This was not a ceremonial approach, as the aim of the expedition this -time did not embrace the Amphletts, but was directed towards the -Trobriands only, Vakuta, and Sinaketa; these canoes had put in only for -an intermediate halt. Nevertheless, it was a great event, especially as -the canoes of Nabwageta were going to join with the fleet later on. Out -of the sixty or so Dobuan canoes, only about twenty-five with some 250 -men in them had come to Nabwageta, the others having gone to the big -village of Gumasila. In any case, there were about five times as many -men gathered in the village as one usually sees. There was no Kula done -at all, no conch-shells were blown on the shore, nor do I think were -any presents given or received by either party. The men sat in groups -round their friends’ houses, the most distinguished visitors -collected about the dwelling of Tobwa’ina, the main headman of -Nabwageta.</p> -<p>Many canoes were anchored along the coast beyond the village beach, -some tucked away into small coves, others moored in sheltered shallows. -The men sat on the shore round fires, preparing their food, which they -took out of the provisions carried on the canoes. Only the water did -they obtain from the island, filling their coco-nut-made water vessels -from the springs. About a dozen canoes were actually moored at the -village beach. Late at night, I walked along the shore to observe their -sleeping arrangements. In the clear, moonlit night, the small fires -burnt with a red, subdued glow; there was always one of them between -each two sleepers, consisting of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb385" -href="#pb385" name="pb385">385</a>]</span>three burning sticks, -gradually pushed in as they were consumed. The men slept with the big, -stiff pandanus mats over them; each mat is folded in the middle, and -when put on the ground, forms a kind of miniature prismatic tent. All -along the beach, it was almost a continuous row of man alternating with -fire, the dun-coloured mats being nearly invisible against the sand in -the full moonlight. It must have been a very light sleep for every now -and then, a man stirred, peeping up from under his shell, re-adjusting -the fire, and casting a searching glance over the surroundings. It -would be difficult to say whether mosquitoes or cold wind or fear of -sorcery disturbed their sleep most, but I should say the last.</p> -<p>The next morning, early, and without any warning, the whole fleet -sailed away. At about 8 o’clock the last canoe punted towards the -offing, where they stepped their mast and hoisted their sail. There -were no farewell gifts, no conch shell blowing, and the Dobuans this -time left their resting place as they had come, without ceremony or -display. The morning after, the Nabwagetans followed them. I was left -in the village with a few cripples, the women and one or two men who -had remained perhaps to look after the village, perhaps specially to -keep watch over me and see that I did no mischief. Not one of them was -a good informant. Through a mistake of mine, I had missed the cutter -which had come two days before to the island of Gumasila and left -without me. With bad luck and bad weather, I might have had to wait a -few weeks, if not months in Nabwageta. I could perhaps have sailed in a -native canoe, but this could only be done without bedding, tent, or -even writing outfit and photographic apparatus, and so my travelling -would have been quite useless. It was a piece of great good luck that a -day or two afterwards, a motor launch, whose owner had heard about my -staying in the Amphletts, anchored in front of Nabwageta village, and -within an hour I was speeding towards the Trobriands again, following -the tracks of the Kula fleet.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div16.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">On the next morning, as we slowly made our way along -the channels in the opalescent, green lagoon, and as I watched a fleet -of small, local canoes fishing in their muddy waters, and could -recognise on the surrounding flat shores a dozen <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb386" href="#pb386" name= -"pb386">386</a>]</span>well-known villages, my spirits rose, and I felt -well pleased to have left the picturesque, but ethnographically barren -Amphletts for the Trobriands, with their scores of excellent -informants.</p> -<p>Moreover, the Amphletts, in the persons of their male inhabitants -were soon to join me here. I went ashore in Sinaketa, where everybody -was full of the great moment which was soon to arrive. For the Dobuan -fleet was known to be coming, though on that morning, so far, no news -had reached them of its whereabouts. As a matter of fact, the Dobuans, -who had left Nabwageta forty-eight hours ahead of me, had made a slow -journey with light winds, and sailing a course to the East of mine, had -arrived that morning only in Vakuta.</p> -<p>All the rumours which had been reported to me in the Amphletts about -the previous movements of the Trobriand natives had been correct. Thus -the natives of Vakuta had really been to the East, to Kitava, and had -brought with them a big haul of armshells. To’uluwa, the chief of -Kiriwina, had visited Kitava later, and about five or six days before -had returned from there, bringing with him 213 pairs of armshells. The -Sinaketans then had gone to Kiriwina, and out of the 213 pairs had -succeeded in securing 154. As there had been previously 150 pairs in -Sinaketa, a total of 304 was awaiting the Dobuans. On the morning of my -arrival, the Sinaketan party had just returned from Kiriwina, hurrying -home so as to have everything ready for the reception of the Dobuans. -Of these, we got the news that very afternoon—news which -travelled overland from one village to another, and reached us from -Vakuta with great rapidity. We were also told that the <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> fleet would be at Sinaketa within two or three -days.</p> -<p>This period I utilised in refurbishing my information about that -phase of the Kula, which I was going to witness, and trying to get a -clear outline of every detail of all that was going soon to happen. It -is extremely important in sociological work to know well beforehand the -underlying rules and the fundamental ideas of an occurrence, especially -if big masses of natives are concerned in it. Otherwise, the really -important events may be obliterated by quite irrelevant and accidental -movements of the crowd, and thus the significance of what he sees may -be lost to the observer. No doubt if one could repeat one’s -observations on the same phenomenon over and over <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb387" href="#pb387" name= -"pb387">387</a>]</span>again, the essential and relevant features would -stand out by their regularity and permanence. If, however, as it often -happens in ethnographic field-work, one gets the opportunity only once -of witnessing a public ceremony, it is necessary to have its anatomy -well dissected beforehand, and then concentrate upon observing how -these outlines are followed up concretely, gauge the tone of the -general behaviour, the touches of emotion or passion, many small yet -significant details which nothing but actual observation can reveal, -and which throw much light upon the real, inner relation of the native -to his institution. So I was busy going over my old entries and -checking them and putting my material into shape in a detailed and -concrete manner.</p> -<p>On the third day, as I was sitting and taking notes in the -afternoon, word ran all round the villages that the Dobuan canoes had -been sighted. And indeed, as I hastened towards the shore, there could -be seen, far away, like small petals floating on the horizon, the sails -of the advancing fleet. I jumped at once into a canoe, and was punted -along towards the promontory of Kaykuyawa, about a mile to the South of -Sinaketa. There, one after the other, the Dobuan canoes were arriving, -dropping their sails and undoing the mast as they moored, until the -whole fleet, numbering now over eighty canoes, were assembled before me -(see <a href="#pl48">Plate XLVIII</a>). From each a few men waded -ashore, returning with big bunches of leaves. I saw them wash and smear -themselves and perform the successive stages of native, festive -adornment (see <a href="#pl49">Plate XLIX</a>). Each article was -medicated by some man or another in the canoe before it was used or put -on. The most carefully handled articles of ornamentation were the -ineffective looking, dried up herbs, taken out of their little -receptacles, where they had remained since they had been becharmed in -Dobu, and now stuck into the armlets. The whole thing went on quickly, -almost feverishly, making more the impression of a piece of technical -business being expeditiously performed, than of a solemn and elaborate -ceremony taking place. But the ceremonial element was soon to show -itself.</p> -<p>After the preparations were finished, the whole fleet formed itself -into a compact body, not quite regular, but with a certain order, about -four or five canoes being in a row, and one row behind the other. In -this formation they punted along over <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb388" href="#pb388" name="pb388">388</a>]</span>the Lagoon, too -shallow for paddling, towards the beach of Sinaketa. When they were -within about ten minutes of the shore, all the conch shells began to be -sounded, and the murmur of recited magic rose from the canoes. I could -not come sufficiently near the canoes, for reason of etiquette, to be -able to see the exact arrangement of the reciters, but I was told that -it was the same as that observed by the Trobrianders on their approach -to Dobu, described in <a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>. The general -effect was powerful, when this wonderfully painted and fully decorated -fleet was gliding swiftly over the green waters of the Lagoon towards -the palm grove above the sand beach, at that moment thick with -expectant natives. But I imagine that the arrival of a Trobriand fleet -in Dobu must be considerably more effective even than that. The much -more picturesque landscape, the ceremonial paddling with the -leaf-shaped oars over the deep water, the higher sense of danger and -tension, than that which the Dobuans feel, when coming to visit the -meek Trobrianders, all this must make it even more dramatic and -impressive than the scene I have just described.</p> -<div class="figure pl54width" id="pl54"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl54width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LIV</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl54.jpg" alt= -"The Dobuan Canoes Pulled Up on Sinaketa Beach." width="674" height= -"402"> -<p class="figureHead">The Dobuan Canoes Pulled Up on Sinaketa -Beach.</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl55width" id="pl55"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl55width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LV</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl55.jpg" alt= -"Some Canoes Moored on the Shallow Lagoon near the Shore." width="684" -height="415"> -<p class="figureHead">Some Canoes Moored on the Shallow Lagoon near the -Shore.</p> -</div> -<p id="pl56"></p> -<div class="figure pl56-1width"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl56-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LVI</span><span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl56-1.jpg" alt="" width="615" height="445"></div> -<div class="figure pl56-2width"><img src="images/pl56-2.jpg" alt= -"Dobuan Visitors in Sinaketa." width="619" height="464"> -<p class="figureHead">Dobuan Visitors in Sinaketa.</p> -<p class="first">Top picture: the Kula visitors and hosts sitting side -by side on a house platform in Sinaketa. Bottom picture: to the right -Tovasana, wearing a wig of pandanus fibre, holding his lime pot and -spatula and ornamented with <i lang="kij">buna</i> shell on his leg, -sits with Kauyaporu (on the left), the chief of the Dobuans, on the -platform of one of the Sinaketan chiefs. Note the aromatic herbs in -Kauyaporu’s armlets.</p> -</div> -<p>Within some twenty metres from the shore, the canoes formed -themselves into a double row, the canoe of the <i lang= -"kij">toli’uvalaku</i> on the left flank of the first row. -Kauyaporu, as soon as all the craft were in position, rose in his -canoe, and in a loud voice, addressed in Dobuan those standing on the -shore. His words, preserved in the memory of his hearers, were -transmitted to me that same evening in their Kiriwinian equivalent. He -spoke:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Who will be first in the Kula? The people of -Vakuta or yourselves? I deem you will have the lead! Bring armshells, -one basketful, two baskets; catch pigs; pluck coco-nuts; pluck -betel-nut! For this is my <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. By and by, thou, -Kouta’uya, wilt make an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, and we shall -give thee then plenty of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>So spoke Kauyaporu, addressing his main partner, Kouta’uya, -the second chief of Sinaketa. He did not address To’udawada, the -most important chief, because he was not his main partner.</p> -<p>As soon as the speech was finished, Kouta’uya waded through -the water from the beach, carrying a pair of armshells in each hand. -Behind him came a small boy, the youngest son, blowing a conch shell. -He was followed again by two men, who <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb389" href="#pb389" name="pb389">389</a>]</span>between them had a -stick resting on their shoulders, on which several pairs of <i lang= -"kij">mwali</i> (armshells) were displayed. This procession waded -towards the canoe of Kauyaporu, whom Kouta’uya addressed in these -words, throwing the armshells on the platform of the canoe:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“This is a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening -gift)! In due time, I shall make a <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> to Dobu; -thou shalt return to me a big <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklace) as -<i lang="kij">kudu</i> (equivalent gift) for this. Plenty more -armshells thou wilt receive now. There are plenty of armshells in -Sinaketa. We know there were plenty of armshells in Vakuta. By and by -thou and thy <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> come ashore, I shall catch a -pig. I shall give you plenty of food, coco-nuts, betel-nut, sugar cane, -bananas!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>As soon as he was back on the shore, his wife, the eldest one, with -a <i lang="kij">peta</i> basket on her head, containing a pair of -armshells, went into the water and carried it to Kauyaporu’s -canoe, the boy with the conch shell following her also. After that, -conch shells were blown on all sides on the shore, and single men or -groups detached themselves from the rest, and waded towards the canoes. -The <i lang="kij">mwali</i> were carried with ceremony on sticks or in -outstretched arm. But the grossly exaggerated way of putting one pair -of armshells into a basket which was big enough to hold some four -score, was only done by the chief’s wife. All this lasted for -perhaps half-an-hour, while the setting sun poured down its glowing -light on the painted canoes, the yellow beach, and the lively bronze -forms moving upon it. Then, in a few moments, the Dobuan canoes were -partly beached, partly moored, whilst their crews spread over the seven -villages of Sinaketa. Large groups could be seen sitting on platforms -chewing <span class="corr" id="xd26e13447" title= -"Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span> and conversing in Dobuan with -their hosts (see <a href="#pl56">Plate LVI</a>).</p> -<p>For three days, the Dobuans remained in Sinaketa. Every now and -then, blasts of conch shell announced that a Kula transaction had taken -place, that is, that a pair of armshells had been handed over to one of -the visitors. Swarms of people from the other districts had assembled -in Sinaketa; every day, natives from the inland villages of Southern -Boyowa crowded into their capital, whilst people from Kuboma, Luba, and -Kiriwina, that is, the Central and Northern districts, were camping in -their relatives’ houses, in yam stores and under <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb390" href="#pb390" name= -"pb390">390</a>]</span>provisional shelters. Reckoning that the number -of the visitors, that is, the Dobuans, the Amphlettans and the -Vakutans, who had joined them on their way, amounted to some eight -hundred; that the Sinaketans numbered about five hundred people, and -that some twelve hundred had come from the other villages, it will be -seen that the crowd in and about Sinaketa was considerable, numbering -over two thousand.</p> -<p>The Trobriand natives, of course, looked after their own provisions. -The Dobuans had also brought a considerable amount of food with them, -and would receive some additional vegetables and pigs’ flesh from -their hosts, while they acquired fish from some of the other villages -of Boyowa. As a matter of fact, stingaree, shark and some other fish -are the only articles for which the Dobuans barter on their own -account. The rest of the trade, in the same way as is done in Dobu by -the Sinaketans, must be done with the community who receive visitors, -that is, with Sinaketa. The Sinaketans buy from the manufacturing -districts of Boyowa the same industrial products that they take with -them to Dobu, that is baskets, lime pots, lime spatulæ, etc. Then -they sell these to the Dobuans in just the same manner and with the -same profit as was described in <a href="#ch15">Chapter XV</a>. As has -been said there also, a man of Sinaketa would never trade with his -partner, but with some other Dobuan. Between the partners, only -presents are exchanged. The gift offered by the Dobuans to the -Sinaketans is called <i lang="kij">vata’i</i>, and it differs -only in name and not in its economic or sociological nature from the -<i lang="kij">pari</i> gift offered by the Boyowans to their overseas -partners. The <i lang="kij">talo’i</i>, or farewell gift offered -to them is as a rule more substantial than the <i lang= -"kij">vata’i</i>.</p> -<p>The Dobuans, during their stay in Sinaketa, lived on the beach or in -their canoes (see Plates <a href="#pl54">LIV</a> and <a href= -"#pl20">XX</a>). Skilfully rigged up with canopies of golden mats -covering parts of the craft, their painted hulls glowing in the sun -against the green water, some of the canoes presented the spectacle of -some gorgeously fantastic pleasure boat (see <a href="#pl55">Plate -LV</a>). The natives waded about amongst them, making the Lagoon lively -with movement, talk and laughter. Groups camped on the sea shore, -boiling food in the large clay pots, smoking and chewing betel-nut. Big -parties of Trobrianders walked among them, discreetly but curiously -watching them. Women were not very conspicuous in the whole -proceedings, nor did I hear <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb391" href= -"#pb391" name="pb391">391</a>]</span>any scandal about intrigues, -although such may have taken place.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div16.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">On the fourth day, conch shells were blown again in -the morning, though on the last of the three days their sounds had -almost died out. These were the signs of the departure. Food and small -presents were brought to the canoes as <i lang="kij">talo’i</i>, -and a few <i lang="kij">mwali</i> were given at the last, for which the -conch shells were blown. Without any ceremony or farewell speeches, the -Dobuan canoes sailed away, one after the other.</p> -<p>Their journey home was also interrupted by a customary halt for -fishing, but this time for fish, not shell. Some of them stop on the -beach of Muwa, but the bulk camp on a beach called Susuwa, half way -between Sinaketa and Vakuta, where they catch the fish by means of a -poisonous root, which they have brought for this purpose from home. -This time, they remained three days in Susuwa and Muwa, and then sailed -to Vakuta to receive there <i lang="kij">talo’i</i>. Their -further journey I could not trace step by step, but afterwards I heard -that quickly, and without any accident, they had reached their -homes.</p> -<p>Their <i lang="kij">tanarere</i> on Sarubwoyna beach—that is, -the competitive display of the yield—gave more or less the -following results:</p> -<p>From Sinaketa they received 304 armshells.</p> -<p>From Vakuta they received 344 armshells.</p> -<p>The total therefore was 648. As there were about sixty canoes making -the proper <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> from Dobu, that is, not counting -those from the Amphletts and Vakuta which joined on the way and -appeared before Sinaketa, there were at the outside some five hundred -Dobuan natives on that expedition. Out of these, however, not more than -half were grown-up, Kula making men. So that, on the average, there -were nearly thirteen armshells for every five men. Some would not get -more than one pair, some perhaps even none, whilst the headmen received -large quantities.</p> -<p>We shall follow in a later chapter the movements of some at least of -those who had collected in Sinaketa from the other districts, in -connection with the Kula. It did not take them more than a few days to -disperse completely, and for the village to resume its ordinary aspect -and routine. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb392" href="#pb392" name= -"pb392">392</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e13048" href="#xd26e13048src" name="xd26e13048">1</a></span> See -the Author’s Memoir, “The Natives of Mailu” in -Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia for 1915, p. -598. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e13048src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch17" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e800">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XVII</h2> -<h2 class="main">Magic and the Kula</h2> -<div id="div17.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In treating of the various customs and practices of -the Kula, I had at every step to enter into the description of magical -rites and into the analysis of spells. This had to be done, first of -all, because magic looms paramount in the natives’ view of the -Kula. Again, all magical formulæ disclose essentials of belief -and illustrate typical ideas in a manner so thorough and telling that -no other road could lead us as straight into the inner mind of the -native. Finally, there is a direct, ethnographic interest in knowing -the details of magical performance, which has such an overweening -influence over tribal life, and enters so deeply into the make-up of -the natives’ mentality.</p> -<p>It is now necessary to complete our knowledge of magic and to focus -all the dispersed data into one coherent picture. So far, the many -scattered references and numerous concrete details have not furnished a -general idea, of what magic means to the natives; how they imagine the -working of the magical forces; what are their implied and expressed -views on the nature of magical power. Collecting all the material which -has already been presented in the previous chapters, and supplementing -it with native and ethnographic comments, we shall be able to arrive at -a certain synthesis, respecting the Kiriwinian theory of magic.</p> -<p>All the data which have been so far mustered disclose the extreme -importance of magic in the Kula. But if it were a question of treating -of any other aspect of the tribal life of these natives, it would also -be found that, whenever they approach any concern of vital importance, -they summon magic to their aid. It can be said without exaggeration -that magic, according to their ideas, governs human destinies; that it -supplies man with the power of mastering the forces of nature; and that -it <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb393" href="#pb393" name= -"pb393">393</a>]</span>is his weapon and armour against the many -dangers which crowd in upon him on every side. Thus, in what is most -essential to man, that is in his health and bodily welfare, he is but a -plaything of the powers of sorcery, of evil spirits and of certain -beings, controlled by black magic. Death in almost all its forms is the -result of one of these agencies. Permanent ill-health and all kinds of -acute sickness, in fact everything, except such easily explainable -ailments as physical overstrain or slight colds, are attributed to -magic. I have spoken (<a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>) of the several -ways in which the evil powers bring disease and death. The <i lang= -"kij">tauva’u</i>, who bring epidemics and the <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i>, who inflict shooting pains and minor ailments, are -the only examples of non-human beings’ exerting any direct -influence on human destinies, and even the members of this restricted -pantheon of demonology only occasionally descend among the mortals to -put into action their potential powers. By far the deepest dread and -most constant concern of the natives are with the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i>, the entirely human sorcerers, who carry out -their work exclusively by means of magic. Second to them in the -quantity of magical output and in the frequency of their exploits, are -the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, the flying witches, which have been -described in detail in <a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a>. They are a good -example of how every belief in a superior power is at the bottom a -belief in magic. Magic gives to these beings the capacity to destroy -human life and to command other agents of destruction. Magic also gives -man the power and the means to defend himself, and if properly applied, -to frustrate all the nefarious attempts of the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i>. Comparing the two agencies, it may be said that -in every-day life, the sorcerer is by far the most feared and is most -frequently believed to be at work; while the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i> enter upon the scene at certain dramatic moments, -such as the presence of death, a catastrophe on land, and more -especially at sea; but then, they enter with even deadlier weapons than -the <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i>. Health, the normal state of human -beings can, if once lost, be regained by magic and by magic only. There -is no such thing as natural recovery, return to health being always due -to the removal of the evil magic by means of magical -counter-action.</p> -<p>All those crises of life, which are associated with fear of danger, -with the awakening of passions or of strong emotions, have also their -magical accompaniment. The birth of a child <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb394" href="#pb394" name="pb394">394</a>]</span>is -always ushered in by magic, in order to make the child prosper, and to -neutralise the dangers and evil influences. There is no rite or magic -at puberty; but then, with this people, puberty does not present any -very definite crisis in the life of the individual, as their sexual -life starts long before puberty arrives, and gradually shapes and -develops as the organism matures. The passion of love, however, has a -very elaborate magical counterpart, embodied in many rites and -formulæ, to which a great importance is attached, and all success -in sexual life is ascribed to it. The evil results of illicit -love—that is love within the clan, which, by the way, is -considered by these natives as the main class of sexual -immorality—can also be counteracted by a special type of -magic.</p> -<p>The main social interests, ambition in gardening, ambition in -successful Kula, vanity and display of personal charms in -dancing—all find their expression in magic. There is a form of -beauty magic, performed ceremonially over the dancers, and there is -also a kind of safety magic at dances, whose object is to prevent the -evil magic of envious sorcerers. Particular garden magic, performed by -an individual over his crops and seeds, as well as the evil magic which -he casts on the gardens of his rivals, express the private ambitions in -gardening, as contrasted with the interests of the whole village, which -are catered for by communal garden magic.</p> -<p>Natural forces of great importance to man, such as rain and -sunshine, the appropriate alternative operation of which makes his -crops thrive; or wind, which must be controlled for purposes of sailing -and fishing, are also governed by magic. The magic of rain and sunshine -can be used for good, as well as for nefarious purposes, and in this -they have a special interest in the Trobriands, because the most -powerful system of this magic is in the hands of the paramount chiefs -of Kiriwina. By bringing about a prolonged drought, the chiefs of -Omarakana have always been able to express their general displeasure -with their subjects, and thus enhance their wholesale power, -independently of any other mechanism, which they might have used for -forcing their will on private individuals or on whole communities.</p> -<p>The basic, food-providing economic activities, which in the -Trobriands are mainly gardening and fishing, are also <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb395" href="#pb395" name= -"pb395">395</a>]</span>completely magic-ridden. The success of these -pursuits is of course largely due to luck, chance or accident, and to -the natives they require supernatural assistance. We had examples of -economic magic in describing the construction of a canoe, and the -fishing for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> shell. The communal garden-magic -and the fishing magic of certain village communities show to a higher -degree even than the cases described, the feature which we found so -distinct in canoe magic, namely: that the rites and formulæ are -not a mere appendage, running side by side with economic efforts, -without exercising any influence over these. On the contrary, it may be -said that a belief in magic is one of the main, psychological forces -which allow for organisation and systemisation of economic effort in -the Trobriands.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e13579src" href="#xd26e13579" -name="xd26e13579src">1</a> The capacity for art, as well as the -inspiration in it, is also ascribed to the influence of magic.</p> -<p>The passions of hatred, envy, and jealousy, besides finding their -expression in the all powerful sorcery of the <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> and <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, are also -responsible for many forms of witchery, known by the generic term of -<i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i>. The classical forms of this magic have -as their object the estrangement of the affections of a wife or a -sweetheart, or the destruction of the domestic attachment of a pig. The -pig is sent away into the bush, having been made to take a dislike to -its master and to its domestic habits; the wife, though the spells used -to estrange her are slightly different, can be made also to take a -dislike to her domestic life, abandon her husband and return to her -parents. There is a <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i> of gardens, of -canoes, of Kula, of <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>, in fact of everything, -and a good deal of beneficial magic is taken up with exorcising the -results of <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i>.</p> -<p>The list of magic is not quite exhausted yet. There is the magic of -conditional curses, performed in order to guard property from possible -harm, inflicted by others; there is war-magic; there is magic -associated with taboos put on coco-nuts and betel-nuts, in order to -make them grow and multiply; there is magic to avert thunder and -resuscitate people who are struck by lightning; there is the magic of -tooth-ache, and a magic to make food last a long time.</p> -<p>All this shows the wide diffusion of magic, its extreme importance -and also the fact that it is always strongest there, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb396" href="#pb396" name= -"pb396">396</a>]</span>where vital interests are concerned; where -violent passions or emotions are awakened; when mysterious forces are -opposed to man’s endeavours; and when he has to recognise that -there is something which eludes his most careful calculations, his most -conscientious preparations and efforts.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us now proceed to formulate some short statement -of the essential conception of magic, as it is entertained by the -natives. All statement of belief, found among human beings so widely -different from us, is full of difficulties and pitfalls, which perhaps -beset us most there, where we try to arrive at the very foundation of -the belief—that is, at the most general ideas which underlie a -series of practices and a body of traditions. In dealing with a native -community at the stage of development which we find in the Trobriands, -we cannot expect to obtain a definite, precise and abstract statement -from a philosopher, belonging to the community itself. The native takes -his fundamental assumptions for granted, and if he reasons or inquires -into matters of belief, it would be always only as regards details and -concrete applications. Any attempts on the part of the Ethnographer to -induce his informant to formulate such a general statement would have -to be in the form of leading questions of the worst type because in -these leading questions he would have to introduce words and concepts -essentially foreign to the native. Once the informant grasped their -meaning, his outlook would be warped by our own ideas having been -poured into it. Thus the Ethnographer must draw the generalisation for -himself, must formulate the abstract statement without the direct help -of a native informant.</p> -<p>I am saying <i>direct help</i> because the generalisation must be -entirely based on indirect data supplied by the natives. In the course -of collecting information, of discussing formulæ and translating -their text, a considerable number of opinions on matters of detail will -be set forth by the natives. Such spontaneous opinions, if placed in a -correctly constructed mosaic, might almost of themselves give us a true -picture, might almost cover the whole field of native belief. And then -our task would only be to summarise this picture in an abstract -formula. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb397" href="#pb397" name= -"pb397">397</a>]</span></p> -<p>The Ethnographer, however, possesses an even better supply of -evidence from which to draw his conclusions. The objective items of -culture, into which belief has crystallised in the form of tradition, -myth, spell and rite are the most important source of knowledge. In -them, we can face the same realities of belief as the native faces in -his intimate intercourse with the magical, the same realities which he -not only professes with his tongue, but lives through partly in -imagination and partly in actual experience. An analysis of the -contents of the spells, the study of the manner in which they are -uttered; in which the concomitant rites are performed; the study of the -natives’ behaviour, of the actors as well as of the spectators; -the knowledge of the social position and social functions, of the -magical expert—all this reveals to us, not only the bare -structure of their ideas on magic, but also the associated sentiments -and emotions, and the nature of magic as a social force.</p> -<p>An Ethnographer who, from the study of such objective data, has been -able to penetrate into the natives’ attitude, to formulate a -general theory of magic, can <i>then</i> test his conclusions by direct -questionings. For he will be already in a position to use native -terminology and to move along the lines of native thought, and in his -questionings he will be able to accept the lead of his informant -instead of misleading the latter and himself by leading questions. More -especially in obtaining opinions of actual occurrences from the -natives, he will not have to move in abstract generalities, but will be -able to translate them into concrete applications and into the native -modes of thought.</p> -<p>In arriving at such general conclusions about vast aspects of -primitive human thought and custom, the Ethnographer’s is a -creative work, in so far as he brings to light phenomena of human -nature which, in their entirety, had remained hidden even from those in -whom they happened. It is creative in the same sense as is the -construction of general principles of natural science, where objective -laws of very wide application lie hidden till brought forth by the -investigating human mind. In the same sense, however, as the principles -of natural science are empirical, so are also the final generalisations -of ethnographic sociology because, though expressly stated for the -first time by the investigator, they are none the less objective -realities of human thinking, feeling and behaviour. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb398" href="#pb398" name="pb398">398</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We can start from the question of how the natives -imagine their magic to have originated. If we would ask even the most -intelligent informant some such concretely framed questions as: -“Where has your magic been made? How do you imagine its -invention?”—they would necessarily remain unanswered. Not -even a warped and half-suggested reply would be forthcoming. Yet there -is an answer to this question, or rather to its generalised equivalent. -Examining the mythology of one form of magic after the other, we find -that there are in every one either explicitly stated or implied views -about how magic has become known to man. As we register these views, -compare them, and arrive at a generalisation, we easily see, why our -imaginary question, put to the natives, would have to remain -unanswered. For, according to native belief, embedded in all traditions -and all institutions, magic is never conceived as having been made or -invented. Magic has been handed on as a thing which has always been -there. It is conceived as an intrinsic ingredient of everything that -vitally affects man. The words, by which a magician exercises his power -over a thing or a process, are believed to be co-existent with them. -The magical formula and its subject matter were born together.</p> -<p>In some cases, tradition represents them literally as being -‘born’ by the same woman. Thus, rain was brought forth by a -woman of Kasana’i, and the magic came with it, and has been -handed on ever since in this woman’s sub-clan. Again, the -mythical mother of the Kultur-hero Tudava gave birth, among other -plants and animals, also to the <i lang="kij">kalala</i> fish. The -magic of this fish is also due to her. In the short myth about the -origin of <i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> magic—the one to -protect drowning sailors from witches and other dangers—we saw -that the mother, who gave birth to the Tokulubweydoga dog, also handed -the magic over to him. In all these cases, however, the myth does not -point to these women’s inventing or composing the magic; indeed, -it is explicitly stated by some natives that the women had learned the -magic from their matrilineal ancestors. In the last case, the woman is -said in the myth to have known the magic by tradition.</p> -<p>Other myths are more rudimentary, yet, though less circumstantial -about the origin of the magic, show us just as <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb399" href="#pb399" name= -"pb399">399</a>]</span>unmistakably that magic is a primeval thing, -indeed, in the literal sense of the word, autochthonous. Thus, the Kula -magic in Gumasila came out of the rock of Selawaya; the canoe magic out -of the hole in the ground, brought by the men, who originally emerged -with it; garden magic is always conceived as being carried from -underground by the first ancestors, who emerged out of the original -hole of that locality. Several minor forms of magic of local currency, -such as fish magic, practised in one village only, wind magic, etc., -are also imagined to have been carried out of the ground. All the forms -of sorcery have been handed over to people by non-human beings, who -passed them on but did not create them. The <i lang= -"kij">bwaga’u</i> sorcery is due to a crab, who gave it to a -mythical personage, in whose <i lang="kij">dala</i> (sub-clan) the -magic was carried on and from it distributed all over the islands. The -<i lang="kij">tokway</i> (wood-sprites) have taught man certain forms -of evil magic. There are no myths in Kiriwina about the origin of -flying witch magic. From other districts, however, I have obtained -rudimentary information pointing to the fact that they were instructed -in this magic by a mythical, malevolent being called Taukuripokapoka, -with whom even now some sort of relations are kept up, culminating in -nocturnal meetings and sexual orgies which remind one very strongly of -the Walpurgisnacht.</p> -<p>Love magic, the magic of thunder and lightning, are accounted for by -definite events. But in neither of them are we led to imagine that the -formula is invented, in fact, there is a sort of <i lang="la">petitio -principii</i> in all these myths, for on the one hand they set out to -account for how magic came, and on the other, in all of them magic is -represented as being there, ready made. But the <i lang="la">petitio -principii</i> is due only to a false attitude of mind with which we -approach these tales. Because, to the native mind, they set out to -tell, not how magic originated, but how magic was brought within the -reach of one or other of the Boyowan local groups or sub-clans.</p> -<p>Thus it may be said, in formulating a generalisation from all these -data, that magic is never invented. In olden days, when mythical things -happened, magic came from underground, or was given to a man by some -non-human being, or was handed on to descendants by the original -ancestress, who also brought forth the phenomenon governed by the -magic. In actual cases of the present times and of the near-past -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb400" href="#pb400" name= -"pb400">400</a>]</span>generations whom the natives of to-day knew -personally, the magic is given by one man to another, as a rule by the -father to his son or by the maternal kinsman. But its very essence is -the impossibility of its being manufactured or invented by man, its -complete resistance to any change or modification by him. It has -existed ever since the beginning of things; it creates, but is never -created; it modifies, but must never be modified.</p> -<p>It is now easy to see that no questions about the origins of magic, -such as we formulated before, could have been asked of a native -informant without distorting the evidence in the very act of -questioning, while more general and quite abstract and colourless -inquiries cannot be made intelligible to him. He has grown up into a -world where certain processes, certain activities have their magic, -which is as much an attribute of theirs’ as anything else. Some -people have been traditionally instructed how this magic runs, and they -know it; how men came by magic is told in numerous mythical narratives. -That is the correct statement of the native point of view. Once arrived -at this conclusion inductively, we can of course, test our conclusions -by direct questions, or by a leading question, for the matter of that. -To the question: “where human beings found magic?” I -obtained the following answer:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“All magic, they found long ago in the nether -world. We do not find ever a spell in a dream; should we say so, this -would be a lie. The spirits never give us a spell. Songs and dances -they do give us, that is true, but no magic.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This statement, expressing the belief in a very clear and direct -manner, I had confirmed, reiterated with variations and amplifications, -by ever so many informants. They all emphasise the fact that magic has -its roots in tradition, that it is the most immutable and most valuable -traditional item, that it cannot leak into human knowledge by any -present human intercourse with spirits or with any non-human beings -such as the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> or <i lang= -"kij">tauva’u</i>. The property of having been received from -previous generations is so marked that any breach of continuity in this -succession cannot be imagined, and any addition by an actual human -being would make the magic spurious.</p> -<p>At the same time, magic is conceived as something essentially human. -It is not a force of nature, captured by man <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb401" href="#pb401" name= -"pb401">401</a>]</span>through some means and put to his service; it is -essentially the assertion of man’s intrinsic power over nature. -In saying that, I, of course translate native belief into abstract -terms, which they would not use themselves for its expression. None the -less it is embodied in all their items of folk-lore and ways of using -magic and thinking about it. In all the traditions, we find that magic -is always in possession of man, or at least of anthropomorphic beings. -It is carried out from underground by man. It is not conceived as -having been there somewhere outside his knowledge and then captured. On -the contrary, as we saw, often the very things which are governed by -magic have been brought forth by man, as for instance rain, the -<i lang="kij">kalala</i> fish; or disease, created by the <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e13695" title= -"Source: anthropmorphic">anthropomorphic</span> crab.</p> -<p>The close sociological association of magic with a given sub-clan -emphasises this anthropocentric conception of magic. In the majority of -cases indeed, magic refers to human activities or to the response of -nature to human activities, rather than to natural forces alone. Thus, -in gardening and in fishing, it is the behaviour of plants and animals -tended or pursued by man; in the canoe magic, in the carver’s -magic, the object is a human-made thing; in the Kula, in love magic, in -many forms of food magic, it is human nature on to which the force is -directed. Disease is not conceived as an extraneous force, coming from -outside and settling on the man, it is directly a man-made, -sorcerer-made something. We may, therefore, amplify the above given -definition, and say that magic is a traditionally handed on power of -man over his own creations, over things once brought forth by man, or -over responses of nature to his activities.</p> -<p>There is one more important aspect of the question of which I have -spoken already—the relation of magic to myth. It has been stated -in <a href="#ch12">Chapter XII</a>, that myth moves in the realm of the -supernatural, or better, super-normal, and that magic bridges over the -gap between that and present-day reality. Now this statement acquires a -new importance; magic appears to us as the essence of traditional -continuity with ancestral times. Not only, as I have emphasised in this -chapter, is it never conceived as a new invention, but it is identical -in its nature with the supernatural power which forms the atmosphere of -mythical events. Some of this power may have been lost on its way down -to our times—mythical stories relate how it <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb402" href="#pb402" name="pb402">402</a>]</span>has -been lost; but never has anything been added to it. There is nothing in -it now which has not been in it in the ancient, hoary times of myth. In -this the natives have a definitely regressive view of the relation -between now and before; in this they have their counterpart to a Golden -Age, and to a Garden of Eden of sorts. Thus we fall back upon the -recognition of the same truth, whether we approach the matter by -looking for beginnings of magic, or by studying the relations between -the present and the mythical reality. Magic is a thing never invented -and never tampered with, by man or any other agency.</p> -<p>This, of course, means that it is so in native belief. It hardly -needs explicitly stating that in reality magic must constantly change. -The memory of men is not such, that it could hand over verbally exactly -what it had received, and, like any other item of traditional lore, a -magical formula is in reality constantly being re-shaped as it passes -from one generation to another, and even within the mind of the same -man. As a matter of fact, even from the material collected by me in the -Trobriands, it can be unmistakably recognised that certain -formulæ are much older than others, and indeed, that some parts -of spells, and even some whole spells, are of recent invention. Here I -cannot do more than refer to this interesting subject, which, for its -full development, needs a good deal of linguistic analysis, as well as -of other forms of “higher criticism.”</p> -<p>All these considerations have brought us very near to the essential -problem: what does magic really mean to the natives? So far, we have -seen that it is an inherent power of man over those things which -vitally affect him, a power always handed over through -tradition.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e13712src" href="#xd26e13712" -name="xd26e13712src">2</a> About the beginnings of magic they know as -little, and are occupied as little as about the beginnings of the -world. Their myths describe the origin of <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb403" href="#pb403" name="pb403">403</a>]</span>social institutions -and the peopling of the world by men. But the world is taken for -granted, and so is the magic. They ask no questions about <i lang= -"kij">magiogony</i> any more than they do about <i lang= -"kij">cosmogony</i>.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">So far we have not gone beyond the examination of -myths and of what we can learn from them about the nature of magic. To -gain a deeper insight into this subject, we must study more closely the -concrete data about magical performance. Even in the foregoing chapters -a sufficient material has been collected to allow of correct -inferences, and I shall only here and there have to allude to other -forms of magic, besides that of canoe, Kula and sailing.</p> -<p>I have spoken so far about “magic” in a wholesale -manner, as if it were all of one piece. As a matter of fact, magic all -the world over, however rudimentary or developed it might be, presents -three essential aspects. In its performance there enter always some -words spoken or chanted, some actions carried out, and there are always -the minister or ministers of the ceremony. In analysing the concrete -details of magical performances, therefore, we have to distinguish the -<i>formula, the rite</i>, and <i>the condition of the -performer</i>.</p> -<p>These three factors stand out quite clearly and definitely in the -Trobriand magic, whether we examine the facts themselves or the -natives’ way of looking at them. It may be said at once that in -this society the relative importance of the three factors is not quite -the same. The spell is by far the most important constituent of magic. -In their linguistic use, although these natives have a special word, -<i lang="kij">yopa</i>, they very often use the word magic, <i lang= -"kij">megwa</i>, to describe a spell. The spell is the part of the -magic which is kept secret and known only to the esoteric circle of -practitioners. When a magic is handed over, whether by purchase, gift, -or inheritance, only the spell has to be taught to the new recipient, -and as already once said before, it is usually taught in instalments, -while the payment is received in that manner. When one speaks about -magical knowledge, or in inquiries whether an individual knows some -magic, this invariably refers to the formula, for the nature of the -rite is always quite public property. Even from the examples given in -this book, it can be seen how simple are the rites and how elaborate -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb404" href="#pb404" name= -"pb404">404</a>]</span>often the formulæ. To direct questions on -the subject, the natives always reply that the spell is the more -important part. The question: “where is the real strength of -magic?” would receive the reply: “in the spell.” The -condition of the magician is, like the rite, essential to the -performance of the magic, but it also is considered by the natives as -subservient to the spell.</p> -<p>All this must be made clearer by the examination of actual facts. -First of all, let us examine the relation between spell and rite; and -to this purpose it will be best to group the various magical -performances into several classes according to the complexity of the -concomitant rite. We shall begin with the simplest rites.</p> -<p><i>Spells uttered directly without concomitant rite</i>.—We -had one or two examples of such magic where the performer simply utters -a formula directly into space. For example, the communal magician of -the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (spondylus shell) fishing performs the -first act by walking on the beach and reciting his spell towards the -sea. In the moment of actual shipwreck, before abandoning the canoe, -the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> launches his last <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> directly into the elements. Again, he lets his -voice float over the waters, when invoking the marvellous fish, who -will bring the drowning party to some friendly shore. The final spell -of the Kula, by which the approaching canoe ‘shakes the -mountain,’ chanted by a trio of magical reciters, is thrown -directly towards the Koya. The clearing of the sea in the <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i> fishing is also done this way, and many more examples -could be adduced from garden magic, wind magic, and other classes not -described in this book.</p> -<p>The natives have a special expression for such acts; they say that -the formula is recited ‘by the mouth only,’ ‘<i lang= -"kij">o wadola wala</i>.’ This form of magic with such a -rudimentary rite is, however, relatively uncommon. Although one could -say that there is no rite at all in such cases, for the magician does -not manipulate anything or perform any action beyond speaking, yet from -another point of view, the whole performance is ritual in so far as he -has always to cast his voice towards the element, or being, which he -addresses. Indeed here, as in all other cases, the voice of the reciter -has to be somehow or other conveyed to the object which he wishes to -becharm. We see, moreover, that in all these instances, the nature of -this object is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb405" href="#pb405" name= -"pb405">405</a>]</span>such that it can be directly reached by the -voice, whilst on the other hand, there would be some difficulty in -applying any substance or performing any action over, let us say, wind, -or a shell growing on a distant reef or the Koya (mountain).</p> -<p><i>Spells accompanied by simple rites of impregnation</i>.—A -large number of the cases described in this book falls under this -heading. We saw quite at the beginning (<a href="#div5.2">Chapter V, -Division II and III</a>) how the magician charms the blade of his adze, -the ropes by which the canoe had been pulled, the lashing creeper, the -caulking, and the paint of the canoe. Among the Kula rites, the initial -magic over the aromatic mint, over the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> -(magical bundle) over the <i lang="kij">gebobo</i> (central part of -canoe); all the beauty magic on Sarubwoyna beach, over coco-nuts, over -the facial paints as well as the conch shell magic, belong here. In all -these performances an object is put well within reach of the voice, and -in an appropriate position. Often, the object is placed within a -receptacle or covering so that the voice enters an enclosed space and -is concentrated upon the substance to be charmed. Thus, when the -<i lang="kij">lilava</i> is chanted over, the voice is cast into the -mats, which are afterwards carefully wrapped up. The aromatic mint is -charmed, lying at the bottom of a bag made of baked and thus toughened -banana leaf, which afterwards is carefully folded together and bound -with string. Again, the adze blade is first of all half wrapped up in a -banana leaf, and the voice enters the blade and the inside of the leaf, -which subsequently is folded over and tied over the blade. In the magic -of the conch shell, I drew attention to the fact that immediately after -the charm has been spoken, both holes of the instrument are carefully -stuffed up. In all cases where an object is going to be used -immediately, not so many precautions are taken, but always, without any -exception, the mouth is put quite close to the object medicated (see -<a href="#pl57">Plate LVII</a>) and wherever possible, this latter is -placed in some sort of cavity, such as a folded piece of leaf, or even -the two palms of the hand put together. All this shows that it is -essential to a correct performance of magic, that the voice should be -conveyed directly to the substance, if possible enclosed and condensed -round it, and then, imprisoned permanently there by means of some -wrapping. Thus, in this type of rite, the action serves mainly to -convey carefully and to retain the spell round the object. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb406" href="#pb406" name="pb406">406</a>]</span></p> -<p>It may be noted that in almost all cases described, the substance -harmed in the rite is not the final aim of the magic, but forms only a -constituent part of the object in view or is an accessory of it, or an -instrument used in its making. Thus the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> -creeper, the <i lang="kij">kaybasi</i> (caulking), the paint, the -<span class="corr" id="xd26e13803" title= -"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, all these are constituent -parts of the canoe, and the magic performed over them does not aim at -giving them any qualities, but aims at imparting swiftness and -lightness to the canoe of which they are parts only. Again, the herbs -and the colours of the coco-nut ointment medicated in the Kula are -accessories of the final end of this magic, that is, of the personal -beauty and attractiveness of the performer. The adze, the breaking -stone in <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> magic are implements used in -obtaining the object, towards which the magic is directed. There are -only a few instances in which the simple rite of impregnation is -directly performed on the object in view. If we compare this type of -rite with the one of the previous category, we see that the difference -lies mainly in the size of the object. If you want to cast a charm over -a mountain, over a reef, or over the wind, you cannot put your object -into a little bag made of banana leaf. Nor can you put there the human -mind. And as a rule, the final objects of magical rites are not small -things, which could be easily handled. In the magic described in this -book, there is, I think, not one single instance, in which the -substance handled in the rite and impregnated by condensing the charm -upon it artificially, is the final object of the spell. In war magic -the points of the spears are made effective and the shields are made -spear-proof (see <a href="#pl58">Plate LVIII</a>) by magic uttered over -them. In private garden magic, the planted yams are made fruitful by a -spell, and a few more examples could be adduced from other types of -magic.</p> -<div class="figure pl57width" id="pl57"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl57width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LVII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl57.jpg" alt= -"A Magical Spell Associated with Pregnancy." width="660" height="473"> -<p class="figureHead">A Magical Spell Associated with Pregnancy.</p> -<p>The women are bent over a special garment to be worn by the pregnant -woman. They almost touch it with their mouths so that it may be well -pervaded with their breath which conveys the virtues of the spell. (See -<a href="#div17.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl58width" id="pl58"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl58width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LVIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl58.jpg" alt="A Rite of War Magic." width="665" -height="468"> -<p class="figureHead">A Rite of War Magic.</p> -<p>Kanukubusi, the last war wizard of Kiriwina (see <a href= -"#div17.5">Div. V</a>), showing, in reconstruction, the manner in which -he used to charm the shields in olden days. (See <a href= -"#div17.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl59width" id="pl59"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl59width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LIX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl59.jpg" alt="A Rite of Garden Magic." width="720" -height="404"> -<p class="figureHead">A Rite of Garden Magic.</p> -<p>An offering of cooked food is exposed to the spirits for some time -in the garden. The magician, with the ceremonial axe on his arm, is -seen squatting to the right. In the forefront, a big bundle of leaves -which he will presently charm over. (See <a href="#div17.4">Div. -IV</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p><i>Spells accompanied by a rite of transference</i>.