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diff --git a/old/55829-0.txt b/old/55829-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2b466b9..0000000 --- a/old/55829-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,19663 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Spanish and Portuguese -Literature (Vol 1 of 2), by Friedrich Bouterwek - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: History of Spanish and Portuguese Literature (Vol 1 of 2) - -Author: Friedrich Bouterwek - -Translator: Thomasina Ross - -Release Date: October 27, 2017 [EBook #55829] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE LITERATURE *** - - - - -Produced by Anita Hammond, Wayne Hammond, Josep Cols Canals -and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -HISTORY - -OF - -SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE - -LITERATURE. - - - - -HISTORY - -OF - -SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE - -LITERATURE. - -BY - -FREDERICK BOUTERWEK. - - -IN TWO VOLUMES. - - -Translated from the Original German, - -BY THOMASINA ROSS. - - -VOL. I. - -SPANISH LITERATURE. - - -LONDON: - -BOOSEY AND SONS, BROAD STREET. - -1823. - - -F. Justins, Printer, 41, Brick Lane, Spitalfields. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The growing interest of Spanish and Portuguese Literature would, -perhaps, be thought a sufficient reason for laying the following -translation before the public, were the merits of the original work -even less conspicuous, and the deficiency it appears fitted to supply -in our language less sensibly felt. It is, indeed, extraordinary, that -no similar work has hitherto appeared in a country, where the subject -of which this history treats, has, in the instances in which it has -been partially explored, always been found a rich source of pleasure -and instruction. But the information thus collected from the literary -stores of Spain and Portugal, however satisfactory on particular -points, is, from its nature, detached and incomplete, and seems -calculated to increase rather than to diminish the desire for such a -connected and comprehensive view of the whole subject as M. Bouterwek -has exhibited in his General History of Modern Literature. - -The following volumes on the literature of Spain and Portugal -are extracted from a work, entitled, _Geschichte der Poesie und -Beredsamkeit seit dem Ende der dreizehnten Jahrhunderts_, (History of -Poetry and Eloquence from the close of the thirteenth Century,) in -which M. Bouterwek has taken an historical and critical survey of the -literature of the principal nations of Europe. The work consists of -twelve volumes, published at different periods at Göttingen; the first -volume having appeared in 1805, and the last, which contains an index -to the whole, in 1819.[1] The two volumes now translated are the third -and fourth of the German original. - -If it be admitted that there remains in English literature a vacant -place which ought to be occupied by a work of this kind, it is not -apprehended that the means now resorted to for filling up the chasm -will be disapproved; at least the translator is not aware that any -better source could have been found for supplying the deficiency. In -vain, she is persuaded, would any substitute be sought for in French, -much as that language abounds in works of criticism. Sismondi in his -_Litterature du Midi de l’Europe_, implicitly adopts the judgments -passed by Bouterwek on Spanish and Portuguese literature; and indeed -with respect to that part of his subject he says very little of -importance that is not directly borrowed from the German critic.[2] -The _Essai sur la Litterature Espagnole_, published in Paris in 1810, -and which appears to have been well received by the French public, is -a gross plagiarism. It is, with some slight additions, merely the -translation of an anonymous English work, entitled, _Letters from -an English Traveller in Spain_, the epistolary form being dropped, -and the materials transposed for the purpose of concealing the -theft.[3] The work of M. Bouterwek belongs, however, to a superior -class. To say that M. Bouterwek has treated his subject with great -perspicuity and precision, would be to express only a small portion of -his merits. Extensive and laborious as his enquiries have evidently -been, his judgment in the management of his materials is still more -remarkable than the indefatigable research with which they must have -been obtained. He has not confined himself to a mere narrative of the -progress and an exemplification of the beauties and deformities of -the literature of which he is the historian.--The philosophic spirit -which pervades his criticism was not to be circumscribed within such -narrow bounds. He seeks in the structure of society, the habits of the -people, and the influence of events, for the causes of the intellectual -phenomena he has to describe; and he examines with great candour and -impartiality the effects of mis-government and arbitrary institutions -on poetic genius and literary taste. Impressed with this favourable -opinion of the work, the translator has endeavoured to give a true -representation of its contents. In undertaking the translation, her -wish was to preserve the character of the original, as far as possible, -under an English dress. She began the task with an anticipation of its -difficulty, and she ends it with a consciousness of the indulgence of -which her labours stand in need; but at the same time with the hope -that she will not be found to have altogether failed in the object she -had in view. - -The first of the following volumes is devoted to the history of -Spanish, and the second to the history of Portuguese Literature. The -subdivisions of the work correspond with periods marked out by certain -revolutions in taste, produced by the rise of eminent writers, or by -other influential circumstances. These epochs in literary cultivation -form convenient resting places for the student, and contribute to -exhibit in a clear point of view the circumstances by which the -advancement of polite learning has been accelerated or retarded. -The specimens, which are numerous, and a great portion of which are -selected from very scarce works, cannot fail to prove highly acceptable -to the lovers of the literature of Spain and Portugal. For a general -and comprehensive knowledge of that literature they will be found amply -sufficient, and to those who wish to pursue its study more in detail, -they will afford most useful assistance. In such a course of study, -great advantage may also be derived from the numerous bibliographical -notes which the author has introduced, and which are therefore -scrupulously retained in the translation. - -The translator at first intended to give literal versions of all the -specimens extracted from Spanish and Portuguese authors; but had she -persisted in this plan, the translation could not have been completed -without augmenting the price of the publication much beyond the rate -to which the publishers were of opinion it ought to be limited. To -have omitted a part of the extracts in order to give translations of -the rest would have been still more improper, for the extracts quoted -in the notes are all necessary to the illustration of the text; and -besides such a mutilation would have deprived the work of a merit -which has just been pointed out, namely, that of supplying sufficient -materials for a comprehensive study of the literature of Spain and -Portugal. The translator has it, however, in contemplation, to prepare -for the press a volume containing translations of the specimens -given by M. Bouterwek, and of some other pieces from the Spanish and -Portuguese languages. This volume will not form a mere appendix to the -volumes now published; an endeavour will be made to render it useful -and entertaining as a separate work. - -It is necessary to observe, that the History of Italian Literature, -which is sometimes referred to in the notes, is a part of M. -Bouterwek’s General History of Poetry and Eloquence. It forms the -two first volumes of the German work; some other parts of which the -translator will be prepared to send to the press, should the merits of -the original procure from the public a favourable reception for these -volumes on Spanish and Portuguese Literature. - -Notwithstanding that the translator had considerable assistance in -reading and revising the proofs, she regrets to find that still further -correction would have been desirable. Fortunately, however, there are -few errors in the Spanish and Portuguese extracts; and those which do -occur in the English text, will be found to be in general of a literal -or obvious nature, altogether incapable of misleading the intelligent -reader. Of the mistakes of the press which have been observed, tables -of errata are made. If there are others, the translator is confident, -that the persons who are the best able to correct such faults, will be -the most ready to pardon them. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - -VOL. I. - - - INTRODUCTION. - - GENERAL VIEW OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC POETRY AND - ELOQUENCE IN THE KINGDOMS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. - - _Page_ - - Recollection of the general State of Spain and Portugal, about - the middle of the thirteenth century 1 - - View of the principal idioms of the romance spoken in the - Pyrenean Peninsula 5 - - Original separation of the Catalonian and Limosin poetry from - the Castilian and Portuguese 15 - - National metres and rhymes common to the Spaniards and - Portuguese 20 - - - BOOK I. - - FROM THE END OF THE THIRTEENTH TO THE COMMENCEMENT - OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - Probable period of the first romances 27 - - Poema del Cid 28 - - Poema de Alexandro Magno 30 - - Gonzalo Berceo 31 - - Alphonso X.; his literary merits.--Nicolas and Antonio de los - romances, &c. 32 - - Alphonso XI. 35 - - Early cultivation of Castilian prose.--Don Juan Manuel; his - Conde Lucanor; his romances 36 - - Satirical poem of Juan Ruyz, arch-priest of Hita 44 - - More precise account of the origin of the Spanish poetic - romances and songs.--Probable rise of the romances of - chivalry in prose.--Original relationship of the poetic and - prose romances 47 - - The different kinds of poetic romance 53 - - Castilian poetry in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 72 - - Poetical court of John II. 76 - - The Marquis of Villena 78 - - The Marquis of Santillana--his poetical works--his historical - and critical letter 82 - - Juan de Mena 90 - - Perez de Guzman, Rodriguez de Padron, and other Spanish - lyric poets of the age of John II. 100 - - Of the Cancionero General, and the different kinds of ancient - Spanish songs 102 - - Of the Romancero General 121 - - First traces of the origin of Spanish dramatic poetry in the - Mingo Rebulgo.--Juan del Enzina.--Calistus and Melibœa, - a dramatic tale 128 - - Further account of Spanish prose.--Rise of the historical - art.--Early progress of the epistolary style 137 - - Juan de la Enzina’s Art of Castilian poetry 145 - - - BOOK II. - - FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE LATTER - HALF OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. - - INTRODUCTION.--General view of the state of poetical - and rhetorical cultivation in Spain during the above period 148 - - FIRST SECTION.--History of Spanish poetry and eloquence - from the introduction of the Italian style to the age of - Cervantes and Lope de Vega 161 - - Occasion of the introduction of the Italian style ibid - - Boscan 162 - - Garcilaso de la Vega 176 - - Diego de Mendoza 186 - - Mendoza’s account of the rebellion of Granada, the first - classical history in Spanish literature 205 - - Saa de Miranda--(Commencement of elevated pastoral poetry - in Spanish literature) 210 - - Montemayor; his Diana--the first Spanish pastoral romance 217 - - Herrera; first developement of the ode style in Spanish poetry 228 - - Luis de Leon 240 - - Minor Spanish poets during the period of this section, viz. - Acuna--Cetina--Padilla--Gil Polo 254 - - Obstacles to the imitation of the romantic epopee in - Spain--Unsuccessful essays in serious epopee--translations - of classical epic poetry 262 - - Progress of the romantic poetry.--Castillejo; his contest with - the partizans of the Italian style 267 - - History of Spanish dramatic poetry during the first half and - ten succeeding years of the sixteenth century 277 - - The Erudite party 279 - - The party of the moralists 281 - - The first national party--Torres Naharro 282 - - The second national party--Lope de Rueda; collections of his - dramas by Juan Timoneda 286 - - Naharro of Toledo 289 - - Juan de la Cueva; his art of poetry 290 - - Probable rise of the spiritual drama in Spain 293 - - Entremeses and Saynetes 294 - - Spanish tragedies, by Geronymo Bermudez 296 - - History of Spanish prose during the first half and ten - succeeding years of the sixteenth century 303 - - Prose romances of chivalry 304 - - Romances of knavery--Lazarillo de Tormes 305 - - Tales of Juan Timoneda 306 - - Didactic prose--Perez de Oliva--Ambrosio de Morales--Pedro - de Valles--Francisco Cervantes de Salazar 308 - - Historical prose--Annals of Zurita 315 - - Oratorical prose--Perez de Oliva 320 - - Epistolary prose 321 - - Spanish criticism during the period of this section--Alonzo - Lopez Pinciano 323 - - SECOND SECTION.--History of Spanish poetry and - eloquence from the age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega to - the middle of the seventeenth century 327 - - Cervantes ibid - - Brief character of Don Quixote 333 - - The moral tales of Cervantes 340 - - The Galatea 342 - - The journey to Parnassus 346 - - Dramatic works of Cervantes 350 - - The romance of Persiles and Sigismunda 357 - - Lope de Vega 359 - - General characteristics of his poetry 363 - - Explanation of the idea of a Spanish comedy as it is - exemplified in the dramas of Lope de Vega 364 - - Various species of dramas by this poet 368 - - Brief notice of his other poetic works 390 - - The Brothers Leonardo de Argensola--Classic cultivation of - the didactic satire and epistle in Spanish literature 392 - - Tragedies by the elder Argensola 394 - - Epistles, odes, &c. by the younger Argensola 400 - - Continuation of the history of Spanish poetry and eloquence, - during the age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega 406 - - Fresh failures in epic poetry--Ercilla’s Araucana 407 - - Lyric and bucolic poets of the classic school of the sixteenth - century 413 - - Vicente Espinel 414 - - Christoval de Mesa 415 - - Juan de Morales 416 - - Agustin de Texada, &c. 417 - - Rise of a new irregular and fantastical style in Spanish poetry 428 - - Gongora and his Estilo Culto--the Cultoristos--the Conceptistos 431 - - Two dramatic poets of the age of Lope de Vega 441 - - Christoval de Virues 442 - - Perez de Montalvan 446 - - Novels in the age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega 450 - - Progressive cultivation of the historical art--Mariana 455 - - Fluctuation of Spanish taste from the classic to the - corrupt style 459 - - Quevedo 460 - - Character of his best works 465 - - Villegas 475 - - Continuation of the history of lyric, bucolic, epic, - didactic and satirical poetry, to the close of the - period embraced by this section 485 - - Jauregui 486 - - Borja y Esquillache 488 - - Other poets of this period--the Sylvas or Poetic Forests 492 - - Rebolledo 493 - - Continuation of the history of the Spanish drama 499 - - Calderon 500 - - Character of the different species of Calderon’s dramas 503 - - History of the Spanish drama continued to the close of the - period of this section 521 - - Antonio de Solis 524 - - Moreto 526 - - Juan de Hoz ibid - - Tirso de Molina 527 - - Francisco de Roxas ibid - - Agustin de Salazar y Torres ibid - - Mira de Mescua 528 - - Collections of Spanish dramas published in the seventeenth - century 529 - - Conclusion of the history of Spanish eloquence and criticism, - within the period of this section 530 - - Antonio de Solis considered as a historian 531 - - Introduction of Gongorism into Spanish prose--Balthazar - Gracian 533 - - - BOOK III. - - History of Spanish literature from its decline in the latter - half of the seventeenth to the end of the eighteenth century 538 - - CHAP. I. - - General view of the state of poetical and rhetorical cultivation - in Spain during this period 540 - - CHAP. II. - - Decay of the old Spanish poetry and eloquence, and introduction - of the French style into Spanish literature 547 - - Candamo, Zamora and Cañizares, dramatists in the old - national style ibid - - Doña Juana Inez de la Cruz 551 - - Gerardo Lobo 556 - - Diffusion of the French taste--Luzan, his art of poetry, &c. 557 - - Luzan’s poetic compositions 568 - - Mayans y Siscar and Blas Nasarre 570 - - Montiano’s tragedies in the French style 571 - - Velasquez 574 - - CHAP. III. - - Concluding period of the history of Spanish poetry and - eloquence 575 - - La Huerta 576 - - His tragedies 580 - - His Spanish theatre 584 - - Sedano 587 - - Yriarte 588 - - Leon de Arroyal 593 - - Juan Melendez Valdes 595 - - Brief notice of some of the more recent literary productions - of Spain 600 - - Conclusion 605 - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - -GENERAL VIEW OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC POETRY AND ELOQUENCE, IN THE -KINGDOMS OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. - - -When modern refinement began, during the thirteenth century, to emerge -from the rudeness of the middle ages, that part of Europe which -geographers have called the Pyrenean Peninsula, and which, according -to its present political division, forms Spain and Portugal, contained -four Christian kingdoms and some Mahometan principalities, to which -the title of kingdom has also been given. More than five hundred years -had elapsed since the battle of Xerez de la Frontera;[4] and the -Moors, who, by the result of that conflict, obtained the dominion of -the greater part of Spain and Portugal, had, by the repeated victories -of the Christians, been, in their turn, driven back to the southern -extremity of the country, and were obviously not destined to maintain -themselves much longer even in that quarter. - -During these five centuries of almost uninterrupted warfare between the -race of Moorish Arabs and the Christians of ancient European descent, -both parties, notwithstanding that their reciprocal hostility was -influenced by fanaticism, had unconsciously approximated in mind and -in manners. The intervals of repose, which formed short links in the -chain of their sanguinary conflicts, afforded them some opportunities -for the interchange of the arts of peace, and they were soon taught to -feel for each other that involuntary respect which the brave can never -withhold from brave adversaries. Love adventures, in which the Moorish -knight and Christian lady, or the Christian knight and Moorish lady, -respectively participated, could not be of rare occurrence. The Arab, -who, in his native deserts, had not been accustomed to impose on women -half the despotic restraints to which the sex is subject in the harems -of Mahometan cities, was soon disposed to imitate the gallantry of the -descendants of the Goths; and still more readily did the imagination of -the Christian knight, in a climate which was far from being ungenial, -even to African invaders, acquire an oriental loftiness. Thus arose -the spirit of Spanish knighthood, which was, in reality, only a -particular form of the general chivalrous spirit then prevailing in -most of the countries of Europe, but which, under that form, impressed -in an equal degree, on the old European Spaniard an oriental, and on -the Spanish Moor a European character. - -In the first period of this long contest the Arabs carried learning -and the arts to a degree of cultivation far beyond any thing known in -the Christian parts of Spain. Those wild enthusiasts learned, on the -European soil, to estimate the value of civilized life with a rapidity -as astonishing as that which distinguished the social improvement of -their brethren, whom they had left behind in Asia, under the government -of the Caliphs. Before the era of Mahomet, their language had been -cultivated and adapted to poetry and eloquence, according to the laws -of oriental taste. In Spain, it soon acquired, even among the conquered -Christians, the superiority over the barbarous _Romance_, or dialect -of the country, which was then governed by no rule: for in the eighth -century, when the Moors penetrated into Spain, the Visigoths, who had -been masters of the territory since the fifth century, were not yet -completely intermixed by matrimonial alliances with the _Provincials_, -or descendants of the Roman subjects; and the new national language, -which had grown out of a corrupt latin, was still the sport of -accident. The conquered Christians, in the provinces under Moorish -dominion, soon forgot their Romance. They became, indeed, so habituated -to the Arabic, that, according to the testimony of a bishop of Cordova, -who lived in the ninth century, out of a thousand Spanish Christians, -scarcely one was to be found capable of repeating the latin forms of -prayer, while many could express themselves in Arabic with rhetorical -elegance, and compose Arabic verses.[5] - -But the Christians who had preserved their independence, descending -from the mountains of the Asturias, began to repel the invaders, and -in proportion as they extended their conquests, a wider field was -opened for the Spanish tongue. It remained, nevertheless, long barren -and rude, and was destined to receive many additions from the rich and -elegant Arabic, before it attained the copiousness requisite for the -wants even of common life. - -The circumstances, however, under which the dialects of the several -provinces existed, did not present those facilities for an improved -national language, on the principle of the Italian _Volgare illustre_, -of the age of Dante, which would have enabled a poet of Dante’s -genius, had such then arisen in Spain, to form out of them one general -literary language for all the Christian states of the Peninsula. It -happened, singularly enough, that about the beginning of the thirteenth -century, the three principal idioms which were spoken from the coast -of the Atlantic to the Pyrenees, and from the Bay of Biscay to the -Mediterranean, were represented by three kingdoms perfectly independent -of each other. The Castilian prevailed exclusively only in the Castiles -and Leon, the latter of which was permanently united to the former in -the year 1230. The Portuguese was spoken both by the court and the -people of Portugal. In the kingdom of Arragon, the language in general -use was the Catalonian, a dialect nearly the same as the Provençal -or Limosin of the south of France, but differing greatly both from -the Castilian and the Portuguese. This language also extended to -the little kingdom of Navarre, but it was there spoken only by the -nobles, who were of French or Hispano-Gothic origin. The great body -of the population in Navarre spoke the ancient Cantabrian, called -BASKIAN, VASKIAN, or BISCAYAN, and which -still exists in the Pyrenees and in the Spanish province of Biscay. - -The trouble will be repaid if a glance be now cast on the map, in order -to distinguish, with somewhat more precision than is usually thought -necessary, the respective domains of the three principal dialects of -the Spanish tongue; for it would be very difficult, if not impossible, -to form any opinion on the contest maintained between the Spaniards and -the Portuguese relative to the value of their respective languages, -and the influence which the merits or demerits of these languages have -had on the polite literature of both countries, without a knowledge -of the geographical boundaries, which, previously to the political -divisions, separated the Portuguese from the Castilians, and the -latter from the Arragonese. In these questions the Biscayan language -is of no consideration, as it has only an accidental and unimportant -connexion with the other Spanish dialects, and, besides, bears not the -most remote resemblance to them.[6] - -The mutilated latin spoken along the Mediterranean on the Spanish -shore, from the Pyrenees as far as Murcia, appears to have resolved -itself, before the period of the Arabian invasion, into the same -language which extended eastward from the Pyrenees through the whole -of the south of France to the Italian frontiers, and which, according -to the most remarkable of its provincial forms, was called the -CATALONIAN, the VALENCIAN, the LIMOSIN, -and the PROVENÇAL. Of all the tongues spoken in modern -Europe, this language of the coasts was the first cultivated. In it -the Troubadours sang, and their lays had all the same character, -whether addressed to the Italians, the French, or the Spaniards. From -Catalonia it probably spread itself along the chain of the Pyrenees. -The kingdom of Arragon became, after the restoration of the Spanish -romance in that quarter, its second country; for there both it and the -poetry of the Troubadours were particularly favoured by the princes -and the nobles. But at the very period of the decline of this poetry, -the kingdom of Arragon was united to the Castilian dominions. Another -kind of poetry, in the Castilian language, then obtained encouragement, -and the seat of the government of the united kingdoms was permanently -fixed in Castile. The energetic development of literary talent among -the Castilians, the bold romantic character of that people, and that -ardent spirit of national pride which prompted them to make the most of -all their advantages, soon banished the ancient and in other respects -highly esteemed dialect of Arragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Murcia, -from literature, law, and the conversation of the superior classes -of society. Finally, towards the middle of the sixteenth century the -Castilian became, in the strictest sense of the word, the reigning -language of the whole Spanish monarchy.[7] - -The Castilian tongue (_Lengua Castellana_), now called, by way of -distinction, the Spanish, doubtless had its origin before the Moorish -conquest, in the northern and midland parts of the Peninsula. How far -it had originally spread towards the south, it would not now be easy -to determine; but it came down from the Asturian mountains with the -warriors who boldly undertook to recover the country of their fathers. -It first resumed its sway in the kingdoms of Leon and old Castile, -where it is still spoken in the greatest purity.[8] It then followed -step by step, the fortune of the Castilian arms, until it finally -became the established language of the most southern provinces, where -its progress had been longest withstood by the Arabic. More recently -cultivated than the Catalonian, it cannot be doubted that it owes to -that dialect a part of its improvement; but the elevated expression of -its long full-toned words, soon stamped on it the character of quite a -different kind of romance. The abbreviation of the latin words which -gave the Catalonian language a striking resemblance to the French, was -not agreeable to the genius of the Castilian, which, in consequence -of its clear sonorous vowels and the beautiful articulation of its -syllables, had, of all the idioms of the Peninsula, the greatest -affinity to the Italian. Amidst the euphony of the Castilian syllables, -the ear is however struck with the sound of the German and Arabic -guttural, which is rejected by all the other nations that speak -languages in which the latin predominates.