—When we -compare the rite of medicating the adze blade with the rite of -medicating some dried grass, with which the canoe is afterwards beaten, -we see that, in the second case, the magic is uttered over a something, -which has no intrinsic connection with the final object of the magic, -that is, with the canoe. It is neither to become a part of it, nor to -be used as an implement in its manufacture. We have here the -introduction for purposes of the rite, of a special medium, used to -absorb the magical force, and to transfer it to the final object. We -can therefore call <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb407" href="#pb407" -name="pb407">407</a>]</span>rites where such mediums are used <i>rites -of transference</i>. When a stick is charmed to be used afterwards for -the magical knocking out of a canoe; or a mussel-shell, with which the -canoe will be scraped; or a piece of coco-nut husk, which will be -thrown into the water to remove the heaviness of the canoe; or a -pandanus streamer, which will give it swiftness, there is introduced -into every one of these rites a substance which has to play a magical -rôle only. The rite, therefore, is not the simple charming of a -part or of a constructive implement, which will enter into the -composition or be used in the making of an object. The rite here is -more autonomous, possesses more of its own significance. The beating of -a canoe with two bunches of grass, one after the other, in order first -to extract its heaviness and then impart to it lightness, has a meaning -parallel to the spell but independent of it. So has also the throwing -down of the coco-nut husk. The flutter of the pandanus streamers has -direct association with speed, as the natives explicitly state. As the -<i lang="kij">bisila</i> streamers flutter in the wind, so should the -canoe and the sail shake with the swiftness of their going. In the case -of the ginger, which is spat over the Dobuans feigning hostility, the -inherent quality of the substance, which our pharmacopæas -describe as a <i>stimulant</i>, makes the meaning of the rite plain. We -can easily see that some of the rites are rather more creative than -others. That is, the very act performed produces, according to native -ideas, a more definite effect than in others. So it is with the -spitting of the ginger, and still more directly the spilling of the -lime, in order to produce a mist, and shut the eyes of the <i lang= -"kij">mulukwausi</i>. These two, for instance, are more creative than -the hanging up of the pandanus streamer.</p> -<p><i>Spells accompanied by offerings and invocations</i>.—In the -very first rite described in this book, we saw an offering being laid -before, and an invocation being addressed to the <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e13874" title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>, <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i>. There are a number of rites, accompanied by offerings -given to ancestral spirits, whose participation in the offering is -solicited. Such rites are performed in garden magic (see <a href= -"#pl59">Plate LIX</a>) in fishing magic, and in weather magic. It must, -however, be said at once that there is no worship and no sacrificial -offering involved in these rites, that is, not of the usual -description, because the spirits are not imagined to serve as agents of -the magician, in carrying out the bidding of his <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb408" href="#pb408" name= -"pb408">408</a>]</span>magic. We shall return to the subject presently. -Here it will be enough to notice that the only instance of such a spell -we have come across—that is, the invocation of the <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i>—has its concomitant offering made only as a sort -of compensation for having chased him out, or as a means of persuading -him to go. Probably it is the first rather than the second, because the -<i lang="kij">tokway</i> has no free choice left, after he has been -exorcised. He must obey the bidding of the magician.</p> -<p>This survey shows clearly that the virtue, the force, the effective -principle of magic lies in the spell. We saw that in many cases, the -spell is quite sufficient, if directly breathed upon the object. Again, -in what may be called the prevalent type of ritual, the action which -accompanies the utterance of the formula serves only to direct and -condense the spell upon the object. In all such cases the rite lacks -all independent significance, all autonomous function. In some cases, -the rite introduces a substance which is used for magical purposes -only. As a rule, the substance then intensifies, through a parallel -action, the meaning of the spell. On the whole, it may be said that the -main creative power of magic resides in the formula; that the rite -serves to convey, or transfer it to the object, in certain cases -emphasising the meaning of the spell through the nature of the -transferring medium, as well as through the manner in which it is -finally applied. It is hardly necessary to state that in the Trobriand -magic, there are no rites performed without the spell.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">It is also evident in studying the manner in which the -force of the spell is conveyed to the object, that the voice of the -reciter transfers the virtue. Indeed, as has been repeatedly pointed -out, in quoting the formulæ, and as we shall have to discuss -later still, the magical words are, so to speak, rubbed in by constant -repetition to the substance. To understand this better we must inquire -into the natives’ conceptions of psycho-physiology. The mind, -<i lang="kij">nanola</i>, by which term intelligence, power of -discrimination, capacity for learning magical formulæ, and all -forms of non-manual skill are described, as well as moral qualities, -resides somewhere in the larynx. The natives will always point to the -organs of speech, where the <i lang="kij">nanola</i> resides. The man -who cannot speak through any defect <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb409" href="#pb409" name="pb409">409</a>]</span>of his organs, is -identified in name (<i lang="kij">tonagowa</i>) and in treatment with -all those mentally deficient. The memory, however, the store of -formulæ and traditions learned by heart, resides deeper, in the -belly. A man will be said to have a good <i lang="kij">nanola</i>, when -he can acquire many formulæ, but though they enter through the -larynx, naturally, as he learns them, repeating word for word, he has -to stow them away in a bigger and more commodious receptacle; they sink -down right to the bottom of his abdomen. I made the discovery of this -anatomical truth, while collecting war magic, from Kanukubusi, the last -office holder of the long succession of war magicians to the chiefs of -Omarakana. Kanukubusi is an old man, with a big head, a broad, high -forehead, a stumpy nose, and no chin, the meekest and most docile of my -informants, with a permanently puzzled and frightened expression on his -honest countenance (see <a href="#pl58">Plate LVIII</a>). I found this -mild old man very trustworthy and accurate, an excellent informant -indeed, within the narrow sphere of his speciality, which he and his -predecessors had used to make ‘anger flare up in the <i lang= -"kij">nanola</i>’ of Omarakana men, to make the enemy fly in -terror, pursued and slaughtered by the victorious warriors. I paid him -well for the few formulæ he gave me, and inquired at the end of -our first session, whether he had any more magic to produce. With -pride, he struck his belly several times, and answered: “Plenty -more lies there!” I at once checked his statement by an -independent informant, and learned that everybody carries his magic in -his abdomen.</p> -<p>There exist also certain ideas about stratification of magic, -namely, that certain forms of magic have to be learnt first, so that -they sink down, while others come on top. But these ideas are vague and -contradictory, whereas the main idea, that magic rests in the belly, is -clear and definite. This fact gives us a new insight into native ideas -about magic. The force of magic, crystallised in the magical -formulæ, is carried by men of the present generation in their -bodies. They are the depositories of this most valuable legacy of the -past. The force of magic does not reside in the things; it resides -within man and can escape only through his voice.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">So far, we only spoke of the relation between spell -and rite. The last point, however, brings us to the problem of the -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb410" href="#pb410" name= -"pb410">410</a>]</span>condition of the performer. His belly is a -tabernacle of magical force. Such a privilege carries its dangers and -obligations. It is clear that you cannot stuff foreign matter -indiscriminately into a place, where extremely valuable possessions are -kept. Food restrictions, therefore, become imperative. Many of them are -directly determined by the contents of the spell. We saw some examples -of this, as when red fish, invoked in magic, is tabooed to the -performer; or the dog, spoken about in the Ka’ubanai spell, may -not be heard howling while the man eats. In other cases, the object -which is the aim of the magic, cannot be partaken by the magician. This -is the rule in the case of shark fishing, <i lang="kij">kalala</i> -fishing, and other forms of fishing magic. The garden magician is also -debarred from partaking of new crops, up to a certain period. There is -hardly any clear doctrine, as to why things mentioned in magical -formulæ, whether they are the aims of the magic or only -cooperating factors, should not be eaten. There is just the general -apprehension that the formula would be damaged by it. There are other -taboos, binding the magician, some of them permanent, some of them -temporary, during the season of his magical performance. We saw some -permanent ones, as in the case of the man who knows Kayga’u -magic, and is not allowed to eat while children make noises. The -temporary ones, such as the sexual abstinence during the first rites of -the Kula, could be supplemented by numerous examples from other forms -of magic. Thus, in order to bring about rain, the magician paints -himself black and has to remain unwashed and unkempt for some time. The -shark magician has to keep his house open, to remove his pubic leaf and -to sit with his legs apart, while the fishing and the magic last, -“so that the shark’s mouth might remain gaping.” But -we cannot enter too much into enumeration of these taboos and -observances, and have only to make it clear that the proper behaviour -of the magician is one of the essentials of magic, and that in many -cases this behaviour is dictated by the contents of the spell.</p> -<p>The taboos and observances are not the only conditions which a man -must fulfil in order to carry out certain forms of magic. In many cases -the most important condition is his membership in a social group, for -many forms of magic are strictly local, and must be performed by one, -who is the descendant of the mythical, original owner of the magic. -Thus in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb411" href="#pb411" name= -"pb411">411</a>]</span>every case of garden magic, a magic which to the -natives ranks first among all the other types of beneficent magic, the -performer must be genealogically related to the first ancestor, who -locally emerged from the hole. Certain exceptions to this rule are to -be found only in cases where a family of high rank has come and usurped -the headmanship of the group, but these exceptions are rare. In the -case of the several systems of local fishing magic, the office of -magician is hereditary, and associated with the locality. The important -rain and sun magic which have been ‘born’ in -Kasana’i, can only be performed by the chiefs of that spot, who -have <span class="corr" id="xd26e13936" title= -"Source: ursurped">usurped</span> this important privilege from the -original local headman. The succession, is of course, always -matrilineal. A man may make a gift of such a magic to his son, but this -latter may be obliged to relinquish the privilege at his father’s -death, and he never will be allowed to hand it over to his son, unless -this latter belongs again to the local group, through cross-cousin -marriage. Even in transactions where magic is sold or given away from -one clan to another, the prestige of certain local groups as main -specialists and experts in a branch of magic still remain. For -instance, the black magic, though practised all over the place and no -more localised, is still believed to be best known in the villages of -Ba’u and Bwoytalu, where the original crab fell down from the -skies, and brought with him the magic. The Kula magic is also spread -over the whole district, yet it is still associated with definite -localities.</p> -<p>To summarise these sociological observations, We may say that, where -the local character of magic is still maintained, the magician has to -belong to the <i lang="kij">dala</i> (sub-clan or local group) of the -mythical ancestor. In all other cases, the local character of magic is -still recognised, even though it does not influence the sociology of -the magician.</p> -<p>The traditional character of magic and the magical filiation of the -performer find their expression in another important feature of the -spells. In some of them, as we have seen, references to mythical events -are made, or names of mythical ancestors are uttered. Even more often, -we find a whole list of names, beginning with the mythical founder of -the magic, and ending with the name of the immediate predecessor, that -is, of the man from whom the magic was obtained by the actual -performer. Such a list links up the present magician by a sort -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb412" href="#pb412" name= -"pb412">412</a>]</span>of magical pedigree with all those, who had -previously been using this formula. In other formulæ again, the -magician identifies himself with some mythical individual, and utters -the latter’s name in the first person. Thus, in the spell uttered -whilst plucking the mint plant, we found the phrase: “I, -Kwoyregu, with my father, we cut the <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> of -Laba’i.” Both the actual genealogical descent of the -magician from the mythical ancestors, and the magical filiation -expressed in the formulæ show again the paramount importance of -tradition, in this case acting on the sociological determination of the -performer. He is placed in a definite social group of those, who by -birth, or what could be called ‘magical adoption’, have had -the right of performing this magic. In the very act of uttering the -spell, the magician bears testimony to his indebtedness to the past by -the enumeration of magical names, and by references to myth and -mythical events. Both the sociological restrictions, wherever they -still exist, and the magical filiation confirm once more the dependence -of magic on tradition. On the other hand, both show, as also do the -taboos, that the obligations imposed on the magician and the conditions -he has to fulfil, are largely derived from the spell.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Closely connected with the questions discussed in the -preceding division, is the subject of the <i>systems of magic</i> and -the distinction between ‘systematic’ and -‘independent’ magical rites and formulæ. As we saw in -the beginning of this chapter, the whole body of magic naturally falls -into several big divisions, each of them corresponding to a department -of nature, such as wind or weather; to some activity of man, such as -gardening, fishing, hunting or warfare; or to some real or imaginary -force, such as artistic inspiration, witchcraft, personal charm or -prowess.</p> -<p>There is, however, an important distinction to be made within each -such division of magic; some of the rites and spells are isolated and -independent, they can be used by themselves, whenever the need arises. -Such are almost all the incantations of wind magic; some spells of -individual garden magic; formulæ against toothache, and minor -ailments; some spells of hunting and food collecting; a few rites of -love magic and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb413" href="#pb413" name= -"pb413">413</a>]</span>of the magic of carving. When a man, for -instance, paddles along the Lagoon in his canoe and an unfavourable -wind sets in, he will utter a spell to make it abate and change. The -same spell would be recited in the village, when there arises a wind so -strong as to be dangerous. The incantation is a free, individual act, -which may be performed and is performed in any of the circumstances -which require it.</p> -<p>It is quite another matter with the spells belonging to what I have -called here <i>systematic magic</i>. Such magic consists of a connected -and consecutive body of incantations and concomitant rites, no one of -which can be torn out of its sequence and performed by itself. They -have to be carried out one after the other in a determined order, and -the more important of them, at least, can never be omitted, once the -series has been started. Such a series is always closely connected with -some activity, such as the building of a canoe or an overseas Kula -voyage, a fishing expedition or the making and harvesting of a garden. -It will not be difficult for us to realise the nature of systematic -magic, for in this book almost all the rites and spells described -belong to this class. In general, in the Trobriands, the independent -<span class="corr" id="xd26e13968" title= -"Source: uncorollated">uncorrelated</span> rites and formulæ are -quite an insignificant minority, both in number and in importance.</p> -<p>Let us consider one of the forms of systematic magic previously -described, whether canoe magic or that of the Kula, whether the -<i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> formulæ, or the magical ritual of -<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> fishing. The first general fact to be noted -here is, that we are in the presence of a type of enterprise or -activity, which is never embarked upon without magic. No canoe will be -built, no <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> started, no <i lang= -"kij">kaloma</i> fished, without its magic ceremonial. This ceremonial -will be scrupulously observed in its main features, that is, some of -the most important formulæ will never be omitted, as some minor -ones might be, a fact which has been previously noted. The association -between the practical activity and its magical concomitant is very -intimate. The stages and acts of the first, and the rites and spells of -the latter, correspond to each other one by one. Certain rites have to -be done in order to inaugurate certain activities; others have to be -performed at the end of the practical work; others again are part and -parcel of the activity. But each of the rites and spells is to the -native mind, quite as indispensable for <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb414" href="#pb414" name="pb414">414</a>]</span>the success of the -enterprise, as is the practical activity. Thus, the <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i> has to be expelled, or the tree would be entirely -unsuitable for a canoe; the adze, the lashing creeper, the caulking and -the paint have to be charmed, or else the canoe would be heavy and -unwieldy, and such an omission might even prove dangerous to life. -Going mentally over the various cases quoted in the previous chapters, -it can be easily seen, how this intimate association between enterprise -and magic imparts to systematic magic its specific character. The -consecutive progress of work and of magic are inseparable, just -because, according to native ideas, work needs magic, and magic has -only meaning as an indispensable ingredient of work.</p> -<p>Both work and magic are directed towards the same aim; to construct -a swift and a stable canoe; to obtain a good Kula yield; to insure -safety from drowning and so on. Thus we see that systematic magic -consists in a body of rites and spells associated with one enterprise, -directed towards one aim, and progressing in a consecutive series of -performances which have to be carried out in their proper place. The -point—the proper understanding of what is meant by systematic -magic—is of the greatest theoretical importance because it -reveals the nature of the relation between magical and practical -activities, and shows how deeply the two are connected with one -another. It is one of these points, also, which cannot be properly -explained and grasped without the help of a Chart. In the appended -“<a href="#table3">Table of Kula Magic and of the Corresponding -Activities</a>,” I have prepared such a Chart, in which has been -summarised the substance of several of the foregoing Chapters. The -Table allows of a rapid survey of the consecutive activities of the -Kula in their relation to magic, beginning with the first act of -canoe-building and finishing with the return home. It shows the salient -features of systematic magic in general, and of the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> and canoe magic in particular. It shows the relation -between magical, ritual and practical activities, the correlated -sequence of the two, their rolling off, stage after stage, and side by -side, towards one central aim—a successful Kula. The Table thus -serves to illustrate the meaning of the expression ‘systematic -magic,’ and it provides a firm outline of the essentials, -magical, ceremonial and practical, of the Kula. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb415" href="#pb415" name="pb415">415</a>]</span></p> -<p id="table3" class="h3">Table of Kula Magic and of the Corresponding -Activities</p> -<p>I—First Stage of Canoe-Building (<a href="#div5.2">Chapter V, -Division II</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<thead> -<tr class="label"> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Season -and approximate duration</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Place</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Activity</td> -<td class="xd26e14011 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Magic</td> -</tr> -</thead> -<tbody> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Beginning: June—August.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008"><i lang="kij">Raybwag</i>.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Felling of tree, (done by the builder and -helpers);</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">The <i lang="kij">Vabusi Tokway</i> -(offering and spell) aiming at the expulsion of the <span class="corr" -id="xd26e14040" title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span> from the -tree (performed by owner or builder).</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Immediately afterwards.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Same place.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Trimming of the log-canoe (done by builder with -helpers).</td> -<td class="xd26e14011"></td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">No magic.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">A few days later.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Road.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Pulling the log (done by all villagers);</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">Helped out by</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">double rite of lightness (<i lang= -"kij">Kaymomwa’u</i> and <i lang="kij">Kaygagabile</i>).</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">On morning after arrival at -village.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Main place in the village.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">The log is left as it is;</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">until</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">The magical act (<i lang= -"kij">Kapitunena Duhu</i>) ceremonially inaugurating the work over the -canoe.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Evening of the same day.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Main place in the village.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Working out of the outside of the log.</td> -<td class="xd26e14011"></td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">No magic accompanying it.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Several days or weeks following.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Main place.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Scooping out of the inside of the canoe;</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Ligogu</i> spell, over -the <i lang="kij">havilali</i>, the adze with the moveable handle.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Towards the end of the foregoing -period.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">In the village before builder’s -house.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Other parts of canoe made ready by builder and -helpers.</td> -<td class="xd26e14011"></td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">No magic.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft cellBottom">After all work is over.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14011 cellBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight cellBottom">Concluding rite: <i lang= -"kij">Kapitunena Nanola Waga</i>.</td> -</tr> -</tbody> -</table> -</div> -<p>All the magic of this stage is canoe magic. It is performed only -when a new canoe is built and not when an old one is renovated. The -spells are uttered by the builder and not by the owner, except the -first one. Work at this stage is done by one man mainly, the builder -and carver, with the help of a few men; except for the pulling of the -log, in which many men assist.</p> -<p>II—The Second Stage of Canoe Building (<a href= -"#div5.3">Chapter V, Division III</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<thead> -<tr class="label"> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Time</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Place</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Activity</td> -<td class="xd26e14011 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Magic</td> -</tr> -</thead> -<tbody> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">First day of work.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">On the sea-front of a Lagoon village, or on a -beach of one of the Eastern villages.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Fixing the prow-boards;</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Katuliliva Tabuyo</i> -rite, performed over the ornamental prow-boards by the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>. It belongs to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula -magic).</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft"></td> -<td class="xd26e14008"></td> -<td class="xd26e14008">The following activities are</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Vakakaya</i> rite. A -magical, ceremonial cleansing of the canoe, performed by the owner or -builder to remove all evil influence and thus to make the canoe -fast.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">(At times, the lashing cannot be done -in one day and has to be continued into another session.)</td> -<td class="xd26e14008"></td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Lashing of the canoe;</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">associated with</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">The <i lang="kij">Wayugo</i> spell -(lashing creeper) rite; the most important of the magical performances -in the second stage. Done by builder or owner to make canoe swifter and -stronger.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Second sitting: during this the -caulking is done and the three exorcisms performed afterwards.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">On the sea-front of a Lagoon village or on a -beach of one of the Eastern villages.</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">Caulking of the canoe;</td> -<td class="xd26e14011">associated with</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Kaybasi</i> (caulking) -magic; spell uttered over caulking by builder or owner to make canoe -safe.<br> -<i lang="kij">Vakasulu</i>, an exorcism.<br> -<i lang="kij">Vaguri</i>, an exorcism.<br> -<i lang="kij">Kaytapena waga</i><span class="corr" id="xd26e14233" -title="Not in source">,</span> an exorcism.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft cellBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom">Painting of the canoe;</td> -<td class="xd26e14011 cellBottom">associated with</td> -<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight cellBottom">Magic of; <i lang= -"kij">Kayhoulo</i> (black paint)<br> -<i lang="kij">Malakava</i> (red paint).<br> -<i lang="kij">Pwaka</i> (white paint).</td> -</tr> -</tbody> -</table> -</div> -<p>III—The Ceremonial Launching of a Canoe (<a href= -"#div6.1">Chapter VI, Division I</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<thead> -<tr class="label"> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Activity</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Magic</td> -</tr> -</thead> -<tbody> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellLeft cellBottom">The launching and trial -run</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom">inaugurated by</td> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang="kij">Kaytalula -wadola waga</i> rite, belonging to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> cycle -of magic.</td> -</tr> -</tbody> -</table> -</div> -<p>After this, there comes the interval, filled out by the <i lang= -"kij">Kabigidoya</i> (ceremonial visiting,) by the preliminary trade -and other preparations for the expedition overseas.</p> -<p>IV—The Magic During, and Preparations before the Departure -(Chapter VII)</p> -<p>Time: some three to seven days before setting sail.</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<thead> -<tr class="label"> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Activity</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Magic</td> -</tr> -</thead> -<tbody> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellLeft">Preparing the canoe for sailing -(placing of the mats on the platform, and of the frames in the -body);</td> -<td class="xd26e14008">inaugurated by</td> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellRight"> -<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Yawarapu</i> rite over the coco-palm -leaves, done by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> to ensure success in the -Kula.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Kayikuna sulumwoya</i> rite over the aromatic -mint.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Kaymwaloyo</i> rite over the mint boiled in coco-nut -oil, performed by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>.</p> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellLeft cellBottom">Packing of the trade -goods;</td> -<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom">associated with</td> -<td class="xd26e14265 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang="kij">Gebobo</i> -rite (called also: <i lang="kij">Kipwo’i sikwabu</i>), made over -four coco-nuts by a friend or relative in law of the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>, to make all the food last (the spell expresses only -the desire for a good Kula.)</td> -</tr> -</tbody> -</table> -</div> -<p>All this magic belongs to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, and it has -to be performed by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, with the exception -of the last spell.</p> -<p>V—Canoe Magic, Performed at the Final Start on Overseas Voyage -(<a href="#div8.3">Chapter VIII, Division III</a>)</p> -<p>The series of rites starts at the moment when the canoes are ready -to set sail on the long voyage on Pilolu. They are not associated with -a progressive series of acts; they all refer to one aim: canoe speed -and reliability. They are all performed by the <i lang= -"kij">toliwaga</i>.</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellTop"> -<b>Activity:</b> overseas sailing, inaugurated by a <b>Series of -Magical Rites.</b></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft"><b>Time:</b> morning of the second day -of the expedition.</td> -<td rowspan="4" class="rowspan xd26e14368 cellRight"> -<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Kadumiyala</i>, ritual rubbing or -cleansing of the canoe with leaves charmed over.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Bisila</i> magic; pandanus streamers, previously -chanted over are tied to the mast and rigging.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Kayikunaveva</i>; swaying the sheet rope uttering an -incantation.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Vabusi momwa’u</i>; “expelling the -heaviness” out of a canoe by means of a stale potato.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Bisiboda patile</i>; a rite of evil magic to make -other canoes slow and thus achieve relative speed.</p> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Place:</b> the beach of -Muwa.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Aim of Magic:</b> -imparting of speed to canoe.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellBottom"><b>Performer of -the Rites:</b> the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i><span class="corr" id= -"xd26e14420" title="Not in source">.</span></td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb418" href="#pb418" name= -"pb418">418</a>]</span></p> -<p>VI—The Mwasila, Performed on Arrival at the Final -Destination</p> -<p>(A) Beauty Magic (<a href="#div13.1">Chapter XIII, Division -I</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellTop"><b>Activity:</b> washing, -anointing and painting.</td> -<td rowspan="3" class="rowspan xd26e14368 cellRight cellTop"> -<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Kaykakaya</i>—ritual washing and -rubbing with charmed leaves.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Luya</i> (coco-nut) spell—over the scraped -coco-nut used for anointing.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Sinata</i> (comb) spell—over the comb.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Sayyaku</i>—aromatic black paint.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Bowa</i>—ordinary charcoal blacking.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Talo</i>—red paint of crushed areca-nut.</p> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Place:</b> the beach, on -or near which the party rest before starting on the last stage (on the -way to Dobu; Sarubwoyna beach. On the way to Sinaketa: Kaykuyawa).</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellBottom"><b>Performers:</b> -the spells are uttered usually by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, -sometimes by an elder member of the crew.</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p>(B) Magic of the Final Approach (<a href="#div13.2">Chapter XIII, -Division II</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellTop"><b>Activity:</b> the fleet are -paddling (on the approach to Dobu) or punting (to Sinaketa) in a -body.</td> -<td rowspan="3" class="rowspan xd26e14368 cellRight cellTop"> -<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Ta’uya</i>—the ritual -blowing of the conch shell, which has been charmed over before.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Kayihuna-tabuyo</i>—the swaying of the front -prow-board while the spell is being uttered.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Kavalikuliku</i>—the spell by the toliwaga.</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Kaytavilena mwoynawaga</i>—the incantation -uttered at the stern towards the Koya.</p> -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Performers:</b> in each -canoe, simultaneously, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and two members -of the crew.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellBottom"><b>Aim:</b> to -“shake the mountain,” to produce an impression on the -partners awaiting on the beach.</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p>(C) Magic of Safety (<a href="#div13.3">Chapter XIII, Division -III</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<thead> -<tr class="label"> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Activity</td> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Magic</td> -</tr> -</thead> -<tbody> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellBottom">Entering the Dobuan village -(This magic is performed only when Boyowans come to the <i lang= -"kij">Koya</i>).</td> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang= -"kij">Ka’ubana’i</i>, charm uttered over ginger, which is -then ritually spat over the Dobuan village and the partners, and makes -their hearts soft.</td> -</tr> -</tbody> -</table> -</div> -<p>(D) Magic of Persuasion (<a href="#div14.3">Chapter XIV, Division -III</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t8"> -<thead> -<tr class="label"> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Activity</td> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Magic</td> -</tr> -</thead> -<tbody> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellBottom">The wooing in Kula (<i lang= -"kij">wawoyla</i>) of the of the overseas partner by the visitor.</td> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang= -"kij">Kwoygapani</i>—a spell uttered over a piece of areca-nut, -given subsequently to the partner.</td> -</tr> -</tbody> -</table> -</div> -<p>VII—A Canoe Spell, Uttered on the Departure Home (<a href= -"#div14.3">Chapter XIV, Division III</a>)</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t5"> -<thead> -<tr class="label"> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Activity</td> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"> -Magic</td> -</tr> -</thead> -<tbody> -<tr> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellBottom">Loading of the canoe with -the its gifts received from overseas partners, with the trade gain, and -with the provisions for the home journey.</td> -<td class="xd26e14368 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang= -"kij">Kaylupa</i>—a spell to make the canoe lighter, to -“lift” it out of the water.</td> -</tr> -</tbody> -</table> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb419" href="#pb419" name= -"pb419">419</a>]</span></p> -<p>Within each department of systematic magic, there are again various -<i>systems of magic</i>. Thus we saw that, although the type of rite -and formula is the same in all villages, the actual details, let us -say, of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magic, are not identical, but vary -according to the system with which a given reciter is acquainted. The -differences are, as a rule, less pronounced in the rites, which are -generally very simple in the Trobriand magic, and are identical in all -the systems, but the formulæ differ completely in their wording. -Thus, in the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magic (<a href="#div5.3">Chapter -V, Division III</a>) we found only a slight difference in the rite, but -one or two <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spells, which I have also recorded, -differ essentially from the one given in the text.</p> -<p>Each system of magic has a more or less developed mythological -pedigree, and in connection with it a local character, a point which -has been elaborated in the previous Division. The <i lang= -"kij">wayugo</i> spell given in <a href="#ch5">Chapter V</a>, and all -the spells of canoe-building quoted in this book belong to the -Kaykudayuri system of canoe magic. This system is believed to have been -known and recited by the mythical builder of the flying canoe, and to -have been handed down to his descendants, that is, as we know, in an -incomplete form. As has been said in the <a href="#div17.6">previous -Division</a>, the knowledge and the use of this magic and of other -systems does not abide strictly within the original clan, but it -spreads outside of it, and it becomes known to many people who are -connected with the original owner by a sort of magical filiation.</p> -<p>According to native belief, all these people know identical -formulæ. In fact, in the course of years and of repeated -transmission, considerable differences have been introduced, and -nowadays many of the ‘real Kudayuri’ spells differ from one -another completely.</p> -<p>A system of magic is therefore a number of magical formulæ, -forming one consecutive series. The main system of canoe magic is that -of the Kaykudayuri, which is associated with the place of the same name -in Kitava. This system comprises the whole series of canoe-building -spells, from the expelling of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> to the final -exorcisms. Another comprehensive system is called Kaykapayouko, and is -localised in the island of Kayleula. An important system called -Ilumte’ulo is nowadays claimed by Sinaketa, but probably hails -from Dobu. The mythological data of some of these systems are not -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb420" href="#pb420" name= -"pb420">420</a>]</span>known to me, and some of them seem to be -exceedingly rudimentary, not going beyond the assertion that such and -such a system originated at such and such a place, and was originally -the property of such and such a clan. Of the systems of <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i>, the best known in South Boyowa is that called -Monikiniki, to which belong the majority of the formulæ here -quoted. This system is sometimes loosely associated with the myth of -Tokosikuna, who is sometimes said to have been the original owner of -the system. According to another version, Monikiniki is the name of the -original owner. The Dobuan <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> is called -Kasabwaybwayreta, and is ascribed to that hero. From Muyuwa, hails the -Momroveta system of Kula magic, while in Kiriwina the system of -Monikiniki is usually recited, and only a few formulæ are -inserted into it, belonging to a local magic, called Kwoygapani (a name -not to be confused with the name in a formula quoted in <a href= -"#ch14">Chapter XIV</a>). In the light of these remarks, the many -references to ‘magical systems’ given in the text, will -become clear, so there is no need to add more here.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VIII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We saw before in the chapter on mythology that magic -bridges over the cleavage between the super-normal world of myth and -the normal, ordinary happenings of to-day. But then, this bridge itself -must necessarily touch the super-normal, it must lead into that domain. -Magic surely, therefore, must partake of the supernatural character? -There is no doubt that it is so. The effects of magic, although -constantly witnessed, and although considered as a fundamental fact, -are regarded as something distinctly different from the effects of -other human activities. The natives realise quite well that the speed -and buoyancy of a canoe are due to the knowledge and work of the -constructor; they are well acquainted with the properties of good -material and of good craftsmanship. Yet the magic of swiftness adds -something more to even the best constructed canoe. This superadded -quality is regarded very much like the properties of the mythical canoe -which made it fly through the air, though in the present day canoes -these properties have dwindled down to mere surpassing speed.</p> -<p>The language of spells expresses this belief through the constant -allusions to myth, similes in which the present canoe is <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb421" href="#pb421" name= -"pb421">421</a>]</span>invited to imitate the mythical one. In the -explicit comments on the Kudayuri myth, the natives also state -definitely that the prodigious speed which well-charmed canoes develop -is the legacy and counterpart of the old flying speed. Thus the effects -of magic are something superadded to all the other effects produced by -human effort and by natural qualities. The same is to be found in love -magic. The importance of a fine face and figure, of ornaments, -decorations and nice scents, is well recognised as being of attractive -value, yet almost every man ascribes his success to the perfection of -his love magic. The force of magic is considered as something -independent of, and surpassing even, the power of all other personal -charms. A statement very often met with expresses this quite well:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Look, I am not good looking, yet so many girls -want me. The reason of that is that I have good magic.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>In garden magic, soil, rain, proper work, are given their full due. -None the less, no one would dream of making a garden without the full -magical performance being done over it. Garden magic is thought to make -just this difference, which a man hopes for from ‘chance,’ -or ‘good luck,’ when he sees everybody round him working as -hard as he can, and in all other respects under similar conditions to -himself. So we see that, in all these cases, magical influence runs -parallel to and independently of the effects of human work and natural -conditions. It produces these differences and those unexpected results, -which cannot be explained by any of the other factors.</p> -<p>So far, we see that magic represents, so to speak, a different sort -of reality. When I call this different sort ‘super-natural’ -or ‘super-normal,’ one of the criteria which I use here -lies in the emotional reaction of the natives. This, of course, is most -pronounced in the case of evil magic. The sorcerer is not only feared -because of his bad intentions. He is also feared as ghosts are feared -by us, as an uncanny manifestation. One is afraid of meeting him in the -dark, not so much because he might do any harm, but because his -appearance is dreadful and because he has at his bidding all sorts of -powers and faculties which are denied to those not versed in black -magic. His sweat glows, night birds run with him to give him warning; -he can become invisible at will and produce paralysing fear in those he -meets. In short, the same hysterical dread, associated <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb422" href="#pb422" name= -"pb422">422</a>]</span>amongst ourselves with the idea of haunted -places, is produced by the sorcerers in the minds of the natives. And -it must be added that the natives have no such emotion of dread at all -with regard to the spirits of the departed. The horror which they have -of the <i lang="kij">bwaga’u</i> is even stronger in the case of -the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, to whom all sorts of most uncanny -properties are attributed. Their ghoulish feasting on corpses, their -capacity of flying, of making themselves invisible, of changing into -night birds, all this inspires the natives with extreme terror.</p> -<p>The other magicians and their art do not inspire such strong -emotions in the natives, and of course in any case the emotion would -not be that of dread. There is a very great value and attachment to -systems of local magic, and their effects are distinctly considered as -an asset for a community.</p> -<p>Each form of magic also has its associated magical portent, <i lang= -"kij">kariyala</i>. When a magic formula is spoken, a violent natural -upheaval will take place. For example, when garden magic is performed, -there will be thunder and lightning; with certain forms of Kula magic, -a rainbow will appear in the skies. Others will produce shower clouds. -The portent of a mild storm, accompanying the opening of the magical -bundle (<i lang="kij">lilava</i>) has already been quoted. The <i lang= -"kij">kayga’u</i> may produce a tidal wave, whereas an earthquake -will be the result of other forms of magic. War magic, in an -unexpectedly bucolic way, affects only some plants and birds. In -certain forms of magic, a portent would take place whenever the formula -is uttered, in others, this will not be so regular, but a <i lang= -"kij">kariyala</i> will invariably occur when a magician dies. When -asked, what is the real cause of any of these natural phenomena -enumerated, they will say:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Magic is the real cause (<i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i>); they are a <i lang="kij">kariyala</i> of -magic.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Another point, where magic touches the super-normal or supernatural, -is in the association of spirits with certain magical performances. A -special type of magical payment, the <i lang="kij">ula’ula</i>, -is at the same time an offering to the <i lang="kij">baloma</i> -(spirits). The magician will detach a small bit of the large quantity -of food brought to him, and put it down on some special place, with the -words:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“Partake, O spirits, of your <i lang= -"kij">ula’ula</i>, and make my magic thrive.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb423" href="#pb423" name= -"pb423">423</a>]</span></p> -<p>At certain ceremonies, the spirits are supposed to be present (see -<a href="#pl59">Plate LIX</a>). When something goes wrong with magic, -or it is badly performed, ‘the spirits will become angry,’ -as it is often expressed by the natives. In some cases the <i lang= -"kij">baloma</i> will appear in dreams and advise the magician what to -do. As this is the most active interference of the spirits in human -affairs, as far as magic is concerned, I shall quote in free -translation some statements obtained on the matter.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The owners of fish magic will often dream that -there is plentiful fish. The cause of it is the magician’s -ancestor spirit. Such a magician would then say: ‘The ancestral -spirit has instructed me in the night, that we should go to catch fish! -And indeed, when we get there, we find plenty of fish, and we cast the -nets.’ ”</p> -<p>“Mokudeya, the maternal uncle of Narugo,” who is, the -main fishing magician of Oburaku “comes to his nephew in a dream -and instructs him: ‘Tomorrow, cast the nets for fish in -Kwabwawa!’ Narugo then says: ‘Let us come, the old man -instructed me last night.’ ”</p> -<p>“The <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (spondylus shell) magician of -Sinaketa dreams about a plentiful patch of <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> -shell. Next morning, he would dive and knock it off on the reef. Or he -dreams of a canoe, and he then paddles and casts the anchor at that -place. To’udawada, Luvayam, Sinakadi dream that they knock it off -in plenty. When next morning we go there, it is plentiful.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>In all these examples (except the last) we see that the spirits act -as advisors and helpers. They fill the rôle of guardian of the -traditions when they get angry because of a bad <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e14742" title="Source: perforance">performance</span>, or as -associates and sympathisers when they share the magician’s -<i lang="kij">ula’ula</i>. But they are not agencies which get to -work directly. In the Trobriand demonology, the magician does not -command the spirits to go and set to work. The work is done by the -agency of the spell, assisted by the accompanying ritual, and performed -by the proper magician. The spirits stand in the same relation, as the -performer does, to the magical force, which alone is active. They can -help him to wield it properly, but they can never become his -instruments.</p> -<p>To summarise the results of what we have learned about the -super-normal nature of magic, it may be said that it has a definite -character of its own, which differentiates it from the non-magical -actions of man. The manner in which the magical <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb424" href="#pb424" name= -"pb424">424</a>]</span>force is conceived to act, parallel to the -ordinary efforts but independent of them; the emotional reaction to -certain types of magic and magician; the <i lang="kij">kariyala</i>; -the intercourse with spirits during the performances, all these -properties differentiate magic from the ordinary activities of man.</p> -<p>In native terminology, the realm of the magical is called by the -word <i lang="kij">megwa</i>, which describes the ‘magical -performance,’ the ‘spell,’ the ‘force’ or -‘virtue’ of magic, and can be used as adjective to describe -in general everything which presents a magical character. Used as a -verb, the words <i lang="kij">megwa, miga-megwa, miga</i>, all of which -are variations of the same root, mean: ‘to perform magic,’ -‘to utter a spell,’ ‘to carry out a rite.’ If -the natives want to express that certain actions are done in connection -with magic, and not with work, and that certain effects are due to -magical forces, and not to other efforts, they used the word <i lang= -"kij">megwa</i> as a substantive or adjective. It is never used to -describe any virtue residing in a man or a thing, nor for any action -which is independent of a spell.</p> -<p>The associated concept of taboo is covered by the Kiriwinian word -<i lang="kij">bomala</i> (with suffixed possessive pronouns). It means -a ‘prohibition,’ something which a man is not allowed to do -under any circumstances. It is used for magical taboos, for -prohibitions associated with rank, for restrictions in regard to food -generally considered as unclean, as, for example, the flesh of lizards, -snakes, dogs and man. There is hardly any trace of the meaning of -‘sacred’ attached to the word <i lang="kij">bomala</i>. If -anywhere, it can be found in the use of the word <i lang= -"kij">boma</i>, for a tabooed grove where men usually are not allowed -to enter, and where traditional spots, often original holes where men -came out and whence magic issued, are to be found. The expression -<i lang="kij">toboma</i> (<i lang="kij">to-</i>, prefix denoting -personal noun) means a man of high rank, but hardly a sacred man.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.9" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IX</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Finally, a few words must be said about the -sociological or ceremonial setting of magic. Reference has often been -made to the simplicity of rites, and to their matter-of-fact character. -This has been mentioned with reference to canoe-building, and in garden -magic we would have found equally simple and purely businesslike -performances. In calling a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb425" href= -"#pb425" name="pb425">425</a>]</span>magical action -‘ceremonial’ we imply that it was done with a big public -attendance; under the observance of definite rules of behaviour by the -spectators as well as by the performer, such as general silence, -reverent attention to what is being done, with at least a show of some -interest. Now if, in the middle of some work, a man quickly performs an -action whilst others talk and laugh and leave him entirely on one side, -this gives a definite sociological stamp to the magical actions, and -does not allow us to use the term ‘ceremonial,’ as the -distinguishing mark of the magical acts. Some of them, it is true, do -have this character. For instance, the initial rite with which the -<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> fishing begins, requires the assistance of the -whole fleet, and a definite type of behaviour on the part of the crews, -while the magician officiates for all of them, but with their -assistance, in the complex evolutions of the fleet. Similar rites are -to be found in two or three systems of fishing magic, and in several -rites of the garden magic of certain villages. In fact, the initial -rite of garden magic is everywhere connected with a ceremonial -performance. The garden rite, associated with the ceremonial offering -of food to spirits, and attended by a body of villagers, a scene of -which is shown on <a href="#pl59">Plate LIX</a>, has been elsewhere -described.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e14797src" href="#xd26e14797" -name="xd26e14797src">3</a> One or two rites in war magic imply the -active assistance of large numbers of men, and take the form of big -ceremonies. Thus we see that magical rites may or may not be -ceremonial, but that the ceremonial is by no means an outstanding or -universal feature of Trobriand magic.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.10" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">X</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We found that taboos are associated with magic, in so -far as it is the magician who has to observe them. There are, however, -certain forms of restrictions or prohibitions, set up for special -purposes, and associated with magic in a somewhat different form. Thus, -in an institution called <i lang="kij">kaytubutabu</i> we find a ban -made on the consumption of coco-nuts and betel-nuts, associated with a -specific magic to make them grow. There is also a protective taboo, -used to prevent the theft of ripening fruits or nuts, too far away from -the village to be watched. In these cases a small parcel of medicated -substance is placed on <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb426" href= -"#pb426" name="pb426">426</a>]</span>the tree or near it, on a small -stick. The magic spoken over such a substance is a ‘conditional -curse,’ to use the excellent term introduced by <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e14811" title="Source: Professsor">Professor</span> -Westermarck. The conditional curse would fall upon anyone who would -touch the fruits of that tree, and would bring upon him one form of -disease or another. This is the only form of magic, in which the -personal agency is invoked, for in some of these spells, the <i lang= -"kij">tokway</i> (<span class="corr" id="xd26e14817" title= -"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>) is invited to take up his -abode on the <i lang="kij">kaytapaku</i>, that is the stick, with the -substance on it, and to guard the fruit. Some such small divergencies -from the general trend of native belief are always to be found. -Sometimes they contain important clues, and a deeper insight into the -facts, sometimes they mean nothing, and only emphasise the fact, that -it is not possible to find absolute consistency in human belief. Only a -deeper analysis, and a comparative study of similar phenomena can -decide which is the case.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.11" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In order to complete the survey of all the -characteristics of magic, I shall rapidly mention here the economic -aspect of the position of magician, although the data referring to it -have already been given, scattered through the previous chapters. I -have spoken of the matrilineal inheritance of magic, and of the -deviations from it which consist in inheritance from father to son, and -in the transmission of magic by purchase (<a href="#div2.6">Chapter II, -<span class="corr" id="xd26e14831" title= -"Source: Divison">Division</span> VI</a>, and <a href="#div6.6">Chapter -VI, Division VI</a> under (5)). This latter transaction may take place -under two names, which really cover two essentially different -operations; the <i lang="kij">pokala</i> or payment to a maternal -kinsman from whom one is going to obtain the magic, and the <i lang= -"kij">laga</i>, which is the purchase of magic from a stranger. Only -certain forms of magic can freely pass from one clan or sub-clan to -another, and are purchasable by the <i lang="kij">laga</i> system. The -majority of magical systems are local, and can descend only in the same -sub-clan with an occasional deviation to the son of a member, from -whom, however, the magic must return to the sub-clan again. A further -economic feature of magic is the payment, which the magician receives -for his services. There are many types of payment; some given -occasionally by an individual for a definite act of magic, as in the -case of sorcery or healing magic; others, paid at regular intervals by -the whole community, as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb427" href= -"#pb427" name="pb427">427</a>]</span>in the case of garden and fishing -magic. In some cases the payments are considerable, as in sorcery, in -rain and fine weather magic, and in garden magic. In others, they -amount to little more than a mere formal offering.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div17.12" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In all this, we have been dealing with general -characteristics of Boyowan (Trobriand) magic. This has been done mainly -on the basis of the material presented in this volume, with only a few -examples from other branches of magic. The result so far can be set -down thus: magic to the natives represents a special department; it is -a specific power, essentially human, autonomous and independent in its -action. This power is an inherent property of certain words, uttered -with the performance of certain actions by the man entitled to do it -through his social traditions and through certain observances which he -has to keep. The words and acts have this power in their own right, and -their action is direct and not mediated by any other agency. Their -power is not derived from the authority of spirits or demons or -supernatural beings. It is not conceived as having been wrested from -nature. The belief in the power of words and rites as a fundamental and -irreducible force is the ultimate, basic dogma of their magical creed. -Hence we find established the ideas that one never can tamper with, -change or improve spells; that tradition is the only source from which -they can be derived; that it has brought them down from times lying -beyond the speculation of man, that there can be no spontaneous -generation of magic.</p> -<p>We are naturally led now to inquire one stage further into the -manner in which the magical words and rites act. Obviously the only way -to obtain correct information on this point is to analyse and compare a -great number of well authenticated formulæ, and minutely recorded -rites. Even the collection of Kula magic here partially given in free -translation, would allow us to arrive at certain interesting -conclusions. But we can go deeper still with the help of linguistic -analysis, and we shall proceed to this inquiry in the next chapter. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb428" href="#pb428" name= -"pb428">428</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e13579" href="#xd26e13579src" name="xd26e13579">1</a></span> These -views have been elaborated in the previously quoted article on -“Primitive Economics” in the <i>Economic Journal</i>, -March, 1921. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e13579src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e13712" href="#xd26e13712src" name="xd26e13712">2</a></span> The -association of magic with any vital interest is demonstrated by the -case of pearling. Here, through the advent of white men, a new and very -lucrative and absorbing pursuit has opened up for the natives. A form -of magic is now in existence, associated with this fishing. This of -course apparently contradicts the native dogma that magic cannot be -invented. The natives, if faced with this contradiction, explain that -it is really an old magic of shell fishing which refers to all the -shells found at the bottom of the Lagoon, but which so far had only -been used with regard to fishing for the Conus. In fact, this magic is -nothing but the adaptation of the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshell) -magic to the pearls. I doubt, none the less, whether even such a -transference or adaptation would have taken place before the -foundations of native belief and custom had been shaken by the -well-intentioned but not always wise and beneficent teachings and -rulings of the white man and by the introduction of -trade. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e13712src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e14797" href="#xd26e14797src" name="xd26e14797">3</a></span> See -article by the Author on the “Baloma, spirits of the dead in the -Trobriand islands.” J. A. I., 1917. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e14797src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch18" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e834">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XVIII</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Power of Words in Magic—Some Linguistic -Data</h2> -<div id="div18.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The aim of this Chapter is to show by a linguistic -analysis of two magical texts, and by a general survey of a greater -number, what sort of words are believed to exercise magical power. -This, of course, does not mean that we are under the delusion that the -composers or <span class="corr" id="xd26e14868" title= -"Source: inventers">inventors</span> of magic had a theory about the -efficiency of words, and carried this theory into practice by inventing -the formula. But, as the moral ideas and rules prevalent in society, -though not codified, can be found out by analysing human behaviour; as -we reach the underlying principles of law and social propriety by -examining customs and manners; as in the study of rites, we see some -definite tenets of belief and dogmas—so, in analysing the direct -verbal expressions of certain modes of thinking in the magical -formulæ, we are justified in assuming that these modes of -thinking must have somehow guided those who shaped them. The exact -manner in which we must imagine the relation between a typical way of -thinking in a society on the one hand, and the fixed, crystallised -results of this thinking on the other, is a problem of Social -Psychology. For this branch of science we are, in ethnography, under -the obligation of gathering material, but we need not encroach upon its -field of study.</p> -<p>Thus much may, however, be put down, that, in whatever manner we -might imagine a spell to have come into existence, it cannot be -considered as the creation of one man; for as has been said before, if -we examine any one of them, not with the eyes of the natives, but as -outside critics, each spell shows unmistakable signs of being a -collection of linguistic additions from different epochs. There is in -practically every one of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb429" href= -"#pb429" name="pb429">429</a>]</span>them a good deal of archaic -material, but not a single one bears the stamp of having come down to -us in the same form in which it must have presented itself a few -generations ago. So that it may be said that a spell is constantly -being remoulded as it passes through the chain of magicians, each -probably leaving his mark, however small, upon it. It is the general -attitude in matters of magical belief common to all of the successive -holders which will be at the bottom of all the regularities, all the -typical features found in the spells.</p> -<p>I shall adduce a formula of canoe magic and one of the spells -belonging to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, choosing two texts of which -a translation and a commentary of average quality have been obtained, -and which show clearly the several characteristic features of verbal -magic. Those who are not interested in linguistic technicalities and -details of method, may omit the following division, and take up the -trend of our argument at <a href="#div18.12">division XII</a>.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The following text is the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> -spell, obtained from Layseta, the headman of Kopila, one of the -sub-villages of Sinaketa. The commentary was obtained from himself, and -from another informant, Motago’i, a man of exceptional -intelligence, and a very straightforward and a reliable informant. This -spell has been given in free translation before in Chapter <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e14891" title="Source: VI">V</span>, and, as has been -said there, the rite consists simply in chanting the words over five -coils of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e14897" title="Source: creeeper">creeper</span> put on a wooden -platter between two mats.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Wayugo Spell</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">A. U’ula (Initial Part)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">1</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kala</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">His</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bosisi’ula,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">ritual eating of fish,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kala</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bomwalela.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">tabooed -inside.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Papapa,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Flutter,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">siliubida,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">betel plant,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">monagakalava.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">leaving behind.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Kalabotawosi,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Grandfather -Kalabotawosi,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Tubugu Kwaysa’i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">grandfather Kwaysa’i,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Pulupolu,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Pulupolu,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Semkuku,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Semkuku,</span></span> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb430" href="#pb430" name= -"pb430">430</a>]</span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Tubugu Kabatuwayaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">grandfather Kabatuwayaga,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Ugwaboda,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Ugwaboda,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Kitava,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Kitava,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bulumava’u -Nawabudoga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">new spirit -Nawabudoga,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kaykapwapu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">immediate -predecessor</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Mogilawota.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Mogilawota.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kusilase</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">You sit</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">onikola,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on -canoe slips,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bukwa’u’i kambu’a.</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">you chew your areca-nut.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kwawoyse</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">You take</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">bisalena</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his -pandanus streamer</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">Kaykudayuri</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of) -Kaykudayuri</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Kusaylase</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you place -(it)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">odabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on -top</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Teula</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of) -Teula.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Basivila,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I might turn,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">basivitake’i</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might turn on</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kitava -miTo’uru,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Kitava your -Touru,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">mimilaveta</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">your -sea-arm</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Pilolu.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Pilolu.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Nagayne</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">To-day</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">isipukayse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">they kindle</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">girina</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">festive -fire</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Kaykudayuri.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of) -Kaykudayuri.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">8</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">8</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kumwam</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Thou bind together</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">dabem</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">thy skirt</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">Siyaygana,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Siyaygana,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bukuyova.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou -fly.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">9</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">9</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bakabima</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">I might clutch</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kaykabila,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">the adze handle,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakipatuma</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I might grip</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">yogwayogula</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">the component sticks.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">10</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">10</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Baterera</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">I might fly</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">odabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">on top (of)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kuyawa.</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Kuyawa.</span></span></p> -<p>B. TAPWANA (MAIN PART)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">11</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">11</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Odabana Kuyawa,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">On top (of) Kuyawa,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">odabana Kuyawa</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">on top (of) Kuyawa</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">…</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">…</span></span></p> -<p class="xd26e15346">(repeated several times)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bayokokoba</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might become like -smoke</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">odabana Kuyawa;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on top -(of) Kuyawa;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bayowaysulu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might -become invisible</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">odabana Kuyawa;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on -top (of) Kuyawa;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bayovivilu’a, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">I might become as a wind eddy, etc.</span></span> <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb431" href="#pb431" name="pb431">431</a>]</span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bayomwaleta, -etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might become alone, -etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bayokarige, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I -might become as dead, etc.</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bayotamwa’u, etc;</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might disappear, -etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bayogugwa’u, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">I might become like mist, etc.</span></span></p> -<p>12 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting Dikutuva for -Kuyawa.</p> -<p>13 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting La’u for -Kuyawa. After this, the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> is repeated, and -then a secondary <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> follows.</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">14</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">14</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bakalatatava,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakalatatava</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">…</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">…</span></span></p> -<p class="xd26e15346">(repeated several times)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ula sibu</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my keel</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakalatatava</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo koumwali</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">my canoe gunwale</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakalatatava</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">uli sirota, etc.</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my canoe bottom, etc.</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo katukulu, -etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my prow, -etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ulo gelu, etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my rib, -etc.</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo -kaysuya, etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my threading -stick, etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">uli tabuyo, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -<span class="corr" id="xd26e15520" title= -"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>, etc.;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">uli lagim, etc.;</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my transverse board, -etc.;</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo kawaydala, -etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my canoe side, -etc.</span></span></p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> is repeated again and the spell is -closed by the <i lang="kij">dogina</i> (concluding part).</p> -<p>C. Dogina (Conclusion)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">15</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">15</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kalubasisi</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">(Untranslatable)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kalubayo’u;</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">flying(?);</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvaylise mayena,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you hit his tongue,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvaylise</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you hit</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bubuwala,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">his chest,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kulakwoyse</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">you untie</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kala</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">sibu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">keel</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">waga.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">canoe.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">16</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">16</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Wagam,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Canoe (thou art)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kousi,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">ghost,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">wagam,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">canoe, (thou art)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vivilu’a,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">wind eddy,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuyokarige</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">thou vanish</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Siyaygana,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Siyaygana,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bukuyova.</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">thou fly.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">17</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">17</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kwarisasa</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Thou pierce</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kamkarikeda</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">thy sea-passage</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kadimwatu;</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Kadimwatu;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kwaripwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">thou break through</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kabaluna</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">nose his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">Saramwa;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Saramwa;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kwabadibadi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou -meet</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Loma.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Loma.</span></span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb432" href= -"#pb432" name="pb432">432</a>]</span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">18</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">18</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kuyokarige,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Thou become as dead,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuyotamwa’u,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou disappear,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kuyovivilu’a</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou -become as a wind eddy,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kuyogugwa’u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">thou become like mist.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">19</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">19</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kusola</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Thou mould</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kammayamaya,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">the fine sand,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kwotutine</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">thou cut</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kamgulupeya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thy -seaweed;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kuna,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou -go,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kugoguna</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou put -on</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kambwoymatala.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thy butia -wreath.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>We have here the native text, translated word for word, each -expression and formative affix being rendered by its English -equivalent. In obtaining such a verbatim translation and subsequently -putting it into a free, intelligible English rendering, there are two -main difficulties to be overcome. A considerable proportion of the -words found in magic do not belong to ordinary speech, but are -archaisms, mythical names and strange compounds, formed according to -unusual linguistic rules. Thus the first task is to elucidate the -obsolete expressions, the mythical references, and to find the present -day equivalents of any archaic words. Even if we obtain a series of -meanings corresponding to each term of the original text, there is -often considerable difficulty in linking these meanings together. Magic -is not built up in the narrative style; it does not serve to -communicate ideas from one person to another; it does not purport to -contain a consecutive, consistent meaning. It is an instrument serving -special purposes, intended for the exercise of man’s specific -power over things, and <i>its meaning</i>, giving this word a wider -sense, can be understood only in correlation to this aim. It will not -be therefore a meaning of logically or topically concatenated ideas, -but of expressions fitting into one another and into the whole, -according to what could be called a magical order of thinking, or -perhaps more correctly, a magical order of expressing, of launching -words towards their aim. It is clear that this magical order of verbal -concatenations—I am purposely avoiding the expression -‘magical logic’ for there is no logic in the -case—must be known and familiar to anyone who wishes really to -understand the spells. There is therefore a great initial difficulty in -‘reading’ such documents, and only an acquaintance with a -great number makes one more confident and more competent. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb433" href="#pb433" name="pb433">433</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III.</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In the ordinary routine of working out such texts, I -tried to obtain from the magician the equivalents, word for word, of -the more cryptic expressions. As a rule the magician himself knows a -good deal more than anyone else about the mythical references, and -about certain esoteric expressions contained in the spell. There are -some unintelligent old men, unfortunately, who rattle off a formula, -and who evidently never were interested about its significance or else -forgot all about it, and are no good as commentators. Often a fairly -good informant, quite capable of reciting a spell slowly and -intelligibly, without losing his thread, will be of no use as -linguistic informant, that is in helping to obtain a definition of a -word, in assisting to break it up into its formative parts; in -explaining which words belong to ordinary speech, which are dialectic, -which are archaic, and which are purely magical compounds. I had only a -few informants who could help me in this way, and among them the -previously mentioned Motago’i was one of the best.</p> -<p>The analysis to which I now proceed can be given only in an -approximate manner, for in a full one, a long disquisition on grammar -would have to be given first. It will be enough, however, to show in -broad outline the main linguistic features of a spell, as well as the -methods which have been used in constructing the free translation given -in the previous chapters.</p> -<p>The formula here quoted, shows the typical tripartition of the -longer spells. The first part is called <i lang="kij">u’ula</i>. -This word means the ‘bottom part’ of a tree or post, the -‘foundation’ of any structure, and in more figurative uses, -it means ‘reason<span class="corr" id="xd26e15859" title= -"Not in source">,</span>’ ‘cause,’ or, again, -‘beginning.’ It is in this last sense that the natives -apply it to the first strophe of a song, and to the exordium of a -magical formula. The second part of the spell is called <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i>, literally: ‘surface,’ -‘skin,’ ‘body,’ ‘trunk,’ -‘middle part’ of a tree, ‘main part’ of a road, -and thus ‘main part’ of a spell or song. The word <i lang= -"kij">dogina</i>, literally the ‘tip’ or ‘end,’ -used for the ‘tip’ of a tree or the ‘end’ of a -tail, is used to designate the ‘final part’ or the -‘conclusion’ of a spell. Sometimes the word <i lang= -"kij">dabwana</i>, ‘top,’ or ‘head,’ (not human -head) is substituted for <i lang="kij">dogina</i>. Thus the spell must -be imagined turned upside down, its beginning put at the basis, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb434" href="#pb434" name= -"pb434">434</a>]</span>the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i>, its main part -where the middle trunk would be, and its end at the tip, the <i lang= -"kij">dogina</i>.</p> -<p>The opening words of the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> in this spell -are short, cutting, pithy expressions, each standing for its own cycle -of ideas, for a sentence or even a whole story. In this they are -typical of the beginnings of Kiriwinian spells. They are also typical, -in the great difficulty which they present to the interpreter. Out of -the seven words contained in phrases 1 and 2, four do not belong to -ordinary speech, and are obscure compounds. Thus the words <i lang= -"kij">bosisi’ula</i> and <i lang="kij">bomwalela</i> are made up -first of the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, which carries with it the -meaning of ‘tabooed,’ ‘belonging to magic,’ and -of the two roots <i lang="kij">sisiula</i> and <i lang= -"kij">mwalela</i>, neither of which is a complete word. The first is -the root part of the word <i lang="kij">visisi’ula</i>, which -designates a custom associated with this magic. At certain times, in -connection with the performance of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> rite, -the magician has fits of trembling and then he has to be given some -baked fish, and after partaking of it his trembling fit passes. The -natives say that he trembles like a <i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus -streamer) and that this shows that his magic is good, since the -trembling of the pandanus is a symbol of speed. <i lang= -"kij">Mwalela</i> is derived from <i lang="kij">olumwalela</i> which -means ‘inside.’ With the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i> the -word can be translated ‘the tabooed inside.’</p> -<p>It is even more difficult to interpret the general meaning of these -two expressions, than to find out their literal equivalents. We have an -allusion to a ritual eating of fish, associated with a trembling which -symbolises speed, and we have an expression ‘tabooed -inside.’ The custom of eating fish after trembling has a magical -importance. It adds to the efficiency of magic, as all such observances -do. The force or merit of this observance, which, dissociated from the -spell and the rite can have no direct effect, is made available by -being mentioned in the formula; it is so to speak, magically -discounted. This is the best way in which I can interpret the two words -of ritual eating and of tabooed interior of the magician.</p> -<p>The three words of sentence 2 have each to tell its own story. The -word <i lang="kij">papapa</i>, ‘flutter,’ stands for a -phrase: “let the canoe speed so that the pandanus leaves -flutter.” Of course the word expresses much more than this -sentence, because it is intelligible only to those who are acquainted -with the part played by the pandanus leaves in the decoration of -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb435" href="#pb435" name= -"pb435">435</a>]</span>canoes, with the native ideas about magical -association between flutter and speed, and with the ritual use of -pandanus streamers. Therefore the word has a meaning only if taken with -the context of this formula, in connection with its aim, with the -various associated ideas and customs. To the native, who knows all this -and in whose mind the whole context rises, when he hears or repeats -‘<i lang="kij">papapa</i>’ the word quivers with magical -force. The word <i lang="kij">silubida</i>, an especial magical -transformation of <i lang="kij">lilobida</i>, stands for a certain -variety of the betel pepper plant. The word <i lang= -"kij">monagakalava</i> is again an elaborate compound carrying the -meaning ‘to leave behind.’ The betel plant is a common -magical ingredient, and in this spell, the ancestral spirits will -presently be invited to chew betel-nut. ‘Leaving behind’ -undoubtedly refers to the other canoes which will be outrun by that of -the reciter. Both these words, therefore, can be placed without much -difficulty into the context of this spell. It is quite clear, as has -been said, that each of these expressions stands alone and represents a -self-contained cycle of ideas. The two expressions of sentence 1 -probably do belong to one another, but even they represent each -one-half of a complex story.</p> -<p>Then, in 3, there comes a long list of names of ancestors, all of -whom are said to be real men who had lived in Kitava, the home of this -magic. The words <i lang="kij">kwaysa’i</i>, ‘stormy -sea,’ and <i lang="kij">pulupolu</i>, ‘boiling up,’ -‘foaming up,’ suggest that the names are significant and -therefore mythical. Nawabudoga, a Kitavan man, was father of the -last-mentioned one, Mogilawota, a maternal relative of the present -owner. We see here, therefore, a good case of ‘magical -filiation,’ by which the present owner, a man of Sinaketa, is -connected with the mythical district of Kitava.</p> -<p>The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much -clearer and simpler, and they present connected sequences of words. -They are an invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the -magician at the canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, ‘the -craft of the Kudayuri,<span class="corr" id="xd26e15955" title= -"Source: “">’</span> and to place the pandanus streamers on -the top of Teulo. This, in an exaggerated and figurative speech, -expresses an invitation to the spirits to follow the man on his trip. -It must be noted that, according to the present belief at least, the -spirits are not conceived as agents or forces which carry the canoe at -the behest of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb436" href="#pb436" -name="pb436">436</a>]</span>magician, but as passive companions only. -Sentence 6 contains a scornful address to his companions; the magician -in prospect sees himself sailing ahead towards the mountains; as he -turns round, the Kitava men, that is his companions, are far behind on -the beach of To’uru, and the whole sea-arm of Pilolu still lies -before them.</p> -<p>In 7, the same trend of ideas is followed; the custom of kindling -the fire by the first canoe is alluded to, and the magician sees -himself carrying out this privilege. It is to be noted that he speaks -always of his canoe under the name of Kudayuri, that is of the mythical -flying canoe of ancient times. In 8, the canoe is addressed as a flying -witch, who is asked to bind her skirt together and to fly. In 9, the -magician verbally retraces an incident from the original myth of -Kudayuri. He takes the adze handle, gets hold of the canoe, and strikes -it, whereupon the canoe flies.</p> -<p>Thus the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> begins with archaic, -condensed compounds each carrying a self-contained cycle of magical -meaning. Then follows a list of forbears; then more explicit and, at -the same time more dramatic sentences; an invocation to ancestral -spirits, the anticipated victory in speed, the reconstructed mythical -incident.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us pass now to the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>. This -is always the longest part of a spell, since we have a whole list of -words which have to be repeated with several key expressions, of which -in the present case there are three. Moreover, the magician can -<i lang="la">ad libitum</i> repeat the same words over and over again -with a key word. He will not go in any fixed order over all the words -of the list, but is allowed, in this part of the formula, to return and -repeat with one key-word the various items of the list.</p> -<p>It will be best to say here a few words about the manner in which -the magical formulæ are actually recited. The opening words are -always intoned with a strong, melodious cadence which is not -permanently fixed, but varies with the magician. The first words are -repeated some several times. Thus here, <i lang="kij">kala -bosisi’ula</i> would be reiterated three or four times, and so -would be the following two words (<i lang="kij">kala bomwalela</i>). -The words of No. 2 are recited slowly and ponderously but not repeated. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb437" href="#pb437" name= -"pb437">437</a>]</span>The list of ancestors is run over quickly and -perfunctorily. The rest of the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i>, its -dramatic part so to speak, is spoken with less melody, more with the -ordinary speaking voice and more rapidly.</p> -<p>Then comes the last sentence of the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i>, -which in almost all spells links it up with the main part. This is -always intoned slowly, solemnly and distinctly; the voice drops at the -end by the interval of a tone. In the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, the -key word, or key expression, which forms always the concluding part of -the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i>, is taken up again. It is repeated -several times, as if to fix or rub it well in. Then, dropping into a -quick, continuous stream of utterance, the magician runs over one word -of the list after the other. The key-word is inserted between each of -them, said sometimes once, sometimes two or three times. It gives an -effect as if the key-word were being rubbed in into every one of the -other expressions. They as a rule spoken more slowly, mark the rhythm -of this part. The reciting of the last part of a spell, the <i lang= -"kij">dogina</i> or <i lang="kij">dabwana</i>, is more perfunctory, -usually it is rather spoken than chanted.</p> -<p>After this digression, let us return to the analysis of our spell. -It is a rule that the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, the main part of a -formula, is easier to translate, expressed in less archaic and less -condensed terms, than the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i>. The <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i> of this spell has quite easy key-words, both in its -first and in its second part. In the first one (phrase 11) the -key-words are of mythical nature, referring to localities associated -with the flying of one of the Kudayuri sisters. In the second <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i>, the key-word means: ‘I might heel over’ -or ‘I shall heel over,’ that is with speed. And this -expression stands here for: ‘I shall overtake,’ and the -list of words pronounced with this verb denotes the various parts of a -canoe. The second part of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (phrase 14) is -much more typical than the first, because the key word is a verb, -whilst the list words are nouns. It is typical also, in that the verb -expresses, in a simple and direct manner, the magical effect of the -spell (the overtaking of the other canoes) whereas the sum of the words -of the list gives the object of the spell, that is, the canoe. Such -<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, in which the magical action is expressed as -a verb, while in the list of words we have mentioned the various parts -of a garden or of fishing nets, or weapons or parts of the human body, -are to be found in all classes of magic. <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb438" href="#pb438" name="pb438">438</a>]</span></p> -<p>The first part of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (phrases 11, 12, and -13) is less typical, in so far that the verbs depicting various magical -actions are relegated into the list, while the key-words are adverbial -expressions of locality. The verbal links of the long chain express all -and one in a metaphoric manner the speed of the canoe. ‘I shall -fly, I shall become like smoke, I shall become invisible, I shall -become as a wind eddy, etc,<span class="corr" id="xd26e16035" title= -"Source: “">’</span> are all rather picturesque, concrete -descriptions of surpassing speed. They present also a linguistic -symmetry and singularity. The prefix <i lang="kij">ba-</i> is the form -of the future or potential tense, which I have literally translated -‘might,’ but which stands here for ‘shall<span class= -"corr" id="xd26e16041" title="Not in source">.</span>’ The -formative prefix <i lang="kij">yo-</i> is a causative, and stands for -‘become as’ or ‘become like.’ Then follows the -root: <i lang="kij">kokoba-</i> ‘smoke which trails in clouds -above a burning garden.’ Hence the expression <i lang= -"kij">bayokokoba</i>, in its full concrete meaning, could be -translated: ‘I shall become like clouds of trailing smoke.’ -Again, <i lang="kij">boyowaysula</i> in its full meaning could be -translated: ‘I shall become invisible as distant spray.’ -The only abstract word in this list is <i lang="kij">tamwa’u</i>, -which literally means, ‘to disappear.’ So, in this <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i>, the list consists of a number of formally similar -words, each expressing the same general meaning in a concrete -metaphorical manner. The length of the whole <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> -(main body) of the spell can be imagined, since in the middle between -its two sections the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> is recited once -more.</p> -<p>The last part of this spell, the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, contains -an explicit allusion to the Kudayuri myth and to several geographic -localities, which are mentioned in that myth. It also shows the usual -<i>crescendo</i>, characteristic of the conclusions of a spell. The -final results are anticipated in exaggerated, forceful language.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">So much about the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spell. I -shall adduce now another spell of a somewhat different type, belonging -to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic). It is distinctly a more -modern formula; there are hardly any archaic expressions; words are not -used, as independent sentences each; on the whole it is easily -understandable and has a consecutive meaning.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Rayikuna Sulumwoya (also called Sumgeyyata)</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">A. U’ula (Initial Part)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">1</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Avayta’u</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Who</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">netata’i</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">cuts</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">sulumwoyala</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">the mint plant of</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Laba’i?</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Laba’i?</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Yaygu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">I,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">Kwoyregu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Kwoyregu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">sogu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">together -with</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">tamagu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -father,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">katata’i</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we -cut</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">sulumwoyala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the mint -plant of</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Laba’i.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Laba’i.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Silimwaynunuva,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">The roaring sulumwoya,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">inunuva;</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it roars;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">silimwayniku,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">the quaking sulumwoya</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">iniku;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it quakes;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">silimwayyega,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">the soughing sulumwoya,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">iyega;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it soughs;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">silimwaypolu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">the boiling sulumwoya,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu.</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it boils.</span></span></p> -<p>B.—Tapwana (Main Part)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Ipolu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">It boils,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">ipolu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">…</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">…</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">sulumwoya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mint -plant</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vana,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">herb ornaments,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it boils</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kena</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">lime -spatula</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">yaguma</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">lime pot</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">sinata</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">comb</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mo’i</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mat</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">pari</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">presentation -goods</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vataga</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">big basket</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kauyo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">personal -basket</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">lilava</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">magical bundle</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu.</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it boils.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Dabagu</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my head</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kabulugu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -nose</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kaygadugu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -occiput</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">mayyegu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -tongue</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">tabagu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -larynx</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kawagu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my speaking -organ</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">wadogu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -mouth</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it -boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ula</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">woyla</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Kula courting</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu.</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it boils.</span></span> <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb440" href="#pb440" name="pb440">440</a>]</span></p> -<p>C.—Dogina (Conclusion)</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bulumava’u</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">New spirit</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kadagu</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">my maternal uncle</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Mwoyalova</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Mwoyalova</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvapwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">thou breathe</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span class="top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(the spell over)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">dabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the -head</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top"> </span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Monikiniki,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Monikiniki,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvapokayma</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">thou breathe</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span class="top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(the spell over)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">dabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the -head</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top"> </span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">touto’u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">light wood.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Avaliwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">I kick</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">koya—</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">the mountain—</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">isikila</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it tilts over,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">imwaliku</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it subsides,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikaywa’u</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">it opens up,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">isabwani</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">it jubilates,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">the mountain</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">itakubile</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">it topples over,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">itakubilatala</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">it topples down,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya.</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">the mountain.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Avapwoyma</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I breathe</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span class="top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(a spell over)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">dabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the -head</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top"> </span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Koyava’u;</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Koyava’u;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">avapokayma</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">I charm</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">lopoum</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">thy inside</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span class="top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Siyaygana;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Siyaygana</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class= -"top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(canoe);</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">akulubeku</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I -drown</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">wagana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the -waga</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">akulisonu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I -submerge</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">lumanena.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the -lamina.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Not</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">butugu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -renown</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">butugu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -renown</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">pilapala;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">thunder;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">not</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">valigu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -treading,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">valigu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my -treading</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">lumwadudu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">noise made by -flying witches(?)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">tudududu.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">tudududu.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The opening sentences of the formula are so clear that the -translation word for word explains itself without any closer -commentary, except of course as far as the names are concerned. -Laba’i is a village in the North of Kiriwina, and it plays a -considerable part in the mythology of the origin of man, since several -of the principal sub-clans emerged there from underground. Laba’i -is also the home of the mythical culture-hero Tudava. The mythology of -the Kula, however, does not include Laba’i amongst the places, on -which it touches. Perhaps this somewhat anomalous features of the -formula may <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb441" href="#pb441" name= -"pb441">441</a>]</span>be connected with its obvious linguistic -modernity? The other personal name mentioned in this spell is Kwoyregu, -on which Layseta, who gave me this magic, commented in the following -manner:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“A man, he lived in Laba’i, the master of -the magic. It was not this man who first knew the magic of Monikiniki. -That magic was partly found by Tokosikuna, partly in olden days in -Sinaketa.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>In explaining this commentary it must be noted that the informant -was a Sinaketan man, hence his local patriotism, for there is no -definite, mythological version connecting the early practice of the -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> with the village of Sinaketa. As we saw, -Tokosikuna is indeed one of the mythical heroes with whose story the -magic of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> is associated. Monikiniki is the -name of one of the systems of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic, -which usually is said to come from a man of that name.</p> -<p>Phrase 2 of this spell contains four couples, each consisting of a -compound and a verb. The substantival compounds have all, according to -the alliterative symmetry so dear to Kiriwinian magic, the prefix -<i lang="kij">silimway-</i>, derived from <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, -the mint plant. Such play on words, especially on what is the leading -word in a spell, as <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> is here, shows that the -purely phonetic handling of words must be associated with the idea or -feeling of their inherent power. The keyword of the <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i> (phrase 3), has been translated, literally ‘it -boils.’ Perhaps it might have been translated in its other -slightly different meaning ‘it foams.’ Probably it has both -meanings to the mind of the native reciter. I think that the use of a -word fraught with two meanings at the same time is one of the -characteristics of native language. In this spell, for instance, the -word <i lang="kij">polu</i> appears as one in a series of such verbs as -‘to roar,’ ‘to quake,’ ‘to sough,’ -all carrying the meaning of ‘noise,’ -‘commotion,’ ‘stir,’ a meaning which is in -harmony with the magical effects to be produced by the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> magic. In this context the obvious translation of the -word would be: ‘to foam.’ On the other hand, this spell is -said over a piece of mint, which will be preserved in boiled coco-nut -oil, and the double meaning here contained might be paraphrased in this -manner: “as the oil of the <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> boils, so -may my renown (or the eagerness of my partner?) foam up.” Thus -the word <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb442" href="#pb442" name= -"pb442">442</a>]</span><i lang="kij">polu</i> would link up the meaning -of the rite of boiling with the context of this spell. This -explanation, however, has not been obtained from a native informant, -though it is undoubtedly in keeping with the general type of current -explanations. What I have called before the magical concatenation of -magical ideas consists in just such connections of words and their -meanings.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">dogina</i> (final part) contains one or two -typical features. For instance, in phrase 4, the maternal uncle of the -present reciter is asked to breathe the spell over the head of -Monikiniki. In this, the present owner of the spell identifies his -canoe with that of the mythical hero. In 5, 6 and 7, we have several -grandiloquent expressions such as that <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e17079" title="Source: refering">referring</span> to the commotion -on the mountain; that comparing his renown to thunder, and his treading -to the noise made by <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>; and that describing -how the <i lang="kij">waga</i> will sink, through being overfilled with -valuables. The last part would, as usual, be recited in a much more -perfunctory and quick manner, giving it the effect of piling up words, -one forceful phrase following another It ends with the onomatopoetic -sound <i lang="kij">tudududu</i> … which stands for the roll of -the thunder.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The two specimens of magic here given in the original -with a verbal translation, show how the linguistic analysis allows us a -much deeper insight into the magical value of words, as it is felt by -the natives. On the one hand, the various phonetic characteristics show -the handling of words when these have to convey magical force. On the -other hand, only an analysis word for word of the spells could give us -a good insight into the frequently mentioned magical concatenation of -ideas and verbal expressions. It is, however, impossible to adduce here -all the spells in their full original version with linguistic comments, -as this would lead us into a treatise on the language of magic. We may, -however, quickly pass over some of the other spells and point out in -them the salient features of magical expression, and thus amplify the -results so far obtained by the detailed analysis of these two -spells.</p> -<p>Of course these two examples belong to the longer type consisting of -three parts. Many of the spells previously quoted in free translation -contain no main part, though it is possible to <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb443" href="#pb443" name= -"pb443">443</a>]</span>distinguish their <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> -(exordium) from their <i lang="kij">dogina</i> (finale). The very first -spell quoted in <a href="#ch5">Chapter <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e17108" title="Source: VI">V</span></a>, the formula of the -<i lang="kij">Vabusi Tokway</i> (the expulsion of the <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e17115" title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>) -is an anomalous one. It is an invocation, and it is not even chanted -but has to be spoken in a low persuasive voice. It consists of two -parts: in the first one the word <i lang="kij">kubusi</i> (‘thou -comest down’) used as an imperative, ‘come down!’ is -repeated with all sorts of descriptions and circumscriptions of the -woodsprites. In the second part, several sentences are repeated to make -the wood-sprite feel that he has been chased away. Both the keyword of -the first part, <i lang="kij">kubusi</i>, and the sentences of the -second part have a direct force of their own. It must be realised that, -for the natives, it is a great insult to be told to go away. <i lang= -"kij">Yoba</i>, the ‘expulsion,’ the ‘command to -go,’ stands in a category of its own. People are <i lang= -"kij">yoba’d</i>, expelled from communities in certain -circumstances, and a man would never dream of remaining, when thus -treated. Therefore the words in this spell possess a force due to -social sanctions of native custom. The next spell, given in <a href= -"#ch6">Chapter VI</a>, the <i lang="kij">Kaymomwa’u</i>, is also -anomalous for it consists of one part only. The word <i lang= -"kij">kubusi</i>, ‘come down’ is also repeated here, with -various words designating defilements and broken taboos. These -qualities are, however, not thought of as personified beings. The force -of the word is probably also derived from the ideas about the <i lang= -"kij">yoba</i>.</p> -<p>The second spell, which is a pendant to the <i lang= -"kij">Kaymomwa’u</i>, the <i lang="kij">Kaygagabile</i>, or spell -of lightness, begins with a typical <i lang= -"kij">u’ula:</i>—</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Susuwayliguwa -(repeated);</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">He fails to outrun -me;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Titavaguwa (repeated);</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">the canoe trembles with speed;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabuguwa (repeated)</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">magical word;</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabugu,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mabugu,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabugamugwa;</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">mabugu-ancient;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabugu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">mabugu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">mabuguva’u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">mabugu-new.</span></span></p> -<p>The first two words are compounds with prefixes and suffixes added -for magical purposes, as a sort of magical trimming. The untranslatable -word, said by the natives to be <i lang="kij">megwa wala</i> -(‘just magic’) is repeated several times in symmetry with -the previous two words and then with the two suffixes; ancient and new. -Such repetitions with prefixes or suffixes of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb444" href="#pb444" name= -"pb444">444</a>]</span>antithetic meaning are a frequent feature of -magical trimming of words. This exordium affords a clear example of the -magical play on words, of transformations for the sake of rhythm and -symmetry; of repetitions of the same words with antithetic affixes. In -the following part of the spell, the word <i lang="kij">ka’i</i> -(tree) is repeated with verbs:—‘the tree flies’ etc., -and it functions as a key-word. It is difficult to decide whether this -part is a true <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> or only one of the not -infrequent examples of an <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> with a -keyword.</p> -<p>Let us survey a few more of the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> (first -parts) of the canoe spells, and then proceed to the examination of the -middle parts and ends. In the next spell of <a href="#ch6">Chapter -VI</a>, the Kapitunena Duku spell, the word <i lang= -"kij">bavisivisi</i>, ‘I shall wave them back,’ (that is; -the other canoes), is repeated ponderously several times. The opening -of a spell with one word, which summarises in a metaphorical manner the -aim of the spell is often found in Kiriwinian magic. In this spell -there follow the words:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Sîyá</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Siya -hill</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top"> </span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(on)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">dábanâ</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">top of</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tókunâ</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Takuna</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ínenâ.</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the women<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e17271" title="Not in source">.</span></span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Sinegu</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">My mother</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">bwaga’u,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">sorcerer,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">tatogu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">myself</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bwaga’u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">sorcerer.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>These words are pronounced with a heavy, thumping rhythm, as -indicated by the sharp and circumflex accents. The second line shows a -rhythmic and symmetrical arrangement of words. The remainder of the -<i lang="kij">u’ula</i> of this spell is similar to the same part -in the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spell, which has been given here in -full native text (compare the free translations of both spells in -previous Chapters).</p> -<p>In the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> spell of the same Chapter, the -<i lang="kij">u’ula</i> opens with another juggling of -words:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">virayra’i (repeated);</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">female rayra’i;</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">morayra’i (repeated);</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">male rayra’i;</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">basilabusi</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I shall penetrate</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span class="top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">(at)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">Wayayla,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Wayayla,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">basilalaguwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I -shall emerge</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class= -"top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(at)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Oyanaki;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Oyanaki;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">basilalaguwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I -shall emerge</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class= -"top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(at)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Wayayla,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Wayayla,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">basilabusi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I shall -penetrate</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Oyanaki;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Oyanaki;</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb445" href="#pb445" name= -"pb445">445</a>]</span></p> -<p>This part of the <i lang="kij">u’ula</i> has not been -translated in the text, as its meaning is ‘magical’ and can -be better grasped in connection with the native text. The word <i lang= -"kij">rayra’i</i> is a magical word only. It is first given with -the antithetic opposition of the male and female prefixes <i lang= -"kij">vi-</i> and <i lang="kij">mo-</i>. The following phrase is a -typical example of a geographical antithesis. The two names refer to -the promontories facing one other across the sea passage Kaulokoki, -between Boyowa and Kayleula. Why those two points are mentioned I could -not find out.</p> -<p>In the <i lang="kij">kadumiyala</i> spell, given in <a href= -"#ch9">Chapter IX</a>, we have the following opening:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i lang="kij">Vinapega, pega; vinamwana, -mwana;<br> -nam mayouyai, makariyouya’i, odabwana;<br> -nam mayouya’i, makariyouya’i, o’u’ula</i>.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>In the first line, we have the symmetrically uttered and prefixed -names of the two flying or jumping fishes, <i lang="kij">pega</i> and -<i lang="kij">mwana</i>. The prefix <i lang="kij">vina-</i> is probably -the female prefix and may convey the meaning of flying’s being -associated with women, that is with the flying witches. The second and -third verse contain a play on the root <i lang="kij">yova</i> or -<i lang="kij">yo’u</i> ‘to fly,’ reduplicated and -with several affixes added. These two verses are brought into a sort of -antithesis by the last two words, <i lang="kij">odabwana</i> and -<i lang="kij">o’u’ula</i>, or ‘at the top,’ and -‘at the bottom,’ or here, probably, at the one end of the -canoe and at the other.</p> -<p>In the <i lang="kij">Bisila</i> spell, given in the same chapter, we -have the beginning:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i lang="kij">Bora’i, bora’i, -borayyova, biyova;<br> -Bora’i, bora’i, borayteta, biteta</i>.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The word <i lang="kij">bora’i</i> seems to be again a purely -magical one. The prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i> carries the meaning of -tabooed, or ritual; the root <i lang="kij">ra’i</i> suggests -similarity with the above quoted magical word <i lang= -"kij">rayra’i</i>, which is obviously merely a reduplicated form -of <i lang="kij">ra’i</i>. This is therefore a rhythmically -constructed play on the magical root <i lang="kij">ra’i</i>, and -the words <i lang="kij">yova</i>, ‘to fly,’ and <i lang= -"kij">teta</i>, ‘to be poised<span class="corr" id="xd26e17523" -title="Not in source">,</span>’ ‘to soar.’</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">Kayikuna veva</i> spell presents the following -rhythmic and symmetrical exordium:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Bosuyasuya</i> (repeated); <i lang= -"kij">boraguragu</i> (repeated).<br> -<i lang="kij">Bosuya olumwalela; boyragu akatalena</i>.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb446" href="#pb446" name= -"pb446">446</a>]</span></p> -<p>The exact meaning of the two words is not quite clear, except that -they represent magical influences. Their arrangement and the antithesis -of <i lang="kij">olumwalela</i> (‘middle part,’ -‘inside’), and <i lang="kij">katalena</i> -(‘body’ or ‘outside’) is in keeping with the -features observed in the other beginnings here quoted.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (main parts) of the -spells, though they take a much longer time in reciting, are simpler in -construction. Many spells, moreover have no middle part at all. The -first regular <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> we find in our spells is that -in the Kapitunena Duku. There, we have a series of key-words recited -with a list of complimentary expressions. The key-words are verbs, -spoken in the form:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">mata’i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">cut,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">matake’i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">cut -at,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">meyova, etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">fly, -etc.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>These verbs are used in this spell with the prefix <i lang= -"kij">ma-</i> or <i lang="kij">me-</i>, which represents the tense of -indefinite duration. This prefix, although, as far as I know, found in -several Melanesian languages in full vigour, has in Kiriwina a -distinctly archaic flavour, and is only used in certain locutions and -in magic. Some of the verbs used in this spell are metaphorical in -their meaning, describing the speed of the canoe in a figurative -manner. The list of the complimentary words repeated with the key-words -contains the enumeration of the different parts of the canoe. It is -typical that the key-words are in their form archaic and in their -meaning figurative while the complimentary terms are just ordinary -words of everyday speech.</p> -<p>Another regular <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> has been given in the -<i lang="kij">Kadumiyala</i> spell in <a href="#ch9">Chapter IX</a>, -where the only key-word, <i lang="kij">napuwoye</i>, has been -translated: ‘I impart speed magically.’ The prefix <i lang= -"kij">na-</i> is that of the definite tense. The formative <i lang= -"kij">pu-</i> I was unable to translate, while the root <i lang= -"kij">woye</i> means literally ‘to beat’ and in a somewhat -more remote sense, ‘to impart magic.’ In the <i lang= -"kij">Kayikuna veva</i> spell, the pair <i lang="kij">bwoytalo’i, -bosuyare</i>, meaning ‘paint red in a ritual manner,’ and -‘wreathe in a ritual manner,’ are given formal resemblance -by the alliterative prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, which carries with it -the meaning of ‘ritual.’</p> -<p>We see that the number of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> is smaller, -since only three spells out of seven have got it. In form, the <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i> are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb447" href= -"#pb447" name="pb447">447</a>]</span>simpler than the <i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i>, and an examination of a greater number of -key-words would show that they also express directly or figuratively -the magical action or its effect<span class="corr" id="xd26e17648" -title="Source: ,">.</span> Thus, here we had a verb denoting the -imparting of magic, that is the direct expression of the action; then -two words figuratively expressing it, and the series of verbal -key-words enumerating the effects of the magic, such as flying, speed, -etc. In other canoe spells, not given in this book, there could be -found similar types of key-words such as: ‘the canoe -flies’; ‘the <i lang="kij">buriwada</i> fish is poised on a -wave’; ‘the reef-heron wades’; ‘the reef-heron -skirts the beach …’ all of them expressing the aim -of the spell in accordance with the magical trend of thought.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">VIII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">From the linguistic point of view, the final parts of -the spells, the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, present, as a rule, fewer -remarkable features. Phonetically the most outstanding trait is the -purely onomatopoetic sound complexes, such as <i lang="kij">sididi</i> -or <i lang="kij">saidididi</i>, or the three words <i lang= -"kij">sididi, tatata, numsa</i>, found in the <i lang= -"kij">Kadumiyala</i> spell. From the point of view of meaning, there -are in some of the <i lang="kij">dogina</i> interesting metaphorical -turns of speech, such as the descriptions of time in the <i lang= -"kij">Kaygagabile</i> spell, where the difference in speed between the -magician and his companions is expressed by allusions to the morning -and evening sun, couched in figurative speech. Some mythical allusions -also find their way into the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>. These parts of a -spell are <span class="corr" id="xd26e17685" title= -"Source: undoubtly">undoubtedly</span> the least important in the -natives’ eyes; very often the same <i lang="kij">dogina</i> is -used with a number of formulæ belonging to the one cycle, as we -have noticed. Other spells have no <i lang="kij">dogina</i> at all, for -instance, that of Kapitunena Duku, where the onomatopoetic sound -<i lang="kij">sidididi</i> stands for the whole <i lang= -"kij">dogina</i>. As said above, the manner of reciting these parts is -more perfunctory, with fewer melodic modulations and phonetic -peculiarities.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.9" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IX</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">I have given so far a short linguistic survey of the -canoe spells, dealing first with their initial parts, <i lang= -"kij">u’ula</i>, then with their main parts, <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i>, and lastly saying a few words about the <i lang= -"kij">dogina</i>. In a still more summary manner, I shall give a short -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb448" href="#pb448" name= -"pb448">448</a>]</span>survey of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula -magic) spells, quoted or mentioned in this book, beginning with the -<i lang="kij">u’ula</i>.</p> -<p>In the <i lang="kij">Yawarapu</i> spell (<a href="#ch7">Chapter -VII</a>) we have the beginning:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Bu’a, bu’a, bovinaygau, -vinaygu;<br> -bu’a, bu’a, bomwanaygu, mwanaygu</i> …</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Here the word <i lang="kij">bu’a</i> (areca-nut) is repeated -and used as a prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, with the antithetic roots -<i lang="kij">-vinay-</i> (female), and <i lang="kij">-mwanay-</i> -(male) and with the suffix <i lang="kij">-gu</i> (first possessive -pronoun).</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">Kaymwaloyo</i> (<a href="#ch7">Chapter VII</a>) -begins:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Gala bu’a, gala doga, gala -mwayye</i> …</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This is spoken in a solemn manner, and then follows the play on the -root <i lang="kij">mwase</i>, described above in the free translation -of this spell.</p> -<p>Another rhythmic beginning, spoken with regular, strongly marked -accent is to be found in the <i lang="kij">Kaykakaya</i> spell -(<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>):</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Kaýtutúna -íyanâ, márabwága iyanâ</i> -…</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Symmetrical arrangements of words, with alliterative prefixing of a -particle and with antithetic uses of word couples are to be found in -several other spells.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">Talo</i> formula (<a href="#ch13">Chapter -XIII</a>):</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Talo, talo’udawada, udawada<br> -Talo, talomwaylili, mwaylili</i> …</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The <i lang="kij">Ta’uya</i> spell (<a href="#ch13">Chapter -XIII</a>):</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Mwanita, monimwanita;<br> -Deriwa, baderideriwa;<br> -Derima, baderiderima</i> …</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The <i lang="kij">Ka’ubana’i</i> spell (<a href= -"#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>):</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Mose’una Nikiniki,<br> -Moga’ina Nikiniki</i> …</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The <i lang="kij">Kwoygapani</i> spell (<a href="#ch14">Chapter -XIV</a>):</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Kwega, kweganubwa’i, -nubwa’i;<br> -Kwega, kweganuwa’i, nuwa’i;<br> -Kwega, kweganuma’i, numa’i</i> …</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>I have written them down here without full comment, to show their -formal phonetic characteristics, which are indeed in all essentials -quite similar to the samples previously quoted and analysed. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb449" href="#pb449" name= -"pb449">449</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.10" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">X</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The main parts of the spells in the magic of the Kula -do not essentially differ in their characteristics from the <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i> of the canoe magic. In their form, some key-words are -simply verbs used without any transformation in their narrative tense. -Thus in the <i lang="kij">Talo</i> (red paint) formula, the pair of -verbs <i lang="kij">ikata</i> (‘it flares up’), <i lang= -"kij">inamila</i> (‘it flashes’) is used with various nouns -describing parts of the human head. The key-words of the <i lang= -"kij">Kayikuna Tabuyo</i> (<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>) are also -grammatically simple: <i lang="kij">buribwari, kuvakaku kuvakipusa</i> -(‘fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it’)—the verbs -being in the second person of the narrative tense.</p> -<p>In other cases we find the key-word transformed by reduplication, -composition or by affixes. In the Yawarapu spell (<a href= -"#ch7">Chapter VII</a>) the pair <i lang="kij">boraytupa, -badederuma</i> repeated as key expressions is a compound which I did -not succeed in analysing completely, though the consensus of my -informants makes me satisfied with the approximate -translation:—‘Quick sailing, abundant haul.’ In the -<i lang="kij">Gebobo</i> spell (<a href="#ch7">Chapter VII</a>) the -expression <i lang="kij">tutube tubeyama</i> is a play on the root -<i lang="kij">tubwo</i> used as a rule verbally and meaning ‘to -be full in the face,’ ‘to be fine looking.’ In the -<i lang="kij">Ta’uya</i> spell (<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>) -there is the reduplication <i lang="kij">munumweynise</i> of the root -<i lang="kij">mwana</i> or <i lang="kij">mwayna</i> expressing the -‘itching’ or ‘state of excitement.’ In the -<i lang="kij">ka’ubanai</i> the first key-expression <i lang= -"kij">ida dabara</i> is an archaic or dialectical couple (the root is -<i lang="kij">dabara</i>, and <i lang="kij">ida</i> is only a phonetic -addition), which signifies ‘to ebb.’ The other -key-expressions ‘<i lang="kij">ka’ukwa yaruyaru,’ -‘ka’ukwa mwasara,’ ‘ka’ukwa mwasara -baremwasemwasara</i>’ have all the verbal part irregularly -reduplicated and in the last expression repeated and transformed. The -last formula of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) given in -<a href="#ch14">Chapter XIV</a>, has a pair of expressions used as -key-phrase: ‘<i lang="kij">kwoygapani, pani; -kwoyga’ulu</i>, ulu.’ The word <i lang="kij">kwega</i>, a -variety of betel plant, is used in a modified form as a prefix and -compounded with the verbal roots <i lang="kij">pani</i> (seduce) and -<i lang="kij">ulu</i> (enmesh).</p> -<p>As to the final parts of this class of spell, I have said before -that it is much less variable than the initial and main parts of a -formula. Within the same cycle or system, the <i lang="kij">dogina</i> -often varies little and a man will often use the same one with all his -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb450" href="#pb450" name= -"pb450">450</a>]</span>spells. The sample given with the <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i> text will therefore be sufficient to show the -various characteristics of this part of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> -spell, and there is no need to say anything more about it.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.11" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">A very rapid survey of the phonetic characters of the -<i lang="kij">kayga’u</i> spells (<a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a>) -must be sufficient and we shall confine ourselves to their <i lang= -"kij">tapwana</i>. The word <i lang="kij">gwa’u</i> or <i lang= -"kij">ga’u</i> means ‘mist’ or ‘fog’; -verbally used with the meaning ‘to make mist’ ‘to -befog,’ it has always the form <i lang="kij">ga’u</i>. In -the main parts of some of the formulæ of this class, this -phonetically very expressive word is used with very great sound effect. -For example in the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> spell No. 1, the -key-words are <i lang="kij">aga’u</i> (‘I befog’), -<i lang="kij">aga’usulu</i> (‘I befog, lead astray’); -<i lang="kij">aga’uboda</i> (‘I befog, shut off’). -Spoken, at the beginning of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> slowly and -sonorously, and then quickly and insistently these words produce a -really ‘magical’ effect—that is as far as the -hearers’ subjective impressions are concerned. Even more -impressive and onomatopoetic is the phrase used as key-expression in -the <i lang="kij">Giyotanawa</i> No. 2:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Ga’u, yaga’u, -yagaga’u, yaga’u, bode, bodegu!</i></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>This sentence, giving the vowels a full Italian value, such as they -receive in the Melanesian pronunciation, does certainly have an -impressive ring; fittingly enough, because this is the dramatic spell, -uttered into the wind in the sinking <i lang="kij">waga</i>, the final -effort of magic to blind and mislead the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. -The causative prefix <i lang="kij">ya<span class="corr" id="xd26e18059" -title="Not in source">-</span></i> is used here with a nominal -expression <i lang="kij">yaga’u</i> which has been translated -‘gathering mist’; the reduplicated one <i lang= -"kij">yagaga’u</i> I have rendered by ‘encircling -mist.’ It can be seen from this example how feebly the -equivalents can be given of the magical phrases in which so much is -expressed by phonetic or onomatopoetic means.</p> -<p>The other spells have much less inspired key-words. <i lang= -"kij">Giyotanawa</i> No. 1 uses the word <i lang="kij">atumboda</i>, -translated ‘I press,’ ‘I close down,’ which -literally renders the meanings of the verbs <i lang="kij">tum</i>, -‘to press,’ and <i lang="kij">boda</i>, ‘to -close.’ The <i lang="kij">Giyorokaywa</i> No. 2 has the somewhat -archaic key-words spoken in a couple: ‘<i lang="kij">apeyra -yauredi</i>,’ ‘I arise,’ ‘I escape’ and -the grammatically irregular expression <i lang="kij">suluya</i>, -‘to lead astray.’ <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb451" -href="#pb451" name="pb451">451</a>]</span></p> -<p>The main part of the Kaytaria spell, by which the benevolent fish is -summoned to the rescue of the drowning party has the key-phrase -‘<i lang="kij">bigabaygu suyusayu</i>: the <i lang= -"kij">suyusayu</i> fish shall lift me up.’ This expression is -noteworthy: even in this spell, which might be regarded as an -invocation of the helpful animal, it is not addressed in the second -person. The result is verbally anticipated, proving that the spell is -to act through the direct force of the words and not as an appeal to -the animal.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.12" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">With this, the survey of linguistic samples from -various spells is closed, and we can briefly summarise our results. The -belief in the efficiency of a formula results in various peculiarities -of the language in which it is couched, both as regards meaning and -sound. The native is deeply convinced of this mysterious, intrinsic -power of certain words; words which are believed to have their virtue -in their own right, so to speak; having come into existence from -primeval times and exercising their influence directly.</p> -<p>To start first with the meaning of the magical expressions, we have -seen that in this respect they are plain and direct enough. Most of the -key-words simply state the magical action, for example when in one of -the spells the key-word napuwoye, ‘I impart magical virtue (of -speed<span class="corr" id="xd26e18108" title= -"Source: ’),">),’</span> or in another the key-words -‘to paint red in a festive manner, to wreathe in a festive -manner,’ simply describe what the magician is doing. Much more -often the principal expressions, that is the initial words and the -key-words, of a spell refer to its aim, as for instance, when we find -words and phrases denoting ‘speed’ in canoe magic; or, in -Kula magic, designations for ‘success’ ‘abundant -haul,’ ‘excitement,’ ‘beauty.’ Still more -often the aim of magic is stated in a metaphorical manner, by similes -and double meanings. In other parts of the spell, where the magical -meaning is imprisoned not so much in single words and expressions, as -in explicit phraseology and long periods, we found that the predominant -features are: lists of ancestral names; invocations of ancestral -spirits; mythological allusions; similes and exaggerations; -depreciating contrasts between the companions and the -reciter—most of them expressing an anticipation of the favourable -results aimed at in the spell. Again, certain parts of the spell -contain systematic, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb452" href="#pb452" -name="pb452">452</a>]</span>meticulous enumerations, the reciter going -over the parts of a canoe one by one; the successive stages of a -journey; the various Kula goods and valuables; the parts of the human -head; the numerous places from which the flying witches are believed to -come. Such enumerations as a rule strive at an almost pedantic -completeness.</p> -<p>Passing to the phonetic characteristics, we saw that a word will -often be used in a shape quite different from those in which it is used -in ordinary speech; that it will show notable changes in form and -sound. Such phonetic peculiarities are most conspicuous in the main -words, that is in the key-words and initial words. They are sometimes -truncated, more often provided with additions, such as symmetrical or -antithetic affixes; formatives added for the sake of sound. By these -means there are produced effects of rhythm, alliteration and rhyme, -often heightened and accentuated by actual vocal accent. We found play -on words by symmetrical couples of sounds, with antithetic meaning like -<i lang="kij">mo-</i> and <i lang="kij">vi-</i>, or <i lang= -"kij">mwana-</i> and <i lang="kij">vina-</i>, both couples signifying -‘male’ and ‘female’ respectively; or <i lang= -"kij">-mugwa</i> (ancient) and <i lang="kij">-va’u</i> (new); or -<i lang="kij">ma-</i> (hither) and <i lang="kij">wa-</i> (thither), -etc., etc. Especially we found the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, -carrying the meaning of ritual or tabooed, with derivation from -<i lang="kij">bomala</i>; or with the meaning ‘red,’ -‘festive’ in its derivation from <i lang= -"kij">bu’a</i> (areca-nut); onomatopoetic sounds such as <i lang= -"kij">sididi</i> or <i lang="kij">saydidi, tatata, numsa</i>, in -imitation of speed noises, of the wailing of wind, rustling of sail, -swish of pandanus leaves; <i lang="kij">tududu</i>, in imitation of the -thunder claps; and the rhythmical, expressive, though perhaps not -directly onomatopoetic, sentence:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Ga’u, yaga’u, -yagaga’u, yaga’u, bode, bodegu</i>.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.13" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XIII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">If we now turn to the substances used in the magical -rites, as means of ritual transference of the spell, we find in canoe -magic, dried lalang grass, dried banana leaf, dried pandanus leaf, all -used in the magic of lightness. A stale potato is employed to carry -away the heaviness of the canoe; although on another occasion heaviness -is thrown away with a bunch of lalang grass. The leaves of two or three -shrubs and weeds, which as a rule the natives take to dry their skin -after bathing, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb453" href="#pb453" name= -"pb453">453</a>]</span>are used for magical cleansing of a canoe body, -and a stick and a torch serve in other rites of exorcism. In the rite -associated with the blackening of a canoe, charred remains of several -light substances such as lalang grass, the nest of a small, swift bird, -the wings of a bat, coco-nut husk and the twigs of an extremely light -mimosa tree are employed.</p> -<p>It is easy to see that, not less than the words, the substances here -used are associated with the aim of the magic, that is, with lightness, -with swiftness and with flying.</p> -<p>In the magic of the Kula we find betel-nut, crushed with lime in a -mortar, used to redden the tip of the canoe. Betel-nut is also given to -a partner, after it has been charmed over with a seducing spell. -Aromatic mint, boiled in coco-nut oil and ginger root are also used in -the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>. The conch-shell, and the cosmetic -ingredients, charmed over on Sarubwoyna beach are really part of the -outfit, and so is the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> bundle. All the -substances used in this magic are associated either with beauty and -attractiveness (betel-nut, cosmetics, the mint plant) or with -excitement (conch-shell, chewed betel-nut). Here therefore, it is not -with the final aim—which is the obtaining of valuables—that -the magic is concerned, but with the intermediate one, that is that of -being agreeable to one’s partner, of putting him into a state of -excitement about the Kula.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.14" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XIV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">I wish to close this chapter by adducing a few texts -of native information. In the previous chapters, several statements and -narratives have been put into the natives’ mouths and given in -quotations. I wish now to show some of the actual linguistic data from -which such quotations have been derived. Numerous utterances of the -natives were taken down by me as they were spoken. Whenever there was a -native expression covering a point of crucial importance, or a -characteristic thought, or one neatly formulated, or else one -especially hazy and opalescent in meaning—I noted them down in -quick handwriting as they were spoken. A number of such texts, apart -from their linguistic importance, will serve as documents embodying the -native ideas without any foreign admixture, and it will also show the -long way which lies between the crude native statement and its -explicit, ethnographic presentation. For what strikes us at first sight -most forcibly in these texts is their <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb454" href="#pb454" name="pb454">454</a>]</span>extreme bareness, the -scantiness of information which they appear to contain. Couched in a -condensed, disjointed, one might say telegraphic style, they seem to -lack almost everything which could throw light on the subject of our -study. For they lack concatenation of ideas, and they contain few -concrete details, and few really apt generalisations. It must be -remembered, however, that, whatever might be the importance of such -texts, they are not the only source of ethnographic information, not -even the most important one. The observer has to read them in the -context of tribal life. Many of the customs of behaviour, of the -sociological data, which are barely mentioned in the texts, have become -familiar to the Ethnographer through personal observation and the -direct study of the objective manifestations and of data referring to -their social constitution (compare the observations on Method in the -Introduction). On the other hand, a better knowledge of and -acquaintance with the means of linguistic expression makes the language -itself much more significant to one who not only knows how it is used -but uses it himself. After all, if natives could furnish us with -correct, explicit and consistent accounts of their tribal organisation, -customs and ideas, there would be no difficulty in ethnographic work. -Unfortunately, the native can neither get outside his tribal -atmospheres and see it objectively, nor if he could, would he have -intellectual and linguistic means sufficient to express it. And so the -Ethnographer has to collect objective data, such as maps, plans, -genealogies, lists of possessions, accounts of inheritance, censuses of -village communities. He has to study the behaviour of the native, to -talk with him under all sorts of conditions, and to write down his -words. And then, from all these diverse data, to construct his -synthesis, the picture of a community and of the individuals in it. But -I have dwelt on these aspects of method already in the Introduction and -here I want only to exemplify them with regard to the linguistic -material directly representing some of the natives’ thoughts on -ethnographic subjects.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.15" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">I shall give here first a text on the subject of the -priority in sailing, which as described in <a href="#ch9">Chapter -IX</a>, is the privilege of a certain sub-clan in Sinaketa. I was -discussing with a very <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb455" href= -"#pb455" name="pb455">455</a>]</span>good informant, Toybayoba of -Sinaketa, the customs of launching the canoes, and I tried, as usually, -to keep my interlocutor as much as possible to concrete details and to -the stating of the full sequence of events. In his account he uttered -this sentence:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“The Tolabwaga launch their canoe first; by this -the face of the sea is cleared.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>I thereupon perceived that a new subject had been brought within my -notice, and I headed my informant on to it, and obtained the following -text, sentence after sentence:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">The Tolabwaga Sub-Clan and Their Sea-Faring -Privileges</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">1</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bikugwo,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">He might be first</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikapusi</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he fall down<br> -(it is launched)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">siwaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their -canoe</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Tolabwaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Tolabwaga,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bimilakatile</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -might be clear</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bwarita.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">sea.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Igau</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Later on</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kumaydona</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">all</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">gweguya,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">chiefs,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">tokay</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">commoner</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">siwaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their -canoe</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ikapusisi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they fall -down<br> -(are launched)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">oluvyeki.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">behind.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kidama</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Supposing</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">takapusi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we -fall down,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">takugwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we are -first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bitavilidasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might -turn (on) us</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">baloma;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">spirits;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bitana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we might -go</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Dobu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">no</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">tabani</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we -find</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bunukwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">pig</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">soulava.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">necklace.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Makawala</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Alike</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">yuwayoulo:</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(lashing creeper)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bikugwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">he (it) might be first</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">isipusi</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">they bind</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">siwayugo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">their wayugo lashing,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">iga’u</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">later on</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">yakidasi.</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">ourselves.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Takeulo</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">We sail</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">Dobu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">no</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bikugwasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might be -first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Tolabwaga;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Tolabwaga;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">okovalawa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on sea -front</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">aywokwo.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he was -over.</span></span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb456" href="#pb456" -name="pb456">456</a>]</span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Obwarita</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">In sea</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">tananamse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we -consider</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kayne</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">whether</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">isakauli</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -run</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">taytala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">one -(masculine)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">lawaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his -canoe,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ikugwo.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he is -first.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">No</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bikaraywagasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they -might command</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">patile.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">canoe -fleet.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">8</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">8</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Dobu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">gweguya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">chiefs</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bikugwasi,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they -might be first,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">biwayse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might -come there</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kaypatile</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">canoe -fleet</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">gweguya.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">chiefs.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">9</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">9</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">M’tage</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Indeed</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tolabwaga</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">Tolabwaga</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">aywokwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -(it) was over</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">sikaraywaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their -command</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ovalu.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">in -village.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The Tolabwaga sub-clan belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and live at -present in Kasi’etana. Only one man and two women are -surviving.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">10</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">10</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Simwasila</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Their Kula magic</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">siwaga</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their canoe</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">migavala,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">magic his,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vivila</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">woman</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">iyousayse.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they -grasp.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">11</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">11</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">“Datukwasi</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">“Our magical -property</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kasakaymi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we give -you</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">megwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">magic</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kwaraywagasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you -command</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">lagayle!”</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">to-day!”</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Thus would they say on handing their magic to their male -descendants.</p> -<p><i>Informant’s Commentary</i>.</p> -<p>Commenting on verse 3, the expression, ‘<i lang= -"kij">bitalividasi baloma</i>,’ my informant said:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">‘Bitavilida’:</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">‘They might turn (on) us’:</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bilivalasi</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might say</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">baloma</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">spirit</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">“Avaka</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">“What</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">pela</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">for</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">no</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ikugwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he is -first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">Tolabwaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">Tolabwaga,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kukugwasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you are -first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">gumgweguya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">sub-chiefs;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kayuviyuvisa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">sweepers of the sea</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tolabwaga!”</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Tolabwaga!”</span></span> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb457" href="#pb457" name= -"pb457">457</a>]</span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">13</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">13</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tavagi</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">We do</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">gaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">bad</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">igiburuwasi,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they -angry</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ninasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mind -theirs’</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">igaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -bad</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">pela</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">for</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">magisi</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">desire theirs</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">balayamata</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we might watch</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">tokunabogwo</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">long ago</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">aygura.</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">he has decreed.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The verbal translation renders word for word the individual meaning -of every particle and root, according to a definite grammatical and -lexicographical scheme which has been adopted for this text in common -with a few hundred more. In this place, I cannot give the commentary -and justification of the linguistic details, which will be fairly -obvious to a Melanesian scholar, who might, however, find some new and -even controversial features in my translation. To other readers, these -details are of small interest. I have not included in this translation -any distinction between the inclusive and exclusive first person, dual -and plural. Of the two tenses which are to be found in this text, the -narrative one is translated by the English verb in infinitive, the -potential, by the addition of the word ‘might.’ In brackets -underneath, the special meaning of a word in its context is indicated, -or some comments are added.</p> -<p>The free translation of the text must now be given:—</p> -<p>Free Translation.</p> -<p>1 The Tolabwaga canoe would be launched first; by this the face of -the sea is cleared.</p> -<p>2 Afterwards, all the chiefs’, the commoners’ canoes are -launched.</p> -<p>3 If we would launch our canoes first, the spirits (of ancestors) -would be angry with us; we would go to Dobu and we would receive no -pigs, no necklaces.</p> -<p>4 It is likewise with the lashing of the canoe: first, the Tolabwaga -would bind the lashing creeper and afterwards ourselves.</p> -<p>5 On our journey to Dobu, the Tolabwaga would not sail ahead, for -their priority ends on the beach of Sinaketa.</p> -<p>6 On the sea it is according to our wish, and if one man’s -canoe runs fast, he would be first.</p> -<p>7 They (the Tolabwaga) do not wield the command of the canoe fleet. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb458" href="#pb458" name= -"pb458">458</a>]</span></p> -<p>8 In Dobu, the chiefs would be first; the chiefs would arrive there -at the head of the fleet.</p> -<p>9 But the supremacy of the Tolabwaga ends here already, in the -village.</p> -<p>10 The Kula magic, the magic of the canoe, belonging to the -Tolabwaga clan has passed already into the hands of their -womenfolk.</p> -<p>11 (These would say speaking to their male children): — -“We shall give you the magic, the magical inheritance, you rule -henceforward.”</p> -<p>12 When the spirits become angry, they would tell us:— -“Why are the Tolabwaga not first and you minor chiefs are ahead? -Are not the Tolabwaga cleaners of the sea?”</p> -<p>13 When we do wrong, they (the spirits) are angry, their minds are -malevolent, for they desire that we should keep to the old customs.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.16" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XVI</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Comparing the free translation with the literal one, -it is easy to see that certain additions have been made, sentences have -been subordinated and co-ordinated by various English conjunctions -which are either completely absent from the native text, or else -represented by such very vague particles as <i lang="kij">boge</i> -(already), and <i lang="kij">m’tage</i> (indeed). On these -linguistic questions I cannot enlarge here, but it will be good to go -over each sentence in succession, and to show how much it was necessary -to add from the general store of sociological and ethnographic -knowledge, in order to make it intelligible.</p> -<p>1. The meaning of the word ‘fall down’ is specialised -here by the context, and I translated it by ‘launch.’ The -particle <i lang="kij">boge</i> had to be translated here by ‘by -this.’ The words about the ‘clearing of the sea’ -suggested at once to me that there was a special ancient custom in -question. Then there is the name of the sub-clan Tolabwaga. In order to -understand the full meaning of this phrase, it is necessary to realise -that this name stands for a sub-clan; and then one has to be well -acquainted with native sociology, in order to grasp what such a -privilege, vested in a sub-clan, might mean. Thus, a word like this can -in the first place be understood only in the context of its phrase, and -on the basis of a certain linguistic knowledge. But its fuller meaning -becomes intelligible only in the context of the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb459" href="#pb459" name= -"pb459">459</a>]</span>native life and of native sociology. Again the -expression referring to the clearing of the sea required a further -comment, for which I asked my informant, and was answered by Phrase -3.</p> -<p>2. In this phrase the expressions ‘chiefs,’ -‘commoners’ etc., are fully intelligible only to one, who -has a definition of these words in terms of native sociology. Indeed, -only the knowledge of the usual supremacy of the chiefs allows one to -gauge their importance and the survival character of this custom, by -which this importance is diminished for a time.</p> -<p>3. Here, we have the explanation of the obscure clause in phrase 1, -‘A clear sea’ means the good temper of the spirits which -again means good luck. The question as to whether the spirits are to be -imagined as actively interfering or helping still remained open. I -asked for a further elucidation, which was given to me in the text of -Phrases 12 and 13.</p> -<p>4. This contains a condensed reference to the stages of -ship-building, previous to launching. This, of course, to be -understood, pre-supposes a knowledge of these various activities.</p> -<p>5 to 9. The limitations of the powers of the Tolabwaga sub-clan are -outlined, giving interesting side-lights on the rôle played by -females as repositories of family (sub-clan) traditions. Needless to -say, this statement would be entirely meaningless without the knowledge -of the natives’ matrilineal institutions, of their customs of -inheritance and of property in magic. The correct knowledge of these -facts can only be gathered by a collection of objective, ethnographic -documents, such as concrete data about cases of actual inheritance, -etc.</p> -<p>12 and 13. Here it is explained how far the <i lang="kij">baloma</i> -would become angry and how they would act if a custom were broken. It -can be distinctly seen from it that the anger of the spirits is only a -phrase, covering all these forces which keep the natives to the -observance of old customs. The <i lang="kij">baloma</i> would go no -further than to reproach them for breaking the old rules, and there are -no definite ideas among these natives about actual punishment being -meted out by offended spirits.</p> -<p>These considerations show convincingly that no linguistic analysis -can disclose the full meaning of a text without the help of an adequate -knowledge of the sociology, of the customs and of the beliefs, current -in a given society.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div18.17" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">XVII</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Another sample of a native text may be given here, as -it is of especial interest, in that it throws light upon the previously -given magical formula of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>. It is the text I -obtained trying to find the meaning of the word <i lang= -"kij">bosisi’ula</i>, which figures at the beginning of the -above-mentioned spell. According to two informants of Sinaketa, the -word <i lang="kij">visisi’una</i> refers to the belief already -described, that the owner of a <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> charm is liable -to fits of trembling, during which he trembles as a <i lang= -"kij">bisila</i> (pandanus) streamer trembles in the wind. He then -should ritually eat some baked fish, and this is called <i lang= -"kij">visisi’una</i>. Such a man would then ask somebody of his -household:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“<i lang="kij">Kugabu, kumaye, -avisisi’una</i>.”<br> -“Thou bake, thou bring, I ritually eat.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Or someone else would urge his wife or daughter:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“<i lang="kij">Kugabu, kumaye, -ivisisi’una</i>.”<br> -“Thou bake, thou bring, he eats ritually.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Again, asked for a direct equation, my informant said:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“<i lang="kij">Ivisisi’una — bigabu, -tomwaya ikam</i>.”<br> -“Ivisisi’una — he bake, old man he eat.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The following text contains a more explicit definition of the term, -which I was trying at that time to make clear and to translate by an -appropriate English expression.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Explanation of Word Visisi’una</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">A.—First Informant.</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">1</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Pela</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">For</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">isewo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -learn</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">wayugo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">wayugo,<br> -(the creeper magic)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">itatatuva</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he (it) -tremble</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">wowola</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">body -his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">matauna,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">this -(man),</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class= -"top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(who)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">isa’u (<span class="rm">or</span> isewo)</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he learn</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">wayugo.</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">wayugo.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">“Nanakwa,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">“Quick,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kugabu</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">thou bake</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kusayki,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">thou give</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">tomwaya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">old -man<br> -(magician)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ivisisi’una</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -ritually eats,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">itatatuva</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -tremble</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bisila,</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">pandanus streamer,</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kana</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">wayugo.”</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">wayugo creeper.”</span></span> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb461" href="#pb461" name= -"pb461">461</a>]</span></p> -<p>B.—Second Informant.</p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tayta</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">(If) one</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class= -"top"> </span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">(man)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">isewo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -learn</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bisila,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">bisila,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">not</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bikam</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he might -eat</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">yena,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">fish,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">itatuva</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -tremble</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">wowola.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">body -his.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Free Translation.</p> -<p>(A.) 1. The body of a man who has learned the <i lang= -"kij">wayuga</i> spell, trembles, because he learned the spell. -(Someone seeing him tremble, would tell someone of his household:)</p> -<p>2 “Quick, bake fish, give to the old man that he might -ritually eat, his pandanus streamer trembles, his <i lang= -"kij">wayugo.</i>”</p> -<p>(B.) 3 A man who learns the <i lang="kij">bisila</i> magic and does -not eat fish will tremble.</p> -<p>This text, with its foregoing short comments and with its two -versions will give an inkling of how I was able to obtain from my -native informants the definition of unknown and sometimes very involved -expressions and how, in the act of doing it, I was given additional -enlightenment on obscure details of belief and custom.</p> -<p>It will also be interesting to give another text referring to the -<i lang="kij">gwara</i> custom. I have given in <a href="#ch14">Chapter -XIV</a> a native definition of this custom, and of the reception -accorded to the Trobrianders in Dobu when there is a taboo on palms -there. The statement was based on the following text, and on certain -other additional notes.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Gwara in Dobu and the Ka’ubana’i -Magic</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">1</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tama</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">We come (to)</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Dobu</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikarigava’u—</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he die anew—</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">gwara:</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">gwara:</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bu’a</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">areca</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bilalava</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">he might ripen</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">usi</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">banana</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">bimwanogu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">he might ripen,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">nuya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">coco-nut</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bibabayse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they -might spike</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ka’i</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">stick</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kayketoki.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">small -stick.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">No</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">ka’ubana’i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">ka’ubana’i,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">takokola:</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">we fright:</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikawoyse</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">they take (put on)</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bowa</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">war paints</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kayyala,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">spear,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kema;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">axe;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">isisuse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they -sit</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">biginayda</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might -look at us.