[9] - -The romance, out of which the present Portuguese language has grown, -was probably spoken along the coast of the Atlantic long before -a kingdom of Portugal was founded. Though far more nearly allied -to the Castilian dialect than to the Catalonian, it resembles -the latter in the remarkable abbreviation of words, both in the -grammatical structure and in the pronunciation. At the same time it -is strikingly distinguished from the Castilian by the total rejection -of the guttural, by the great abundance of its hissing sounds, and -by a nasal pronunciation common to no people in Europe except the -French and the Portuguese. In the Spanish province of Galicia, only -politically separated from Portugal, this dialect known under the name -of _Lingoa Gallega_ is still as indigenous as in Portugal itself, -and was at an early period, so highly esteemed, that Alphonso X. -king of Castile, surnamed the Wise, (_El Sabio_,) composed verses in -it. But the Galician modification of this dialect of the western -shores of the Peninsula has sunk, like the Catalonian romance of the -opposite coast, into a mere provincial idiom, in consequence of the -language of the Castilian court being adopted by the higher classes -in Galicia.[10] Indeed the Portuguese language, which in its present -state of improvement must no longer be confounded with the popular -idiom of Galicia, would have experienced great difficulty in obtaining -a literary cultivation, had not Portugal, which, even in the twelfth -century, formed an independent kingdom, constantly vied in arts and -in arms with Castile, and during the sixty years of her union with -Spain, from 1580 to 1640, zealously maintained her particular national -character.[11] - -After accurately distinguishing these three principal idioms of the -Romance, which formed the early spoken and written language of the -Peninsula,[12] it will be more readily perceived why the Catalonian -and Limosin poetry could not maintain itself in competition with the -Spanish and Portuguese, which were of more recent growth, and why the -poetry of Spain and that of Portugal have, from their first rise, -preserved nearly the same character and passed through the same periods -of splendour and decay. The Catalonian poetry was, from its origin, -inseparably united with the language of the Troubadours, throughout -its territories, from the Italian to the Castilian frontiers. While -the _Cours d’Amour_, the festal meetings, and various other gallant -exhibitions prevailed, in which the GAYA CIENCIA, or Joyous -Art, of these bards of love and chivalry flourished, and in which the -bards themselves bore a brilliant part as masters of the ceremonies, -the language and the poetry gave reciprocal importance to each other. -When, however, the romantic spirit had exhausted itself in these -modes, when another sort of gallantry came into vogue, and finally, -when a more cultivated style of poetry, entirely new to Spain, was -introduced from Italy, and propagated with the Castilian language, the -poets of Catalonia, Arragon, and Valencia began to write verses in the -new manner, and to disown their mother tongue in their compositions. -This literary phenomenon, which has its epoch only in the sixteenth -century, cannot be attributed to political dependence alone; for -hitherto the ancient national poetry of the Castilians had continued -foreign to the inhabitants of the Arragonian provinces, individual -imitators excepted, even after these provinces were united with the -Castiles. But when the Arragonese, in their zeal to vie with the -Castilians in the reform of their ancient poetry, began to write -verses in the Castilian language, their success was facilitated by the -relationship which had long subsisted between the old Provençal poetry, -the sister of the Limosin, and the Italian, which in the sixteenth -century became the model of the Spanish and Portuguese.[13] - -The ancient Castilian poetry was as closely allied to the Portuguese -and the Galician, as it was distinctly separated from the Limosin. -The Troubadours had, it is true, chaunted their lays at the courts of -Castile and Portugal, but the national taste in both kingdoms preferred -different accents, other metrical combinations, and was accustomed to -quite another kind of poetry of its own creation. No Troubadours were -needed in these countries; for the common national poetry, which was -unknown to the Arragonian provinces, formed a connecting tie for the -Castilians, Portuguese, and Galicians, as it was the faithful mirror -of their genius and character. However much the Castilians might -dislike the Portuguese tongue, and the Portuguese, in their turn, -the Castilian, their poetry continued essentially the same; and the -languages of both countries deviated, at all times, far more from the -Limosin romance, than ever they differed from each other. Besides, the -old Galician idiom, which was scarcely distinguishable from the old -Portuguese,[14] was originally a favourite with the Castilians; and -when it ceased to be a literary language, the political conflicts of -the Spaniards and the Portuguese did not destroy the poetical harmony -of the two nations. The Castilians, indeed, constantly maintained -the opinion, that the Portuguese language was incapable of giving -appropriate expression to heroic sentiments; but the Portuguese -contradicted this assertion, not merely by words, but by deeds.[15] - -The old Castilian, Portuguese, and Galician poetry was, under its own -peculiar forms, still more popular and strictly national than was the -Provençal, or than the Italian after it has ever been. It was not -destined to be recited in courtly circles, before lords and ladies. -It arose amidst the clang of arms, and was fostered by constantly -reiterated relations of warlike feats and love adventures, transmitted -from mouth to mouth; while almost every one who either witnessed -or participated in those feats and adventures, wished to give them -traditional circulation in the vehicle of easy verse. So common was -the practice among all ranks of composing verses, particularly in -Portugal, that the historian, Manuel de Faria y Sousa, thought himself, -at a later period, justified in calling every mountain in that country -a Parnassus, and every fountain a Hippocrene.[16] The poems called -Romances took their name from the national language; and it is probable -that the same name was at first given to all kinds of amatory and -heroic ballads, the taste for which, however rapidly those productions -increased and supplanted each other, appears to have been insatiable. -To mark with critical precision the limits of the different species -of poetic composition, was never contemplated by the authors of the -Romances, but they very carefully distinguished, in their national -verse, several kinds of measure and forms of rhyme, which differed -widely from the Provençal and Limosin; and having touched on this -subject, it will, perhaps, be most convenient here to introduce a brief -description of the nature of the verse common to the ancient Castilian, -Portuguese, and Galician poetry. - -Of the metrical compositions common to the ancient Castilians and -Portuguese, the most peculiarly national were the REDONDILLAS. -All verses, consisting of four trochaic feet, appear to have been -originally comprehended under the name of _redondillas_,[17] which, -however, came at length to be, in preference, usually applied to -one particular species of this description of verse. To a people -so romantic and chivalrous, and at the same time so fond of their -national poetry, as the Spaniards and Portuguese, nothing could be -more agreeable than verses of this sort, which, in languages such as -theirs, could be composed on the spur of the occasion, and which to the -charm of simplicity add the beauty of a sonorous harmony.[18] It is -difficult to suppose that the redondillas have been formed in imitation -of bisected hexameters, as some Spanish authors have imagined.[19] -They may, with more probability, be considered a relic of the songs -of the Roman soldiers, which were doubtless often heard in these -countries, and which must have left recollections, the impressions of -which would be easily communicated by the romanized natives to their -conquerors, the Visigoths.[20] In such verses, every individual could, -without restraint, pour forth the feelings which love and gallantry -dictated, accompanied by his guitar; as little attention was paid to -correctness in the distinction of long and short syllables as in the -rhyme. When one of the poetic narratives, distinguished by the name -of Romances, was sung, line followed line without constraint, the -expression flowing with careless freedom, as feeling gave it birth. -When, however, romantic sentiments were to be clothed in a popular -lyric dress, to exhibit the playful turns of the ideas under still -more pleasing forms, it was found advantageous to introduce divisions -and periods, which gave rise to regular strophes (_estancias_ and -_coplas_). Lines were, for the sake of variety, shortened by halving -them; and thus the tender and impressive melody of the rhythm was -sometimes considerably heightened. Seduced by the example of the Arabs, -something excellent was supposed to be accomplished when a single -sonorous and unvarying rhyme was rendered prominent throughout all the -verses of a long romance.[21] Through other romances, however, pairs -of rhymeless verses were allowed to glide amidst a variety of rhymed -ones. At length, at a later period, it was observed, that in point of -elegance, the _redondilla_ was improved, rather than injured by the -change which was produced; when, instead of perfect rhymes, imperfect -ones, or sounds echoing vowels but not consonants, were heard in the -terminating syllables. Hence arose the distinction between _consonant_ -and _assonant_ verses, which has been cultivated into a rhythmical -beauty unknown to other nations.[22] Thus varied, and yet ever simple, -the redondilla has been still more valuable to Spanish and Portuguese -versification, than the hexameter was to the poetry of Greece and Rome. -It has even become the prevailing measure of dramatic poetry. - -The period of the invention of the redondillas was also nearly that -of the dactylic stanzas, called _versos de arte mayor_, because their -composition was considered an art of a superior order. They had their -origin, according to some authorities, in Galicia and Portugal.[23] -This metrical form is, however, found in several of the most ancient -Castilian poems. As the inventors of these stanzas were ignorant of the -true principles of prosody, the attention paid to purity in the rhythm -of the dactyles was even less than in the rhymes of the redondillas. -They contented themselves with dealing out eleven or twelve syllables, -and left the dactylic measure to accident. This may account for these -verses falling into disuse, as the progressive improvement of taste, -which allowed the redondillas to maintain their original consideration, -was not reconcilable with the half dancing, half hobbling rhymed lines -of the _versos de arte mayor_.[24] - -Besides the above national modes of rhythm and rhyme, common to -Castilians, Galicians, and Portuguese, the form of the sonnet was also -known in the west of Spain and Portugal long before the imitation of -Italian poetry was thought of in those parts of the Peninsula. It had -doubtless been acquired through the intervention of Provençal and -Limosin poets. But the character of the sonnet was not sufficiently -popular for the old Spaniards and Portuguese, and they were never fond -of that kind of poetic composition. Not less adverse to the taste of -the country was the long protracted alexandrine. Monkish rhymesters, -who forced their imitations of latin doggrels on the nation, introduced -this kind of verse into the Spanish language, in the thirteenth or -perhaps even in the twelfth century, but certainly at a period anterior -to its appearance in any other modern tongue. It soon, however, sunk -into disesteem, and was neglected. - -Thus, during the progress of their civilization, the Spaniards and -the Portuguese co-operated in cultivating the same spirit and form of -poetry. What is, notwithstanding, dissimilar in the polite literature -of the two countries, and what is peculiar to each, will, with other -subjects, become matter for consideration in the following sheets. - - - - -HISTORY - -OF - -SPANISH LITERATURE. - - - - -BOOK I. - -FROM THE END OF THE THIRTEENTH TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SIXTEENTH -CENTURY. - - -PROBABLE PERIOD OF THE FIRST ROMANCES. - -The origin of Castilian poetry is lost in the obscurity of the middle -ages. The poetic spirit which then awoke in the north of Spain, -doubtless first manifested itself in romances and popular songs. -_Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar_, called _El Campeador_, (the Champion), and -still better known by the Arabic title of the _Cid_, (the Lord or -Leader), assisted in founding the kingdom of Castile for his prince, -Ferdinand I. about the year 1036, and the name and the exploits of -that favorite hero of the nation were probably celebrated during his -own age in imperfect redondillas. That some of the many romances which -record anecdotes of the life of the Cid may be the offspring of that -period, is a conjecture which, to say the least of it, has never been -disproved; and indeed the whole character impressed upon Spanish poetry -from its rise, denotes that the era which gave birth to the first songs -of chivalry must be very remote. In the form, however, in which these -romances now exist, it does not appear that even the oldest can be -referred to the twelfth, far less to the eleventh century.