</span></span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb462" href= -"#pb462" name="pb462">462</a>]</span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Batana</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">We go</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">ovalu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">in -village</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">tasakaulo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we -run,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">no</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">tanouno</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we walk.</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">batawa</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">we might arrive</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">tamwoyne</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">we (i.d.) climb</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bu’a.</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">areca.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Idou:</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">He cries</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">“E!</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">“E!</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">No</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bukumwoyne</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou mightst -climb</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bu’a.”</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">areca.”</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bogwe</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">ika’u</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">he take</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kayyala,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">spear,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">mwada</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">mayhap</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">biwoyda.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he might -hit us.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tapula</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">We ritually spit</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">nayya</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">wild ginger root</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ka’ubana’i:</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">ka’ubana’i:</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ika’ita</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he return</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ima,</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">he come</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">igigila</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -laugh,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">iluwaymo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -throw</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kayyala,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">spear,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kema.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">axe.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tapula</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">We ritually spit</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Valu</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">village</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">kumaydona,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">all,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">itamwa’u</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he -vanish</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ninasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mind -theirs’,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">ilukwaydasi:</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they -tell us:</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">8</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">8</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">“Bweyna,</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">“Good,</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kumwoynasi</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">you climb</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kami</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">your</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">bu’a,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">areca,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">nuya,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">coco-nut -(palms)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">kami</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">your</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">usi</span> <span lang= -"en-uk" class="bottom">banana</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuta’isi.”</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you cut.”</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>In comment added:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">9</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">9</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">No</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikarige</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">he die</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">veyola</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">kinsman his,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang= -"kij" class="top">ninasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mind -their</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">bweyna.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">well.</span></span></p> -<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">10</span> -<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">10</span></span> <span class= -"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Vivila</span> <span lang="en-uk" -class="bottom">Woman</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" -class="top">kayyala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">spear -her</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">ikawo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">she -take</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">pela</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">for</span></span> -<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class= -"top">tokamsita’u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class= -"bottom">cannibals.</span></span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Free Translation</p> -<p>1 We come to Dobu, (there) someone has recently died—there is -a gwala: the areca nut will ripen, the bananas will ripen, they will -stick up coco-nuts on small spikes.</p> -<p>2 If there is no ka’ubana’i charm made—we are -afraid: they (sc. the Dobuans) put on war paint, take up spear and axe, -they sit (waiting) and look at us.</p> -<p>3 We go into the village running, not walking; we arrive and climb -the areca palm. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb463" href="#pb463" -name="pb463">463</a>]</span></p> -<p>4 He (the Dobuan) shouts: “Don’t climb the areca -palm!”</p> -<p>5 Already he takes the spear, so as to hit us.</p> -<p>6 We ritually spit about wild ginger root charmed with the -ka’ubana’i spell—he returns, comes to us, laughs, he -throws away spear and axe.</p> -<p>7 We ritually bespit the whole village, already their intention -vanishes, they tell us:</p> -<p>8 “Well, climb your areca palm and your coco-nut, cut your -banana.”</p> -<p>9 If no kinsman had died, their intentions are good.</p> -<p>10 A woman would also take up a spear, as they (the Dobuans) are -cannibals.</p> -<p>These three texts will be quite sufficient to give an idea of the -method of dealing with linguistic evidence, and of the documentary -value of immediately recorded native opinions. They will also make -clear what I have said before, that only a good, working knowledge of a -native language on the one hand, and a familiarity with their social -organisation and tribal life on the other, would make it possible to -read all the full significance into these texts. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb464" href="#pb464" name="pb464">464</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch19" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e885">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XIX</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Inland Kula</h2> -<div id="div19.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">After the somewhat long digression on magic, we can -now return once more to the description of the Kula. So far, we have -been treating only one incident in it, the overseas expedition between -Sinaketa and Dobu, and the return visit. But in dealing with this one -typical stage we have received a picture of the whole Kula, and we have -incidentally learnt all about the fundamentals of the exchange, the -magic, the mythology, and the other associated aspects. Now it remains -to put the finishing touches to the general picture, that is, to say a -few words, first about the manner in which it is conducted within a -district, and then to follow the exchange on the remaining part of the -ring. The exchange within each Kula community has been called the -‘inland Kula.’ This part of the subject I know from -personal experience in the Trobriands only. All that will be said -therefore in this chapter will apply primarily to that part of the -ring. As Boyowa, however, is by far the biggest and most densely -populated piece of land within the Kula, it is clear that in treating -the inland exchange in that island, we treat it in its most developed -and typical form.</p> -<p>It has been mentioned before, in <a href="#ch16">Chapter XVI</a> -that in April, 1918, To’uluwa had come to Sinaketa in connection -with the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visit of the Dobuans. To’uluwa -is the present chief of Omarakana, indeed, the last chief of Kiriwina, -for after his death no one will succeed him. His power has been broken -by the interference of Government officials and the influence of -Mission work. The power of the Trobriand chief lay mainly in his -wealth, and this he was able to keep constantly at a high level through -the institution of polygamy. Now that he is <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb465" href="#pb465" name= -"pb465">465</a>]</span>forbidden to acquire more wives, though he may -keep his old ones; and now that his successor will not be allowed to -follow this immemorial custom of polygamy practised by their dynasty, -the power of the chief has no basis, and has to a great extent -collapsed.</p> -<p>I may add that this interference, inflicted for no comprehensible -purposes, except if it be an exceedingly parochial and narrow-minded -application of our sense of morality and propriety, has no legal basis -whatever in the regulations of that Colony, and could not be justified -either formally or on account of any results it may produce. Indeed, -the undermining of old-established authority, of tribal morals and -customs tends on the one hand completely to demoralise the natives and -to make them unamenable to any law or rule, while on the other hand, by -destroying the whole fabric of tribal life, it deprives them of many of -their most cherished diversions, ways of enjoying life, and social -pleasures. Now once you make life unattractive for a man, whether -savage or civilised, you cut the taproot of his vitality. The rapid -dying out of native races is, I am deeply convinced, due more to wanton -interference with their pleasures and normal occupations, to the -marring of their joy of life as they conceive it, than to any other -cause. In the Trobriands, for instance, the chief has always been the -organiser of all the big, tribal festivities. He received large -contributions from the commoners under various legal obligations (see -<a href="#div6.6">Chap. VI, Division VI</a>) but he gave away all his -wealth again in the form of big, ceremonial distributions, of presents -at festivities, of food gifts to the partakers in dances, tribal sports -and diversions. These were the pleasures in which the natives found -real zest, which largely gave meaning to their lives. Nowadays all -these pursuits have greatly slackened, because of the lack of -concentration of wealth and power in the chief’s hands. He can -neither afford to finance the big pastimes of yore, nor has he -influence enough to give the same energetic initiative to start them -going. After his death, things will be worse still. There are reasons -to fear, and even natives express their misgivings, that in a -generation or two the Kula will become entirely disorganised.</p> -<p>It is a well-known fact that the resistance and health of a native -depend on auto-suggestion more even than is the case with ourselves, -though new developments in psychotherapy <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb466" href="#pb466" name="pb466">466</a>]</span>seem to indicate that -medicine has up till now largely underrated the general influence of -this factor. Even the old ethnographic observers, more in Polynesia -perhaps than anywhere else, have reported clear, unmistakable instances -in which the loss of interest in life and the determination to die -brought about death without any other cause. My own experience, though -I have no one very striking case to cite, bears this out fully from all -sorts of corroborating types of evidence. It is therefore not going -beyond what is fully granted by facts, to maintain that a general loss -of interest in life, of the <i lang="fr">joie de vivre</i>, the cutting -of all the bonds of intense interest, which bind members of a human -community to existence, will result in their giving up the desire to -live altogether, and that therefore they will fall an easy prey to any -disease, as well as fail to multiply.</p> -<p>A wise administration of natives would, on the one hand, try to -govern <i>through</i> the chief, using his authority along the lines of -old law, usage, and custom; on the other hand it would try to maintain -all which really makes life worth living for the natives, for it is the -most precious inheritance, which they have from the past ages, and it -is no good to try to substitute other interests for those lost. It is -easy to hand over one’s vices to a man racially and culturally -different; but nothing is as difficult to impart as a keen interest in -the sports and amusements of other people. Even from one European -nation to another, the last stronghold of national peculiarity can be -found in its traditional diversions, and without diversion and -amusement a culture and a race cannot survive. The application of a -heavy, indeed, crushing machinery of European law and moral -regulations, with their various sanctions, simply destroys the whole -delicate fabric of tribal authority, eradicating good and bad alike, -and leaves nothing but anarchy, bewilderment and ill will.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e20128src" href="#xd26e20128" name= -"xd26e20128src">1</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb467" href= -"#pb467" name="pb467">467</a>]</span></p> -<p>With a mere show of his former authority, therefore, poor old -To’uluwa arrived with a handful of followers at Sinaketa. He -still keeps to all the strict observances and onerous duties with which -his exalted position was weighted in olden days. Thus, he may not -partake of ever so many kinds of food, considered to be unclean for the -members of the sub-clan of Tabalu. He may not even touch any defiled -objects, that have been in contact with unclean food; he may not eat -from dishes or drink out of vessels which have been used previously by -other people. When he goes to Sinaketa, for instance, where even the -highest chiefs do not keep the taboos, he remains almost on starvation -diet; he can only eat the food which has been brought from his own -village, or drink and eat green coco-nut. Of the honours attaching to -his position, not many are observed. In olden days, on his approach to -a village, a runner would enter first, <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb468" href="#pb468" name="pb468">468</a>]</span>and in a loud voice -cry out “<i lang="kij">O Guya’u</i>,” whereupon all -the people would stand in readiness, and at the chief’s approach -the commoners would throw themselves on the ground, the headman would -squat down, and men of rank would bend their heads. Even now, no -commoner in the Trobriands would stand erect in the presence of -To’uluwa. But he no more announces his arrival in such a loud and -proud manner, and he takes his dues as they are given, not demanding -them with any show of authority.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div19.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">On that occasion in Sinaketa, I met him again after -about two years interval since the time when I lived as his neighbour -in Omarakana for some eight months, my tent pitched side by side with -his <i lang="kij">lisiga</i> (chief’s man’s abode). I found -him changed and aged, his tall figure more bent, his large face, with -its expression half of benevolence and half of cunning, wrinkled and -clouded over. He had some grievances to tell about the offhand -treatment which had been given to him in Sinaketa, where he had -received no necklaces at all, although a few days before the Sinaketans -had carried from Kiriwina over 150 pairs of armshells. Indeed, the -relative change of position between the chiefs of Sinaketa and himself -is a permanent sore point with the old chief. All coastal natives, and -especially the headman of Sinaketa, have become very rich owing to the -introduced industry of pearling, where their services are paid for by -the white men in tobacco, betel-nut, and <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>. But To’uluwa, ruined through white -man’s influence, receives nothing from pearling, and compared to -his Sinaketan inferiors, is a pauper. So after a day or two in -Sinaketa, highly displeased, and vowing never to return again, he went -back to Omarakana, his residence, and thither we shall follow him.</p> -<p>For Omarakana is still the centre of the Trobriand inland Kula, and, -in certain respects, still one of the most important places on the -ring. It is probably the only locality where the Kula is or ever was to -some extent concentrated in the hands of one man, and it is also the -capital of the important district of Kiriwina, which dominates all the -inland Kula of the Northern Trobriands, and links up the island of -Kitava with the western islands of Kuyleula and Kuyawa. It is also an -important link <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb469" href="#pb469" name= -"pb469">469</a>]</span>between Kitava and Sinaketa, though between -these two last mentioned places there are some minor means of -communication, as we shall presently see.</p> -<p>Previously, in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, in the definition of -the fundamentals of the Kula, we saw that the population of the Ring -can be divided into what we called <i>Kula communities</i>. These -divisions, as we remember, were distinguished by the fact that each one -makes overseas expeditions of its own. For example, the Sinaketans, as -we saw, make their trips to Dobu in a body, and although the Vakutans -may go with them at the same time, the two fleets sail and act as -independent units. Again, the whole district of Kiriwina sails to the -East, to Kitava, as one fleet. But no Sinaketan canoe could ever form -part of it. Another distinguishing characteristic of a Kula community -is that the furthest limits of partnership are the same for all its -members. Thus for instance, a man from any village in Kiriwina, -provided he is in the Kula, may have a partner anywhere up to the -furthest limits of the Sinaketa district in the South, and in any of -the villages of the island of Kitava to the East. But beyond that, no -Kiriwinian, not even To’uluwa himself, can enter into Kula -partnership. There are again certain differences between the manner of -conducting transactions within a Kula community on the one hand, and -between members of two communities on the other.</p> -<p>Kiriwina is one of such Kula communities, and Sinaketa is another. -Yet the two are not divided by sea, and the style of exchange, when -this is carried on between two Kula communities which lie in the same -district, differs also from that of overseas Kula. Our first task here -will be therefore to mark out clearly the lines of distinction -between:</p> -<p>1. The transactions of Kula carried on overseas, from one district -to another.</p> -<p>2. Kula between two distinct but contiguous ‘Kula -communities.’</p> -<p>3. Transactions within a ‘Kula community.’</p> -<p>The facts belonging to the first heading have been described at -length, and it will be enough to point out in what the second type -differs from the first. Obviously, when two districts on the same -island, such as Kiriwina and Sinaketa, make the exchange there is no -overseas sailing, no preparation of canoes, no launching, no <i lang= -"kij">kabigidoya</i>. Sometimes big joint expeditions <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb470" href="#pb470" name="pb470">470</a>]</span>are -made by the one community to the other and a great haul of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> is carried home. As an example of that, we may -mention the visit made by the Sinaketans to Kiriwina in the last days -of March, 1918, when a great number of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> were -brought, in readiness for the Dobuan <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visit. -When such an important visit is made from one Trobriand district to -another, some of the Kula magic will be performed, but obviously not -all, for there is no <i lang="kij">lilava</i> bundle to be medicated, -since no trade is carried; no dangerous cannibals have to be tamed by -the <i lang="kij">ka’ubana’i</i> rite, for the hosts are, -and always have been, friendly neighbours. But some of the beauty -magic, and the enticing formula over <span class="corr" id="xd26e20206" -title="Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span> would be recited to obtain -as many valuables as possible. There is nothing corresponding to -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> in such big visits between neighbouring -districts, though I think that they would be held only in connection -with some <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visit from another part of the ring -to one of the two districts, as was the case in the example quoted, -that is the Sinaketan visit to Kiriwina (<a href="#ch16">Chapter -XVI</a>). Of course there is no associated trade on such expeditions, -for there is very little to exchange between Sinaketa and Kiriwina, and -what there is, is done independently, in a regular manner all the year -round. Partnership between people of such two Kula communities is very -much the same as within one of them. It obtains between people speaking -the same language, having the same customs and institutions, many of -whom are united by bonds of actual kinship or relationship-in-law. For, -as has been mentioned already, marriages between Sinaketa and Kiriwina -take place frequently, especially between natives of high rank. The -rule is, in such cases, that a man of Sinaketa marries a woman of -Kiriwina.</p> -<div class="figure pl60width" id="pl60"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl60width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LX</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl60.jpg" alt="Armshells Brought from Kitava." width= -"720" height="407"> -<p class="figureHead">Armshells Brought from Kitava.</p> -<p>The personal share of To’uluwa from the haul of armshells -brought to Omarakana in October in October, 1915. (See <a href= -"#div19.3">Div. III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl61width" id="pl61"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl61width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LXI</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl61.jpg" alt="Bringing in a Soulava." width="661" -height="391"> -<p class="figureHead">Bringing in a Soulava.</p> -<p>The party, the second man blowing the conch shell and the leader -carrying the necklace on a stick, approach the chief’s house. -(See <a href="#div19.3">Div. III</a>.)</p> -</div> -<div class="figure pl62width" id="pl62"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl62width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LXII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl62.jpg" alt="Offering the Soulava." width="658" -height="389"> -<p class="figureHead">Offering the Soulava.</p> -<p>The necklace is thrust on its stick into the chief’s house. -Both this plate and the foregoing one represent an act of purely -domestic Kula, one of the sons of To’uluwa offering his father a -necklace. Hence the scanty attendance of the general public.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div19.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us pass now to the relation between categories 2 -and 3, that is between Kula of two contiguous ‘Kula -communities,’ and the Kula within one of them. First of all, in -the inland Kula within the same community, there never take place big, -wholesale transactions. The circulation of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> consists of individual exchanges, sometimes -more frequent, that is, whenever an overseas expedition has come home -laden with many valuables, sometimes done at long intervals. No magic -is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb471" href="#pb471" name= -"pb471">471</a>]</span>performed in this type of Kula, and though there -is a certain amount of ceremony accompanying each gift, there are no -big, public gatherings. A concrete description of an actual case may -serve best to illustrate these general statements.</p> -<p>During the eight months I stayed in Omarakana in 1915–1916, I -had the opportunity of watching many cases of inland Kula, as there was -a constant come and go between Kiriwina and Kitava, and subsequent to -each influx of armshells from the East, a series of exchanges took -place. In the month of November, To’uluwa went with his canoe on -a small expedition across the sea to Kitava, and brought back a good -haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshells). He arrived on an evening -on the beach of Kaulukuba, and word was sent over to the village that -next day he would come up with his trophies. In the morning, blows of -conch-shell, heard from the distance, announced the approach of the -returning party, and soon, preceded by one of his small sons carrying -the conch-shell, To’uluwa made his appearance followed by his -companions. Each man carried a few pairs which he had obtained, whilst -the chief’s share was brought in on a stick, hanging down in a -chaplet (see <a href="#pl60">Plate LX</a>).</p> -<p>The people in the village sat before their huts, and according to -native custom, there was no special concourse to meet the chief, nor -any outward signs of excitement. The chief went straight to one of his -<i lang="kij">bulaviyaka</i>, that is, one of his wives’ houses, -and sat on the platform before it, waiting for some food to come. That -would be the place where he would seat himself, if he wanted just to -have a domestic chat with some of his wives and children. Had any -strangers been there, he would have received them at his place of -official reception, in front of his <i lang="kij">lisiga</i>, the -extremely large and high chief’s house, standing in the inner row -of yam houses, and facing the main place, the <i lang="kij">baku</i> -(see <a href="#pl02">Plate II</a>). On that occasion he went to the hut -of Kadamwasila, his favourite wife, the mother of four sons and one -daughter. She is quite old now, but she was the first wife married by -To’uluwa himself, that is, not inherited, and there is an -unmistakable attachment and affection between the two, even now. Though -the chief has several much younger and one or two really fine looking -wives, he is usually to be found talking and taking his food with -Kadamwasila. He has also a few older wives, whom, according to the -custom, he inherited <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb472" href="#pb472" -name="pb472">472</a>]</span>from his predecessor, in that case, his -elder brother. The eldest of them, Bokuyoba, the Dean of the Body of -the chief’s wives, has been twice inherited; she is now a source -of income—for her male kinsmen have to supply yams to the -chief—and an object of veneration, and is now even relieved of -the duty of cooking the chief’s food.</p> -<p>To’uluwa sat, ate, and talked about his journey to myself and -some of the village elders assembled there. He spoke of the amount of -<i lang="kij">mwali</i> at present in Kitava, told us from whom and how -he obtained those at which we were then looking, naming the most -important ones, and giving bits of their histories. He commented on the -state of gardens in Kitava, which in one respect, in the production of -the big yams (<i lang="kij">kuvi</i>) are the admiration of all the -surrounding districts. He spoke also about future Kula arrangements, -expeditions to arrive from the East in Kiriwina, and of his own planned -movements.</p> -<p>On the afternoon of the same day, people from other villages began -to assemble, partly to hear the news of the chief’s expedition, -partly in order to find out what they could obtain themselves from him. -Headmen from all the dependent villages sat in one group round the -chief, who now had moved to the official reception ground, in front of -his <i lang="kij">lisiga</i>. Their followers, in company with the -chief’s henchmen, and other inhabitants of Omarakana, squatted -all over the <i lang="kij">baku</i> (central place), engaged in -conversation. The talk in each group was of the same subjects, and did -not differ much from the conversation, I had heard from the chief on -his arrival. The newly acquired armshells were handed round, admired, -named, and the manner of their acquisition described.</p> -<p>Next day, several <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (spondylus shell -necklaces) were brought to Omarakana by the various men from -neighbouring villages to the West, and ceremonially offered to -To’uluwa (see Plates <a href="#pl61">LXI</a>, <a href= -"#pl62">LXII</a>, and <a href="#pl00">Frontispiece</a>). This was, in -each case a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening gift), for which the giver -expected to receive his <i lang="kij">yotile</i> (clinching gift) at -once from the store of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>. In this case we see the -influence of chieftainship in the relation between Kula partners. In -the inland Kula of Kiriwina, all gifts would be brought to -To’uluwa, and he would never have to fetch or carry his presents. -Moreover, he would always be given and never give the opening gift -(<i lang="kij">vaga</i>); while his gift <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb473" href="#pb473" name="pb473">473</a>]</span>would invariably be a -<i lang="kij">yotile</i>. So that the chief sometimes owes a Kula gift -to a commoner, but a commoner never owes a gift to a chief. The -difference between the rules of procedure here and those of an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> overseas expedition is clear: in a competitive -overseas expedition, valuables for exchange are never carried by the -visiting party, who only receive gifts and bring them back home; in the -inland Kula, the determining factor is the relative social position of -the two partners. Gifts are brought to the man of superior by the man -of inferior rank, and the latter has also to initiate the exchange.</p> -<p>The following entry is quoted literally from my notes, made in -Omarakana, on November the 13th, 1915. “This morning, the headman -of Wagaluma brought a <i lang="kij">bagido’u</i> (fine necklace). -At the entrance to the village (it is Omarakana), they (the party) -halted, blew the conch shell, put themselves in order. Then, the conch -shell blower went ahead, the men of highest rank took the stick with -the <i lang="kij">bagido’u</i>, a boy carrying the heavy wooden -bell pendant on a <i lang="kij">kaboma</i> (wooden dish).” This -requires a commentary. The ceremonial way of carrying the spondylus -shell necklaces is by attaching each end to a stick, so that the -necklace hangs down with the pendant at its lowest point (see <a href= -"#pl00">Frontispiece</a> and <a href="#pl61">Pl. LXI</a> and <a href= -"#pl62">LXII</a>). In the case of very long and fine necklaces, in -which the pendant is accordingly big and heavy, while the actual -necklace is thin and fragile, the pendant has to be taken off and -carried apart. Resuming the narrative:—“The headman -approached To’uluwa and said: ‘<i lang="kij">Agukuleya, -ikanawo; lagayla lamaye; yoku kayne gala mwali</i>.’ This he said -in thrusting the stick into the thatch of the chief’s -house.” The words literally mean: ‘My <i lang= -"kij">kuleya</i> (food left over), take it; I brought it to-day; have -you perhaps no armshells?’ The expression ‘food left -over,’ applied to the gift was a depreciating term, meaning -something which is an overflow or unwanted scrap. Thus he was -ironically depreciating his gift, and at the same time implying that -much wealth still remained in his possession. By this, in an oblique -manner, he bragged about his own riches, and with the last phrase, -expressing doubt as to whether To’uluwa had any armshells, he -threw a taunt at the chief. This time the gift was returned immediately -by a fine pair of armshells.</p> -<p>It was in connection with the same expedition that the little -exchange between two of the chief’s wives took place, -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb474" href="#pb474" name= -"pb474">474</a>]</span>mentioned before (in <a href="#div11.2">Chapter -XI, Division II</a>, under 4) and one or two more domestic Kula acts -were performed, a son of To’uluwa offering him a necklace (see -<a href="#pl61">Plates LXI</a> and <a href="#pl62">LXII</a>) and -receiving a pair of armshells afterwards. Many more transactions took -place in those two days or so; sounds of conch shells were heard on all -sides as they were blown first in the village from which the men -started, then on the way, then at the entrance to Omarakana, and -finally at the moment of giving. Again, after some time another blast -announced the return gift by To’uluwa, and the receding sounds of -the conch marked the stages of the going home of the party. -To’uluwa himself never receives a gift with his own hands; it is -always hung up in his house or platform, and then somebody of his -household takes charge of it; but the commoner receives the armshell -himself from the hands of the chief. There was much life and movement -in the village during this time of concentrated exchange; parties came -and went with <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, others arrived as mere -spectators, and the place was always full of a gazing crowd. The soft -sounds of the conch shell, so characteristic of all South Sea -experiences, gave a special flavour to the festive and ceremonial -atmosphere of those days.</p> -<p>Not all the armshells brought from Kitava were thus at once given -away. Some of them were kept for the purposes of more distant Kula; or -to be given on some future, special occasion when a present had to be -handed over in association with some ceremony. In the inland Kula, -there is always an outbreak of transactions whenever a big quantity of -valuables is imported into the district. And afterwards, sporadic -transactions happen now and then. For the minor partners who had -received armshells from To’uluwa would not all of them keep them -for any length of time, but part of them would be sooner or later -passed on in inland transactions. But, however these valuables might -spread over the district, they would be always available when an -expedition from another Kula community would come and claim them. When -the party from Sinaketa came in March, 1918, to Omarakana, all those -who owned armshells would either come to the capital or else be visited -in their villages by their Sinaketan partners. Of the 154 or so -armshells obtained in Kiriwina on that occasion, only thirty came from -To’uluwa himself, and fifty from Omarakana <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb475" href="#pb475" name= -"pb475">475</a>]</span>altogether, while the rest were given from other -villages, in the following proportions:</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="t5"> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft cellTop">Liluta</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight cellTop">14</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Osapola</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">14</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Mtawa</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">6</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Kurokaywa</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Omarakana (To’uluwa)</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">30</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Omarakana (other men)</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">20</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Yalumugwa</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">14</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Kasana’i</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">16</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">Other villages</td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">25</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft cellBottom"></td> -<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight cellBottom"><span class= -"sum">154</span></td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<p>Thus the inner Kula does not affect the flow of the main stream, -and, however, the valuables might change hands within the ‘Kula -community,’ it matters little for the outside flow.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div19.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">It will be necessary to give a more detailed account -of the actual conditions obtaining in Boyowa <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e20446" title="Source: wth">with</span> regard to the limits of -the various Kula communities in that district. Looking at <a href= -"#map4">Map IV</a>, p. 50, we see there the boundaries of Kiriwina, -which is the easternmost Kula community in the Northern part of the -islands. To the west of it the provinces of Tilataula, Kuboma, and -Kulumata form another Kula community, or, it would be more correct to -say, some of the men in these districts make the inland Kula with -members of neighbouring communities. But these three provinces do not -form as a whole a Kula community. In the first place, many villages are -quite outside the Kula, that is, not even their headmen belong to the -inter-tribal exchange. Remarkably enough, all the big industrial -centres, such as Bwoytalu, Luya, Yalaka, Kadukwaykela, Buduwaylaka, do -not take part in the Kula. An interesting myth localised in Yalaka -tells how the inhabitants of that village, prevented by custom from -seeing the world on Kula expeditions, attempted to erect a high pillar -reaching to heaven, so as to find a field for their adventures in the -skies. Unfortunately, it fell down, and only one man remained above, -who is now responsible for thunder and lightning. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb476" href="#pb476" name="pb476">476</a>]</span></p> -<p>Another important omission in the Kula is that of the Northern -villages of Laba’i, Kaybola, Lu’ebila, Idaleaka, Kapwani -and Yuwada. If we remember that Laba’i is the very centre of -Kiriwinian mythology, that there lies the very hole out of which the -original ancestors of the four clans emerged from underground, that the -highest chiefs of Kiriwina trace their descent from Laba’i, this -omission appears all the more remarkable and mysterious.</p> -<p>Thus the whole Western half of the Northern Trobriands forms a unit -of sorts in the chain of Kula communities, but it cannot be considered -as a fully fledged one, for only sporadic individuals belong to it, and -again, that district as a whole, or even individual canoes from it, -never take part in any overseas Kula expedition. The village of -Kavataria makes big overseas sailings to the Western -d’Entrecasteaux Islands. Though these expeditions really have -nothing to do with the Kula we shall say a few words about this in the -next chapter but one.</p> -<p>Passing now to the West, we find the island of Kayleula, which, -together with two or three smaller islands, to its South, Kuyawa, -Manuwata, and Nubiyam, form a ‘Kula <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e20459" title="Source: comunity">community</span>’ of its -own. This community is again slightly anomalous, for they make Kula -only on a small scale, on the one hand with the chiefs and headmen of -Kiriwina, and of the North-Western district of Boyowa, and on the other -hand with the Amphletts, but never with Dobu. They also used to make -long and perilous trips to the Western d’Entrecasteaux, sailing -further West and for longer distances than the natives of -Kavataria.</p> -<p>The main Kula communities in the South of Boyowa, Sinaketa and -Vakuta, have been described already, and sufficiently defined in the -previous chapters. Sinaketa is the centre for inland Kula of the South, -which, though on a smaller scale than the inland Kula of the North, -still unites half-a-dozen villages round Sinaketa. That village also -carries on Kula with three coastal villages in the East, Okayaulo, -Bwaga, and Kumilabwaga, who link it up with Kitava, to where they make -journeys from time to time. These villages form again the sort of -imperfect ‘Kula community,’ or perhaps one on a very small -scale, for they would never have an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> of their -own, and the amount of transactions which pass through them is very -small. Another such small community, independent as regards -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb477" href="#pb477" name= -"pb477">477</a>]</span>Kula, is the village of Wawela. The district of -Luba, which sometimes joins with Kiriwina in carrying on a big -expedition, also sometimes joins with Wawela on small expeditions. Such -nondescript or intermediate phenomena of transition are always to be -found in studying the life of native races, where most social rules -have not got the same precision as with us. There is among them neither -any strong, psychological tendency to consistent thinking, nor are the -local peculiarities and exceptions rubbed off by the influence of -example or competition.</p> -<p>I cannot say very much about the inland Kula in other regions -besides the Trobriands. I have seen it done in Woodlark Island, at the -very beginning of my work among the Northern Massim, and that was the -first time that I came across any of the symptoms of the Kula. Early in -1915, in the village of Dikoyas, I heard conch shells blown, there was -a general commotion in the village, and I saw the presentation of a -large <i lang="kij">bagido’u</i>. I, of course, inquired about -the meaning of the custom, and was told that this is one of the -exchanges of presents made when visiting friends. At that time I had no -inkling that I had been a witness of a detailed manifestation, of what -I subsequently found out was Kula. On the whole, however, I have been -told by natives from Kitava and Gawa, later on whilst working in the -Trobriands, that the customs of Kula exchange there are identical with -those obtaining in Kiriwina. And the same I was told is the case in -Dobu. It must be realised, however, that the inland Kula must be -somewhat different in a community where, as in Kitava, for instance, -the strands of the Kula all come together in a small space, and the -stream of valuables, which has been flowing through the broad area of -the Trobriands, there concentrates into three small villages. If we -estimate the inhabitants of the Trobriands with Vakuta at up to ten -thousand, while those of Kitava at no more than five hundred, there -will be about twenty times as many valuables per head of inhabitants in -Kitava as compared to the Trobriands.</p> -<p>Another such place of concentration is the island of Tubetube, and I -think one or two places in Woodlark Island, where the village of -Yanabwa is said to be an independent link in the chain, through which -every article has to pass. But this brings us already to the Eastern -Kula, which will form the subject of the next chapter. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb478" href="#pb478" name="pb478">478</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20128" href="#xd26e20128src" name="xd26e20128">1</a></span> An -example of this ill-judged attitude of interference is to be found even -in a book written by an exceptionally <span class="corr" id= -"xd26e20131" title="Source: well informed">well-informed</span> and -enlightened missionary, “In Far New Guinea,” by Henry -Newton. In describing the feasts and dancing of the natives, he admits -these to be a necessity of tribal life: “On the whole the -feasting and dancing are good; they give excitement and relaxation to -the young men, and tone the drab colours of life.” He himself -tells us that, “the time comes when the old men stop the dancing. -They begin to growl because the gardens are neglected, and they want to -know if dancing will give the people food, so the order is given that -the drums are to be hung up, and the people settle down to work.” -But in spite of Mr. Newton’s recognition of this natural, tribal -authority, in spite of the fact that he really admits the views given -in our <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e20134" href="#xd26e20134" -name="xd26e20134">467n</a>]</span> text, he cannot refrain from saying: -“Seriously, however, for the benefit of the people themselves, it -would be a good thing if there could be some regulations—if -dancing were not allowed after midnight, for while it lasts nothing -else is done.—The gardens suffer and it would help the people to -learn self-restraint and so strengthen their characters if the dancing -could be regulated.” He goes on to admit quite candidly that it -would be difficult to enforce such a regulation because “to the -native mind, it would seem that it was the comfort of the white man, -not the benefit of the native which was the reason for the -regulation.” And to my mind also, I am afraid!</p> -<p class="footnote cont">The following quotations from a recent -scientific work published by the Oxford Press—“The Northern -d’Entrecasteaux,” by D. Jenness, and the Rev. A. -Ballantyne, 1920—are also examples of the dangerous and heedless -tampering with the one authority that now binds the natives, the one -discipline they can be relied upon to observe—that of their own -tribal tradition. The relations of a church member who died, were -“counselled to drop the harsher elements in their -mourning,” and instead of the people being bidden “to -observe each jot and tittle of their old, time-honoured rites,” -they were advised from that day forth to leave off “those which -had no meaning.” It is strange to find a trained ethnologist, -confessing that old, time-honoured rites have no meaning! And one might -feel tempted to ask: for <i>whom</i> it is that these customs have no -meaning, for the natives or for the writers of the passage quoted?</p> -<p class="footnote cont">The following incident is even more telling. A -native headman of an inland village was supposed to keep concealed in -his hut a magic pot, the “greatest ruler of winds, rain, and -sunshine,” a pot which had “come down from times -immemorial,” which according to some of the natives “in the -beginning simply was.” According to the Authors, the owner of the -pot used to descend on the coastal natives and “levy -tribute,” threatening them with the magical powers of the pot if -they refused. Some of the coastal natives went to the Missionary and -asked him to interfere or get the magistrate to do so. It was arranged -they should all go with the Missionary and seize the pot. But on the -day “only one man turned up.” When the Missionary went, -however, the natives blocked his path, and only through threats of -punishments by the magistrate, were they induced to temporarily leave -the village and thus to allow him to seize the pot! A few days later -the Missionary accordingly took possession of the pot, which he broke. -The Authors go on to say that after this incident “everyone was -contented and happy;” except, one might add, the natives and -those who would see in such occurrences the speedy destruction of -native culture, and the final disintegration of the -race. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e20128src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch20" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e897">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XX</h2> -<h2 class="main">Expeditions Between Kiriwina and Kitava</h2> -<div id="div20.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The subject of which this book treats and the material -at our disposal are nearly exhausted. In describing the Southern branch -of the Kula (between Sinaketa and Dobu) I entered into the details of -its rules and associated aspects, and almost all that was said there -refers to the Kula as a whole. In speaking of the N.E. branch of the -Kula, which I am now about to describe, there will not therefore be -very much new to tell. All the general rules of exchange and types of -behaviour are the same as those previously defined. Here we have also -big <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expeditions and small, non-ceremonial -sailings. The type of partnership between Kiriwinians and Kitavans is -the same here, as the one obtaining within the Trobriands, and -described in the last chapter. For the natives of the Eastern islands, -from Kitava to Woodlark, have the same social organisation and the same -culture as the Trobrianders, and speak the same language with -dialectical differences only. Never any but friendly relations have -obtained between them and many people are united by bonds of real -kinship across the seas, for there have been migrations between the -districts, and marriages are also not infrequent. Thus the general -relations between overseas partners are different here from those -between Sinaketa and Dobu. The visiting is not associated with any deep -apprehensions, there is no <i lang="kij">ka’ubana’i</i> -(danger magic), and the relations between the visitors and hosts are -much more free and easy and intimate. The rest of the Kula magic -(except the <i lang="kij">ka’ubana’i</i>) is identical With -that in the South, and indeed much of it, as used all over Boyowa, has -been received from the Kitavans. Many of the preliminary customs and -arrangements of the Kula, the preparation of the canoes, ceremonial -launching and <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> are the same here. In fact, -the launching <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb479" href="#pb479" name= -"pb479">479</a>]</span>described in <a href="#ch6">Chapter VI</a> was -the one I saw on the beach of Omarakana.</p> -<p>On the actual expeditions, much of the ceremonial and all the rules -of the Kula gifts, as well as of the <i lang="kij">pari</i> and -<i lang="kij">talo’i</i>, the initial and farewell presents, are -the same as in the South-Western branch of the Kula. The best plan will -be to tell the story of a typical <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition -from Kiriwina to Kitava, noting the similarities and emphasising the -differences, while one or two points of divergence will claim our -special attention. There is a small, but interesting incident called -<i lang="kij">youlawada</i>, a custom which allows a visiting party to -attack and damage the house ornaments of a man, to whom they bring a -gift. Another important speciality of this Eastern Kula is the -association of a mortuary feast called <i lang="kij">so’i</i> -with particularly abundant distributions of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>.</p> -<p>I had opportunities of collecting notes about the North-Eastern Kula -and of making observations during my residence in Omarakana, in -1915–1916. I saw several expeditions from Kitava arrive on the -beach, and camp for a few days. To’uluwa went twice to Kitava, -and his return from one of these visits has been described in the last -chapter. He also once started for an expedition there, of which I was a -member. There was a change of wind, some time in September, and with -the North wind which we hoped would last for a few hours, it would have -been possible to cross to Kitava and to return at our pleasure with the -prevailing South-Easterly. Half-way to our goal, the wind changed and -we had to return, to my great disappointment, though this gave me a -good example of the entire dependence of the natives on the weather. -Unfortunately, To’uluwa got it into his head that I had brought -him bad luck, and so when he planned his next trip, I was not taken -into his confidence or allowed to form one of the party. Two years -later, when I lived in Oburaka, about half-way between the Northern and -Southernmost end of Boyowa, several expeditions from Kitava visited -Wawela, a village lying across on the other side of the island, which -here is no more than a mile and a half wide; and one or two expeditions -left from Wawela for Kitava. The only big expedition which came under -my notice was the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> which was to leave some -time in April or May, 1916, from Kiriwina to the East. I saw only the -preparatory stages, of which the launching was described in <a href= -"#ch6">Chapter VII</a>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb480" href= -"#pb480" name="pb480">480</a>]</span></p> -<p>Let us imagine that we follow the course of this Kiriwinian <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i>. The first general intimation that it would take -place, came after one of the visits which To’ulawa made to -Kitava. He had heard there that a considerable quantity of armshells -was soon to come to the island, for, as we shall see by the end of this -Chapter, such big, concerted movements of valuables along the ring take -place from time to time. To’ulawa then and there made -arrangements with his chief partner, Kwaywaya, to make an <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i>, which was to be the means of carrying on the big -movement of the <i lang="kij">mwali</i>. On his return to Omarakana, -when the headmen of the other Kiriwinian villages assembled, the plans -of the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> were talked over and details arranged. -Even in olden days, before the chief’s power was undermined, -though he used to take the initiative, and give decisions in important -matters, he had to put the case before the other headmen, and listen to -what they had to say. Their opinions on the occasion of which we are -speaking, would hardly ever be in contradiction to his wishes, and it -was decided without much discussion to make the <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> in about six months’ time. Soon after, the -rebuilding or refitting of the canoes began, in the manner previously -described. The only slight difference in the preparations between -Kiriwina and Sinaketa lies in the preliminary trade. The Kiriwinians -have to go inland to the industrial districts of Kuboma, and they go -there every man on his own account, to acquire the articles needed.</p> -<p>It will be best to say here at once all that is necessary about the -trade between Kiriwina and Kitava. As these two districts are -geologically and in other respects much more similar to one another -than Sinaketa and Dobu are, the trade is not of such vital importance, -with one notable exception, as we shall see. The articles of subsidiary -trade, which a Kiriwinian expedition would carry with them to Kitava, -are the following:—wooden combs; various classes of lime pots; -armlets, plaited of fern fibre; turtle-shell earrings; mussel shell; -coils of lashing creeper (<i lang="kij">wayugo</i>); plaited fern -belts, made originally in the d’Entrecasteaux. Of these articles, -the most important are probably the mussel shells, used for scraping -and as knives, the various kinds of lime pots, which are a speciality -of Kuboma, and last, but not least, the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>. I am -not quite certain as to whether this creeper is not to be <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb481" href="#pb481" name= -"pb481">481</a>]</span>found in Kitava, but as it grows only on marshy -soil, it is hardly probable that it would thrive on a high, raised, -coral island. In that case, the creeper is certainly the most -indispensable of all the trade articles imported into Kitava from the -Trobriands.</p> -<p>The Trobrianders import from the smaller islands a class of grass -skirt made of coco-nut leaves; exceptionally well finished urn-shaped -baskets; small hand-baskets; specially bleached pandanus mats; -ornaments made of fragments of conus shell; certain classes of cowrie -shell, used for ornamenting belts; ebony lime spatulæ; ebony -walking staves; sword-clubs carved in ebony; and an aromatic black -paint, made of charred sandal wood. None of these articles is of vital -importance, as all of them, though perhaps in slightly different or -even inferior quality, are manufactured or found in the Trobriands.</p> -<p>There was one article, however, which, in the olden days, was of -surpassing utility to the Trobriand natives, and which they could -obtain only from Kitava, though it came originally from further East, -from Murua (Woodlark Island). These were the <i lang= -"kij">kukumali</i>, or roughly shaped pieces of green-stone, which were -then polished in the Trobriands, and in this state used as stone -implements, while the biggest of them, very large and thin and well -polished all over, became a specially important class of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> (articles of high value). Although the -practical use of stone implements has naturally been done away with by -the introduction of steel and iron, the <i lang="kij">beku</i> -(valuable axe blades) have still an undiminished, indeed, an increased -value, as the white traders have to use them for purchasing pearls from -the natives. It is important to note that although all the raw material -for these stone implements and valuables had to be imported from -Kitava, the finished valuables were and are re-exported again, as -Kiriwina is still the main polishing district.</p> -<p>As to the manner in which the trade was done between the Kiriwinians -and Kitavans, all that has been said previously on the subject of -inter-tribal trade holds good; part of the goods carried were given as -presents, part of them were exchanged with non-partners, some were -gifts received from the partners on leaving. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb482" href="#pb482" name="pb482">482</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div20.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Returning to To’ulawa and his companions, as -time went on there was more and more stir in the villages. As usually, -all sorts of ambitious plans were framed, and the youthful members of -the party hoped that they would reach Muyuwa (or Murua, Woodlark -Island) where Kula was not done, but where Kiriwinian parties sometimes -went in order to witness certain festivities. On the subject of Muyuwa, -Bagido’u, the elderly heir apparent of Omarakana, who however, as -said in the previous chapter, will never succeed his uncle, had to tell -his own experiences. As a small boy, he sailed there with one of the -big chiefs of Omarakana, his maternal grandfather. They went to Suloga, -the place where the green stone was quarried.</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“There,” spoke Bagido’u, -“there was a big <i lang="kij">dubwadebula</i> (grotto or rock -shelf). The members of the Lukulabuta clan (this clan is called -Kulutalu in Muyuwa) of Suloga, were the <i lang="kij">toli</i> -(masters, owners) of this <i lang="kij">dubwadebula</i>, and could -quarry the stone. They knew some <i lang="kij">megwa</i> (magic); they -charmed their <span class="corr" id="xd26e20601" title= -"Source: axeblades">axe-blades</span>, and hit the walls of the -<i lang="kij">dubwadebula</i>. The <i lang="kij">kukumali</i> (pieces -of stone) fell down. When the men of Boyowa came to Suloga, they gave -<i lang="kij">pari</i> (presents) to the Lukulabuta men of Suloga. They -gave them <i lang="kij">paya</i> (turtle shell), <i lang= -"kij">kwasi</i> (armlets), <i lang="kij">sinata</i> (combs). Then, the -Suloga men would show us the <i lang="kij">kukumali</i>, and tell us: -‘Take them with you, take plenty.’ Good <i lang= -"kij">kukumali</i>, which could be made into a <i lang="kij">beku</i> -(big wealth-blades) we would pay for; we would give our <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> (valuables) in exchange. At parting, they would -give us more <i lang="kij">kukumali</i> as <i lang= -"kij">talo’i</i> (farewell gift).”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>It must be remembered, in comment on this narrative, that when -Bagido’u went to Suloga, some thirty or forty years ago, the iron -and steel had already long before rendered the small <i lang= -"kij">kukumali</i> quite useless and worthless to the natives, while -the big <i lang="kij">kukumali</i> had still their full value, as -material for the large blades which serve as tokens of wealth. Hence, -the big ones had still to be paid for, and hence also the generous -invitation to take as many of the small ones, as they liked, an -invitation of which the visitors, with corresponding delicacy, refused -to avail themselves.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20651src" href= -"#xd26e20651" name="xd26e20651src">1</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb483" href="#pb483" name="pb483">483</a>]</span></p> -<p>Another hero of the occasion was old Ibena, one of the Tabalu -(members of the highest rank) of Kasana’i, the sister village of -Omarakana. He has spent a long time on the island of Iwa, and knew the -myths and magic of the Eastern archipelago very well. He would sit down -and tell for hours various stories of famous Kula expeditions, of -mythological incidents, and of the peculiar customs of the Eastern -islands. It was from him that I first obtained my information about the -<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> and their customs, about shipwreck and the -means of saving the party, about the love magic of Iwa, and many other -facts, which only a man of cosmopolitan experience and culture, like -Ibena, would know and understand thoroughly. He was a good informant, -eager to instruct and to display his wisdom and knowledge, and not -devoid of imagination; of the licentious and libidinous women of -Kaytalugi (see <a href="#ch10">Chapter X</a>) and of what a man has to -suffer there, he would speak as if he had been there himself. At this -time, he was specially loquacious about the Kula, and associated -customs, inspired as he was by the hope of re-visiting his old haunts, -and by the admiration and reverence shown to him by his listeners, -myself included.</p> -<p>The other members of the audience were most interested in his -accounts of how they make gardens in Kitava, Iwa and Gawa; of the -special dances performed there, of the technicalities of Kula, and of -the great efficiency of the Iwan love magic.</p> -<p>At that time, I was able to obtain more information about the Kula, -and that more easily and in a shorter while, than I had, with strenuous -efforts, for months before. It is by taking advantage of such epochs, -when the interest of the natives is centred round a certain subject, -that ethnographic evidence can be collected in the easiest and most -reliable manner. Natives will willingly state customs and rules, and -they will also accurately and with interest follow up concrete cases. -Here, for instance, they would trace the way in which a given pair of -armshells had passed through the hands of several individuals, and was -now supposed to have come round again to Kitava—and in such a way -one receives from the natives definite ethnographic documents, -realities of thought, and details of belief, instead of forced -artificial verbiage. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb484" href="#pb484" -name="pb484">484</a>]</span></p> -<p>I saw the proceedings as far as the ceremonial launching of the -chiefs’ canoes in Kasana’i and Omarakana (cf. <a href= -"#ch6">Chapter VI</a>), when the natives assembled in big numbers, and -various festivities took place. Afterwards when everything was ready -for sailing, a similar crowd gathered on the beach, though less -numerous than the previous one, for only the neighbouring villages were -there instead of the whole district. The chief addressed the crowd, -enjoining strict taboos on strangers entering the village while the men -were away. Such taboos, on the surface at least, are very carefully -kept, as I had opportunities to observe during the two previous -absences of To’uluwa. Early in the evening, everybody retired -into his or her house, the outside fires were extinguished and when I -walked through the village, it was quite deserted and except for a few -old men specially keeping watch, no one was to be seen. Strangers would -be careful not to pass even through the outskirts of the village after -sunset, and would take another road to avoid the grove of -Omarakana.</p> -<p>Even men from the sister-village of Kasana’i were excluded -from entering the capital, and on one occasion when two or three of -them wanted to visit their friends, they were stopped from doing it by -some of the old men, with a considerable display of indignation and -authority. As it happened, a day or two afterwards, but still while the -Kula party were away, one of the favourite sons of To’uluwa, -called Nabwasu’a<span class="corr" id="xd26e20678" title= -"Not in source">,</span> who had not gone on the expedition, was caught -<i lang="la">in flagrante delicto</i> of adultery with the youngest -wife of the very old chief of Kasana’i. The people of the latter -village were highly incensed, not without an admixture of malicious -amusement. One of these who had been expelled two nights before from -Omarakana took a conch shell and with its blast announced to the wide -world the shame and scandal of Omarakana. As a conch shell is blown -only on very important and ceremonial occasion, this was a slap in the -face of the supposedly virtuous community, and a reproach of its -hypocrisy. A man of Kasana’i, speaking in a loud <span class= -"corr" id="xd26e20684" title="Source: vocie">voice</span>, addressed -the people of Omarakana:—</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“You don’t allow us to enter your village; -you call us adulterous (<i lang="kij">tokaylasi</i>); but we wanted -only to go and visit our friends. And look here, Nabwasu’a -committed adultery in our village!”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb485" href="#pb485" name= -"pb485">485</a>]</span></p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> party, to whom we now return, would -cross the sea in a few hours and arrive in Kitava. Their manner of -sailing, the arrangement of men in the canoe, the taboos of sailing are -the same as in Sinaketa. My knowledge of their canoe magic is much -smaller than of that in Southern Boyowa, but I think they have got far -fewer rites. The sailing on these seas is on the whole easier, for -there are fewer reefs, and the two prevailing winds would either bring -them towards the Eastern islands, or push them back towards the long -coast of Boyowa. The natives of Kiriwina are on the other hand far less -expert sailors than the Sinaketans.</p> -<p>They have the same beliefs about the dangers at sea, especially -about the participation of the flying witches in shipwreck. The history -of such a calamity and the means of escape from it, given in one of the -foregoing chapters (<a href="#ch10">Chapter X</a>), refers to these -seas, as well as to the sea-arm of Pilolu.</p> -<p>These natives, as well as the Southern Boyowans, feel and appreciate -the romance of sailing; they are visibly excited at the idea of an -expedition, they enjoy even the sight of the open sea on the Eastern -coast beyond the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i> (coral ridge), and often -walk there on mere pleasure parties. The Eastern coast is much finer -than the beach of the Lagoon; steep, dark rocks alternate there with -fine, sandy beaches, the tall jungle spreading over the higher and -lower parts of the shore. The sailing to Kitava does not present, -however, the same contrasts as an expedition to the -d’Entrecasteaux Islands from Southern Boyowa. The natives remain -still in the world of raised coral islands, which they know from their -own home. Even the island of Muyuwa (or Murua, Woodlark Island) where I -spent a short time, does not present such a definite contrast in -landscape as that between the Trobriands and the Koya. I do not know -from personal experience the Marshall Bennett Islands, but from an -excellent description given by Professor Seligman, they seem to be good -specimens of small raised atolls.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20713src" -href="#xd26e20713" name="xd26e20713src">2</a></p> -<p>With regard to magic, the most important initial rites over the -<i lang="kij">lilava</i> and <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> are done in -the village by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> (compare above, <a href= -"#ch7">Chapter VII</a>). The magic over the four coco-nuts in the canoe -is not performed in Kiriwina. On arrival at the beach in Kitava, all -the rites of beauty magic, as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb486" -href="#pb486" name="pb486">486</a>]</span>well as the magic over the -conch shell are recited in a manner identical to that in Sarubwoyna -(<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>). Here, however, the natives have to -make the last stage of the journey on foot.</p> -<p>The party, headed by a small boy, probably a youngest son of the -<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, after whom the chief and the others follow, -would march towards the village which is situated beyond the elevated -ridge. When <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklaces) are brought by the -party—which, it must be remembered is never the case on an -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>—they would be carried ceremonially on -sticks by some men following the chief. In that case, that is when the -party are bringing Kula gifts—the <i lang="kij">youlawada</i> -ceremony is performed. On entering the village, the party march on -briskly without looking to right or left, and, whilst the boy blows -frantically the conch shell, and all the men in the party emit the -intermittent ceremonial scream called <i lang="kij">tilaykiki</i>, -others throw stones and spears at the <i lang="kij">kavalapu</i>, the -ornamental carved and painted boards running in a Gothic arch round the -eaves of a chief’s house or yam house. Almost all the <i lang= -"kij">kavalapu</i> in the Eastern villages are slightly injured, that -of To’uluwa having one of its ends knocked off. The damage is not -repaired, as it is a mark of distinction.</p> -<div class="figure pl63width" id="pl63"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl63width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LXIII</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl63.jpg" alt= -"Ceremonial Destruction During A So’i Feast." width="626" height= -"477"> -<p class="figureHead">Ceremonial Destruction During A So’i -Feast.</p> -<p>This picture was taken on the South coast of New Guinea. (cf. Div. -II of this Ch. and Div. III of Ch. II.)</p> -</div> -<p>This custom is not known in the Kula between Sinaketa and Dobu or -Sinaketa and Kiriwina. It begins on the Eastern shore of the -Trobriands, and is carried on as far as Tubetube where it stops again, -for it is not practised in Wari (Teste Island) or on the portion of the -Kula between Tubetube and Dobu. I myself never saw it practised in the -Trobriands, but I saw a similar custom among the Massim of the South -Coast of New Guinea. At a <i lang="kij">so’i</i> feast which I -witnessed in three different villages as it progressed from one to the -other, the party who brought in gifts of pigs to a man attempted to do -some damage to his trees or his house. A pig is always slung by its -legs on a long, stout pole, dangling head downwards (see <a href= -"#pl05">Plates V</a> and <a href="#pl63">LXIII</a>): with this pole the -natives would ram a young coco-nut or betel-nut palm or a fruit tree -and if not stopped by the owners would break or uproot it, the pig -squealing and the women of the damaged party screaming in unison. -Again, a party entering a village with gifts to one of the inhabitants, -would throw miniature spears at his house. A distinct show of -fierceness and hostility is displayed on both sides by the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb487" href="#pb487" name= -"pb487">487</a>]</span>natives on such occasions. Although the somewhat -histrionic attack, and the slight but real damage to property were -sanctioned by tribal usage, not infrequently among the Southern Massim -serious quarrels and scrimmages were started by it. This custom has -been observed by Professor Seligman among the natives of Bartle Bay. -“As a man passed the house, they speared the wall with the -branches they had been waving, and left them stuck in the walls.” -And again: “… the people bringing them (the pigs) in, -carried branches of trees or pieces of stick with a wisp of grass tied -to the end, and with these speared the house of the man to whom the -pigs were given.”<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20786src" href= -"#xd26e20786" name="xd26e20786src">3</a></p> -<p>When we remember what has been said about the style in which all -gifts are given; that is, so to speak, thrown down fiercely and almost -contemptuously by the giver; when we remember the taunts with which -gifts are often accompanied, as well as the manner in which they are -received, the <i lang="kij">youlawada</i> custom appears only as an -exaggerated form of this manner of giving, fixed into a definite -ceremonial. It is interesting from this point of view to note that the -<i lang="kij">youlawada</i> is only done in association with <i lang= -"kij">vaga</i> (initial gifts) and not with the <i lang= -"kij">yotile</i> (return gifts).</p> -<p>The Kiriwinian party, after having paid their preliminary ceremonial -visit in the village, given their gifts, both of the Kula and of the -<i lang="kij">pari</i> type, and had a long chat with their partners -and friends, return in the evening to the beach, where they camp near -their canoes. Sometimes temporary huts are erected, sometimes in fine -weather the natives sleep under mats on the sand beach. Food is brought -to them from the village by young, unmarried girls, who very often on -that occasion arrange their intrigues with the visitors. The party will -remain for a few days paying calls to the other villages of the island, -talking, inspecting the gardens and hoping for more Kula presents. The -food of Kitava is not tabooed to the chiefs, as the Kitavans abstain -from the worst abominations. At parting the visitors receive their -<i lang="kij">talo’i</i> gifts which are brought down to their -canoes.</p> -<p>The visits are returned by the Kitavans in very much the same -manner. They camp on the sand beaches of the Eastern Coast. When -weather-bound they erect temporary habitations, <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb488" href="#pb488" name="pb488">488</a>]</span>and -I have seen whole families, men, women, and children living for days on -some of the Eastern shores. For it is the custom of the men of Kitava -to carry their women and small children on their trips. The Kiriwinians -take sometimes unmarried girls, but they would never take their wives -and small children, whilst in the South no Sinaketan women at all go on -a Kula voyage however small and unimportant a one it may be. From big -<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expeditions, women are excluded in all the -districts.</p> -<p>It has been mentioned in the last chapter that Kitava enjoys a -privileged position in the Ring, for every single piece of valuables -has to pass through it. The island of Kitava is a ‘Kula -community’ in itself. All its neighbours to the West, the Kula -communities of Kiriwina, Luba, Wawela, Southern Boyowa (that is, the -villages of Okayyaulo, Bwaga and Kumilabwaga) cannot skip Kitava when -they are exchanging, and the same refers to the Kitavan neighbours in -the East. In other words, a man from the Eastern islands beyond Kitava, -if he wants to pass an armshell westwards, has to give it to a Kitava -man, and may not give it directly to some one beyond. The islands East -of Kitava, Iwa, Gawa, and Kwayawata form one community. This is shown -on <a href="#map5">Map V</a>, where each ‘Kula community’ -is represented by one circle. The Kula stream, after having -concentrated in Kitava, spreads out again, but by no means as broadly -as when it runs to the Westward, and overflows over the broad area of -the Trobriands. Another point, in which the Kula of Kitava differs from -that of Sinaketa or Kiriwina, a point on which I have touched already -once before (in <a href="#div13.1">Chapter XIII, Division I</a>) is -that the small island has to make overseas exchanges on both sides. As -we saw, the Sinaketans carry on big expeditions and make <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> only to their Southern partners, so that they receive -only the one Kula article, the necklaces in this manner, while their -armshells come to them by inland Kula, from their Northern and Eastern -neighbours. The same <i lang="la">mutatis mutandis</i> refers to the -Kiriwinians, who receive all their necklaces overland and make overseas -Kula for their armshells only. The two islands of Kitava and Vakuta, as -well as the other Marshall Bennetts are, so to speak, ambidextrous in -the Kula and have to fetch and carry both articles overseas. This, of -course, results primarily from the geographical position in a district -and a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb489" href="#pb489" name= -"pb489">489</a>]</span>glance at <a href="#map5">Map V</a> will easily -show which Kula communities have to carry all their transactions -overseas and which of them have to do one half of them overland. These -latter are only the Trobriand districts mentioned in the previous -Chapter and the districts in Dobu.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div20.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">This exhausts all the peculiarities of the Kula in -Kitava except one, and that a very important one. It has been mentioned -before, in fact it is obvious from the account of the <i lang= -"kij">uvalaku</i> custom that the Kula does not run with an even flow, -but in violent gushes. Thus the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition -from Dobu described in <a href="#ch16">Chapter XVI</a> carried about -800 pairs of armshells from Boyowa. Such sudden rushes of the Kula -articles are associated with an important institution, which is not -known in the Trobriands or in Dobu, but which we find in Kitava and -further along the Ring, as far as Tubetube (see <a href="#map5">Map -V</a>). When a man dies, custom imposes a taboo upon the inhabitants of -that village. This means that no one on a visit is received in the -village, and no Kula articles are given away from there. The community -lying under the taboo, however, expect to receive as many Kula gifts as -possible, and busy themselves in that matter. After a certain time, a -big ceremony and distribution of goods, called <i lang= -"kij">so’i</i> is held, and invitations are sent out to all the -Kula partners, and, in the case of a big affair, even to people from -districts beyond the boundary of partnership. A big distribution of -food takes place in which all the guests receive their share, and then -the Kula valuables are given in great quantities to the partners of -that community.</p> -<p>The association of taboo on economic goods with mourning is a -wide-spread feature of the Melanesian customs in New Guinea. I found it -among the Mailu on the South Coast of New Guinea, where a taboo, called -<i lang="kij">gora</i>, is put on coco-nuts as one of the features of -mourning.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20863src" href="#xd26e20863" name= -"xd26e20863src">4</a> The same institution, as we saw, obtains in Dobu. -Similar taboos are to be found among the Southern Massim.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e20866src" href="#xd26e20866" name= -"xd26e20866src">5</a></p> -<p>The importance of such economic taboos at times of mourning is due -to another wide-spread association, that <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb490" href="#pb490" name="pb490">490</a>]</span>namely which obtains -between mourning and feasts, or, more correctly, distributions of food, -which are made at intervals during a more or less prolonged period -after a person’s death. An especially big feast, or rather -distribution, is made at the end of the period, and on this occasion -the accumulated goods, usually coco-nut, betel-nut and pigs, are -distributed. Death among all the coastal natives of Eastern New Guinea -causes a great and permanent disturbance in the equilibrium of tribal -life. On the one hand, there is the stemming of the normal flow of -economic consumption. On the other hand, an innumerable series of -rites, ceremonies and festive distributions, which one and all create -all sorts of reciprocal obligations, take up the best part of the -energy, attention and time of the natives for a period of a few months, -or a couple of years according to the importance of the dead. The -immense social and economic upheaval which occurs after each death is -one of the most salient features of the culture of these natives, and -one also which on its surface strikes us as enigmatic and which entices -into all sorts of speculations and reflections. What makes the problem -still more obscure and complex is the fact that all these taboos, -feasts, and rites have nothing whatever to do, in the belief of the -natives, with the spirit of the deceased. This latter has gone at once -and settled definitely in another world, entirely oblivious of what -happens in the villages and especially of what is done in memory of his -former existence.</p> -<p>The <i lang="kij">so’i</i> (distribution of food) as found in -Kitava is the final act in a long series of minor distributions. What -distinguishes it from its Boyowan counterparts and the similar -ceremonies among the other Massim, is the accumulation of Kula goods. -In this case, as we have said, the taboo extends also to the valuables. -Immediately after death has occurred in a village, a large stick is -placed on the reef in front of its landing beach, and a conch shell is -tied to it. This is a sign that no visitors will be received who come -to ask for Kula goods. Besides this, a taboo is also imposed on -coco-nut, betel-nut and pigs.</p> -<p>These details, as well as the following ones, I received from an -intelligent and reliable Kitavan informant, who has settled in -Sinaketa. He told me that according to the importance of the death, and -the speed with which the goods were accumulating after a year or so, -word would be sent round to all the partners and <i lang= -"kij">muri-muri</i> (partners once removed). <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb491" href="#pb491" name="pb491">491</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“When all are assembled,” my informant -told me, “the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (distribution) begins. -They <i lang="kij">sagali</i> first <i lang="kij">kaulo</i> (yam food), -then <i lang="kij">bulukwa</i> (pig). When pig is plentiful it would be -given in halves; when not, it will be quartered. A big heap of yam -food, of coco-nut, betel-nut, and banana would be placed for each -canoe. Side by side with this row, a row of pig meat would be placed. -One man calls out for the yam heaps, another for the pig-meat; the name -of each canoe is called out. If it were a whole pig, they would say, -‘<i lang="kij">To’uluwa kam visibala!</i>’ -(To’uluwa, your whole pig)! Otherwise they would call out, -‘<i lang="kij">Mililuta, kami bulukwa!</i>’ (Men of Liluta, -your pig). And again, ‘<i lang="kij">Mililuta, kami -gogula!</i>’ (Men of Liluta, your heap). They take it, take their -heap to their canoe. There, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> (master of -the canoe) would make another small <i lang="kij">sagali</i>. Those, -who live near by, singe their meat, and carry it home in their canoes. -Those who live far away, roast the pig, and eat it on the -beach.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>It will be noted that the supreme chief’s name would be -uttered when his and his companion’s share is allotted. With the -shares of men of less importance, the name of the village is called -out. As on all such occasions, the strangers do not eat their food in -public, and even its re-distribution is done in the privacy of their -camping place near the canoe.</p> -<p>After the distribution of the food, and of course before this is -taken away by the parties, the master of the <i lang= -"kij">so’i</i> goes into his house and takes out a specially good -piece of valuable. With a blast of the conch shell, he gives it to the -most distinguished of his partners present. Others follow his example, -and soon the village is filled with conch shell blasts, and all the -members of the community are busy presenting gifts to their partners. -First, the initial gifts (<i lang="kij">vaga</i>) are given, and only -after this is over, such valuables as have been due of old to their -partners, and which have to be given as clinching gifts (<i lang= -"kij">yotile</i>) are handed over.</p> -<p>After the whole public distribution is finished and the guests have -gone, the members of the sub-clan who organised it, at sunset make a -small distribution of their own, called <i lang="kij">kaymelu</i>. With -that the <i lang="kij">so’i</i> and the whole period of mourning -and of consecutive distributions, is over. I have said before that this -account of the <i lang="kij">so’i</i> has been obtained only -through the statements of several informants, one especially very clear -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb492" href="#pb492" name= -"pb492">492</a>]</span>and reliable. But it has not been checked by -personal observation, and as is always the case with such material, -there is no guarantee of its being complete.</p> -<p>From the point of view in which it interests us, however, that is, -in connection with the Kula, the outstanding fact is well established; -a mortuary taboo temporarily holds up the flow of Kula goods, and a big -quantity of valuables thus dammed up, is suddenly let loose by the -<i lang="kij">so’i</i> and spreads in a big wave along the -circuit. The big wave of armshells, for instance, which travelled along -and was taken up by the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition of the -Dobuans, was the ripple of a <i lang="kij">so’i</i> feast, held -one or two months previously at full moon in Yanabwa, a village of -Woodlark Island. When I was leaving Boyowa, in September, 1918, a -mortuary taboo was in force in the Island of Yeguma, or Egum, as it is -pronounced in the Eastern district (the Alcester Islands of the map). -Kwaywaya, the chief of Kitava whom I met on his visit in Sinaketa, told -me that the people of Yeguma had sent him a sprouting coco-nut, with -the message: “When its leaves develop, we shall <i lang= -"kij">sagali</i> (make the distribution).” They had kept a -coco-nut at the same stage of development in their village, and sent -others to to all the neighbouring communities. This would give a first -approach in fixing the date, which would be appointed more precisely -when the feast was close at hand.</p> -<p>The custom of associating the <i lang="kij">so’i</i> with Kula -is practised as far as Tubetube. In Dobu, there is no distribution of -valuables at the mortuary feast. They have there another custom, -however; at the final mortuary distribution, they like to adorn -themselves with armshells and necklaces of the Kula—a custom -entirely foreign to the Trobrianders. In Dobu therefore, an approaching -mortuary feast also tends to dam up the valuables<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e20964" title="Not in source">,</span> which<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e20967" title="Not in source">,</span> after its performance<a id= -"xd26e20970" name="xd26e20970"></a> will ebb away in two waves of -<i lang="kij">mwali</i> and <i lang="kij">so’ulava</i> along both -branches of the Kula. But they have no custom of distributing these -valuables during the final mortuary feast, and therefore the release of -the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> would not be as sudden as in a -<i lang="kij">so’i</i>.</p> -<p>The same word—<i lang="kij">so’i</i>—is used to -denote the mortuary festivities over a wide area in the country of the -Massim. Thus, the natives of Bonabona and Su’a’u, on the -South Coast of New Guinea celebrate annually in November to January -festivities, associated with dancing, gifts of pigs, the building of -new houses, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb493" href="#pb493" name= -"pb493">493</a>]</span>the erection of a platform and several other -features. These feasts, which are held in an inter-connected series -each year in several different localities, I had opportunities, as -mentioned before, to see in three places, but not to study. Whether -they are associated with some form of exchange of valuables I do not -know. Mortuary feasts in other districts of the Massim are also called -<i lang="kij">so’i</i>.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20996src" -href="#xd26e20996" name="xd26e20996src">6</a> What is the relation -between these feasts and those of the Northern Massim I am unable to -say.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20999src" href="#xd26e20999" name= -"xd26e20999src">7</a></p> -<p>These considerations bring us more and more to the point, where the -two branches of the Kula which we have been following up from the -Trobriands Southwards and Eastwards bend back again and meet. On this -remaining part of the Kula, on which my information, however, is -scanty, a few words will be said in the next Chapter. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb494" href="#pb494" name="pb494">494</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20651" href="#xd26e20651src" name="xd26e20651">1</a></span> I -have not seen the site of Suloga myself. Interesting details are to be -found in “The Melanesians” of Professor Seligman, who -visited the spot himself, and who has collected a number of specimens -in the locality, as well as many data about the production of the -blades. <i>Op. cit</i>., pp. 530–533. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e20651src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20713" href="#xd26e20713src" name="xd26e20713">2</a></span> Cf. -<i>Op. cit</i>., pp. 670–672. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e20713src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20786" href="#xd26e20786src" name="xd26e20786">3</a></span> Op. -cit., description of the Walaga feast, pp. -594–603. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e20786src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20863" href="#xd26e20863src" name="xd26e20863">4</a></span> See -the Author’s Memoir in the Transactions of the Royal Society of -S. Australia. “The Natives of Mailu,” pp. -580–588. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e20863src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20866" href="#xd26e20866src" name="xd26e20866">5</a></span> Cf. -Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., Chapter XLIV. <a class= -"fnarrow" href="#xd26e20866src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20996" href="#xd26e20996src" name="xd26e20996">6</a></span> Cf. -Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., p. 584. <a class="fnarrow" -href="#xd26e20996src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e20999" href="#xd26e20999src" name="xd26e20999">7</a></span> The -ethnographic researches at present carried on in Su’a’u by -Mr. W. E. Armstrong, of Cambridge, will no doubt throw light on this -subject. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e20999src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch21" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e917">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XXI</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Remaining Branches and Offshoots of the Kula</h2> -<div id="div21.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">I</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In this chapter the ring of the Kula has to be closed -by a description of its remaining portions. It will also be found -indispensable to speak about its offshoots, that is, the trade and the -expeditions, regularly carried on from certain points of the ring to -outlying places. We have come across such offshoots already, when we -realised that the Western Trobriands, especially the village of -Kavataria, and the settlements on the island of Kayleula make non-Kula -trading expeditions to the islands of Fergusson and Goodenough. Such -expeditions would naturally belong to a full picture of the Kula, with -its various associations. This is even more the case, as this lateral -trade is associated with the import and export of some of the Kula -valuables in and out of the ring.</p> -<p>We have brought the description of our Southern expedition as far as -Dawson Straits, and on the Eastern route, we reached Woodlark Island in -the last chapter. We have to link up these two points. The saying, that -a chain is not stronger than its weakest link does not, let us hope, -apply to Ethnology. For indeed my knowledge of the remaining links of -the Kula chain is far less complete than that contained in the previous -chapters. Fortunately, what has been said there, remains true and -valid, whatever might happen in the South-Eastern portion of the Kula. -And again, there is no doubt that the fundamentals of the transaction -are identical all over the ring, though some variations in detail -probably occur. I had the opportunity of questioning informants from -almost every place in the Kula, and the similarity of the main outlines -is established beyond a doubt. Moreover, the information about some -aspect of trade in the Southern Massim district contained in Professor -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb495" href="#pb495" name= -"pb495">495</a>]</span>Seligman’s book, entirely, though -indirectly, corroborates my results. But it is necessary to state -emphatically and explicitly that the data given in this chapter are not -in the same category as the rest of the information contained in this -book. The latter was obtained from natives among whom I lived, and the -bulk of it has been controlled and verified by personal experiences and -observations (compare <a href="#table1">Table I</a> in the -Introduction). The material referring to the South Eastern branch was -obtained by cursory examination of natives from that district, whom I -met abroad, not in their own country, whilst I have not been in any of -the places between Woodlark Island and Dobu.</p> -<p>Starting at Woodlark Island, and keeping <a href="#map5">Map V</a> -before our eyes—we come at once on to an interesting ramification -of the Kula. To the East of Woodlark, lies the coral group of the -Loughlans, inhabited by natives speaking the same language as in -Woodlark. They are in the ring, but it seems to be a <i lang= -"fr">cul-de-sac</i> Kula, for as I was told, the valuables, which go -there<span class="corr" id="xd26e21030" title="Not in source">,</span> -return again to Woodlark. This is quite an unusual complication, a kind -of eddy in the otherwise progressive current. I could not ascertain -whether the difficulty is solved by the districts being sub-divided, a -small ring being formed within it, and each class of articles moving on -it in an opposite direction; or whether some other arrangement has been -adopted. Again, one of my informants told me that some of the <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> went directly from the Loughlans South to -Misima, but I was unable to verify this statement and this whole part -of the Kula must remain with a sketchy outline.</p> -<p>Whatever might be the routes on which the Kula articles travel South -from Woodlark Island, there is no doubt whatever that they all, or -almost all, converge in the important commercial centre of Tubetube. -This small island, according to Professor Seligman, is not even -self-supporting as far as food goes; nor are they a greatly industrial -community. They are to a great extent engaged in trade, and probably -gain part of their support from this activity. “Tubetube has -become a trading community, whose inhabitants are recognised as traders -and middlemen over a very considerable area, extending westwards -… to Rogea and eastward to Murua.”<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21038src" href="#xd26e21038" name="xd26e21038src">1</a> Tubetube -is known even in the Trobriands as one of the crucial points of the -Kula, and it is well known that, whatever happens in <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb496" href="#pb496" name="pb496">496</a>]</span>the -small island in the way of mortuary taboos and big feasts will affect -the flow of valuables in Boyowa.</p> -<p>There is no doubt whatever that Tubetube had direct relations with -Murua (to use the Tubetube pronunciation of the native name for -Woodlark Island) to the North-East, and with Dobu to the North-West. I -saw a canoe from the small island beached at Dobu, and in Woodlark I -was told that men from Tubetube used to come there from time to time. -Professor Seligman also describes in detail the manner and the stages -of their sailings to Woodlark Island:</p> -<p>“Their trade route to Murua … was, as they made it, -about 120–135 miles. They would usually go during the monsoon, -and come back on the trade, as those winds served their itinerary best. -Presuming that wind and weather served them throughout the passage, -they slept the first night on an island called Ore, a couple of miles -or so from Dawson Island. The next night they made Panamoti, the third -night they slept at Tokunu (the Alcesters), and by the fourth night, -they might reach Murua.”<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21050src" -href="#xd26e21050" name="xd26e21050src">2</a> This description reminds -us very much of the route on which we previously had followed the -Sinaketans to Dobu—the same short stages with intermediate -camping on sandbanks or islands, the same taking advantage of -favourable following winds.</p> -<div class="figure pl64width" id="pl64"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl64width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LXIV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl64.jpg" alt="Nagega Canoe." width="720" height= -"426"> -<p class="figureHead">Nagega Canoe.</p> -<p>This type of canoe is manufactured by the North Eastern Massim and -it is used in the South Eastern branch of the Kula. (See <a href= -"#div21.1">Div. I</a> and <a href="#div5.4">Ch. V, Div. IV</a>.)</p> -</div> -<p>From Kitava Eastward as far as Tubetube, a different type of canoe -was used, the <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, mentioned already in <a href= -"#div5.4">Chapter V, Division IV</a>. As we saw there, it was very much -the same in principles of construction as the Trobriand canoe, but it -was bigger, of a greater carrying capacity, and more seaworthy. It was -at the same time slower, but had one great advantage over the swifter -counterpart; having more waterboard, it made less leeway in its -sailing, and could be sailed against the wind. It would thus allow the -natives to cross distances and to face changes in the weather, either -of which would compel the frailer and swifter canoe of Dobu and -Kiriwina to turn back.</p> -<p>To the Northern shores of Normanby Island (Du’a’u) and -to Dobu, the men of Tubetube would sail with the S.E. trade wind and -return with the blow of the monsoon. According to Professor Seligman, -such a trip to Dobu would take them also about four days, under the -most favourable conditions.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21080src" href= -"#xd26e21080" name="xd26e21080src">3</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb497" href="#pb497" name="pb497">497</a>]</span></p> -<p>Thus, one fundamental fact can be regarded as definitely -established; the main centre of the Kula in its South-Eastern branch, -was the small island of Tubetube. And this island was in direct -communication with two points to which we have followed the Kula in two -directions, starting from the Trobriands; that is, with Dobu and with -Woodlark Island.</p> -<p>On points of detail, some queries must be left unsolved. Were the -visits returned by the Dobuans and Muruans? According to all -probability, yes, but I possess no definite certainty on this -point.</p> -<p>Another question is whether the natives of Tubetube were direct -partners of Murua or Dobu. We have seen that natives of Kiriwina sail -not infrequently to Iwa, Gawa, Kwayawata and even to Woodlark; yet they -are not partners (<i lang="kij">karayta’u</i>) of these natives, -but partners once removed (<i lang="kij">murimuri</i>). I have definite -information that the natives of Dobu Island proper and of -Du’a’u, who, as we remember are not partners of the -Southern Boyowans, stood in direct relation of partnership to the -Tubetube. I believe also that the natives of Woodlark made direct Kula -exchange with those of Tubetube.</p> -<p>The fact, however, that there is a direct line of communication -between Murua-Tubetube-Dobu does not preclude the possibility of other -and more complex routes running parallel with the direct one. Indeed, I -know that the island of Wari, (Teste Island) lying almost due South of -Tubetube is also in the Kula. The big island of Misima (St. Aignan -Island) about a hundred miles East of Tubetube forms also part of the -ring. Thus a much wider circle runs from Woodlark Island, perhaps from -the Loughlans through Misima, the neighbouring small island of -Panayati, Wari, and further West, through the group of islands quite -close to the East end of New Guinea, that is, the islands of Sariba, -Roge’a, and Basilaki, and then northwards again towards Normanby -Island. This duplicated circuit in the South-East has its North-Western -counterpart in the double ramification which unites Kitava with Dobu. -The short route runs direct from Kitava to Vakuta and from Vakuta to -Dobu. Besides this, however, there are several longer ones. In one of -them the stages are as follows: Kitava, Okayaulo, or Kitava, Wawela, -thence Sinaketa, then Dobu direct; or <i>via</i> the Amphletts. Another -and still wider ramification would run thus: Kitava, to Kiriwina, -Kiriwina to Sinaketa, etc.; or, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb498" -href="#pb498" name="pb498">498</a>]</span>the widest, Kiriwina to -western Boyowa, then Kayleula, thence Amphletts, and from there to -Dobu. This last route was not only longest in distance, but owing to -the notorious ‘hardness’ of both the natives of Kayleula -and of the Amphletts, would take up much more time. A glance at Map V, -and also at the more detailed map of the Trobriands (<a href= -"#map4">Map IV</a>) will make all this clear.</p> -<p>A more detailed knowledge of the North-Western routes allowed us to -see the complications and irregularities obtaining there; that the -district of Western Boyowa carried on exclusively the inland Kula, and -that merely in the person of a few headmen of a few villages; that -Kayleula made Kula on a small scale with the communities in the -Amphletts, and that all these, as well as the villages on the Eastern -shore of Southern Boyowa, were what we described as semi-independent -Kula communities. Such details and peculiarities no doubt also exist -with regard to the South-Eastern ramifications of the Kula, but must be -taken here for granted.</p> -<p>Following the various threads further on, I have no doubt that the -islands lying near the East end of New Guinea—Roge’a, -Sariba, Basilaki—are and were in olden days in the Kula ring, -communicating in the East with Tubetube and Wari, while to the North -they were in contact with the natives of Normanby Island. Whether the -large village complex lying at East Cape was also in the Kula I cannot -definitely say. In any case all the strands led to the Eastern shores -of Dawson Straits, by way of the North-Eastern shores of Normanby -Island. From here, from the district of Dobu, we have traced the -further lines with complete exactness and detail.</p> -<p>Of the various details of these expeditions and technicalities of -the Kula observed in them, I have not much material available. The -rules of actual exchange, the ceremonial of conch blowing, the code of -honour or morality or vanity, perhaps, compelling people to give -equivalent articles for what they have received, all these are the same -all along the ring. So is also the Kula magic, with variations in -details.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div21.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">II</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">One subject on which more must be said is that of the -associated trade. A new and important article of exchange accompanies -the transaction in the South-Eastern branch of <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb499" href="#pb499" name="pb499">499</a>]</span>the -Kula: the big, sea-going canoes. The main centres of manufacture, and -to a great extent manufacture for export, were the islands of Gawa and -Panayati. In these places, canoes were constructed for export to the -southern districts where the natives did not know how to build such -canoes (compare <a href="#div1.3">Chapter I, Division III</a>). In -olden days the natives of Woodlark Island, before its present -depopulation, also probably made some canoes for exchange in external -trade. I have seen these canoes owned by natives in the Southern Massim -district as far as Orangerie Bay, over two hundred miles from the place -where they were manufactured. The trading of this article ran along -with the Kula lines of communication as there is no doubt that the -natives of Tubetube and Wari were the main distributors and middlemen -in this trade.</p> -<p>How far canoe exchange was associated directly with Kula -transactions, I cannot say definitely. Judging from the data given by -Professor Seligman,<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21128src" href= -"#xd26e21128" name="xd26e21128src">4</a> armshells were paid by natives -of Tubetube for canoes purchased from Panamoti in the North. Thus, the -<i lang="kij">mwali</i> in this commercial transaction, travelled in a -direction opposite to that in which they must move in the Kula ring. -This, again, suggests complete independence of the two transactions. -Besides the canoes, another important article of trade in the southern -portion are the clay pots manufactured both in Tubetube and Wari. -Besides this, the two islands of “merchant venturers,” as -they are called by Professor Seligman, carry on their Kula expeditions, -and most likely independent of them also, they trade almost all the -various articles of industry manufactured in the neighbouring districts -and distributed by the two communities. This subject has been treated -so fully by Professor Seligman in Chapter XL of his -“Melanesians” that a reference here will suffice.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e21137src" href="#xd26e21137" name= -"xd26e21137src">5</a></p> -<p>Having now before us the whole ring of the Kula, we may inquire how -far is this ring in contact commercially with other outlying districts, -and, more especially, how far are certain <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb500" href="#pb500" name="pb500">500</a>]</span>articles of trade -imported into it and others drawn out of it? What will interest us most -in this connection is the entry into the ring and the exit out of it of -the articles of Kula proper, the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshells) -and the <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklaces).</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div21.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">III</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">One such offshoot of the Kula ring we met in the -Trobriands, to wit, the expeditions from the Western village of -Kavataria, and from the island of Kayleula, to the Koya of Fergusson -and Goodenough. We shall begin with a brief account of these -expeditions.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21161src" href="#xd26e21161" -name="xd26e21161src">6</a> The preparations are very much the same, as -in Sinaketa. The canoes are built with more or less the same magic (cf. -<a href="#ch5">Chapter V</a>), they are launched ceremonially and the -trial run, the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i>, also takes place (<a href= -"#ch6">Chapter VI</a>). The island of Kayleula is by far the more -important centre of canoe building. Whether some of the Kavataria -canoes were not actually made in Kayleula and purchased by the -Kavatarians in olden days, I do not definitely know, though I think -this was the case. Nowadays, the community of Kavataria are completely -absorbed by the pearling industry, and since about a generation ago -have given up the expeditions, and even do not own any canoes. The -collecting of trade articles, the magic performed over the <i lang= -"kij">lilava</i>, the <i lang="kij">yawarapu</i>, and the <i lang= -"kij">sulumwoya</i> are the same as those described before (<a href= -"#ch7">Chapter VII</a>) except, that is, that there exists a different -system of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> in the island of Kayleula, a system -which was used also by the Kavatarians. It must be remembered in this -connection that <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb501" href="#pb501" -name="pb501">501</a>]</span>the natives of Kayleula did make Kula on a -small scale with the Amphlettans, and that their <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> was connected with the Kula.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21198src" href="#xd26e21198" name="xd26e21198src">7</a> But the -main object of the Kavatarian and Kayleulan <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> -was their non-Kula trade with the natives of Fergusson and Goodenough. -This is quite clear from Mr. Gilmour’s account, and it was also -corroborated by my informants. They told me that the <i lang= -"kij">mwasila</i> is done because of the <i lang= -"kij">kavaylu’a</i> (fine food) that is, of the sago and -betel-nut and pigs, the main objects of their expedition:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“If they (the Western Boyowans) would not make -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, they (the Western d’Entrecasteaux -natives) would fight them. They are foolish men, the people of the -Koya, not like people of Dobu, who are human beings. Those in the Koya -are wild, eaters of man. If they (Kavataria and Kayleula) would make no -<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, they would refuse them betel-nut, refuse -them sago.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The sailing is characterised by the priority enjoyed by the Kulutula -clan, who, as we have seen in a previous chapter (<a href= -"#div9.3">Chapter IX, Division III</a>) sail ahead and have the -privilege of landing first on any beach, on which they stop. On -arrival, they perform the beauty magic, and sailing towards the beach, -the magic of “shaking the mountain” is also recited. In the -Koya, the transactions resemble to a certain extent those of the Kula. -As my informant said:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“When they anchor, first of all they give the -<i lang="kij">pari</i>; they give combs, lime pots, wooden dishes, lime -spatulæ, plenty of <i lang="kij">gugu’a</i> (objects of -use). At the <i lang="kij">talo’i</i> (farewell gifts) this will -be repaid.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>The following transaction, the main trade, is carried on as <i lang= -"kij">gimwali</i>. The natives of the Koya would bring the sago, or the -betel-nut, put it on the beach near the canoes and say:</p> -<blockquote> -<div class="body"> -<div class="div1 chapter"> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">“I want a <i lang="kij">beku</i> (ceremonial axe -blade).” And here my informants were positive that real -bargaining would take place. “If they give us an insufficient -quantity, we <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb502" href="#pb502" name= -"pb502">502</a>]</span>expostulate, then they bring another portion. -They would go to the village, fetch some more goods, return and give it -to us<span class="corr" id="xd26e21263" title="Source: ,">.</span> If -it is enough, we give him the <i lang="kij">beku</i>.”</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</blockquote> -<p>Thus the barter would be carried on till the visitors had exhausted -their stock in trade and received as much from the local natives as -they could.</p> -<p>These expeditions are interesting in that we see the same type of -magic and a number of similar customs, as in the Kula, associated with -ordinary trading expeditions. I am not certain about the nature of -partnership obtaining in these trading relations, except that Kavataria -and Kayleula have their own districts each with whom they trade.</p> -<p>As said already, the main objects for which they make these distant -trips are sago, betel-nut, pig; also the various feathers, especially -those of the cassowary and the red parrot; rattan-cane belts; plaited -fibre belts; obsidian; fine sand for polishing axe blades; red ochre; -<span class="corr" id="xd26e21276" title= -"Source: pummice">pumice</span> stone; and other products of the jungle -and of the volcanic mountains. For that, they exported to the Koya, to -mention the most valuable first, armshells, the valuable axe blades, -boars’ tusks and imitations; and, of lesser value, wooden dishes, -combs, lime pots, armlets, baskets, <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> creeper, -mussel shells and lime spatulæ of ebony. Spondylus shell -necklaces were not exported to the Koya.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div21.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">IV</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Another important activity of the two districts of -Kavataria and Kayleula is their production of armshells. As Sinaketa -and Vakuta are the only two places in the Trobriands where spondylus -discs are made, so Kavataria and Kayleula are the only localities where -the natives fished for the large <i lang="la">Conus millepunctatus</i> -shell, and made out of it the ornaments so highly valued yet so seldom -used. The main reason for the exclusive monopoly, held by these two -places in the manufacture of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, is the inertia of -custom and usage which traditionally assigns to them this sort of -fishing and manufacture. For the shells are scattered all over the -Lagoon, nor is the fishing and diving for them more difficult than any -of the pursuits practised by all the Lagoon villages. Only the -communities mentioned, however, carry it on, and they only are in -possession of a system of elaborate magic, at least as complex as that -of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb503" -href="#pb503" name="pb503">503</a>]</span></p> -<p>The actual manufacturing of the armshells presents also no -difficulties. The ornament is made out of a belt of the shell cut out -nearest to its base. With a stone, the natives knock out the circular -base along the rim, and they also knock a circle at some distance from -the base and parallel to it, by which the broad band of shell is -severed, from which the ornament is to be made. It has then to be -polished, and this is done on the outside by rubbing off the soft -calcareous surface on a flat sandstone. The interior is polished off -with a long, cylindrical stone.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21299src" -href="#xd26e21299" name="xd26e21299src">8</a></p> -<p>It was the custom in Kavataria that when a man found a fine Conus -shell, he would give it to his wife’s brother as a <i lang= -"kij">youlo</i> present, who in turn would send the finder a return -present of food, such as specially fine yams, bananas, betel-nut, and -also a pig if it were an especially fine shell. He then would work out -the shell for himself. This arrangement is a pendant to the one -described with reference to Sinaketa, where a man would fish as well as -work out a necklace for one of his wife’s kinsmen.</p> -<p>An even more interesting custom obtains in Kayleula. A pair of -shells would be fished and broken in one of the villages of that -island, or in one of its small sister islands, Kuyawa and Manuwata. In -this unfinished state, as a band of coarse shell, called as such -<i lang="kij">makavayna</i>, it is then brought to the Amphletts, and -there given as a Kula gift. The Gumasila man, who receives the shells, -will then polish them up, and in that state again <i lang= -"kij">kula</i> them to Dobu. The Dobuan who receives them then bores -holes in the side, where one rim overlaps the other (clearly to be seen -on <a href="#pl16">Plate XVI</a>) and attaches there the ornaments of -black, wild banana seeds, and spondylus discs. Thus, only after it has -travelled some one hundred miles and passed through two stages of the -Kula, has the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> received its proper shape and -final outfit.</p> -<p>In this manner does a new-born Kula article enter into the ring, -taking shape as it goes through its first few stages, and at the same -time, if it is a specially fine specimen, it is christened <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb504" href="#pb504" name="pb504">504</a>]</span>by -its maker. Some of the names express simply local associations. Thus, a -celebrated pair of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, of which the shell was -found not long ago by a Kavataria man near the island of Nanoula, is -named after that place. It may be added that, in each pair there is -always a ‘right’ and a ‘left’ one, the first -the bigger and more important of the two, and it is after that the name -is given. Of course, they never are found at the same time, but if a -man has succeeded in obtaining a specially fine specimen, he will be -busy trying to find its slightly inferior companion, or some of his -relatives-in-law, friends or kinsmen will give him one. -‘Nanoula’ is one of the most celebrated pairs, and it was -known all over the Trobriands, at that moment, that it was soon to come -to Kitava, and the general interest hung round the question who was -going to get it in Boyowa. A pair called ‘Sopimanuwata,’ -which means, ‘water of Manuwata’ was found in olden days by -a man of that island close to its shores. Another famous pair, made in -Kayleula, was called ‘Bulivada,’ after a fish of this name. -The larger shell of this pair was found, according to tradition, -broken, with a hole near its apex. When they brought it to the surface -they found a small <i lang="kij">bulivada</i> fish which had taken up -its abode in the shell. Another pair was called ‘Gomane -ikola,’ which means ‘it is entangled in a net,’ as, -according to the story, it was brought up in a net. There are many -other celebrated <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, the names of which are so -familiar that boys and girls are named after them. But the majority of -the names cannot be traced as to their origins.</p> -<p>Another point at which the armshells enter into the ring is Woodlark -Island. I do not know for certain, but I believe that the industry is -quite or almost extinct now in that island. In the olden days, Murua -probably was quite as productive a centre of this manufacture as the -Trobriands, and in these latter though Kayleula and the Western islands -fish and work the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> as much as ever, the natives -of Kavataria are almost entirely out of it, busy all the time diving -for pearls. Both the main places of origin of the armshells, therefore, -are within the Kula ring. After they are made, or, as we saw in -Kayleula, in the process of making, they enter the circulation. Their -entry into the ring is not accompanied by any special rite or custom, -and indeed it does not differ from an ordinary act of exchange. If the -man who found the shell and made the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb505" href="#pb505" name= -"pb505">505</a>]</span>were not in the Kula himself, as might happen in -Kavataria or Kayleula, he would have a relative, a brother-in-law, or a -head man to whom he would give it in the form of one or other of the -many gifts and payments obligatory in this society.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="div21.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h3 class="main">V</h3> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Let us follow the ring of the Kula, noticing its -commercial side tracks, of which so far we only described the trading -routes of Kavataria and Kayleula. To the Eastward, the section from -Kitava to Woodlark Island is the one big portion of the Kula from which -no lateral offshoots issue, and on which all the trade follows the same -routes as the Kula. The other branch, of which I have got a good -knowledge, that from the Trobriands to Dobu, has the commercial -relations of which I have just spoken. The Amphletts, as described in -<a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a> trade with the natives of Fergusson -Island. The Dobuan-speaking natives from Tewara, Sanaroa, and the -Dawson Straits make exchange, though perhaps not on a very big scale, -with the inland natives of Fergusson. The Dobuan-speaking communities -on Normanby Island, and the natives of Du’a’u, on the -Northern coast of Normanby, all of whom are in the Kula, trade with the -other natives of Normanby Island who are not in the ring, and with the -natives of the mainland of New Guinea from East Cape Westwards. But, -all this trade affects little the main current of the Kula. From its -main stream, possibly some of the less valuable articles ebb away into -the jungle, which, in its turn, gives its produce to the coast.