[25] - - -POEMA DEL CID. - -Some examples of Old Castilian verse, which are held to be more -ancient than any known romance or ballad in that language, have been -preserved.[26] Of these the rhymed chronicle, Of the Exile and Return -of the Cid, (_Poema del Cid, el Campeador_), is considered the oldest. -This chronicle can scarcely be called a poem; and that it could not -have been the result of a poetic essay made in the spirit of the -national taste, is evident, from the nature of the verse, which is a -kind of rude alexandrine. It is the more difficult to speak with any -certainty respecting its age, as there also exists a very old prose -account of the Cid, which corresponds in all the principal facts -with this rhymed chronicle. Though it may be true that the author -lived about the middle of the twelfth century, as his editor Sanchez -supposes, still it is not with this work that the history of Spanish -poetry ought to commence. As a philological curiosity, the rhymed -chronicle is highly valuable; but any thing like poetry which it -contains must be considered as a consequence of the poetic character -of the nation to which the versifier belonged, and of the internal -interest of the subject. The events are narrated in the order in which -they succeed each other, and the whole work scarcely exhibits a single -mark of invention. The small portion of poetical colouring with which -the dryness of the relation is occasionally relieved, is the result -of the chivalrous cordiality of the writer’s tone, and of a few happy -traits in the description of some of the situations.[27] - - -POEMA DE ALEXANDRO MAGNO. - -Still less of the character of poetry belongs to the fabulous chronicle -of Alexander the Great (_Poema de Alexandro Magno_), respecting the -origin and age of which the Spanish critics are far from being agreed. -Whether it be, as some pretend, a Spanish original of the twelfth or -thirteenth century, or as others assert, the translation of a French -work of the same age, in verse, or, what is still more probable, a -versified translation of a latin legend, with the manufacture of which -some monk had occupied his solitary hours, are questions which a -writer of the history of Spanish poetry cannot, with propriety, stop -to discuss, even though alexandrine verse should, as some suppose, -have taken its name from this chronicle. Next to stringing together -his rhymes,[28] the chief object of the author probably was to dress -the biography of Alexander the Great in the costume of chivalry. -Accordingly he relates how the _Infante_ Alexander, whose birth was -distinguished by numerous prodigies, seemed, while yet a youth a -Hercules; how he was taught to read in his seventh year; how he then -every day learned a lesson in the seven liberal arts, and maintained -a daily disputation thereon; and many other wonders of this sort.[29] -Alexander’s officers are counts and barons. The real history only -feebly glimmers through a grotesque compound of puerile fictions and -distorted facts. But perhaps this mode of treating the materials is not -to be laid to the account of the versifier. - - -GONZALO BERCEO. - -There are some prayers, monastic rules, and legends in Castilian -alexandrines, which are regarded as of very ancient date, but they -were probably composed by Gonzalo Berceo, a benedictine, about the -middle of the thirteenth century. Spanish authors have made the dates -of the birth and death of this monk objects of very minute research, -and have exerted great industry in recovering his rude verses.[30] In -this field, however, the poetical historian can find nothing worth the -gleaning. - - -ALPHONSO X.; HIS LITERARY MERITS--NICOLAS AND ANTONIO DE LOS -ROMANCES, &c. - -The names of several early writers of rude Castilian verse are recorded -by different authors. A notice, however, of the literary merits of -Alphonso X. called the _Wise_, by which is meant the learned, forms -the most suitable commencement for a history of Spanish poetry. This -sovereign, who was a very extraordinary man, for the age in which he -lived, was ambitious, among his other distinctions, of being a poet. -Scarcely any romance or song of true poetic feeling can be attributed -to him; but he loved to embody his science and learning in verse. -He disclosed his Alchymical Secrets in the dactylic stanzas, called -_versos de arte mayor_. Alchymy was his favourite study; and if his -assertions in verse may be relied on, he several times made gold, and -in times of difficulty turned his power of producing that precious -metal to his own advantage. His verses are, in some degree, harmonious, -and ingeniously constructed; but no trait of poetic description -enlivens the dry and uninteresting precepts he details.[31] It is not, -therefore, on account of his rhymes that Alphonso the Wise deserves -to be placed at the head of the Castilian poets. His claim to occupy -that station can only be founded on the attention he devoted to the -cultivation of the Castilian language, an attention which is easily -recognized even in his unpoetic verses, and which could not fail to -prove a most powerful incitement to emulation, since he who set the -example was the king of the country, and possessed a reputation for -learning which was flattering to the national pride. The greater -purity and precision which was thus introduced into the dialect of -Castile and Leon, enabled the poetic genius of the nation to unfold -itself with increasing vigour and freedom. But the benefits which -Alphonso conferred on the Spanish language and literature, did not -stop here. The bible was, by his command, rendered into Castilian; -and a Paraphrase of Scripture History accompanied the translation. A -General Chronicle of Spain, and a History of the Conquest of the Holy -Land, founded on the work of William of Tyre, were also written by his -order. Finally, he introduced the use of the national language into -legal and judicial proceedings. No direct interest was, however, taken -by Alphonso in the improvement of the popular Castilian poetry. He -probably thought it too destitute of art and learning to deserve much -consideration. It appears to have been on this account, and not from -vanity, that he favoured the Troubadours, assembled at his court, in -whose more elegant verse his praises were unceasingly proclaimed.[32] -His influence had an extensive operation; but his death, which happened -in the year 1284, was no loss to the national bards of Castile, who -still sung their Romances in obscurity. - -The history of Spanish poetry continues barren of names until towards -the end of the fourteenth century; and yet, according to all literary -probability, the greater part of the ancient Castilian romances, which -have, in the progress of time, been collected, and have undergone -more or less improvement, were composed at a much earlier period. -One Nicolas, and an abbot named Antonio, are mentioned as celebrated -writers of romances in the thirteenth century, anterior to the reign -of Alphonso X.[33] But until the period of the invention of printing, -no regard was paid by the learned, or by those who wished to be -considered learned, to popular ballads; and when the attention of -men of letters began at last to be directed to the old romances, the -authors were either forgotten, or no trouble was taken to preserve or -recover their names. With a view, therefore, to the convenience of -historical arrangement, a particular account of the ancient romance -poetry of Castile may, with propriety, be postponed until the period -when the first instance of literary publicity, which was given to it, -must be recorded. In the mean while, some little known, though not -unimportant memorials of the state of poetical and rhetorical culture -in the fourteenth century, may here be brought to recollection. - - -ALPHONSO XI. - -That the example of Alphonso X. operated powerfully among the grandees -of Castile, cannot be doubted; and to its influence must, in a great -measure, be attributed the encouragement given to the cultivation of -knowledge by Alphonso XI. This prince, amidst all the troubles of his -busy reign, maintained the character of a protector of learning, and -endeavoured to distinguish himself as a writer in his native tongue. -In the accounts of his labours given by Spanish authors, he is stated -to have composed a General Chronicle in Redondillas,[34] which is -either lost, or still remains buried in some of the old archives of -Spain. However slight may be the merits of this work, in a poetical -point of view, it is rendered interesting by the circumstance, that -the king chose for the rhythmic structure of his narrative, the easy -flowing verse of the romances, instead of stiff monkish alexandrines, -and the ungraceful dactylic stanzas. This brought the redondillas more -into favour. Alphonso XI. also caused books to be written in Castilian -prose, among which were a kind of Peerage, or Register of the noble -families of Castile, with an account of their hereditary estates -and possessions, and a Hunting Book, (_Libro de Monteria_,) in the -composition of which several persons assisted. Though rhetorical art -might derive no advantage from these books, they contributed to give -consideration to the national dialect, and to incite persons of rank to -engage in literary labour. - - - EARLY CULTIVATION OF CASTILIAN PROSE--DON JUAN MANUEL; HIS CONDE - LUCANOR; HIS ROMANCES. - -But the most valuable monument of the cultivation of Spanish eloquence -in the fourteenth century is _El Conde Lucanor_, a book of moral and -political maxims, written by Don Juan Manuel, a Castilian prince. -This Don Juan was one of the most distinguished men of his age.[35] -He was descended, in a collateral line with the reigning family of -Castile, from king Ferdinand III. usually called the SAINT. -He served his sovereign Alphonso XI. with chivalrous fidelity, and -by the judicious policy of his conduct, retained the favour of that -prince, who certainly had reason to regard him with jealousy. After -distinguishing himself by a number of honourable and gallant deeds, -Alphonso appointed him governor (_adelantado mayor_) of the country -bordering on the Moorish kingdom of Grenada. In this station he became -the terror of the hereditary enemy of Castile. He made an irruption -into Grenada, and defeated the Moorish king in a great battle. After -this brilliant victory, he always acted one of the first parts in -the internal troubles of Castile, and during twenty years conducted -the war against the Moors. He died in 1362, leaving behind him some -of the ripest fruits of his experience in his _Count Lucanor_. A -Spanish book, so full of sound practical good sense, of a character so -truly unostentatious, and clothed in a simple, homely, but far from -inanimate garb, could scarcely be expected to belong to the fourteenth -century. In estimating the merit of this work, it ought also to be -recollected, that at the period in which it appeared, the taste for the -wild tales of chivalry called romances had begun to prevail. Amadis de -Gaul, the prototype of all subsequent knight-errantry romances, had -then obtained general circulation. There is, however, in the _Count -Lucanor_, no trace of romantic extravagance, none of the dreaming -flights of an irregular imagination; for in every passage of the book -the author shews himself a man of the world and an observer of human -nature. In the course of his long experience he had formed maxims for -the conduct of life which he was desirous of pursuing. He gave to many -of these axioms a laconic expression in verse; and, to impress them -the more forcibly, invented his _Count Lucanor_, a prince conscious -of too limited an understanding to trust to his own judgment in cases -of difficulty. He gives the Count a minister (_consejero_), whose -wisdom fortunately supplies the deficiency of his master’s intellect. -When the Count asks advice of his minister, the latter relates a -story, or sometimes a fable. The application comes at the close, and -the narrative is the commentary of the verse or couplet with which -it terminates. In this manner forty-nine moral and political tales -are told. They are not of equal merit; but though some are inferior -to others, the difference is not great, and they have all the same -rhetorical form. Sometimes it is the idea that gives the chief -interest, sometimes the execution. Among the versified maxims are the -following. - -“If you have done something good in little, do it also in great, as the -good will never die.”[36] - -“He who advises you to be reserved to your friends, wishes to betray -you without witnesses.”[37] - -“Hazard not your wealth on a poor man’s advice.”[38] - -“He who has got a good seat should not leave it.”[39] - -“He who praises you for what you have not, wishes to take from you what -you have.”