</p> -<p>The most important leakage out and into the main stream takes place -on the Southern section, mainly at Tubetube and Wari, and at some -points of lesser importance around these two main centres. The North -coast of New Guinea was connected with this district through the -seafaring community at East Cape. But this side branch is of very small -importance as regards the main articles of the Kula. It is the two -connections to East and West, at the extreme southern point of the Kula -ring, which matter most. One of them links up the South Coast of New -Guinea with the Kula ring, the other joins the ring to the big islands -of Sud-Est (Tagula) and Rossel with several adjacent small islands. -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb506" href="#pb506" name= -"pb506">506</a>]</span></p> -<p>The South Coast, going from East to West, is at first inhabited by -natives of the Massim stock, speaking the Su’a’u and -Bonabona dialects. These are in constant intercourse with the Southern -section of the Kula district, that is with the natives of Rogea, -Sariba, Basilaki, Tubetube and Wari. The Massim of the Southern coast -are again in commercial relations with the Mailu, and from this point, -a chain of trading relations unites the Eastern districts with the -Central ones, inhabited by the Motu. The Motu again as we know from -Captain Barton’s contribution to Professor Seligman’s work, -are in annual trading relations with the Gulf of Papua, so that an -article could travel from the delta of any of the Papuan rivers to -Woodlark in the Trobriands, and many things were in fact traded over -all this distance.</p> -<p>There is, however, one movement which specially interests us from -the Kula point of view, namely that of the two types of Kula valuables. -One of these articles, the armshells, travels on the South Coast from -East to West. There is no doubt that this article leaks out from the -Kula current at its Southernmost point, and is carried away towards -Port Moresby, where the value of armshells is, and was, in olden days -much higher than in the Eastern district. I found in Mailu that the -local native traders purchased, for pigs, armshells in the -Su’a’u district, and carried them West towards Aroma, Hula, -and Kerepunu. Professor Seligman, from his notes taken at Port Moresby, -informs us that Hula, Aroma, and Kerepunu import armshells into Port -Moresby. Some of these armshells, according to the same authority, -travel further West as far as the Gulf of Papua.<a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21361src" href="#xd26e21361" name="xd26e21361src">9</a></p> -<p>It was much more difficult to ascertain what was the direction in -which the spondylus shell necklaces moved on the Southern Coast. -Nowadays, the industry of making these articles, which was once very -highly developed among the Port Moresby natives is partially, though -not completely in decay. I have myself still had the opportunity of -watching the natives of Bo’era at work on the <i lang= -"kij">ageva</i>, the very small and fine shell discs, such as the very -finest <i lang="kij">bagi</i> would consist of. They were using in -their manufacture a native pump-drill with a <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb507" href="#pb507" name= -"pb507">507</a>]</span>quartz point, in a place within a few miles of a -large white settlement, in a district where white man’s influence -on a big scale has been exercised for the last fifty years. Yet, this -is only a vestige of the once extremely developed industry. My -inquiries into this subject could not be exhaustive, for when I worked -on the South Coast, I did not have the problem before me, and on my -second and third expeditions to New Guinea I only passed through Port -Moresby. But I think it may be considered certain that in olden days -the shell strings moved from Port Moresby Eastwards and were introduced -into the Kula ring, at the East end of New Guinea.</p> -<p>However this might be, unquestionable sources of this Kula article -are the islands of Sud-Est, Rossel, and the surrounding small islands. -The best spondylus shell, with the reddest colours is fished in these -seas, and the natives are expert workers of the discs, and export the -finished article to the island of Wari, and, I believe, to the islands -of Misima and Panayati. The most important articles for which the -necklaces are traded are the canoes, and the large polished axe -blades.</p> -<p>Casting now a glance at the Kula ring we see that one class of Kula -article, the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> or armshells, are produced within -the ring at two points, that is, in Woodlark Island and in Western -Boyowa. The other article, that is the <i lang="kij">soulava</i> or -<i lang="kij">bagi</i> (necklaces) are poured into the ring at its -southernmost point. One of these sources (Rossel Island) is still -active, the other (Port Moresby) most probably furnished a good supply -in olden days, but is now disconnected with the Kula ring. The -necklaces produced in Sinaketa are not the real Kula article, and -though they are sometimes exchanged they sooner or later disappear from -the ring according to a sort of Gresham’s Law, which operates -here on an article which is not money, and therefore acts in the -opposite sense! The third type of valuable which sometimes flows in the -Kula stream but is not really of it, the large green stone axe blades, -finely polished all over, are, as we know, or more correctly were, -quarried in Woodlark Island, and polished in the district of Kiriwina -in the Trobriands. Another polishing centre is, or was, I believe, the -island of Misima.</p> -<p>We see that the two sources of the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> and -<i lang="kij">soulava</i> are at the Northern and Southern ends of the -ring; the armshells being manufactured in the extreme North, the -necklaces <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb508" href="#pb508" name= -"pb508">508</a>]</span>entering at the Southern end. It is noteworthy -that on the Eastern portion of the ring, on the section -Woodlark-Boyowa-Dobu-Tubetube, the two articles travel in the natural -direction, that is, each is exported from the districts of its origin -towards one, where it is not made or procured. On the other branch, -Woodlark-Yeguma-Tubetube, the current of the Kula is inverse to a -natural, commercial movement of the articles, for here, the Tubetube -people import armshells into Murua, thus bringing coals to Newcastle, -while the Muruans bring necklaces to Tubetube and Wari, that is, to the -points at which the necklaces flow into the ring from the outside. -These considerations are important for anyone who would like to reflect -on the origins, or history of the Kula, since the natural movement of -valuables was no doubt the original one, and the Western half of the -Kula from this point of view appears to be the older.</p> -<p>But here we have come to an end of all the descriptive data -referring to the Kula, and some general remarks which I have to make -upon it, will be reserved for the next and last chapter. <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb509" href="#pb509" name="pb509">509</a>]</span></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21038" href="#xd26e21038src" name="xd26e21038">1</a></span> -Seligman. <i>Op. cit</i>., p. 524. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21038src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21050" href="#xd26e21050src" name="xd26e21050">2</a></span> -<i>Op. cit</i>., p. 538. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21050src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21080" href="#xd26e21080src" name="xd26e21080">3</a></span> -<i>Ibid</i>. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21080src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21128" href="#xd26e21128src" name="xd26e21128">4</a></span> Cf. -<i>Op. cit</i>., pp. 536–537. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21128src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21137" href="#xd26e21137src" name="xd26e21137">5</a></span> I -cannot follow Professor Seligman in his use of the word -<i>currency</i>, which is not very clearly defined by him. This word -can be correctly applied to the armshells, spondylus discs, big -polished blades of green stones, etc., only if we give it simply the -meaning of “objects” or “tokens of wealth.” -<i>Currency</i> as a rule means a medium of exchange and standard of -value, and none of the Massim valuables fulfil these -functions. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e21137src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21161" href="#xd26e21161src" name="xd26e21161">6</a></span> A -short article on this subject has been published by the Rev. M. -Gilmour, now head of the Methodist Mission in New Guinea. (Annual -Report of British New Guinea, 1904–5, p. 71.) I used this article -in the field, going over it with several natives of Kavataria, and I -found it substantially correct, and on the whole formulated with -precision. The need for extreme compression of statement has, however, -led the Author into one or two ambiguities. Thus, the constant mention -of “feasting” might give a wrong impression, for it is -always the matter of a public distribution of food, which is then eaten -apart, or in small groups, while the word “feast” suggests -eating in common. Again, the data about the “sea-chief,” as -Mr. Gilmour calls the leader of the privileged clan in Kavataria (cf. -<a href="#div9.3">Chapter IX, Division III</a>), seemed to me -over-stated, when he is said to be “supreme,” to have -“the right of determining an expedition,” and especially -when it is said that he “had the right of first choice of a -canoe.” This latter phrase must involve a misunderstanding; as we -saw, each sub-clan (that is, each sub-division of the village) build -their own canoe, and a subsequent swapping and free choice are out of -the question. Mr. Gilmour was fully acquainted with the facts of the -Kula, as I learnt from personal conversation. In this article, he -mentions it only in one phrase, saying that some of the expeditions -“were principally concerned in the exchange of the circulated -articles of native wealth … in which trade was only a secondary -consideration.” <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21161src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21198" href="#xd26e21198src" name="xd26e21198">7</a></span> Mr. -Gilmour’s statement to the contrary namely that “the trips -from the West—Kavataria and Kaileuna—were pure trading -expeditions” (<i>loc. cit</i>.)—is incorrect. First, I am -inclined to think that some of the Kavataria men did make the Kula in -the Amphletts, where they always stopped on their way South, but this -might have been only on a very small scale, and entirely overshadowed -by the main object of the expedition, which was the trade with the -Southern Koya. Secondly, as to the natives of Kayleula, I am certain -that they made the Kula, from conclusive data collected both in the -Trobriands and in the Amphletts. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21198src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21299" href="#xd26e21299src" name="xd26e21299">8</a></span> I -have given a more detailed description of this process which I had -often opportunities to observe among the Mailu on the South coast. I -never saw the making of an armshell in the Trobriands, but the two -processes are identical according to detailed information which I -obtained. (Compare the monograph on “The Natives of Mailu” -by the Author, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. -Australia, 1915, pp. 643–644.<span class="corr" id="xd26e21301" -title="Not in source">)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21299src">↑</a></p> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21361" href="#xd26e21361src" name="xd26e21361">9</a></span> Both -statements of Professor Seligman in the “Melanesians” (p. -89) are in entire agreement with the information I obtained among the -Mailu. See Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, 1915, pp. -620–629. <a class="fnarrow" href= -"#xd26e21361src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch22" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e933">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">Chapter XXII</h2> -<h2 class="main">The Meaning of the Kula</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We have been following the various routes and -ramifications of the Kula, entering minutely and meticulously into its -rules and customs., its beliefs and practices, and the mythological -tradition spun round it, till, arriving at the end of our information, -we have made its two ends meet. We shall now put aside the magnifying -glass of detailed examination and look from a distance at the subject -of our inquiry, take in the whole institution with one glance, let it -assume a definite shape before us. This shape will perhaps strike us as -being something unusual, something not met before in ethnological -studies. It will be well to make an attempt at finding its place among -the other subjects of systematic ethnology, at gauging its -significance, at assessing how much we have learned by becoming -acquainted with it.</p> -<p>After all there is no value in isolated facts for science, however -striking and novel they might seem in themselves. Genuine scientific -research differs from mere curio-hunting in that the latter runs after -the quaint, singular and freakish—the craving for the sensational -and the mania of collecting providing its twofold stimulus. Science on -the other hand has to analyse and classify facts in order to place them -in an organic whole, to incorporate them in one of the systems in which -it tries to group the various aspects of reality.</p> -<p>I shall not, of course enter upon any speculations or add any -hypothetical assumptions to the empirical data contained in the -foregoing chapters. I shall confine myself to some reflections on the -most general aspect of the institution, and try to express somewhat -more clearly what to me appears the mental attitude at the bottom of -the various Kula customs. These general points of view ought, I think, -to be considered and tested in further field-work done on subjects akin -to the Kula <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb510" href="#pb510" name= -"pb510">510</a>]</span>as well as in theoretical research, and might -thus prove fertile for future scientific work. In this form it may be -granted that it is the privilege of the chronicler of a novel -phenomenon to pass it over to the consideration of fellow-workers; but -it is his duty as well as his privilege. For, apart from his first-hand -acquaintance with the facts—and indeed, if his account is good, -he ought to have succeeded in transferring the best part of his -knowledge to the reader—the fundamental aspects and -characteristics of an ethnographic phenomenon for being general are -none the less empirical. It is therefore the Chronicler’s task to -finish his account by a comprehensive, synthetic <i lang="fr">coup -d’œil</i> upon the institution described.</p> -<p>As said the Kula seems to be, to a certain extent, a novel type of -ethnological fact. Its novelty lies partly in the size of its -sociological and geographical extent. A big, inter-tribal relationship, -uniting with definite social bonds a vast area and great numbers of -people, binding them with definite ties of reciprocal obligations, -making them follow minute rules and observations in a concerted -manner—the Kula is a sociological mechanism of surpassing size -and complexity, considering the level of culture on which we find it. -Nor can this wide network of social co-relations and cultural -influences be considered for a moment as ephemeral, new or precarious. -For its highly developed mythology and its magical ritual show how -deeply it has taken root in the tradition of these natives and of what -ancient growth it must be.</p> -<p>Another unusual feature is the character of the transaction itself, -which is the proper substance of the Kula. A half commercial, half -ceremonial exchange, it is carried out for its own sake, in fulfilment -of a deep desire to possess. But here again, it is not ordinary -possession, but a special type, in which a man owns for a short time, -and in an alternating manner, individual specimens of two classes of -objects. Though the ownership is incomplete in point of permanency, it -is in turn enhanced in point of numbers successively possessed, and may -be called a cumulative possession.</p> -<p>Another aspect of great, perhaps the greatest, importance and which -perhaps reveals best the unusual character of the Kula is the -natives’ mental attitude towards the tokens of wealth. These -latter are neither used nor regarded as money or currency, and they -resemble these economic instruments <span class="pagenum">[<a id= -"pb511" href="#pb511" name="pb511">511</a>]</span>very little, if -indeed there is any resemblance at all, except that both money and -<i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> represent condensed wealth. <i lang= -"kij">Vaygu’a</i> is never used as medium of exchange or as -measure of value, which are the two most important functions of -currency or money. Each piece of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> of the -Kula type has one main object throughout its existence—to be -possessed and exchanged; has one main function and serves one main -purpose—to circulate round the Kula ring, to be owned and -displayed in a certain manner, of which we shall speak presently. And -the exchange which each piece of <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> -constantly undergoes is of a very special kind; limited in the -geographical direction in which it can take place, narrowly -circumscribed in the social circle of men between whom it may be done, -it is subject to all sorts of strict rules and regulations; it can -neither be described as barter, nor as simply giving and receiving of -presents, nor in any sense is it a play at exchange. In fact it is -<i lang="kij">Kula</i>, an exchange of an entirely novel type. And it -is just through this exchange, through their being constantly within -reach and the object of competitive desire, through being the means of -arousing envy and conferring social distinction and renown, that these -objects attain their high value. Indeed, they form one of the leading -interests in native life, and are one of the main items in the -inventory of their culture. Thus, one of the most important and unusual -features of the Kula is the existence of the Kula <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, the incessantly circulating and ever -exchangeable valuables, owing their value to this very circulation and -its character.</p> -<p>The acts of exchange of the valuables have to conform to a definite -code. The main tenet of this declares that the transaction is not a -bargain. The equivalence of the values exchanged is essential, but it -must be the result of the repayer’s own sense of what is due to -custom and to his own dignity. The ceremonial attached to the act of -giving, the manner of carrying and handling the <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> shows distinctly that this is regarded as -something else than mere merchandise. Indeed it is to the native -something that confers dignity, that exalts him, and which he therefore -treats with veneration and affection. Their behaviour at the -transaction, makes it clear that the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> is -regarded, not only as possessing high value, but that it is treated -also in a ritual manner, and arouses emotional reaction. This -recognition is confirmed and deepened by the <span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb512" href="#pb512" name= -"pb512">512</a>]</span>consideration of some other uses of <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i>, in which uses other valuables, such as -<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> belts and large stone blades also function, -besides the Kula articles.</p> -<p>Thus, when a malignant spirit, <i lang="kij">tauva’u</i> (see -<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>) is found in or near the -village in the shape of a snake or a land crab, some <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> is put before it ceremonially and this is not -done so much in order to bribe the spirit sacrificially by a gift as -rather to exercise a direct action on his mind, and to make it -benevolent. In the annual festive and dancing period, the <i lang= -"kij">milamala</i>, the spirits return to their villages. The Kula -valuables at that time in the hands of the community, as well as the -permanent <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, such as stone blades, -<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> belts, and <i lang="kij">doga</i> pendants, -are exhibited sacrificially to the spirits on a platform, an -arrangement and custom called <i lang="kij">yolova</i> (compare -<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>). Thus the <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> represent the most effective offering to be -given to the spirits, through which they can be put into a pleasant -state of mind; “to make their minds good,” as the -stereotyped phrase of the natives runs. In the <i lang="kij">yolova</i> -an offering is made to the spirits of what is most valued by the -living. The shadowy visitors are supposed to take the spirit or shadow -part of the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> home, and make a <i lang= -"kij">tanarere</i> of it on the beach of Tuma, just as a Kula party -make a <i lang="kij">tanarere</i> of the acquired valuables on their -home beach (cf. <a href="#div15.4">Chapter XV, Division IV</a>). In all -this there is a clear expression of the mental attitude of the natives, -who regard the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> as supremely good in -themselves, and not as convertible wealth, or as potential ornaments, -or even as instruments of power. To possess <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> is exhilarating, comforting, soothing in -itself. They will look at <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> and handle it -for hours; even a touch of it imparts under circumstances its -virtue.</p> -<p>This is most clearly expressed by a custom observed at death. A -dying man is surrounded and overlaid with valuables which all his -relatives and relatives-in-law bring in loan for the occasion, to take -it back when all is over while the man’s own <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> are left on the corpse for some time after -death (see <a href="#pl65">Plate LXV</a>). Various rationalised -versions and justifications of this custom are given. Thus it is said -to be a gift to Topileta, the keeper of the nether world; or, again, -that it has to be taken in its spiritual form to procure a high social -standing in Tuma, or simply, that it is laid to adorn and make happier -the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb513" href="#pb513" name= -"pb513">513</a>]</span>last moments of the dying. All these beliefs no -doubt exist side by side, and they are all compatible with, and indeed -express, the underlying emotional attitude; the comforting action of -the valuables. It is applied to the dying as something full of good, as -something exercising a pleasant action, soothing and fortifying at the -same time. They put it on his forehead, they put it on his chest, they -rub his belly and his ribs with it, they dangle some of the <i lang= -"kij">vaygu’a</i> before his nose. I have often seen them do -that, in fact, observed them do it for hours, and I believe there is a -complex, emotional and intellectual attitude at the bottom of it; the -desire to inspire with life; and at the same time to prepare for death; -to hold him fast to this one, and to equip for the other world; but -above all, the deep feeling that the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> -are the supreme comfort, that to surround a man with them, even in his -most evil moment, makes this moment less evil. The same mental attitude -is probably at the bottom of the custom which prescribes that the -widow’s brothers should give a <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> to -the brothers of the dead man, the same <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> -being given back on the same day. But it is kept just long enough to be -of comfort to those, who, according to native kinship ideas, are most -directly hit by the death.</p> -<div class="figure pl65width" id="pl65"> -<div class="figAnnotation pl65width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate -LXV</span> <span class="figTop"> </span></div> -<img src="images/pl65.jpg" alt="A Corpse Covered with Valuables." -width="556" height="463"> -<p class="figureHead">A Corpse Covered with Valuables.</p> -<p>A great number of valuables, including large axe blades, with which -this man was covered at dying, have been already withdrawn. Only -personal possessions are left on the corpse, and they will be removed -immediately before the interment.</p> -</div> -<p>In all this we find the expression of the same mental attitude, the -extreme value attached to condensed wealth, the serious, respectful way -of treating it, the idea and the feeling that it is the reservoir of -highest good. The <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> are valued in quite a -different manner from that in which we value our wealth. The Biblical -symbol of the golden calf might even be better applied to their -attitude than to ours, although it would be not quite correct to say -that they ‘worship’ the <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i>, -for they worship nothing. The <i lang="kij">vaygu’a</i> might -perhaps be called “objects of cult” in the sense expressed -by the facts of the Kula, and the data just adduced; that is, in so far -as they are handled ritually in some of the most important acts of -native life.</p> -<p>Thus, in several aspects, the Kula presents to us a new type of -phenomenon, lying on the borderland between the commercial and the -ceremonial and expressing a complex and interesting attitude of mind. -But though it is novel, it can hardly be unique. For we can scarcely -imagine that a social phenomenon on such a scale, and obviously so -deeply connected with fundamental layers of human nature, should only -be a sport and a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb514" href="#pb514" -name="pb514">514</a>]</span>freak, found in one spot of the earth -alone. Once we have found this new type of ethnographic fact, we may -hope that similar or kindred ones will be found elsewhere. For the -history of our science shows many cases in which a new type of -phenomena having been discovered, taken up by theory, discussed and -analysed, was found subsequently all the world over. The <i lang= -"xx">tabu</i>, the Polynesian word and the Polynesian custom, has -served as prototype and eponym to similar regulations found among all -the savage and barbarous as well as civilised races. Totemism, found -first among one tribe of North American Indians and brought to light by -the work of Frazer, has later on been documented so widely and fully -from everywhere, that in re-writing his early small book, its historian -could fill out four volumes. The conception of <i lang="kij">mana</i>, -discovered in a small Melanesian community has, by the work of Hubert -and Mauss, Marett and others, been proved of fundamental importance, -and there is no doubt that <i lang="kij">mana</i>, whether named or -unnamed, figures and figures largely in the magical beliefs and -practices of all natives. These are the most classical and best known -examples, and they could be multiplied by others were it necessary. -Phenomena of the ‘totemic type’ or of the ‘mana -type’ or of the ‘tabu type’ are to be found in all -ethnographic provinces, since each of these concepts stands for a -fundamental attitude of the savage towards reality.</p> -<p>So with the Kula, if it represents a novel, but not freakish, -indeed, a fundamental type of human activity and of the mental attitude -of man, we may expect to find allied and kindred phenomena in various -other ethnographic provinces. And we may be on the lookout for economic -transactions, expressing a reverential, almost worshipping attitude -towards the valuables exchanged or handled; implying a novel type of -ownership, temporary, intermittent, and cumulative; involving a vast -and complex social mechanism and systems of economic enterprises, by -means of which it is carried out. Such is the Kula type of -semi-economic, semi-ceremonial activities. It would be futile, no -doubt, to expect that exact replicas of this institution should be -found anywhere and with the same details, such as the circular path on -which the valuables move, the fixed direction in which each class has -to travel, and existence of solicitory and intermediate gifts. All -these technicalities are important and interesting, but they are -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb515" href="#pb515" name= -"pb515">515</a>]</span>probably connected in one way or another with -the special local conditions of the Kula. What we can expect to find in -other parts of the world are the fundamental ideas of the Kula, and its -social arrangements in their main outline, and for these the -field-worker might be on the look-out.</p> -<p>For the theoretical student, mainly interested in problems of -evolution, the Kula might supply some reflections about the origins of -wealth and value, of trade and economic relations in general. It might -also shed some light upon the development of ceremonial life, and upon -the influence of economic aims <span class="corr" id="xd26e21582" -title="Source: and and">and</span> ambitions upon the evolution of -intertribal intercourse and of primitive international law. For the -student mainly viewing the problems of Ethnology from the point of view -of the contact of cultures, and interested in the spread of -institutions, beliefs and objects by transmission, the Kula is no less -important. Here is a new type of inter-tribal contact, of relations -between several communities slightly but definitely differing in -culture, and a relation not spasmodic or accidental but regulated and -permanent. Quite apart from the fact that in trying to explain how the -Kula relationship between the various tribes originated, we are -confronted with a definite problem of culture contact.</p> -<p>These few remarks must suffice, as I cannot enter into any -theoretical speculations myself. There is one aspect of the Kula, -however, to which attention must be drawn from the point of view of its -theoretical importance. We have seen that this institution presents -several aspects closely intertwined and influencing one another. To -take only two, economic enterprise and magical ritual form one -inseparable whole, the forces of the magical belief and the efforts of -man moulding and influencing one another. How this is happening has -been described before in detail in the previous chapters.<a class= -"noteref" id="xd26e21587src" href="#xd26e21587" name= -"xd26e21587src">1</a></p> -<p>But it seems to me that a deeper analysis and comparison of the -manner in which two aspects of culture functionally depend on one -another might afford some interesting material for theoretical -reflection. Indeed, it seems to me that there is room for a new type of -theory. The succession in time, and the influence of the previous stage -upon the subsequent, is the main subject of evolutional studies, such -as are practised by the classical school of British Anthropology -(Tylor, Frazer, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb516" href="#pb516" -name="pb516">516</a>]</span>Westermarck, Sydney Hartland, Crawley). The -ethnological school (Ratzel, Foy, Gräbner, W. Schmidt, Rivers, and -Eliott-Smith) studies the influence of cultures by contact, -infiltration and transmission. The influence of environment on cultural -institutions and race is studied by anthropo-geography (Ratzel and -others). The influence on one another of the various aspects of an -institution, the study of the social and psychological mechanism on -which the institution is based, are a type of theoretical studies which -has been practised up till now in a tentative way only, but I venture -to foretell will come into their own sooner or later. This kind of -research will pave the way and provide the material for the others.</p> -<p>At one or two places in the previous chapters, a somewhat detailed -digression was made in order to criticise the view about the economic -nature of primitive man, as it survives in our mental habits as well as -in some text books—the conception of a rational being who wants -nothing but to satisfy his simplest needs and does it according to the -economic principle of least effort. This economic man always knows -exactly where his material interests lie, and makes for them in a -straight line. At the bottom of the so-called materialistic conception -of history lies a somewhat analogous idea of a human being, who, in -everything he devises and pursues, has nothing but his material -advantage of a purely utilitarian type at heart. Now I hope that -whatever the meaning of the Kula might be for Ethnology, for the -general science of culture, the meaning of the Kula will consist in -being instrumental to <span class="corr" id="xd26e21599" title= -"Source: dispell">dispel</span> such crude, rationalistic conceptions -of primitive mankind, and to induce both the speculator and the -observer to deepen the analysis of economic facts. Indeed, the Kula -shows us that the whole conception of primitive value; the very -incorrect habit of calling all objects of value ‘money’ or -‘currency’; the current ideas of primitive trade and -primitive ownership—all these have to be revised in the light of -our institution.</p> -<p>At the beginning of this book, in the Introduction, I, in a way, -promised the reader that he should receive a vivid impression of the -events enabling him to see them in their native perspective, at the -same time without for one moment losing sight of the method by which I -have obtained my data. I have tried to present everything as far as -possible in terms of concrete fact, letting the natives speak for -themselves, perform <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb517" href="#pb517" -name="pb517">517</a>]</span>their transactions, pursue their activities -before the reader’s mental vision. I have tried to pave my -account with fact and details, equip it with documents, with figures, -with instances of actual occurrence. But at the same time, my -conviction, as expressed over and over again, is that what matters -really is not the detail, not the fact, but the scientific use we make -of it. Thus the details and technicalities of the Kula acquire their -meaning in so far only as they express some central attitude of mind of -the natives, and thus broaden our knowledge, widen our outlook and -deepen our grasp of human nature.</p> -<p>What interests me really in the study of the native is his outlook -on things, his <i lang="de">Weltanschauung</i>, the breath of life and -reality which he breathes and by which he lives. Every human culture -gives its members a definite vision of the world, a definite zest of -life. In the roamings over human history, and over the surface of the -earth, it is the possibility of seeing life and the world from the -various angles, peculiar to each culture, that has always charmed me -most, and inspired me with real desire to penetrate other cultures, to -understand other types of life.</p> -<p>To pause for a moment before a quaint and singular fact; to be -amused at it, and see its outward strangeness; to look at it as a curio -and collect it into the museum of one’s memory or into -one’s store of anecdotes—this attitude of mind has always -been foreign and repugnant to me. Some people are unable to grasp the -inner meaning and the psychological reality of all that is outwardly -strange, at first sight incomprehensible, in a different culture. These -people are not born to be ethnologists. It is in the love of the final -synthesis, achieved by the assimilation and comprehension of all the -items of a culture and still more in the love of the variety and -independence of the various cultures that lies the test of the real -worker in the true Science of Man.</p> -<p>There is, however, one point of view deeper yet and more important -than the love of tasting of the variety of human modes of life, and -that is the desire to turn such knowledge into wisdom. Though it may be -given to us for a moment to enter into the soul of a savage and through -his eyes to look at the outer world and feel ourselves what it must -feel to <i>him</i> to be himself—yet our final goal is to enrich -and deepen our own <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb518" href="#pb518" -name="pb518">518</a>]</span>world’s vision, to understand our own -nature and to make it finer, intellectually and artistically. In -grasping the essential outlook of others, with the reverence and real -understanding, due even to savages, we cannot but help widening our -own. We cannot possibly reach the final Socratic wisdom of knowing -ourselves if we never leave the narrow confinement of the customs, -beliefs and prejudices into which every man is born. Nothing can teach -us a better lesson in this matter of ultimate importance than the habit -of mind which allows us to treat the beliefs and values of another man -from his point of view. Nor has civilised humanity ever needed such -tolerance more than now, when prejudice, ill will and vindictiveness -are dividing each European nation from another, when all the ideals, -cherished and proclaimed as the highest achievements of civilisation, -science and religion, have been thrown to the winds. The Science of -Man, in its most refined and deepest version should lead us to such -knowledge and to tolerance and generosity, based on the understanding -of other men’s point of view.</p> -<p>The study of Ethnology—so often mistaken by its very votaries -for an idle hunting after curios, for a ramble among the savage and -fantastic shapes of “barbarous customs and crude -superstitions”—might become one of the most deeply -philosophic, enlightening and elevating disciplines of scientific -research. Alas! the time is short for Ethnology, and will this truth of -its real meaning and importance dawn before it is too late? -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb521" href="#pb521" name= -"pb521">521</a>]</span></p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id= -"xd26e21587" href="#xd26e21587src" name="xd26e21587">1</a></span> Also -in the before quoted article in the <i>Economic Journal</i>, March, -1921. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e21587src">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="back"> -<div id="index" class="div1 index"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#xd26e940">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">Index</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Accounts, native, <i>verbatim</i>: Shipwreck and -Salvage, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>, <a href="#pb258" -class="pageref">258</a>; <i lang="kij">Kaloma</i> making, <a href= -"#pb373" class="pageref">373</a><br> -Adultery, case of, <a href="#pb484" class="pageref">484</a><br> -Amphlett Is, scenery of, <a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a>, -<a href="#pb46" class="pageref">46</a>, <a href="#pb267" class= -"pageref">267</a>; inhabitants of, <a href="#pb46" class= -"pageref">46</a>–<a href="#pb48" class="pageref">48</a> villages -in, <a href="#pb46" class="pageref">46</a>–<a href="#pb47" class= -"pageref">47</a>; author’s experiences in the, <a href="#pb379" -class="pageref">379</a>–<a href="#pb385" class="pageref">385</a>; -chieftainship among, <a href="#pb469" class="pageref">469</a>. -(<i>See</i> Trade; Pottery; Departure of Kula parties from A.)<br> -Armshells, exchange of A. in the Kula, <a href="#pb87" class= -"pageref">87</a>; manufacture of, <a href="#pb502" class= -"pageref">502</a>, <a href="#pb503" class="pageref">503</a>; entry into -the Kula of, <a href="#pb503" class="pageref">503</a>; naming of, -<a href="#pb504" class="pageref">504</a><br> -Armstrong, W. E., researches among the S. Massim, <a href="#pb493" -class="pageref">493</a>n<br> -Arrival, of Kula parties, in the Amphletts, <a href="#pb268" class= -"pageref">268</a>, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a>; in Dobu, -<a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a>; of Dobuan fleet in the -Amphletts, <a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>; A. and reception -of Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa, <a href="#pb387" class= -"pageref">387</a>–<a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a>; A. -home in Sinaketa, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a>; in Kitava, -<a href="#pb486" class="pageref">486</a><br> -Atu’a’ine, Aturamo’a, Sinatemubadie’i, -mythological persons, <a href="#pb331" class= -"pageref">331</a><span class="corr" id="xd26e21739" title= -"Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>. -(<i>See Pokala</i>)</p> -<p><i lang="kij">Bagi</i>. (<i>See Soulava</i>)<br> -<i lang="kij">Baloma</i> (spirits) and magic, <a href="#pb422" class= -"pageref">422</a>, <a href="#pb423" class="pageref">423</a><br> -Barter, ceremonial, <a href="#pb187" class= -"pageref">187</a>–<a href="#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>. -(<i>See</i> Trade)<br> -Barton, F., on <i lang="kij">hiri</i> trading expeditions, <a href= -"#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>n<br> -<i lang="kij">Basi</i>, intermediary, gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98" -class="pageref">98</a>; <a href="#pb355" class= -"pageref">355</a>–<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br> -Beauty magic, <a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a>, <a href= -"#pb336" class="pageref">336</a><br> -Behaviour of natives, study of, <a href="#pb17" class= -"pageref">17</a>–<a href="#pb22" class="pageref">22</a><br> -<i lang="kij">Beku</i>, stone blades exchanged in the Kula, <a href= -"#pb358" class="pageref">358</a>. (<i>See Kukumali</i>)<br> -<span class="corr" id="xd26e21828" title= -"Source: Betel Nut">Betel-Nut</span>, in magic, <a href="#pb199" class= -"pageref">199</a>; <a href="#pb361" class="pageref">361</a><br> -<i lang="kij">Bisila</i>, pandanus streamers, <a href="#pb216" class= -"pageref">216</a>, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a>; magic of, -<i>ibid<br> -Bomala</i> (taboo) <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>. -(<i>See</i> Taboo)<br> -<i lang="kij">Bosu</i>, lime spatula of whale-bone, exchanged in the -Kula, <a href="#pb358" class="pageref">358</a><br> -<i lang="kij">Bulubwalata</i>, evil magic, <a href="#pb143" class= -"pageref">143</a>; <a href="#pb395" class="pageref">395</a><br> -<i>Bwaga’u, see</i> Sorcery</p> -<p>Cannibalism, mythical references to, <a href="#pb321" class= -"pageref">321</a>, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a>; <a href= -"#pb331" class="pageref">331</a><br> -Canoes, Ch. IV; principles of stability, of, <a href="#pb108" class= -"pageref">108</a>–<a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>; three -classes of, <a href="#pb112" class="pageref">112</a>, <a href="#pb113" -class="pageref">113</a>; social organisation of labour at construction -of, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>–<a href="#pb116" -class="pageref">116</a>; ownership of, <a href="#pb116" class= -"pageref">116</a>–<a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a>; -ceremonial building of, Ch. V; magic of, <a href="#pb125" class= -"pageref">125</a>. (<i>See</i> Launching; Sailing; <i>Tasasoria; -Kabigidoya</i>; Magic; <i>Nagega; Masawa; Yawarapu</i>; Compartments of -a C.)<br> -Ceremonial objects, <a href="#pb89" class="pageref">89</a>, <a href= -"#pb90" class="pageref">90</a>; <a href="#pb151" class= -"pageref">151</a><br> -Charts, as instruments of method, <a href="#pb12" class= -"pageref">12</a>–<a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>. -(<i>See</i> Method)<br> -Chiefs, of Sinaketa, <a href="#pb196" class="pageref">196</a><br> -Chieftainship. (<i>See</i> Trobriand I. natives; Amphlett Is.)<br> -Circulation of <i>vaygu’a</i> on the Kula ring, <a href="#pb92" -class="pageref">92</a>, <a href="#pb93" class="pageref">93</a><br> -Commercial honour, in Kula transactions, <a href="#pb95" class= -"pageref">95</a>, <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>, (<i>See</i> -Quarrelling)<br> -Communal Labour, <a href="#pb159" class= -"pageref">159</a>–<a href="#pb163" class="pageref">163</a><br> -Compartments, of a canoe, <a href="#pb204" class="pageref">204</a>. -(<i>See Gebobo</i>)<br> -Conch shell, magic of, <a href="#pb340" class= -"pageref">340</a>–<a href="#pb342" class="pageref">342</a><br> -Concrete evidence, method of, <a href="#pb12" class= -"pageref">12</a>–<a href="#pb17" class="pageref">17</a>. -(<i>See</i> Method)<br> -Conversations, about Kula, <a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>. -(<i>See</i> Partnership)<br> -Cultural districts, of the Kula, <a href="#pb29" class= -"pageref">29</a>–<a href="#pb33" class="pageref">33</a>, Ch. I, -Divs. II–V; <a href="#pb78" class="pageref">78</a>–<a href= -"#pb80" class="pageref">80</a>; c. d. of the Trobriands, Ch. II, Divs. -I–VII</p> -<p><i>Dabwana, see Dogina</i><br> -Dangers of sailing, real, <a href="#pb22" class="pageref">22</a>, -<a href="#pb222" class="pageref">222</a> <a href="#pb228" class= -"pageref">228</a>; legendary, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a>; -<a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>–<a href="#pb236" class= -"pageref">236</a> <a href="#pb291" class= -"pageref">291</a>–<a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a>. -(<i>See</i> Shipwreck)<br> -Dates, fixing of, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a>; <a href= -"#pb380" class="pageref">380</a>, <a href="#pb382" class= -"pageref">382</a>. (<i>See</i> Synchronising events)<br> -Departure, overseas, Ch. VII; from Sinaketa, <a href="#pb205" class= -"pageref">205</a>, <a href="#pb206" class="pageref">206</a>; of Kula -parties from the Amphletts, <a href="#pb290" class="pageref">290</a>; -from Dobu, <a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>; of Dobuan fleet -from the Amphletts, <a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>, <a href= -"#pb385" class="pageref">385</a><br> -Distributions, ceremonial. (<i>See Eguya’i, Madare, Sagali, -So’i</i>)<br> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb522" href="#pb522" name= -"pb522">522</a>]</span> District of the Kula, Ch. I; sub-divisions of, -<a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a>–<a href="#pb33" class= -"pageref">33</a><br> -Dobu, district of, <a href="#pb38" class= -"pageref">38</a>–<a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a>; tribe -of, <a href="#pb39" class="pageref">39</a>–<a href="#pb43" class= -"pageref">43</a>; appearance of, <a href="#pb40" class= -"pageref">40</a>; customs of, <a href="#pb41" class= -"pageref">41</a>–<a href="#pb43" class="pageref">43</a>; Kula in, -Ch. XIV; Kula expeditions from, Ch. XVI<br> -<i>Doga</i>, circular boars’ tusk, exchanged in the Kula, -<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br> -<i>Dogina</i>, conclusion of magical spells, <a href="#pb433" class= -"pageref">433</a>; phonetic characteristics of, <a href="#pb447" class= -"pageref">447</a></p> -<p>Economics of primitive man, <a href="#pb60" class="pageref">60</a>; -<a href="#pb85" class="pageref">85</a>; <a href="#pb96" class= -"pageref">96</a>–<a href="#pb98" class="pageref">98</a>, <a href= -"#pb167" class="pageref">167</a>–<a href="#pb176" class= -"pageref">176</a>. (<i>See</i> Value)<br> -<i>Eguya’i</i>, distribution of food in Dobu, <a href="#pb378" -class="pageref">378</a><br> -Evolution, absence of idea of, <a href="#pb301" class= -"pageref">301</a></p> -<p>Field work, first experiences of, <a href="#pb4" class= -"pageref">4</a>–<a href="#pb6" class="pageref">6</a>; proper -conditions for, <a href="#pb6" class="pageref">6</a>–<a href= -"#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>. (See Method)<br> -Flying canoe, myth of. (See Kudayuri; <i>Mulukwausi</i> and the flying -of canoes)<br> -Foodstuffs, psychology of relation to, in the Trobriands, <a href= -"#pb168" class="pageref">168</a>–<a href="#pb172" class= -"pageref">172</a>, (See <i>Sagali</i>)<br> -Frazer, Sir James, distinction between religion and magic, <a href= -"#pb73" class="pageref">73</a>n; on the psychological principle of -magic, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>n; concept of totem, -<a href="#pb514" class="pageref">514</a></p> -<p>Gardens and Magic, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb59" class= -"pageref">59</a>, <a href="#pb60" class="pageref">60</a><br> -Gardiner, A. H., on linguistic methods, <a href="#pb24" class= -"pageref">24</a>n<br> -<i>Gebobo</i>, main compartment of a canoe, <a href="#pb204" class= -"pageref">204</a>; magic of; <a href="#pb205" class= -"pageref">205</a><br> -Gere’u, Kultur-hero, <a href="#pb307" class="pageref">307</a><br> -Gifts. (See Give and Take)<br> -Gilmour, Rev. M., on Trobriand trade, <a href="#pb500" class= -"pageref">500</a>n, <a href="#pb501" class="pageref">501</a>n<br> -<i>Gimwali</i> (trade) <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>; <a href= -"#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>–<a href="#pb191" class= -"pageref">191</a>; <a href="#pb362" class= -"pageref">362</a>–<a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a><br> -Give and Take, in Trobriand tribal life, <a href="#pb167" class= -"pageref">167</a>; psychology of, <a href="#pb173" class= -"pageref">173</a>–<a href="#pb176" class="pageref">176</a>; list -of gifts, <a href="#pb176" class="pageref">176</a>–<a href= -"#pb191" class="pageref">191</a>; sociology of, <a href="#pb191" class= -"pageref">191</a>–<a href="#pb194" class="pageref">194</a>; in -<i>Kaloma</i> industry <a href="#pb372" class= -"pageref">372</a>–<a href="#pb374" class="pageref">374</a>. -(<i>See Basi-, Gimwali Kaributu</i>, Kinship and Presents; -<i>Korolomna; Kudu; Kwaypolu; Kula; Laga; Mapula; Pari Pokala; Puwaya; -Talo’i</i>; Trade; <i>Vata’i; Wasi</i>)<br> -<i>Gora</i>, mortuary taboo, <a href="#pb489" class= -"pageref">489</a><br> -Gumagabu, legend and song of, <a href="#pb292" class= -"pageref">292</a>–<a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a><br> -<i>Gwara</i>, taboo in Dobu, <a href="#pb346" class="pageref">346</a>, -<a href="#pb347" class="pageref">347</a>; <a href="#pb350" class= -"pageref">350</a></p> -<p>Haddon, A. C., advance in method by, <a href="#pb311" class= -"pageref">311</a>; on racial divisions in New Guinea, <a href="#pb28" -class="pageref">28</a>; on migrations of cultures, <i>ibid</i>, n<br> -Historical changes, <a href="#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>; <a href= -"#pb288" class="pageref">288</a>, <a href="#pb289" class= -"pageref">289</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a><br> -Historical perspective, lack of, <a href="#pb300" class= -"pageref">300</a><br> -Hubert, H. and the concept of <i>mama</i>, <a href="#pb514" class= -"pageref">514</a></p> -<p>Inland, Kula, Ch. XIX; in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb464" class= -"pageref">464</a>–<a href="#pb477" class="pageref">477</a>; in -the other districts, <a href="#pb477" class="pageref">477</a><br> -Institutions, study of, <a href="#pb11" class= -"pageref">11</a>–<a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>. (See -Method)<br> -Intertribal relations, how news spread in, <a href="#pb379" class= -"pageref">379</a>–<a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a></p> -<p>Jenness, D. and Ballantyne A., quoted <a href="#pb43" class= -"pageref">43</a>; on missionary feats, <a href="#pb467" class= -"pageref">467</a>n.</p> -<p><i>Kabigidoya</i>, ceremonial presentation of a canoe, <a href= -"#pb163" class="pageref">163</a>–<a href="#pb166" class= -"pageref">166</a>; <a href="#pb184" class="pageref">184</a><br> -<i>Kalipoulo</i>, fishing canoe, <a href="#pb112" class= -"pageref">112</a><br> -<i>Kaloma</i> (spondylus shell), fishing and working of, Ch. XV; -distribution of manufacture of, <a href="#pb367" class= -"pageref">367</a>; mythology of, <a href="#pb367" class= -"pageref">367</a>, <a href="#pb368" class="pageref">368</a>; magic of, -<a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>–<a href="#pb371" class= -"pageref">371</a>; ceremonial fishing for, <a href="#pb370" class= -"pageref">370</a>; manufacturing of, <a href="#pb371" class= -"pageref">371</a>–<a href="#pb374" class="pageref">374</a><br> -<i>Kaributu</i>, sollicitory gifts in the Kula, <a href="#pb99" class= -"pageref">99</a>; <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; <a href= -"#pb358" class="pageref">358</a>.<br> -<i>Kariyala</i>, magical portent, of <i>wayugo</i> <a href="#pb320" -class="pageref">320</a>; <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a><br> -Kasabwaybwayreta, Kultur-hero of the Kula, <a href="#pb322" class= -"pageref">322</a>–<a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a><br> -<i>Katudababile</i>, necklace, exchanged in the Kula, <a href="#pb358" -class="pageref">358</a><br> -<i>Katuyausi</i>, fornicating expeditions, in the Trobriands, <a href= -"#pb55" class="pageref">55</a><br> -<i>Ka’ubana’i</i>, safety magic, <a href="#pb345" class= -"pageref">345</a>–<a href="#pb349" class="pageref">349</a>; -absent on expeditions to Kitava, <a href="#pb478" class= -"pageref">478</a><br> -<i>Kayga’u</i>, magic of fog, <a href="#pb245" class= -"pageref">245</a>–<a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>; myth -about origin of, <a href="#pb262" class= -"pageref">262</a>–<a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a><br> -Kaytalugi and Kokopawa, mythical countries, <a href="#pb223" class= -"pageref">223</a>, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a><span class= -"pagenum">[<a id="pb523" href="#pb523" name="pb523">523</a>]</span><br> -<i>Kaytaria</i>, magic of rescue, <a href="#pb261" class= -"pageref">261</a>, <a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a> -<i>Kewo’u</i>, small canoe, <a href="#pb112" class= -"pageref">112</a><br> -Kinship, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb7" class="pageref">7</a> -<a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>, <a href="#pb72" class= -"pageref">72</a> kinship and presents, <a href="#pb177" class= -"pageref">177</a>–<a href="#pb186" class="pageref">186</a>, -<a href="#pb191" class="pageref">191</a>–<a href="#pb193" class= -"pageref">193</a><br> -Kitava, Kula in, Ch. XX; privileged position in the ring, <a href= -"#pb488" class="pageref">488</a><br> -Kiriwina, Kula expeditions from K. to Kitava, Ch. XX<br> -<i>Korotomna</i>, secondary gift, <a href="#pb355" class= -"pageref">355</a><br> -Kudayuri myth of the flying canoe, <a href="#pb311" class= -"pageref">311</a>–<a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a><br> -<i>Kudu</i>, clinching gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98" class= -"pageref">98</a>, <a href="#pb356" class="pageref">356</a>, <a href= -"#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br> -<i>Kukumali</i>, greenstone used for stone implements, <a href="#pb481" -class="pageref">481</a>, <a href="#pb482" class="pageref">482</a><br> -Kula, general description of, Ch. III; short definition of, <a href= -"#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>–<a href="#pb84" class= -"pageref">84</a>; its economic nature, <a href="#pb84" class= -"pageref">84</a>–<a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a>; its main -rules and aspects, <a href="#pb91" class= -"pageref">91</a>–<a href="#pb95" class="pageref">95</a>; K. as -exchange of valuables, <a href="#pb95" class= -"pageref">95</a>–<a href="#pb99" class="pageref">99</a>; its -secondary rules and aspects, <a href="#pb99" class= -"pageref">99</a>–<a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>; -mythology of, Ch. XII, Divs. III–V; exchange valuables in the, -<a href="#pb352" class="pageref">352</a>–<a href="#pb357" class= -"pageref">357</a>; ceremonial presentation of gifts within, <a href= -"#pb388" class="pageref">388</a>–<a href="#pb389" class= -"pageref">389</a>; meaning of, Ch. XXII; as a type of ethnological -fact, <a href="#pb513" class="pageref">513</a>–<a href="#pb515" -class="pageref">515</a>. (<i>See</i> Conversations; Dobu; Social -grouping; Synchronising events; Technicalities; Trade; -<i>Wawoyla</i>)<br> -Kula community, defined, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>; -transactions within a, <a href="#pb470" class= -"pageref">470</a>–<a href="#pb475" class="pageref">475</a>; -limits of, within the <span class="corr" id="xd26e22755" title= -"Source: Tribriands">Trobriands</span>, <a href="#pb475" class= -"pageref">475</a>–<a href="#pb477" class="pageref">477</a><br> -Kula magic. (<i>See Mwasila</i>, Magic)<br> -Kulturkreise. (<i>See</i> Cultural districts)<br> -Kultur-myths, <a href="#pb305" class="pageref">305</a><br> -<i>Kwaypolu</i>, sollicitory gifts, <a href="#pb354" class= -"pageref">354</a><br> -<i>Kwita</i>, legendary giant octopus, <a href="#pb234" class= -"pageref">234</a></p> -<p>Labour, Organisation of, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb156" class= -"pageref">156</a>–<a href="#pb163" class="pageref">163</a>. -(<i>See</i> Communal Labour, Trobriand Is. natives)<br> -<i>Laga</i>, ceremonial purchase, <a href="#pb186" class= -"pageref">186</a>, <a href="#pb426" class="pageref">426</a><br> -Lashing creeper. (<i>See Wayugo</i>)<br> -Launching of canoes, Ch. VI, Div. I<br> -Legends, Gumagabu, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a>, <a href= -"#pb293" class="pageref">293</a><br> -<i>Lilava</i>, the magical bundle of Kula goods, <a href="#pb202" -class="pageref">202</a>–<a href="#pb204" class="pageref">204</a>; -Taboos of, <a href="#pb230" class="pageref">230</a>, <a href="#pb335" -class="pageref">335</a><br> -Linguistic documents, study of, <a href="#pb23" class="pageref">23</a>, -<a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>; Ch. XVII</p> -<p><i>Madare</i>, distribution of food in the Amphletts, <a href= -"#pb379" class="pageref">379</a><br> -Magic, systems of, <a href="#pb59" class="pageref">59</a>; associated -with canoes, Ch. V passim, <a href="#pb125" class="pageref">125</a>; -Ch. VIII, Div. III; bridging over myth with reality, <a href="#pb303" -class="pageref">303</a>, <a href="#pb304" class="pageref">304</a>; -magic and the Kula, Ch. XVII; subject matter of, <a href="#pb392" -class="pageref">392</a>–<a href="#pb396" class="pageref">396</a>; -method in studying underlying ideas of, <a href="#pb396" class= -"pageref">396</a>, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a>; a primeval -force, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a>–<a href="#pb403" -class="pageref">403</a>; intrinsically a human force, <a href="#pb400" -class="pageref">400</a>, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a>; -relation to myth, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a>, <a href= -"#pb402" class="pageref">402</a>; systems of, <a href="#pb412" class= -"pageref">412</a>–<a href="#pb420" class="pageref">420</a>; table -of Kula <a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>n. <a href="#pb415" class= -"pageref">415</a>–<a href="#pb418" class="pageref">418</a>; -ceremonial element in, <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>, -<a href="#pb425" class="pageref">425</a>; concise summary of native -view of, <a href="#pb427" class="pageref">427</a>. (<i>See</i> Beauty -Magic; <i>Bisila; Bulubwalata</i>; Canoes; <i>Gebobo; Lilava; Kaloma; -Kayga’u; Ka’ubana’i; Mulukwausi; Mwasila</i>; Safety; -Sailing; Shipwreck; <i>Sulumwoya</i>; Trobriand Is.; <i>Vilamalya; -Wawoyla; Wayugo</i>; Wind; Yawarapu)<br> -Magical filiation, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a>, <a href= -"#pb412" class="pageref">412</a><br> -Magical power, of words, Ch. XVIII<br> -Magical power and practical efficiency, <a href="#pb420" class= -"pageref">420</a>, <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a><br> -Magical substances. (<i>See</i> Rites)<br> -Magician, general conditions of, <a href="#pb409" class= -"pageref">409</a>–<a href="#pb412" class="pageref">412</a>; -taboos of, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a>, <a href="#pb410" -class="pageref">410</a>; sociology of, <a href="#pb410" class= -"pageref">410</a>, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a>; economics -of, <a href="#pb426" class="pageref">426</a>, <a href="#pb427" class= -"pageref">427</a><br> -Mailu tribe, trading among, <a href="#pb2" class="pageref">2</a>; -cultural relation to the Massim, <a href="#pb34" class= -"pageref">34</a>; manufacture of armshells among, <a href="#pb503" -class="pageref">503</a>n.