[40] - -This last axiom is deduced from the well-known fable of the fox and the -raven. It is curious to observe the resemblance between the unconscious -artless simplicity with which Don Juan Manuel relates his fable, and -the finely-studied simplicity with which the elegant La Fontaine tells -the same story. Who would expect to find in an old Spanish book of the -fourteenth century, the same knowledge of the world and mankind, as -distinguished the refined age of Louis XIV.[41] - -This work appears to have been preserved without alteration, as it was -originally written. It is only occasionally that the difference of the -language in single words,[42] betrays the officious industry of some -transcriber. In a short preface, the author gives a candid explanation -of the object of this collection of tales. - -Don Juan Manuel was also the author of a Chronicle (_Chronica de -España_); the Book of the Sages, (_Libro de los Sabios_); a Book of -Chivalry, (_Libro del Caballero_); and several other works in prose -of a similar nature.[43] It appears that these works are now lost, -though they were preserved in manuscript in the sixteenth century. -A collection of Don Juan Manuel’s poems also existed at that time, -according to the express testimony of Argote y Molina, who published -_El Conde Lucanor_ in the sixteenth century, and intended to publish -those poems likewise. He calls them coplas; and they certainly were -not alexandrines. After this testimony, it can scarcely be doubted -that some of the romances and songs, which are attributed, in the -_Cancionero general_, to a Don Juan Manuel, have this prince for their -author.[44] But if such be the fact, then how many of the similar -romances which are still preserved, may, considering the greater -antiquity of their form, be yet more ancient! - - -SATIRICAL POEM OF JUAN RUYZ, ARCH-PRIEST OF HITA. - -Don Juan Manuel had for his contemporary the author of an allegorical -satire, written in Castilian alexandrines, or in a kind of verse which -may be called doggrel. The result of the researches of the Spanish -critics ascribes this very singular work to Juan Ruiz, arch-priest -of Hita, in Castile.[45] This writer evidently possessed a lively -imagination; he has personified with great drollery Lent, the Carnival, -and Breakfast, under the titles of _Doña Quaresma_, _Don Carnal_, and -_Don Almuerzo_; and these and other personages are placed in a very -edifying connection with _Don Amor_. The object of the satire is thus -apparent, but the execution is as unskilful as the language is rude. -Only a part of the work has been preserved.[46] - -He, however, who has to record the developement of true poetic genius, -must hasten from this and other examples of monastic humour and rugged -versification, in order to speak with something like historical -precision of the romances and other lyric compositions which form the -real commencement of Spanish poetry. - - - MORE PRECISE ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE SPANISH POETIC - ROMANCES AND SONGS--PROBABLE RISE OF THE ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY IN - PROSE--ORIGINAL RELATIONSHIP OF THE POETIC AND THE PROSE ROMANCES. - -The latter half of the fourteenth century is the period when the -history of the Spanish romances and songs, the unknown authors of -which yet live in their verse, though still very defective, begins -to acquire some degree of certainty.[47] In the absence, however, -of that particular information which would be desirable, it becomes -necessary to take a view of the manner of thinking of the Spaniards -of that age, in order to connect the general idea which ought to be -formed of their literary culture, with those scattered notices which -must supply the place of a more systematic account. It will here be -recollected that the cultivation of Spanish literature received at -its commencement a national poetic impulse. In constant conflict with -the Moors, and acquainted with oriental manners and compositions, the -Spaniards felt the proper distinction between poetry and prose, less -readily than that distinction was perceived by any other people on the -first attempt to give a determinate form to their literature. Popular -songs of every kind were probably indigenous in the Peninsula. The -patriotic Spaniards, like many other ancient nations, were fond of -preserving the memory of remarkable events in ballads. They also began, -at a very early period, to consider it of importance to record public -transactions in prose. The example of their learned king Alphonso X. -who caused a collection of old national chronicles to be made, gave -birth to many similar compilations of the history of the country. -But historical criticism, and the historical art, were then equally -unknown. As the giving to an accredited fact a poetical dress in a -song fit to be sung to a guitar, was not thought inconsistent with the -spirit of genuine national history, still less could the relating of a -fabricated story as a real event in history seem hostile to the spirit -of poetry. Thus the _historical romance_ in verse, and the _chivalric -romance_ in prose, derived their origin from the confounding of the -limits of epic and historical composition. The history of Spanish -poetical romance is therefore intimately interwoven with the history of -the prose chivalric romance. - -Whoever may have been the author of _Amadis de Gaul_, his genius lives -in his invention; this work soon obscured, even in France, all the -other histories of knights-errant written in latin or french, by many -of which it had been preceded. From the very careful investigations -of several Spanish and Portuguese writers, it appears that the name -of the real author of the first or genuine Amadis was Vasco Lobeira, -or, according to the Spanish orthography and pronunciation, Lobera, -a native of Portugal, who flourished about the end of the thirteenth -century, and lived to 1325. It is probable, however, that before the -period at which the work obtained its highest celebrity both in Spain -and France, it had passed through the hands of several emendators, and -it is therefore impossible to know how much of the book, as it now -exists, belongs to the original author, and how far it is indebted to -the labours of Spanish or French editors.[48] From these circumstances -too, it appears that the work could scarcely be generally known in -Spain before the middle of the fourteenth century; and its influence on -the national literature must, on that account, have been the greater; -for it would be operating with all the force of novelty, precisely at -the time when the poetic genius of the nation began to display itself -in youthful vigour. What other book could have produced an effect so -fascinating on the minds of the Spanish nobles, as Amadis de Gaul? The -monstrous perversions of history and geography in that work, did not -disturb the illusion of readers who knew little or nothing of either -history or geography. The prolixity of the narrative gave as little -offence as the stiff formality of the style. Indeed the virtues of -gothic chivalry appear more pure as they shine through the formal -stateliness of the narration. The author has borrowed nothing from -the Arabian tale-tellers, except the attraction of fairy machinery. -This was, however, a powerful charm, and gave an epic-colouring to -the Amadis, which, joined to the pathetic descriptions of romantic -heroism, produced an influence over the imagination and feelings of -the age which no former work had possessed. The moral character of -the plan and execution is strangely blended with a peculiar kind of -delicately veiled licence, which appears to have very well accorded -with the spirit of Spanish chivalry. While the gentle knights, amidst -innumerable adventures of love and heroism, observe as the chief law -of chivalry, the most inviolable fidelity in all situations towards -females as well as males, they and the ladies with whom they have -pledged their faith, by a secret betrothing, live together without -scruple before marriage, as husband and wife. But a picture, so true -and glowing, of the noblest heroic feelings and the most unshaken -fidelity,--circumscribing with no anxious care the boundaries of -love’s dominion, yet admitting no offensively indecorous or immoral -trait,--displaying the enthusiastic flights of an imagination often -exalted beyond nature, but redeemed by an ingenuous simplicity of -description with which even a refined taste must be delighted,--well -deserved at the time of its appearance that favour which it continued -for ages to enjoy. It is obvious that more of Spanish than of French -features enter into the character of the chivalry exhibited in this -work. The romantic self-torment of Amadis on the _Peña pobre_ (barren -rock) is one of the striking Spanish traits. Even the name Beltenebros, -given on this occasion by a pious hermit to the disconsolate knight, -contributes to prove that the work is not of French origin; for the -French paraphrastic translation, _Le beau tenebreux_, is not only in -itself very insipid, but poor Amadis appears quite ridiculous when made -to pronounce it from his own mouth as his name.[49] - -When the Amadis, after being widely circulated, became the object -of numerous imitations, the particular account of which may be left -to the explorers of literary curiosities, it was no longer possible -for the prose romance of knight-errantry and the ballad romance -to disown their relationship. At this period the romance poetry -obtained a consideration which it had not previously enjoyed. Songs -which were formerly disregarded were now carefully noted down. Those -poetic romances, the materials for which are taken from histories of -knights-errant, are among the oldest of the Spanish ballads which have -been preserved in the ancient language and form. Some are imitations -from the Spanish Amadis, others are translations from the French; and -it may here be observed, that the Spaniards and the French possessed -at this period a body of romantic literature, which was throughout -its whole extent nearly the same to both countries.--With the old -poetic romances, derived from books of chivalry, are closely connected -the most ancient of the historical ballads founded on the history of -the country. The latter, it may be presumed, soon transferred their -national tone and character into the former. But it was not until after -they had given to each other a reciprocal support, that the historical -romance found a place in Spanish literature. They also mutually -declined from the height of their common celebrity, and at last sunk -again into the obscurity attached to pieces of mere popular recreation. -In this way, however, they have retained an oral currency among the -common people down to the present age. The Spanish critics notice -them too briefly, as if they were afraid to depreciate the dignity of -their literature by dwelling on the antiquated and homely effusions -of the poetic genius of their unlettered ancestors. But a people free -from this prejudice who can admire simple and natural, as well as -learned and artificial poetry, and who set little or no value on the -latter, when it entirely separates itself from the former, will be -disposed to see justice more impartially distributed to the old Spanish -romances.[50] - - -THE DIFFERENT KINDS OF POETIC ROMANCE. - -The romances composed on subjects derived from the fictions of -chivalry, which have been preserved in the collections, are -distinguished by the old forms of the language, and the primitive mode -of repeating a single rhyme, which often becomes a mere assonance, from -the romances of a later date, though even these have long since been -called old. Amadis de Gaul appears to have contributed very little -to this kind of ballad.[51] The great number and the longest of the -romances are taken from the fabulous adventures of Charlemagne and his -Paladins. In them we again meet with the twelve peers of France, who -figure in the poems of Boyardo and Ariosto, with the addition of Don -Gayferos, the Moor Calaynos, and other poetic characters, to whom the -Spanish public were the more readily disposed to grant an historical -existence, in consequence of the chivalric history of Charlemagne’s -Paladins (who are represented to have fought like the Spaniards against -the Moors,) being held in great respect as a supplemental part of -Spanish National History. In progress of time, however, the romance -of the Moor Calaynos became the subject of a proverb, employed to -denote verses in an old exploded and vulgar style.[52] The ballad -of the _Conde Alarcos_, who with his own hands strangled his lady -in satisfaction to the honour, and in obedience to the commands of -his king, appears to have had its origin in some romantic work of -chivalry. This and two other romances which relate how the youthful Don -Gayferos avenged the death of his father, are among the best to which -knight-errantry has given birth; though in the remaining specimens -of this kind of ballad, the poetic genius of the age occasionally -displays itself in all its energetic simplicity. The authors of these -romances paid little regard to ingenuity of invention, and still less -to correctness of execution. When an impressive story of poetical -character was found, the subject and the interest belonging to it were -seized with so much truth and feeling, that the parts of the little -piece, the brief labour of untutored art, linked themselves together, -as it were, spontaneously; and the imagination of the bard had no -higher office than to give to the situations a suitable colouring -and effect. This he performed without study or effort, and painted -them more or less successfully according to the inspiration, good -or bad, of the moment. These antique, racy effusions of a pregnant -poetic imagination, scarcely conscious of its own productive power, -are nature’s genuine offspring. To recount their easily recognized -defects and faults is as superfluous, as it would be impossible by any -critical study to imitate a single trait of that noble simplicity which -constitutes their highest charm.