<br> -<i>Mapula</i>, repayment, <a href="#pb178" class="pageref">178</a>, -<a href="#pb179" class="pageref">179</a>; <a href="#pb182" class= -"pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb183" class="pageref">183</a>,<br> -Marett, R. R. and the concept of <i>mama</i>, <a href="#pb514" class= -"pageref">514</a><br> -<i>Masawa</i>, seagoing canoe, <a href="#pb112" class= -"pageref">112</a>; <a href="#pb144" class="pageref">144</a>, <a href= -"#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>. (<i>See</i> Canoes)<br> -Massim, racial sub-division of, <a href="#pb28" class= -"pageref">28</a>–<a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a>; -description of Southern Massim tribes, Ch. I, Div. III, <a href="#pb33" -class="pageref">33</a>–<a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>; -villages of, <a href="#pb35" class="pageref">35</a>, <a href="#pb36" -class="pageref">36</a>; appearance of, <a href="#pb36" class= -"pageref">36</a>; customs of, <a href="#pb37" class="pageref">37</a>, -<a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>; Northern Massim, <a href= -"#pb78" class="pageref">78</a>–<a href="#pb80" class= -"pageref">80</a><br> -Mauss, M., and the concept of <i>mana</i>, <a href="#pb514" class= -"pageref">514</a><br> -<i>Megwa</i> (magic) <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>. -(<i>See</i> Magic)<br> -Mentality of natives, study of, <a href="#pb22" class= -"pageref">22</a>–<a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>. -(<i>See</i> Method)<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb524" href="#pb524" -name="pb524">524</a>]</span><br> -Method of Ethnographic field work, Introduction, Divs. II–VIII; -its clear statement indispensable, <a href="#pb2" class= -"pageref">2</a>–<a href="#pb4" class="pageref">4</a>, <a href= -"#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>, 16; influence of scientific aims on, -<a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>–<a href="#pb11" class= -"pageref">11</a>; summary of, <a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>, -<a href="#pb25" class="pageref">25</a>. (<i>See</i> Concrete evidence; -Charts; Field Work; Linguistic documents; Magic; Method in -studying)<br> -Migrations, in the Kula district, <a href="#pb288" class= -"pageref">288</a>, <a href="#pb289" class="pageref">289</a><br> -Milamala, annual feast and return of the spirits in the Trobriands, -<a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>; <a href="#pb184" class= -"pageref">184</a><br> -Mint. (<i>See</i> Sulumwoya)<br> -Mortuary distribution. (<i>See So’i</i>, Sagali)<br> -<i>Mulukwausi</i>, flying witches, <a href="#pb76" class= -"pageref">76</a>; <a href="#pb236" class="pageref">236</a>, <a href= -"#pb237" class="pageref">237</a>–<a href="#pb248" class= -"pageref">248</a>, Ch. X, passim; magic against, <a href="#pb248" -class="pageref">248</a>–<a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>; -nature of, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>, <a href="#pb239" -class="pageref">239</a>; imitation and training of, <a href="#pb239" -class="pageref">239</a>, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>; -status of, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>, <a href="#pb241" -class="pageref">241</a> methods of flight of, <a href="#pb241" class= -"pageref">241</a>, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a> sorcery, -inflicted by, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a>–<a href= -"#pb244" class="pageref">244</a> association with shipwreck, <a href= -"#pb244" class="pageref">244</a>–<a href="#pb248" class= -"pageref">248</a>; m. and the flying of canoes, <a href="#pb320" class= -"pageref">320</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a>, <a href= -"#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>. (<i>See</i> Kayga’u)<br> -Muwa, the initial and final halting place of Kula expeditions, Ch. -VIII<br> -<i>Mwali</i>. (<i>See</i> Armshells)<br> -<i>Mwasila</i>, the magic of the Kula <a href="#pb102" class= -"pageref">102</a>, <a href="#pb147" class="pageref">147</a>; Ch. VIII -passim; Ch. XIII passim; <a href="#pb485" class="pageref">485</a>, -<a href="#pb486" class="pageref">486</a><br> -Myth, Ch. XII; native definition of, <a href="#pb299" class= -"pageref">299</a>, <a href="#pb300" class="pageref">300</a>; -distinction between myth and actuality, <a href="#pb301" class= -"pageref">301</a>–<a href="#pb303" class="pageref">303</a>, -<a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>–330; stratification of, -<a href="#pb304" class="pageref">304</a>, <a href="#pb305" class= -"pageref">305</a>; sociological analysis of, <a href="#pb326" class= -"pageref">326</a>–<a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a>. -(<i>See</i> Atu’a’ine, Aturaino’a, Sina -temubadie’i<a id="xd26e23317" name="xd26e23317"></a>; Clans and -m; Gere’u; Kaloma; Kasabwaybwayreta; Kudayuri; Kulturmyths Magic; -Origins; Petrifaction Tokosikuna)<br> -Myths; Tokulubwaydoga, <a href="#pb263" class="pageref">263</a>, -<a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a>; Gere’u, <a href= -"#pb307" class="pageref">307</a>; Tokosikuna, <a href="#pb307" class= -"pageref">307</a>, <a href="#pb308" class="pageref">308</a>, <a href= -"#pb309" class="pageref">309</a>, <a href="#pb310" class= -"pageref">310</a>, Kudayuri, <a href="#pb311" class="pageref">311</a>, -<a href="#pb312" class="pageref">312</a>, <a href="#pb313" class= -"pageref">313</a>, <a href="#pb314" class="pageref">314</a>, <a href= -"#pb315" class="pageref">315</a>, <a href="#pb316" class= -"pageref">316</a>; Kasabwaybwayreta, <a href="#pb322" class= -"pageref">322</a>–<a href="#pb324" class="pageref">324</a>. -Atua’ine Aturaino’a and Sinatemubadiye’i, <a href= -"#pb331" class="pageref">331</a></p> -<p><i>Nagega</i>, seagoing canoe, <a href="#pb144" class= -"pageref">144</a>, <a href="#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>, <a href= -"#pb496" class="pageref">496</a>. (<i>See</i> canoe)<br> -Natives, dying out of, causes of, <a href="#pb465" class= -"pageref">465</a>–<a href="#pb468" class="pageref">468</a><br> -Natives. (<i>See</i> Tobriand Is. natives, Massim; Races; Dobu -Amphletts)<br> -Necklaces. (<i>See Soulava, Katudababile</i>)<br> -Northern Massim. (<i>See</i> Massim)<br> -<i>Nuwakekepaki</i>, jumping stones, <a href="#pb235" class= -"pageref">235</a></p> -<p>Octopus. (<i>See Kwita</i>)<br> -Organisation of savage communities, <a href="#pb9" class= -"pageref">9</a>, <a href="#pb10" class="pageref">10</a><br> -Orgiastic Licence, during weeding in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb53" -class="pageref">53</a>, <a href="#pb54" class="pageref">54</a><br> -Origins of institutions, native ideas about, <a href="#pb305" class= -"pageref">305</a><br> -Origins of magic, <a href="#pb398" class= -"pageref">398</a>–<a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a><br> -Ownership, in the Trobriands, defined, <a href="#pb117" class= -"pageref">117</a><br> -Ownership, of the Kula articles, <a href="#pb94" class= -"pageref">94</a></p> -<p><i>Pari</i>, goods taken on Kula; also (more especially) arrival -gifts, <a href="#pb205" class="pageref">205</a>; <a href="#pb268" -class="pageref">268</a>, <a href="#pb269" class="pageref">269</a>; -<a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a>, <a href="#pb355" class= -"pageref">355</a>; <a href="#pb361" class="pageref">361</a>, <a href= -"#pb362" class="pageref">362</a>; <a href="#pb390" class= -"pageref">390</a>. (<i>See Vata’i</i>)<br> -Partnerships, briefly defined, <a href="#pb91" class="pageref">91</a>, -<a href="#pb92" class="pageref">92</a> social intercourse within, -<a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a>, <a href="#pb273" class= -"pageref">273</a>; sociology of, Ch. XI, Div. II<span class="corr" id= -"xd26e23509" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb274" class= -"pageref">274</a>; limitations to, <a href="#pb275" class= -"pageref">275</a>; p. relation in general, <a href="#pb275" class= -"pageref">275</a><span class="corr" id="xd26e23521" title= -"Source: ,">;</span> list of partners, <a href="#pb276" class= -"pageref">276</a><span class="corr" id="xd26e23526" title= -"Source: ,">;</span> entering into, <a href="#pb278" class= -"pageref">278</a>; women as partners, <a href="#pb280" class= -"pageref">280</a><br> -Payments. (<i>See</i> Give and Take).<br> -Petrefaction, mythological, <a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a>, -<a href="#pb44" class="pageref">44</a>, <a href="#pb298" class= -"pageref">298</a>, <a href="#pb330" class= -"pageref">330</a>–<a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a><br> -<i>Pokala</i>,—sollicitory offering in the Kula, <a href="#pb99" -class="pageref">99</a>, <a href="#pb205" class="pageref">205</a>, -<a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>–<a href="#pb356" class= -"pageref">356</a>, <a href="#pb360" class="pageref">360</a><br> -<i>Pokala</i>,—tribute to chief, <a href="#pb181" class= -"pageref">181</a><br> -<i>Pokala</i>,—payment to kinsmen, <a href="#pb185" class= -"pageref">185</a>, <a href="#pb186" class="pageref">186</a><br> -<i>Pokala</i>,—offerings given to mythical persons, <a href= -"#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>–<a href="#pb334" class= -"pageref">334</a>, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a><br> -Pottery in the Amphletts, <a href="#pb282" class= -"pageref">282</a>–286<br> -Presents. (<i>See</i> Give and Take)<br> -Provinces, in the Trobriand Is<span class="corr" id="xd26e23624" title= -"Not in source">.</span>, <a href="#pb66" class= -"pageref">66</a>–<a href="#pb70" class="pageref">70</a><br> -Prow-board. (<i>See</i> Tabuyo)<br> -Puwaya, gifts for work done, <a href="#pb129" class= -"pageref">129</a></p> -<p>Quarrelling, in the Kula, <a href="#pb358" class= -"pageref">358</a>–<a href="#pb360" class="pageref">360</a>. -(<i>See</i> Commercial Honour)</p> -<p>Races, in New Guinea, <a href="#pb27" class= -"pageref">27</a>–<a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a>. -(<i>See</i> Massim)<br> -Rank. (<i>See</i> Trobriand Is. natives)<br> -Return visit of the Dobuans to Sinaketa, Ch. XVI<br> -<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb525" href="#pb525" name= -"pb525">525</a>]</span><br> -Return journey of the Sinaketans, <a href="#pb374" class= -"pageref">374</a>, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a><br> -Rites, magical, general analysis, <a href="#pb403" class= -"pageref">403</a>–<a href="#pb408" class="pageref">408</a>; -substances used in, <a href="#pb452" class="pageref">452</a>, <a href= -"#pb453" class="pageref">453</a><br> -Rivers, W. H. R., advance in method by, <a href="#pb3" class= -"pageref">3</a>n; genealogical method of, <a href="#pb14" class= -"pageref">14</a></p> -<p>Sailing; Ch. IV; sociology of, <a href="#pb120" class= -"pageref">120</a>, <a href="#pb121" class="pageref">121</a>; magic of, -<a href="#pb215" class="pageref">215</a>–<a href="#pb218" class= -"pageref">218</a>; s. on Pilolu, Ch. IX; technique of, <a href="#pb226" -class="pageref">226</a>, <a href="#pb228" class="pageref">228</a>; -privileges of sub-clans in, <a href="#pb230" class= -"pageref">230</a>–<a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>. -(<i>See</i> Dangers; Stars; Wind)<br> -Safety magic. (<i>See Ka’uba-na’i</i>, Kayga’u)<br> -Sagali, ceremonial distributions, <a href="#pb148" class= -"pageref">148</a>–<a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a>, -<a href="#pb170" class="pageref">170</a>, <a href="#pb182" class= -"pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb183" class="pageref">183</a>; s. at an -<i>Uvalaku</i>, <a href="#pb211" class="pageref">211</a>–<a href= -"#pb214" class="pageref">214</a><br> -Sago, making of, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>, <a href= -"#pb378" class="pageref">378</a><br> -Sarubwoyna, the beach of Kula magic, Ch. XIII, <a href="#pb44" class= -"pageref">44</a><br> -Scenery, s. and myth, <a href="#pb298" class="pageref">298</a><br> -Scenery, in Eastern New Guinea, <a href="#pb33" class="pageref">33</a>, -<a href="#pb34" class="pageref">34</a>; in Dobu, <a href="#pb43" class= -"pageref">43</a>–<a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a>; in the -Amphletts, <a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a>, <a href="#pb46" -class="pageref">46</a>, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a>; in -the Trobriands, <a href="#pb49" class="pageref">49</a>, <a href="#pb51" -class="pageref">51</a>; in the Lagoon villages, <a href="#pb195" class= -"pageref">195</a>, <a href="#pb196" class="pageref">196</a>; on Pilolu, -<a href="#pb219" class="pageref">219</a>, <a href="#pb221" class= -"pageref">221</a>; in N.E. Fergusson Is., <a href="#pb290" class= -"pageref">290</a><br> -Seligman, C. G., on trading among the Southern Massim, <a href="#pb2" -class="pageref">2</a>; advance in method by, <a href="#pb3" class= -"pageref">3</a>n; methods of field work, <a href="#pb14" class= -"pageref">14</a>; on racial divisions in New Guinea, <a href="#pb28" -class="pageref">28</a>, <a href="#pb31" class="pageref">31</a>; on -customs of the S. Massim. <a href="#pb37" class="pageref">37</a>, -<a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>; on types among N. Massim, -<a href="#pb51" class="pageref">51</a>n; on Trobriand customs, <a href= -"#pb66" class="pageref">66</a>, <a href="#pb70" class= -"pageref">70</a>n, <a href="#pb79" class="pageref">79</a>n; on trade on -the S. Coast, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a>n; on flying -witches, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>; on greenstone quarry -of Suloga, <a href="#pb482" class="pageref">482</a>n; on Marshall -Bennett scenery, <a href="#pb485" class="pageref">485</a>; on Walaga -feast, <a href="#pb487" class="pageref">487</a>; on S. Massim taboos, -<a href="#pb489" class="pageref">489</a>; on mortuary feasts, <a href= -"#pb493" class="pageref">493</a>; on trade in Tubetube, <a href= -"#pb495" class="pageref">495</a>, <a href="#pb496" class= -"pageref">496</a>, <a href="#pb499" class="pageref">499</a>; use of -word ‘currency,’ <a href="#pb499" class= -"pageref">499</a>n<br> -Sex, laxity in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>, -<a href="#pb54" class="pageref">54</a><span class="corr" id= -"xd26e23908" title="Not in source">;</span> repayment for sex -intercourse, <a href="#pb179" class="pageref">179</a>, <a href="#pb182" -class="pageref">182</a>; s. relations in Dobu, <a href="#pb42" class= -"pageref">42</a>, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>; S. -relations in the Amphletts, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>, -<a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>, <a href="#pb273" class= -"pageref">273</a>; S. intercourse on overseas expeditions, <a href= -"#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>. (<i>See</i> Katuyausi, Orgiastic -licence)<br> -Sexual taboo. (<i>See</i> Taboo)<br> -Shipwreck, Ch. X, dangers of drowning during, <a href="#pb244" class= -"pageref">244</a>–<a href="#pb247" class="pageref">247</a>; story -of, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>–<a href="#pb261" -class="pageref">261</a>; rescue from, <a href="#pb256" class= -"pageref">256</a>–<a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a>. -(<i>See Kayga’u, Kaytaria, Mulukwausi)<br> -Sinamatanoginogi</i>, legendary rain, <a href="#pb235" class= -"pageref">235</a><br> -Sociology and myth. (<i>See</i> Myth. sociological analysis of)<br> -<i>So’i</i>, mortuary feasts associated with the Kula, <a href= -"#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>, <a href="#pb489" class= -"pageref">489</a>–<a href="#pb493" class="pageref">493</a><br> -Social Grouping of a Kula party, <a href="#pb197" class= -"pageref">197</a>, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>. -(<i>See</i> Sailing, Canoes)<br> -Songs. Gumagabu, <a href="#pb293" class="pageref">293</a>, <a href= -"#pb296" class="pageref">296</a><br> -<i>Soulava</i>, necklaces of spondylus, shell-discs, exchanged in the -Kula. <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a>, <a href="#pb87" class= -"pageref">87</a>. (<i>See Kaloma</i>)<br> -Southern Massim. (<i>See</i> Massim)<br> -Sorcery, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb73" class= -"pageref">73</a>–<a href="#pb76" class="pageref">76</a>, <a href= -"#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>. (<i>See Mulukwausi</i>)<br> -Spells, magical, native ideas about, <a href="#pb403" class= -"pageref">403</a>–<a href="#pb412" class="pageref">412</a>; and -rites, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a>–<a href="#pb408" -class="pageref">408</a>; in relation to human anatomy, <a href="#pb408" -class="pageref">408</a>, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a>; -theory of meaning of, <a href="#pb432" class="pageref">432</a> vocal -utterance of, <a href="#pb436" class="pageref">436</a>, <a href= -"#pb437" class="pageref">437</a> phonetic characteristics of, <a href= -"#pb442" class="pageref">442</a>–<a href="#pb452" class= -"pageref">452</a><br> -Spells, in native, fragments of: Kaygagabile, <a href="#pb443" class= -"pageref">443</a>–<a href="#pb445" class="pageref">445</a>; -Kadumiyala, <a href="#pb445" class="pageref">445</a>; Bisila, <a href= -"#pb445" class="pageref">445</a>; Kayikunaveva, <a href="#pb445" class= -"pageref">445</a>; Kapitunena Duku, <a href="#pb446" class= -"pageref">446</a>; Yawarapu. <a href="#pb448" class="pageref">448</a>, -<a href="#pb449" class="pageref">449</a>; Gebobo, <a href="#pb449" -class="pageref">449</a>; Ta’uya, <a href="#pb449" class= -"pageref">449</a>; Giyotanawa, No. <a href="#pb2" class= -"pageref">2</a>, <a href="#pb450" class="pageref">450</a>; Kaytaria, -<a href="#pb451" class="pageref">451</a><br> -Spells, Magical: Vabusi Tokway, <a href="#pb127" class= -"pageref">127</a>; Kaymomwa’u, <a href="#pb129" class= -"pageref">129</a>; Kapitunena Duku, <a href="#pb130" class= -"pageref">130</a>, <a href="#pb131" class="pageref">131</a>; Ligogu, -<a href="#pb132" class="pageref">132</a>; Wayugo, <a href="#pb137" -class="pageref">137</a>–<a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a>. -<a href="#pb429" class="pageref">429</a>–<a href="#pb438" class= -"pageref">438</a>; Yawarapu, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>, -<a href="#pb199" class="pageref">199</a>; Sulumwoya <a href="#pb200" -class="pageref">200</a>, <a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>, -439–<a href="#pb442" class="pageref">442</a>; Kaymwalolo, -<a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>, <a href="#pb202" class= -"pageref">202</a>; Lilava, <a href="#pb202" class="pageref">202</a>, -<a href="#pb203" class="pageref">203</a>; Gebobo, <a href="#pb205" -class="pageref">205</a>; Kadumiyala, <a href="#pb215" class= -"pageref">215</a>; Bisila, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a>; -Kayikuna Veva, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a>; Giyorokaywa No -<a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a> (Leyya Kayga’u)<span class= -"corr" id="xd26e24204" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb249" -class="pageref">249</a>–<a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a>; -Giyorokaywa No. <a href="#pb2" class="pageref">2</a> (Pwaka -Kayga’u)<span class="corr" id="xd26e24217" title= -"Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a>, -<a href="#pb253" class="pageref">253</a>; Giyotanawa No. <a href="#pb1" -class="pageref">1</a> (Dakuna Kayga’u), <a href="#pb254" class= -"pageref">254</a>; Giyotanawa No. <a href="#pb2" class="pageref">2</a>, -<a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>, <a href="#pb255" class= -"pageref">255</a>; Kaytaria, <a href="#pb261" class="pageref">261</a>, -<a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a>; Kayga’u of -Tokulubwaydoga, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a><span class= -"corr" id="xd26e24251" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb265" -class="pageref">265</a>; Kaykakaya, <a href="#pb337" class= -"pageref">337</a>, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>; Talo, -<a href="#pb339" class="pageref">339</a>, <a href="#pb340" class= -"pageref">340</a>; Ta’uya, <a href="#pb340" class= -"pageref">340</a>–<a href="#pb342" class="pageref">342</a>; -Kayikuna Tabuyo, <a href="#pb343" class="pageref">343</a>; -Kavalikuliku, <a href="#pb343" class="pageref">343</a>, <a href= -"#pb344" class="pageref">344</a>; Kaytavilena Mwoynawaga, <a href= -"#pb344" class="pageref">344</a>; Ka’ubana’i, <a href= -"#pb347" class="pageref">347</a>, <a href="#pb348" class= -"pageref">348</a>; Kwoygapani, <a href="#pb361" class= -"pageref">361</a><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb526" href="#pb526" -name="pb526">526</a>]</span><br> -Spirits. (<i>See Baloma; Milamala; Tauva’u; Tokway</i>)<br> -Stars, in sailing, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>, <a href= -"#pb226" class="pageref">226</a><br> -Stone Implements. (<i>See Kukumali</i>)<br> -Stones, jumping. (<i>See Nuwakekepaki; Vineylida</i>)<br> -<i>Sulumwoya</i>, axomatic mint plant, magic of, <a href="#pb135" -class="pageref">135</a>, <a href="#pb200" class= -"pageref">200</a>–<a href="#pb202" class="pageref">202</a><br> -Subclans. (<i>See</i> Trobriand Is.<span class="corr" id="xd26e24341" -title="Source: ,">;</span> Totemism; Sailing)<br> -Synchronising events, in the Kula, <a href="#pb379" class= -"pageref">379</a>–<a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>, -<a href="#pb386" class="pageref">386</a></p> -<p>Taboos, sexual, kept before Kula expedition, <a href="#pb198" class= -"pageref">198</a>; t. of sailing, 229–<a href="#pb230" class= -"pageref">230</a>; t. imposed on village during absence of Kula party, -<a href="#pb484" class="pageref">484</a>; t. in Kula wooing, <a href= -"#pb360" class="pageref">360</a>; institutions of protective t., -<a href="#pb425" class="pageref">425</a>, <a href="#pb426" class= -"pageref">426</a>. (<i>See Gora, Gwara</i>)<br> -<i>Tabuyo</i>, ornamental <span class="corr" id="xd26e24388" title= -"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>, <a href="#pb134" class= -"pageref">134</a>, <a href="#pb135" class="pageref">135</a>, <a href= -"#pb147" class="pageref">147</a><br> -<i>Talo’i</i>, farewell gifts; <a href="#pb362" class= -"pageref">362</a>; <a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>; <a href= -"#pb366" class="pageref">366</a>; <a href="#pb390" class= -"pageref">390</a>, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a><br> -<i>Tanarere</i>, comparison of valuables, <a href="#pb374" class= -"pageref">374</a>, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a>; <a href= -"#pb391" class="pageref">391</a><br> -<i>Tapwana</i>, middle part of magical spells, <a href="#pb433" class= -"pageref">433</a>; analysis of one, <a href="#pb436" class= -"pageref">436</a>–<a href="#pb438" class="pageref">438</a>, -phonetic characteristics of, <a href="#pb446" class="pageref">446</a>, -<a href="#pb447" class="pageref">447</a>, <a href="#pb449" class= -"pageref">449</a>, <a href="#pb450" class="pageref">450</a><br> -<i>Tasasoria</i>, trial run of a canoe, Ch. VI, Div. I. (<i>See</i> -Canoe)<br> -<i>Tauva’u</i>, malignant spirits, <a href="#pb76" class= -"pageref">76</a>, <a href="#pb77" class="pageref">77</a> T. and the -Kula, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a>, <a href="#pb393" class= -"pageref">393</a><br> -Technology of pot making, <a href="#pb284" class= -"pageref">284</a>–286<br> -Technicalities of the Kula, Ch. XIV<br> -Texts, native statements quoted verbatim: <a href="#pb129" class= -"pageref">129</a>; <a href="#pb205" class="pageref">205</a>, <a href= -"#pb206" class="pageref">206</a>; <a href="#pb209" class= -"pageref">209</a>; <a href="#pb213" class="pageref">213</a>; 229; -<a href="#pb231" class="pageref">231</a>; <a href="#pb247" class= -"pageref">247</a>, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>; <a href= -"#pb270" class="pageref">270</a>, <a href="#pb271" class= -"pageref">271</a>; <a href="#pb273" class="pageref">273</a>; <a href= -"#pb276" class="pageref">276</a>; <a href="#pb299" class= -"pageref">299</a>; <a href="#pb302" class="pageref">302</a>; <a href= -"#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>; <a href="#pb336" class= -"pageref">336</a>; <a href="#pb346" class="pageref">346</a>; <a href= -"#pb346" class="pageref">346</a>, <a href="#pb347" class= -"pageref">347</a>; <a href="#pb348" class="pageref">348</a>; <a href= -"#pb356" class="pageref">356</a>; <a href="#pb360" class= -"pageref">360</a> <a href="#pb362" class="pageref">362</a>; <a href= -"#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>; <a href="#pb388" class= -"pageref">388</a>; <a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a>; <a href= -"#pb400" class="pageref">400</a>; <a href="#pb421" class= -"pageref">421</a>; <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a>; <a href= -"#pb423" class="pageref">423</a>; <a href="#pb441" class= -"pageref">441</a>. (<i>See</i> Accounts, Legends, Myths, Spells, -Songs)<br> -Texts, in native with translation and commentary, <a href="#pb455" -class="pageref">455</a>–<a href="#pb459" class="pageref">459</a>; -460–<a href="#pb461" class="pageref">461</a> <a href="#pb461" -class="pageref">461</a>–<a href="#pb463" class="pageref">463</a>; -<a href="#pb473" class="pageref">473</a>; <a href="#pb482" class= -"pageref">482</a>; <a href="#pb484" class="pageref">484</a>; <a href= -"#pb491" class="pageref">491</a>; <a href="#pb501" class= -"pageref">501</a>; <a href="#pb501" class= -"pageref">501</a>–<a href="#pb502" class="pageref">502</a><br> -Tokosikuna, Kultur-hero of Kula, <a href="#pb307" class= -"pageref">307</a>–<a href="#pb311" class="pageref">311</a><br> -<i>Tokway</i>, <span class="corr" id="xd26e24657" title= -"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>, <a href="#pb77" class= -"pageref">77</a>, <a href="#pb125" class= -"pageref">125</a>–<a href="#pb128" class="pageref">128</a>; -<a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a><br> -<i>Toli</i>. (<i>See</i> Ownership)<br> -<i>Toli’uvalaku</i>. (<i>See Uvalaku</i>)<br> -<i>Toliwaga</i>, owner or master of a canoe, <a href="#pb117" class= -"pageref">117</a>–<a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a>. -(<i>See</i> Sailing; Compartments of a Canoe)<br> -Totemic clans, and myth of Kayga’u <a href="#pb263" class= -"pageref">263</a>, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a>; t.c. and -myths of Kula, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a>, <a href= -"#pb368" class="pageref">368</a>; t.c. and magic, <a href="#pb401" -class="pageref">401</a>. (<i>See</i> Trobriand Is. natives)<br> -Trade, among South Sea Natives, <a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>; -preliminary to the Kula, <a href="#pb165" class="pageref">165</a>, -<a href="#pb166" class="pageref">166</a>; secondary in the Kula, -<a href="#pb99" class="pageref">99</a>, <a href="#pb100" class= -"pageref">100</a>; <a href="#pb361" class= -"pageref">361</a>–<a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>; in -the Amphletts, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a>, -286–<a href="#pb288" class="pageref">288</a>; between Kiriwina -and Kitava. <a href="#pb480" class="pageref">480</a>, <a href="#pb481" -class="pageref">481</a>; in the Eastern branch of the Kula, <a href= -"#pb498" class="pageref">498</a>–<a href="#pb500" class= -"pageref">500</a>. (<i>See Gimwali</i>; Mailu)<br> -Trading expeditions, from the W. Trobriands, <a href="#pb500" class= -"pageref">500</a>–<a href="#pb502" class="pageref">502</a><br> -Tradition, classification of, <a href="#pb299" class="pageref">299</a>; -force of, <a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a>–<a href= -"#pb328" class="pageref">328</a><br> -Trobriand Island natives, Ch. II; appearance of the, <a href="#pb51" -class="pageref">51</a>–<a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>; -rank among, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a>; women and sex, -among the, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a>–<a href="#pb55" -class="pageref">55</a>; villages of <a href="#pb55" class= -"pageref">55</a>–<a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a>; gardens -of, <a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a>–<a href="#pb62" class= -"pageref">62</a>; chieftainship, among, <a href="#pb62" class= -"pageref">62</a>–<a href="#pb70" class="pageref">70</a>; -totemism, clans and kinship, among <a href="#pb70" class= -"pageref">70</a>–<a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>; religion -and magic of, <a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>–<a href= -"#pb78" class="pageref">78</a>. (<i>See</i> Foodstuffs; Give and Take; -Kinship; Labour; <i>Milamala</i>; Provinces; Scenery; Sorcery)<br> -Tubetube, Kula in, <a href="#pb495" class= -"pageref">495</a>–<a href="#pb498" class="pageref">498</a></p> -<p><i>Urigubu</i>, annual payments of food to sister’s husband, -<a href="#pb61" class="pageref">61</a>; <a href="#pb63" class= -"pageref">63</a>–<a href="#pb65" class="pageref">65</a>; <a href= -"#pb181" class="pageref">181</a><br> -<i>U’ula</i>, exordium or beginning of magical spells, <a href= -"#pb433" class="pageref">433</a>; analysis of one, <a href="#pb434" -class="pageref">434</a>–<a href="#pb436" class="pageref">436</a>; -phonetic characteristics of, <a href="#pb446" class="pageref">446</a>, -<a href="#pb447" class="pageref">447</a>, <a href="#pb449" class= -"pageref">449</a>, <a href="#pb450" class="pageref">450</a><br> -<i>Uvalaku</i>, ceremonial competitive expedition, <a href="#pb207" -class="pageref">207</a>–<a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>; -an U. expedition described, Ch. XVI passim; <a href="#pb351" class= -"pageref">351</a>; <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>; <a href= -"#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; arrangements about, <a href="#pb376" -class="pageref">376</a>, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>; -timetable of a, <a href="#pb381" class="pageref">381</a>; between -Kiriwina and Kitava, <a href="#pb480" class="pageref">480</a>, <a href= -"#pb482" class="pageref">482</a>–<a href="#pb489" class= -"pageref">489</a></p> -<p><i>Vaga</i>, opening gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98" class= -"pageref">98</a>; <a href="#pb352" class= -"pageref">352</a>–<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br> -Value, economic, in primitive societies, <a href="#pb168" class= -"pageref">168</a>–<a href="#pb173" class="pageref">173</a>; -native conception of, <a href="#pb351" class="pageref">351</a>, -<a href="#pb352" class="pageref">352</a>. (<i>See</i> Economics, -<i>Vaygu’a</i>)<br> -Valuables. (<i>See Vaygu’a; Beku; Bosu; Doga; Katudababile; -Mwali; Soulava</i>)<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb527" href="#pb527" -name="pb527">527</a>]</span><br> -<i>Vata’i</i>, arrival gifts, <a href="#pb390" class= -"pageref">390</a><br> -<i>Vaygu’a</i>, native valuables, <a href="#pb86" class= -"pageref">86</a>–<a href="#pb91" class="pageref">91</a> value of, -<a href="#pb172" class="pageref">172</a>–<a href="#pb173" class= -"pageref">173</a>; entry into and egress from the Ring, <a href= -"#pb503" class="pageref">503</a>; <a href="#pb505" class= -"pageref">505</a>, <a href="#pb508" class="pageref">508</a>; its -meaning analysed, <a href="#pb510" class="pageref">510</a>, <a href= -"#pb513" class="pageref">513</a>; ceremonial uses of, <a href="#pb512" -class="pageref">512</a>; at death, <a href="#pb512" class= -"pageref">512</a>, <a href="#pb513" class="pageref">513</a><br> -<i>Vilamalya</i>, magic of food, <a href="#pb169" class= -"pageref">169</a><br> -<i>Vineylida</i>, jumping stones, <a href="#pb235" class= -"pageref">235</a></p> -<p><i>Waga</i>. (<i>See</i> Canoes)<br> -<i>Wasi</i>, barter of fish for vegetables, <a href="#pb187" class= -"pageref">187</a>, <a href="#pb188" class="pageref">188</a><br> -<i>Wawoyla</i>, wooing for Kula gifts, <a href="#pb353" class= -"pageref">353</a>, <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; magic of, -<a href="#pb360" class="pageref">360</a>, <a href="#pb361" class= -"pageref">361</a><br> -<i>Wayugo</i>, creeper for lashing canoes, <a href="#pb126" class= -"pageref">126</a>; magic of, <a href="#pb136" class= -"pageref">136</a>–<a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a><br> -Westermarck, E., terminology of W. adopted, <a href="#pb426" class= -"pageref">426</a><br> -Wind, w. and sailing, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a>, -<a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>; magic of, <a href="#pb225" -class="pageref">225</a><br> -Witches. (See <i>Mulukwausi</i>)<br> -Wooing for Kula gifts. (See <i>Kaributu, Kwaypolu, Pokala, -Wawoyla</i>)</p> -<p><i>Yawarapu</i>, canoe covering of plaited mats, <a href="#pb198" -class="pageref">198</a>; its magic, <a href="#pb198" class= -"pageref">198</a>, <a href="#pb199" class="pageref">199</a><br> -<i>Yotile</i>, return gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98" class= -"pageref">98</a>, <a href="#pb352" class= -"pageref">352</a>–<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br> -<i>Yoyova</i>. (See <i>Mulukwausi</i>)<br> -<i>Youlawada</i>, ceremony at Kula presentation, <a href="#pb486" -class="pageref">486</a>, <a href="#pb487" class="pageref">487</a></p> -</div> -</div> -<div class="div1 imprint"><span class="pagenum">[<a href= -"#toc">Contents</a>]</span> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first xd26e25169">Printed in Great Britain by Headley -Brothers, Ashford, Kent; and 18, Devonshire Street, E.C.2.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div class="transcribernote"> -<h2 class="main">Colophon</h2> -<h3 class="main">Availability</h3> -<p class="first"></p> -<h3 class="main">Metadata</h3> -<table class="colophonMetadata"> -<tr> -<td><b>Title:</b></td> -<td>Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise -and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><b>Author:</b></td> -<td>Bronisław Kasper Malinowski (1884–1942)</td> -<td><a href="https://viaf.org/viaf/64008803/" class= -"seclink">Info</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><b>Language:</b></td> -<td>English (U.K.)</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><b>Original publication date:</b></td> -<td>1922</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><b>Keywords:</b></td> -<td>Ethnology -- Papua New Guinea -- Trobriand Islands.</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>Kula exchange -- Papua New Guinea -- Trobriand Islands.</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>Massim (Papua New Guinean people) -- Rites and ceremonies.</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -</table> -<h3>Catalog entries</h3> -<table class="catalogEntries"> -<tr> -<td>Project Gutenberg catalog page:</td> -<td><a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55822" class= -"seclink">55822</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Related Library of Congress catalog page:</td> -<td><a href="https://lccn.loc.gov/22016057" class= -"seclink">22016057</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td>Related Open Library catalog page (for source):</td> -<td><a href="https://openlibrary.org/books/OL17864424M" class= -"seclink">OL17864424M</a></td> -</tr> -</table> -<h3 class="main">Encoding</h3> -<p class="first">Bronisław Kasper Malinowski, (1884–1942) -was a British anthropologist of Polish descent. Born in Kraków, -Poland, he studied at the Jagiellonian University, Kraków, and -in Leipzig. He moved to London in 1910. In 1914 Malinowski took part in -an expedition to New Guinea and Melanesia and spent the next four years -studying the people of the Trobriand Islands of the Southwest Pacific. -He began teaching at the University of London in 1924 and became -professor of social anthropology in 1927. Between 1939 and 1942 he was -a visiting professor at Yale University. He was the founder of -functionalism, a school in anthropology which maintains that cultures -should be studied in terms of their particular internal dynamics.</p> -<p>This book, a classic in anthropology, describes in great detail the -Kula system of the Trobriand Islands in New Guinea. In the Kula, -valuables are circulated among the various islands in a complicated, -ceremonial way. This system is a kind of “gift” culture, in -which status is not obtained from the possession of material objects, -but by handling them or giving them away, similar to the potlatch of -the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast of Canada and the -United States. This also has some relevance to the modern “Open -Source” movement.</p> -<p>The book itself had a huge impact on anthropology, because of -Malinowski’s at that time novel approach of anthropological -research, in which the author immerged himself in the culture he -studied, using informal interviews, direct observation, participation -in the life of the group, and collective discussions.</p> -<p>Bibliography.</p> -<div class="table"> -<table> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft cellTop">1913</td> -<td class="cellRight cellTop"><i>Family among the Australian -aborigines; a sociological study.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1922</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Argonauts of the Western Pacific.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1926</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Crime and Custom in Savage Society.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1927</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Sex and Repression in Savage Society.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1927</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Father in primitive psychology.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1929</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western -Melanesia; an Ethnographic Account of Courtship, Marriage and Family -Life among the Natives of the Trobriand Islands, British New -Guinea.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1935</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Coral gardens and their magic; a study of the -methods of tilling the soil and of agricultural rites in the Trobriand -Islands.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1936</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Foundations of faith and morals; an -anthropological analysis of primitive beliefs and conduct with special -reference to the fundamental problems of religion and ethics.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1944</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Freedom and civilization.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1945</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Dynamics of Culture Change; an Inquiry into -Race Relations in Africa.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft">1948</td> -<td class="cellRight"><i>Magic, Science, and Religion.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">1967</td> -<td class="cellRight cellBottom"><i>A Diary in the Strict Sense of the -Term</i> (translated from the Polish by Norbert Guterman).</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -<h3 class="main">Revision History</h3> -<ul> -<li>2017-10-27: Posted to Project Gutenberg.</li> -<li>2000-10-31: Removed a lot of parse errors against the DTD.</li> -<li>2000-10-29: Converted to TEI format, added TEI header.</li> -</ul> -<h3 class="main">Corrections</h3> -<p>The following corrections have been applied to the text:</p> -<table class="correctiontable" summary= -"Overview of corrections applied to the text."> -<tr> -<th>Page</th> -<th>Source</th> -<th>Correction</th> -<th>Edit distance</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e281">xiii</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">questions</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">question</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e435">xxi</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kiriwinensium</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kiriwiniensium</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e462">xxii</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21582">515</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">and and</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">and</td> -<td class="bottom">4</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e465">xxii</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">of of</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">of</td> -<td class="bottom">3</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e526">xxiii</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1857">2</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e3329">78</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3766">96</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3782">97</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e3853">99</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e6880">200</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7730">224</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e7733">224</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10548">305</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14420">415</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e16041">438</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17271">444</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23624">524</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e532">xxiii</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3309">77</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e4694">125</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4734">126</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13874">407</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e14040">415</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14817">426</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17115">443</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e24657">526</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">wood sprite</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">wood-sprite</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e548">xxiii</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3983">106</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e4065">108</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4709">126</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5175">139</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e11594">343</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e13803">406</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">prowboards</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">prow-boards</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e570">xxiii</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">communial</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">communal</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e580">xxiii</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">V</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">IV</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e789">xxvii</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">sojurn</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">sojourn</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e808">xxvii</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Inadmissability</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Inadmissibility</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1807">xxxi</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Diagramatic</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Diagrammatic</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1854">2</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">consideraable</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">considerable</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1869">3</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">psycholgical</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">psychological</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1892">5</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">pidgin English</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">pidgin-English</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2220">18</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">inponderabilia</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">imponderabilia</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2226">19</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">formalated</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">formulated</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2245">20</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">occuring</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">occurring</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2654">46</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">sphynxes</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">sphinxes</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2756">51</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">unforgetable</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">unforgettable</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2778">52</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">prognatic</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">prognathic</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2858">54</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ignominous</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ignominious</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2917">56</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">pictureseque</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">picturesque</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2976">57</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">performmance</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">performance</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2992">58</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7235">208</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e7507">216</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9947">285</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9968">285</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e20970">492</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e23317">524</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3106">67</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">inhabitabts</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">inhabitants</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3119">68</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">posesses</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">possesses</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3137">69</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5119">137</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e9841">281</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13447">389</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20206">470</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">betel nut</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">betel-nut</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3147">70</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">subdivided</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">sub-divided</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3298">77</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">familar</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">familiar</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3338">79</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Loughlands</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Loughlans</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3342">79</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">field work</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">field-work</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3442">82</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">condiderable</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">considerable</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3601">89</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ond</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">and</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3630">90</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">rythmic</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">rhythmic</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4053">108</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Plates</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Plate</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4113">110</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">assymetrical</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">asymmetrical</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4279">114</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">disgression</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">digression</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4324">116</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">controling</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">controlling</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4429">119</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">a</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4490">120</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">3</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">C</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4599">122</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4667">124</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e8879">255</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11597">343</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e15520">431</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e24388">526</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">prowboard</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">prow-board</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4746">127</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">wood sprites</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">wood-sprites</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5247">140</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">expells</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">expels</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5263">140</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">sunstances</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">substances</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5297">142</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">beaviour</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">behaviour</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5432">146</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kasanai</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kasana’i</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5582">150</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">paraphenalia</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">paraphernalia</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5618">152</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">still</td> -<td class="bottom">6</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5854">163</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">basketsful</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">basketfuls</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e6003">168</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9870">283</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">claypots</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">clay-pots</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e6280">181</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">have</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td> -<td class="bottom">5</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7370">211</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">dinghey</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">dinghy</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7846">228</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">cannected</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">connected</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e8204">240</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">pyschology</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">psychology</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e8760">253</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">:</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9652">276</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">as</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">a</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9714">278</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Pwatai</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Pwata’i</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9861">282</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">relattively</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">relatively</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9875">283</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Seligmann</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Seligman</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9891">283</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">South West</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">South-West</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9934">284</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">manufucturing</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">manufacturing</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9965">285</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">elipsoid</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ellipsoid</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10030">287</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21276">502</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">pummice</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">pumice</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10067">288</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">form</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">from</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10792">314</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">’</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10999">323</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11011">323</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e11027">324</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">’</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11002">323</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">‘</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11005">323</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">”</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">’</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11092">328</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">unbridgable</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">unbridgeable</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11152">332</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Sinatemubadiyei</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Sinatemubadiye’i</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11155">332</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">”</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11174">333</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Tubtube</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Tubetube</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11193">334</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Aturamoa</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Aturamo’a</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11295">336</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">pyschological</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">psychological</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11375">338</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">proceding</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">proceeding</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11571">343</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14233">415</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e15859">433</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17523">445</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20678">484</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e20964">492</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20967">492</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21030">495</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e21739">521</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23509">524</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e24204">525</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e24217">525</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e24251">525</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11672">344</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">fish hawk</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">fish-hawk</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11723">346</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17648">447</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e21263">502</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11874">351</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">acquision</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">acquisition</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11906">352</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">nochalance</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">nonchalance</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12327">360</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">insistance</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">insistence</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12339">360</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">”</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12586">366</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Pummice-stone</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Pumice-stone</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12729">370</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">overladed</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">overloaded</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12766">370</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">fleets</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">fleet</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12792">371</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">proprietory</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">proprietary</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13070">379</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">;</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">:</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13111">380</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ebulition</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ebullition</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13695">401</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">anthropmorphic</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">anthropomorphic</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13936">411</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ursurped</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">usurped</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13968">413</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">uncorollated</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">uncorrelated</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14742">423</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">perforance</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">performance</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14811">426</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Professsor</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Professor</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14831">426</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Divison</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Division</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14868">428</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">inventers</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">inventors</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14891">429</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17108">443</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">VI</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">V</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14897">429</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">creeeper</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">creeper</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e15955">435</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e16035">438</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">“</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">’</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17079">442</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">refering</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">referring</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17685">447</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">undoubtly</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">undoubtedly</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e18059">450</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">-</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e18108">451</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">’),</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">),’</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20131">466</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">well informed</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">well-informed</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20446">475</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">wth</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">with</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20459">476</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">comunity</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">community</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20601">482</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">axeblades</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">axe-blades</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20684">484</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">vocie</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">voice</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21301">503</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">)</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21599">516</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">dispell</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">dispel</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21828">521</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Betel Nut</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Betel-Nut</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e22755">523</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Tribriands</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Trobriands</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23521">524</a>, -<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23526">524</a>, <a class="pageref" href= -"#xd26e24341">526</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">;</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23908">525</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">;</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -</div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Argonauts of the Western Pacific, by -Bronislaw Malinowski - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ARGONAUTS OF THE WESTERN PACIFIC *** - -***** This file should 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