[53] - -The simplicity of the old historical romances is still more remarkable. -They form altogether a mere collection of anecdotes of Spanish -history, from the invasion of the Moors, to the period when the -authors of the romances flourished. Neither the materials nor the -interest of the situations owe any thing to the invention of these -simple bards. They never ventured to embellish with fictitious -circumstances, stories which were already in themselves interesting, -lest they should deprive their ballads of historical credit. In the -historical romances the story displays none of those entanglements -and developements which distinguish some of the longer romances of -chivalry. They are simple pictures of single situations only. The -poetic representation of the details which give effect to the situation -is almost the only merit which can be attributed to the narrators, -and they employed no critical study to obtain it. In this way were -thousands of these romances destined to be composed, and partly -preserved, partly forgotten, without one of their authors acquiring -the reputation of a great poet. It was regarded rather as an instance -of good fortune than a proof of talent, when the author of a romance -was particularly successful in painting an interesting situation. -In general their efforts did not carry them beyond mediocrity, but -mediocrity was not discouraged, for it depended entirely on accident, -or perhaps some secondary causes, whether a romance became popular or -sunk into oblivion. It would require a separate treatise to discuss -in a satisfactory manner, the degree of merit which belongs to these -national ballads, the immense number of which defies calculation. -Many little, and upon the whole very unimportant specimens are still -worthy of preservation, on account of some one single trait which -each exhibits. Others, on the contrary, excite attention by the happy -combination of a number of traits in themselves minute and of little -value; again, a third class is distinguished by a sonorous rhythm -not to be found in the rest. Unfortunately, no literary critic has -yet taken the trouble to arrange these pieces in anything like a -chronological order. Until this be done, it cannot be discovered how -the historical romance gradually advanced from its original rudeness -to the degree of relative beauty which it at last attained, though it -could not rise to classic perfection, as that kind of composition never -acquired the rank or consideration of classic poetry in Spain. - -Among the most ancient historical romances are several, the subjects -of which have been taken from the earliest periods of Spanish -history, anterior to the age of the Cid. Like the romances derived -from the prose works of chivalry, they have only a single rhyme which -interchanges with blank verse, and which is frequently lost in a simple -assonance.[54] The romances of the Cid, of which more than a hundred -still exist, are either of a more recent date, or have, at least, -been in a great measure modernized.[55] In some a series of regularly -arranged assonances may be perceived.[56] Others are divided into -stanzas, with a burden repeated at the close of each.[57] In the -greater part, however, the rhyme almost wholly disappears, and only -an accidental assonance occasionally occurs. This form also prevails -in most of the romances founded on the history of the Moors. Their -number is very great, perhaps greater than that of those derived from -events of Spanish history; and this abundance might well excite as much -astonishment in the critic as it has given offence to some orthodox -Spaniards.[58] But even the Spaniards of old Castilian origin found -a certain poetic charm in the oriental manners of the Moors. On the -other hand, the European chivalry, in so far as it was adopted by -the Moors, became more imposing from its union with oriental luxury, -which favoured the display of splendid armour, waving plumes, and -emblematical ornaments of every kind. The Moorish principalities or -kingdoms were even more agitated by internal troubles, and acts of -violence, than the christian states; and in the former, particularly, -when different races powerfully opposed each other, the lives of -celebrated warriors were more fertile in interesting anecdotes than in -the latter. The Christian warriors, it also appears, had sufficient -generosity to allow justice to be done, at least to the distinguished -leaders of their enemies, who are described in an old romance, as -_gentlemen, though infidels_.[59] Besides, all these romances, whether -of Moorish or Spanish history, whether more ancient or more modern, -present nearly the same unsophisticated character and the same artless -style of composition. The subject is generally founded on a single -fact. Thus, for example, _Roderick_, or _Don Rodrigo_, the last king -of the Goths in Spain, before the Moorish invasion, takes flight after -his total overthrow, and bewails his own and his country’s fate; and -this is sufficient for a romance.[60] The Cid returns victorious -from his exile, alights from his horse before a church, and delivers -a short energetic speech; this again forms the whole subject of a -romance.[61] In others, with equal simplicity of story:-- the king -joins the hands of the Cid and Ximena, invests him with fiefs of -castles and territories, the names of which are all recorded, and -thus makes preparation for the marriage of the lovers.--The Cid lays -aside his armour and puts on his wedding garments, which are minutely -described from the hat to the boots.--At a tournament the Moorish -knight Ganzul enters the lists on a fiery steed; the beautiful Zayda, -who has been unfaithful to him, once more yields up her heart to her -lover, and confesses to the Moorish ladies who surround her the emotion -she experiences.[62]--The Moorish hero Abenzulema, who has filled -the prisons with Christian knights,[63] being exiled by his jealous -prince, takes leave of his beloved Balaja.[64] Such is the nature of -a countless number of these ballads. In general, the ornaments of the -armour, and the device of the knight, which must harmonize with these -ornaments, are minutely described. Were an artist of genius to study -these interesting situations, he would open to himself a new field for -historical painting. - -There is a kind of mythological romance in which the heroes of Greece -appear in Spanish costume, which may be regarded as an imitation of -the species already described. The history of the siege of Troy, -having been clothed in the garb of a chivalric romance, it followed, -as a matter of course, that the Grecian heroes should be exhibited as -knights-errant in the poetic romances. It is obvious, on examination, -that most of these mythological romances are very old.[65] Even -christianity is made to contribute to this kind of composition, and -anecdotes from the bible are related in the favourite romance form; -as, for example, the lamentation of king David on the death of his son -Absalom.[66] - - -CASTILIAN POETRY IN THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES. - -In ancient Spanish poetry the strictly lyric romances do not form -a different class from the narrative romances. On the contrary, -these kinds are inseparably confounded. In like manner, no essential -distinction between what was called a _cancion_ (song), and a lyric -romance, was established either in theory or in practice. A custom -prevailed of classing, without distinction, under the general name of -romance, any lyric expression of the feelings which ran on, in the -popular manner, in a string of redondillas, without distinct strophes, -and which, in that respect resembled the greater part of the narrative -romances. When, however, the composition was divided into little -strophes, or coplas, it was usually called a _cancion_, a term employed -in nearly the same indeterminate sense as the word _song_ in English, -or _lied_ in German, but which does not correspond with the Italian -_canzone_. The same name, however, came afterwards to be applied to -lyric pieces of greater research and more elevated character, if they -were divided into strophes. Compositions in coplas must have been -common in Spain about the middle of the fourteenth century; for the -traces of their origin lead back to the ancient Spanish custom of -accompanying such songs, in the true style of national poetry, with -dances. The saraband is one of those old national dances, during the -performance of which coplas were sung. Hence the Spanish proverb -denoting antiquated and trivial poetry, when it is said of verses that -“they are not worth as much as the coplas of the saraband,” in the -same way as the romance of Calainos is quoted proverbially.[67] But -many lyric compositions which are preserved in the collections of the -most ancient of the pieces known by the general name of romances, are -probably of an older date than those in coplas which appear in the -_Cancioneros_. They have, like the older romances, only a single rhyme, -alternating with assonances and blank verses; but, independently of -this proof, their old language, which corresponds so naturally with -the ingenuous simplicity of their manner, is sufficient to mark their -antiquity.[68] - -The Castilian lyric poetry seems to have begun to confer reputation on -those who cultivated it, in the latter half of the fourteenth century. -The Marquis of Santillana, who lived in the first half of the fifteenth -century, relates that his grandfather composed very good songs, and -among others some, the first lines of which he quotes.[69] According -to the statement of the Marquis, a Spanish jew, named Rabbi Santo, -celebrated as the author of maxims in verse, flourished about the same -time. He also informs us, that during the reign of John I. from 1379 to -1390, Alfonso Gonzales de Castro, and some other poets, were esteemed -for their lyric compositions. But all these names, so honoured in their -own age, were forgotten in the commencement of the fifteenth century, -when under the reign of John II. there arose a new race of poets, who -outshone all their predecessors. - - -POETICAL COURT OF JOHN II. - -The Spanish authors make the reign of John II. the commencement of an -epoch in their poetry. But though some poetic essays of greater compass -than had previously been undertaken, were then produced, still this -period ought really to be regarded only as that in which the ancient -poetry received its last improvement, and by no means as constituting -a new era. The old national muse of Castile continued the favourite of -many of the grandees of the kingdom who were ambitious, in imitation of -Alphonso X. of uniting the reputation of learning to the fame of their -poetry, but who had more true poetic feeling than that monarch. These -noble authors thought they could acquire little honour by devoting -their attention to the composition of romances, properly so called, -but preferred distinguishing themselves by giving to lyric poetry a -higher degree of art in its forms, and more ingenuity of invention. -As a consequence of this taste, they displayed a particular fondness -for allegory, and ingenious difficulties and subtilties of every kind -were the great objects of their labours. Their best works are some -compositions in which they seem unconsciously to have allowed nature -to speak, and these specimens possess about the same value as the -anonymous romances. They brought the dactylic stanzas (_versos de arte -mayor_,) again into vogue, because such artificial strophes had a more -learned air than the easy flowing redondillas. Mythological illusions -and moral sentences were, with these authors, the usual substitutes -for true poetic dignity. But barbarous as was their taste, nature, -which they wished to renounce, sometimes worked so powerfully within -them, that she triumphed over the pedantic refinement to which they had -surrendered their understandings;--and the graceful facility of the -popular manner occasionally appeared in their writings. In this way the -ancient national poetry became amalgamated with works distinguished for -laborious efforts of art, and ultimately attained a higher degree of -consideration. There resulted, however, no revolution in the literature -of Spain; and it cannot be said, that the authors of the age of John -II. formed an epoch, unless it be for having introduced, with more -success than Alphonso X. learning and philosophy into the sphere of -poetry; and for having, besides, by their united endeavours, given -to the ancient lyric forms of their maternal language, that sort of -improvement which, consistently with the spirit of the age, they were -capable of receiving, and which finally brought them to their highest -state of perfection. - -But this period of brilliant improvement in the ancient national poetry -of Spain is, in another respect, more memorable than the writers on -Spanish literature appear to have regarded it. During the whole period -the Castilian monarchy was convulsed by internal troubles. Even in -the last ten years of the fourteenth century, the powerful barons of -the kingdom had almost wrested the sceptre from the hands of John I. -and Henry III. Under John II. the celebrated patron of poetry, who -reigned from 1407 to 1454, the monarchy was more than once menaced -with destruction. The grandees sported with the royal prerogatives, -and John II. had not sufficient firmness of character to render his -authority respected. In the difficult situations in which he was -involved, he derived, in a certain measure, his security from his love -of literature, which yielded a valuable return for the favours he had -bestowed. It won and preserved for him the attachment of many of the -most considerable noblemen of the country, who formed around him a -poetical court, which was not without influence on public affairs. It -would not be easy to find in the history of states and of literature, -another instance of a similar court, with the members composing it, -at once poets, warriors, and statesmen, surrounding and supporting a -learned sovereign, in spite of his imbecility, during a period of civil -commotion. This phenomenon proves the supremacy of the poetic spirit at -this time in Spain, since it was not to be subdued even by the spirit -of political faction, which is always hostile to poetry, and which was, -at this time, particularly powerful. - - -THE MARQUIS OF VILLENA. - -Previously to this period, before the poets had rendered the court of -John II. the most brilliant society of the age, an eminent nobleman, -the Marquis Enrique de Villena, was distinguished for his literary -efforts. He sought to adorn his erudition with the lyric graces of -the Limosin Troubadours, who had then attained their highest and -final celebrity at the court of Arragon; and, thus united, to adapt -both the learning and the poetry to the Castilian taste. He seemed -called by birth to the performance of this task; for he was descended -by the paternal side from the kings of Arragon, and by the maternal -from those of Castile. His reputation for metaphysical and natural -knowledge was so great, that he came, at last, in that ignorant age, to -be regarded as a magician, and on that account he and his books were -never mentioned but with horror. His talent for poetic invention was, -however, an object of particular admiration with many of the poets of -the age of John II. and among others of the Marquis de Santillana and -Juan de Mena. - -The Marquis of Villena was the author of an allegorical drama, which -was performed at the court of Arragon in celebration of a marriage, -and which may, therefore, be supposed to have been written in the -Limosin rather than in the Castilian language. Among the characters -stated to have been introduced into this drama, are _Justice_, _Truth_, -_Peace_, and _Clemency_.[70] Rhetorical and poetical competitions -were instituted at Toulouse, in the year 1324, under the name of the -_Floral Games_, to foster, by prizes and gallant ceremonies, the -Troubadour spirit. This institution, which was soon after imitated in -Arragon, was transplanted by the Marquis of Villena to Castile, but the -result of that enterprize was not successful.[71] The Marquis died -at Madrid in 1434. A work supposed to have been printed at Burgos in -1499, under the title of _Los trabajos de Hercules_, (The Labours of -Hercules), used formerly to be quoted as one of his poems; but from -more recent investigations, it appears that this pretended poem was -a mythological tale in prose.[72] A translation of the Æneid by the -Marquis, is besides mentioned, but this work appears also to be lost. -A kind of art of poetry, which he wrote under the title of _La Gaya -Ciencia_, has been more fortunate; for it has been partially preserved, -and is still regarded with respect as the oldest work of the kind in -the Spanish language.[73] This treatise, however, does not deserve to -be called an Art of Poetry, except in a very limited sense. It must -have been intended as a necessary instruction, in the first place, -for the Marquis of Santillana, to whom it is directly addressed, and -doubtless, in the next, for the other members of the Institute of the -Gay Science, (_El Consistorio de la gaya Ciencia_), which the Marquis -of Villena had formed in Castile. In conformity with this object, the -author relates the history of the Institute, endeavours to prove its -utility, takes that opportunity of expressing his opinion on the object -of poetry in general, and concludes with laying down the principles of -Castilian prosody. These principles appear to have been particularly -useful with reference to the conflict which then subsisted between -the Castilian and Limosin tongues. Among his general observations on -poetry, he says--“Great are the benefits which this science confers -on civil society, by banishing indolence, and employing noble minds -in laudable speculations: other nations have, accordingly, wished for -and established among themselves, schools of this science, by which -it has been diffused over different parts of the world.”[74] It is -obvious that this active nobleman was full of zeal for the improvement -of the poetry of his country, and for the honour of that art which was -cultivated with method and dignity in the Arragonian provinces, but -which in Castile, where it was left to itself, appeared to stand in -need of direction and encouragement. The difference between science -and art was not more clearly perceived by the Marquis of Villena than -by the other poets and men of learning of his age; and to distinguish -the Castilian forms of romantic poetry from the Limosin, did not appear -to him necessary. Thus, while his labours contributed to heighten the -respect in which poetry and liberal pursuits were held, they had only -an indirect influence on the improvement of Castilian poetry. - - -THE MARQUIS OF SANTILLANA; HIS POETICAL WORKS; HIS HISTORICAL AND -CRITICAL LETTER. - -After the death of the Marquis of Villena, his pupil, Don Iñigo Lopez -de Mendoza, Marquis of Santa Juliana, or Santillana, appears at the -head of the brilliant society of poets who adorned the court of John -II. Whenever a Marquis of Santillana is mentioned in the history of -Spanish literature, without any more particular description, it is this -nobleman that is meant. He was born in the year 1398. His elevated -rank and great fortune, joined to the military and political talents -by which he was distinguished from youth upwards, placed him in a -situation in which he was called upon to perform a principal part among -the nobles of Castile. His intellectual culture had for its basis the -philosophy of Socrates; and his strict morality procured him no less -celebrity than his sound understanding and love of science.[75] This -uncommon union of rank, influence, character, talents, and learning, -could not fail to render the Marquis of Santillana highly respected; -and he was indeed regarded as so extraordinary a man, that foreigners -are said to have undertaken journies to Castile for the sole purpose -of seeing him. He was greatly esteemed by king John, who, during the -civil wars, constantly received from him, in return, the homage which -was due to a protector of learning, though the Marquis was not always -of that prince’s party. After the death of John II. in the latter -years of his life, this eminent man assisted with his counsels Henry -IV. under whom the regal authority in Castile was subsequently almost -annihilated. He died in the year 1458. - -The Marquis of Santillana possessed no uncommon poetic talent. But he -studied to give to the poetry of his age a moral tendency, to extend -its sphere by allegorical invention, and to adorn poetic description -with the stores of learning. Two poems, in which he has best succeeded -in realizing these objects, are also the most celebrated of his works. -The first is an elegy on the death of the Marquis of Villena;[76] a -lyric allegory in twenty-five dactylic stanzas, constructed according -to the ancient form. The idea is very simple, and the commencement -of the piece brings to recollection the hell of Dante, of which it -is probably an imitation.[77] The poet loses himself in a desert, -finds himself surrounded by wild and frightful animals, advances -forward, hears dismal tones of lamentation, and finally discovers some -nymphs in mourning, who bewail the loss and chaunt the merits of the -deceased Marquis of Villena. On this poem, which does not discover much -ingenuity of invention, the Marquis of Santillana probably expended all -his stock of learning. He cites as many deities and ancient authors, as -the nature of his work will permit him to notice.[78] Such a display -of erudition had never before been seen in the Castilian language. No -genial poetic spirit is to be found except in the descriptions and in -some other scattered passages of this lyric allegory;[79] but the -verse is not destitute of harmony. The other considerable poem of the -Marquis, consists of a series of moral reflections, occasioned by the -unfortunate fate of Don Alvaro de Luna, the favourite of John II.; the -Marquis called this work, _El doctrinal de Privados_, (the Manual of -Favourites.) It must be regarded as the earliest didactic poem in the -Spanish language, unless that title be given to any series of moral -maxims in verse. The work which is divided into fifty-three stanzas in -redondillas, receives a poetic colouring from the manner in which the -shade of Don Alvaro is introduced confessing his faults, and uttering -those moral truths, which the author wished to impress on the hearts of -the restless Castilians.[80] He was less successful in his love songs -composed in the Castilian manner, to which he unfortunately thought a -new dignity would be given, by rendering them the vehicles of learned -allusions. He possessed, however, the art of reconciling this pedantry -with a pleasing style of versification.[81] A kind of hymn, which he -composed, under the title of _Los Gozos de neustra Señora_, (the Joys -of our Lady) has been preserved, but it possesses no poetic merit.[82] -He also wrote a collection of proverbs and maxims in verse, for the use -of the Prince Royal of Castile, who afterwards ascended a tottering -throne under the title of Henry IV.[83] However low a critical -examination might reduce the value of these works, still the Marquis of -Santillana deserves to retain the place assigned to him in the history -of Spanish literature by his contemporaries, by whom he was generally -admired, as the “representative of the honour of poetry.” - -Among the literary remains of the Marquis of Santillana, the critical -and historical letter is particularly remarkable. This letter, which -is frequently mentioned in the early accounts of Spanish poetry,[84] -is instructive in various respects. It affords the means of accurately -observing the infancy of Spanish criticism in that age, for the -Marquis has added to the letter a collection of his ingenious maxims, -(_decires_,) and of his poems for Don Pedro, a Portuguese prince; -and from the embarrassment evinced by the Marquis when he attempts -to give the prince an account of the rise of Castilian poetry, it is -obvious, that with respect to the real origin of that poetry, less -was understood at that time than is known at the present day. Poetry, -or the gay science, is, according to the Marquis of Santillana, “an -invention of useful things, which being enveloped in a beautiful -veil, are arranged, exposed, and concealed according to a certain -calculation, measurement, and weight.”[85] Thus, allegory appeared to -him to belong to the essence of poetry. He could scarcely have imbibed -this opinion from Dante. In Spain, as well as in Italy and France, it -seems to have issued forth from the monkish cells, when endeavours -were made to unite poetry with philosophy, and to make the poetic art -the symbol of knowledge, in order to ensure to it estimation among -the learned. The allegorical spirit which pervades the half gothic -poetry of that period, is therefore inseparably connected with the -characteristic origin of modern poetry. The Marquis of Santillana -would have come to a totally different conclusion, had he taken an -unprejudiced view of the genuine national poetry of his country. But -he imagined he was laying down a principle which would ennoble it, -when, according to his theory, he held allegory to be indispensable. -Without scruple, therefore, he confounded the Castilian and Limosin -poetry together in one mass. Respecting the origin of the former, he -entered into no investigation. He commences the history of poetry with -Moses, Joshua, David, Solomon, and Job,[86] gives a copious account -of the changes which the art of the Troubadours had undergone in -the Arragonian provinces, and adds a notice of some of the earliest -Galician and Portuguese poets: among the Castilian poets, he mentions -king Alphonso and some others, without saying a syllable on the subject -of the ancient romances. - - -JUAN DE MENA. - -Juan de Mena, who is by some writers, styled the Spanish Ennius, ranks, -as a poet, in a somewhat higher scale than the Marquis of Santillana, -though he was less favoured by fortune, and was not distinguished -by so many various merits as the latter. He was born in Cordova, -about the year 1412. In this southern district of Spain, which but a -short time before had been recovered from the Moors, the Castilian -genius was doubtless very rapidly naturalized. Juan de Mena, though -not descended from a family of rank,[87] was not of mean origin, and -at the early age of three-and-twenty he was invested with a civil -appointment in his native city. His own inclination, however, prompted -him to devote himself to philosophy, and particularly to the study of -ancient literature and history. From Cordova he went to the University -of Salamanca. But in order more nearly to approach the source of -ancient literature, he undertook a journey to Rome, where he zealously -prosecuted his studies. Enriched with knowledge, he returned to his -native country, and immediately attracted the notice of the Marquis -of Santillana, and shortly after of king John. Both received him into -their literary circles with distinguished approbation. The Marquis of -Santillana attached himself with more friendship to Juan de Mena than -to any other poet who enjoyed the favour of the king, although their -political opinions did not always coincide. The king nominated him one -of the historiographers, who, according to the arrangement which had -subsisted since the time of Alphonso X. were appointed to continue the -national chronicles. Juan de Mena lived in high favour at the court of -John II. and was a constant adherent of the king. He died in 1456, at -Guadalaxara, in New Castile, being then about forty-five years of age. -The Marquis of Santillana erected a monument to his memory. - -From the history of Juan de Mena’s life, it might be expected that his -endeavours to extend the boundaries of Castilian poetry would be made -under the influence of Italian taste, more or less of which he may be -presumed to have adopted, and on his return introduced into his native -country. But no Italian poet, save Dante, appears to have produced -any remarkable impression on him. Indeed, with the exception of Dante -and Petrarch, there was, at that period, no Italian poet of classic -consideration; and in the first half of the fifteenth century Italian -poetry suddenly declined. Sonnets were still in favour throughout the -whole of Italy, but Juan de Mena continued faithful to the old forms -of the Castilian poetry, perhaps from a feeling of national pride. He -certainly did not imitate the sonnet; and even from Dante himself, he -copied neither metrical form nor style. In allegory alone he followed -the footsteps of the Italian poet. His most celebrated poem is, the -Labyrinth, (_el Labyrintho_) or, the Three Hundred Stanzas (_las -trecientas_,) an allegorical historical didactic work, in old dactylic -verse (_versos de arte mayor_.[88]) Had the Labyrinth proved what, -according to the idea of the author, it was intended to be, it would -have been proper, merely on account of that single work, to commence -a new epoch of Spanish poetry with the reign of John II. But with all -its merits, which have been highly extolled by some authors, and which -are certainly by no means trivial, it can only be regarded as a mere -specimen of gothic art.[89] It belongs to the period which gave it -birth, and bears no traces of the superiority of a genius which might -have ruled the spirit of the age. Juan de Mena formed the grand design -of executing in this work an allegorical picture of the whole course -of human life. His intention was, to embrace every age, to immortalize -great virtues, to stigmatize with opprobrium great vices, and to -represent in striking colours the irresistible power of destiny.[90] -But the poetical invention of Juan de Mena was subordinate to his -false learning. The three hundred stanzas, of which the poem consists, -are divided into seven orders, (_ordenes_), in imitation of the seven -planets, the influence of which, according to Juan de Mena’s doctrine, -is wisely prescribed by Providence. To represent this influence -figuratively, Mena resorted to a most insipid and grotesque invention. -After invoking Apollo and Calliope, and earnestly apostrophising -Fortune,[91] he loses himself in imitation of Dante in an allegorical -world, where a female of astonishing beauty appears to him, and becomes -his guide. This female is Providence:[92] she conducts him to three -wheels, two of which are motionless, while the third is in a state -of continual movement. These wheels, it will readily be conjectured, -represent the past, the present, and the future. Human beings drop -down through this mill of time. The centre wheel turns them round. -Each has his name and destiny inscribed on his forehead. While the -wheel of the present is revolving with all the existing human race, -it is controlled astrologically in its motion by the seven orders or -circles of the seven planets under the influence of which men are born. -Whether or not these circles are perceptible on the wheel itself, is -not clearly stated. To this description succeeds, in the order of the -seven planets, a long gallery of mythological and historical pictures, -which presents abundant fruits of the poet’s extensive reading. This -grotesque composition is interspersed with individual passages of great -interest and beauty, though none of the traits call to mind similar -traits in Dante. The most glowing passages of the lyric, didactic, and -narrative class, are those in which Juan de Mena gives utterance to -the language of Spanish patriotism.[93] He is particularly successful -in the description of the death of the Count de Niebla, a Spanish -naval hero, who attempted to recover Gibraltar from the Moors; but -through ignorance of the return of the tide, fell a sacrifice to the -waves, because he preferred perishing with his men, to saving himself -singly.[94] But particular attention is bestowed on Don Alvaro de -Luna,[95] the favourite of the king, who is introduced in this poem -with great pomp, under the constellation of Saturn. When Juan de Mena -wrote this poem, and thus proclaimed the glory of de Luna, the latter -had not yet fallen, and the energy of his character seemed to promise, -as the poet prophesied, that he would ultimately triumph over all the -Castilian nobles who had excited the hostility of the country against -him. King John, as may naturally be supposed, is in Juan de Mena’s -Labyrinth complimented on every suitable occasion. A genealogy of the -kings of Spain forms the conclusion of the poem; and thus were the -Spaniards made to feel a kind of national interest for the whole work, -which in some measure subsists, at least among their writers at the -present day. Even in Juan de Mena’s time, the learned solecisms with -which he endeavoured to elevate his poetic language were uncommon;[96] -but other essential faults, such, for instance, as Aristotelian -definitions in verse, were then esteemed great beauties; and the gothic -and fantastic hyperboles in praise of king John, with which the poem -opens, as if intended to appal the reader at the outset, were not at -that period considered unpoetic.[97] - -But king John was not satisfied with the torrent of praise which was -poured upon him by Mena’s Labyrinth. The king, with critical gravity, -signified his wish that the poet should add sixty-five stanzas to the -three hundred which he had already written, so that by making the -number of stanzas correspond with the number of days in the year, -the beauty of the composition might be heightened. The sixty-five -new stanzas were also to have a political tendency, with the view of -recalling the rebellious nobles to their allegiance. Juan de Mena -proceeded to the prescribed task; but he could produce no more than -twenty-four additional stanzas (_coplas añadidas_.) They are contained -in the _Cancionero general_. - -Another work of Juan de Mena, very celebrated at the period when -the poet flourished, is his Ode for the Poetical Coronation of the -Marquis of Santillana.[98] That Mecænas sometimes vied with him in the -composition of ingenious questions, or enigmas and their answers, -which were versified by both in dactylic stanzas.[99] His other poems -are, for the most part, love songs, in the style of the age, and -according to the perverted taste of the poet, loaded with mythological -learning. In the course of this work further notice will be taken of -these songs, together with other amatory poems of the same period. -During the last year of his life, Juan de Mena was engaged in a moral -allegorical poem, which, however, he did not complete. It was entitled -a Treatise on Vices and Virtues, (_Tractado de Vicios y Virtudes_.) -The author intended in an epic poem to represent the “more than civil -war,” which the will, instigated by the passions, maintains with -reason.[100] The will and reason are in the end personified. - -To collect biographical notices of the other poets and writers of verse -who enjoyed the favour of king John II. and whose works are partly -contained in the _Cancionero general_, or to give an extensive account -of their productions, is a task which must be resigned to the author -who has made this department of Spanish literature his particular -study. As to poetic value, the writings of all those authors are in the -main the same; and it may therefore be presumed that it will prove more -instructive to consider works so nearly related to each other, under -the comprehensive view of general criticism. A few notices, however, -of men worthy of more particular remembrance, may precede the critical -comparison of their works.[101] - - - PEREZ DE GUZMAN, RODRIGUEZ DEL PADRON, AND OTHER SPANISH LYRIC - POETS OF THE AGE OF JOHN II. - -Fernan Perez de Guzman was held in no trifling consideration at the -court of John II. His family, which was one of the most distinguished -in Castile, was related to all the other great families in the -country. As a poet, he studied to combine the peculiar tone of moral -and spiritual poetry with that of the old romances. His Representation -of the Four Cardinal Virtues, dedicated to the Marquis of Santillana, -which consists of sixty-four strophes or couplets, is versified in -redondillas, as are also his _Ave Maria_, his _Paternoster_, and his -other spiritual songs. - -Rodriguez del Padron seems likewise to have been held in some esteem -at the court of John II. His family name is not known, and as little -are the dates of his birth and death, but he is named after the -place of his nativity, the little town El Padron in Galicia. It is -remarkable that in his poetry he dropped his Galician idiom and -adopted the Castilian. Besides the reputation he obtained by his -poetic productions, which are chiefly love songs, he is celebrated -for his friendship with the Galician poet Macias, who will be further -mentioned in the history of Portuguese poetry. The tragical death of -Macias, who fell a sacrifice to his romantic susceptibility, made such -an impression on Rodriguez del Padron, that he shut himself up in a -Dominican cloister, which he had erected at his own expense. He became -a monk, and terminated his life in that convent. - -Alonzo de Santa Maria, called also Alonzo de Cartagena, wrote love -songs, probably in his youth, and then devoted himself to spiritual -affairs. He died Archbishop of Burgos, in the year 1456. - -Several other poets whose works fill the _Cancionero general_, also -lived in the reign, or rather under the anticipated domination of -queen Isabella, who, in the year 1465, vouchsafed to her almost -dethroned brother, Henry IV. the little authority, which, as a nominal -king he retained till his death in 1474. At this troubled period Garci -Sanchez de Badajoz sang his passionate and glowing songs of love; and -at the same time flourished the two Manriques, Gomez Manrique and -Jorge Manrique; the latter was nephew to the former. Both owed the -consideration they enjoyed no less to their poetical works than to -their high and pure Castilian descent. The Bachelor de la Torre, of -whom nothing further is known than what his own songs express, lived at -the same period. - - -OF THE CANCIONERO GENERAL, AND THE DIFFERENT KINDS OF ANCIENT SPANISH -SONGS. - -Between the works of the above poets, all of which are to be found in -the _Cancionero general_, and the other poems contained in the same -collection, whether their authors lived in the first or the second half -of the fifteenth century, there is a very striking resemblance. This -collection, so remarkable in its kind, may therefore be regarded as a -single work, which, together with a portion of the General Romance Book -(_Romancero general_), embraces nearly all the Castilian poetry of the -fifteenth century. No other remains of Spanish poetry, belonging to -the same age, are sufficiently important to be brought into comparison -with this national treasure. It may not, then, be improper to introduce -here, a few particulars respecting the history of the _Cancionero -general_. Of the _Romancero general_ some further account must -hereafter be given. - -The bibliographic notices towards the history of the collections of -Spanish poetry, to be found in the works of various authors, readily -explain why many old Spanish poems and names of poets have been -either totally lost, or are still only preserved in manuscript in a -way which renders them foreign to literature. It appears that having -been withheld from the press, on the introduction of printing into -Spain,[102] they were forgotten as soon as other collections were made -known by means of that art. In the reign of John II. Alphonso de Baena, -who himself wrote in verse, prepared a collection of old lyric pieces, -under the title of _Cancionero de Poetas Antiguos_. This collection, -though still preserved in the library of the Escurial, was never -printed;[103] but a list of the poets whose works are contained in it, -has appeared, and includes names which do not occur elsewhere. Alvarez -de Villapandino is mentioned as a particularly excellent “master and -patron of the said art,” namely, poetry. Sanchez Salavera, Ruy Paez -de Ribera, and others, of whom besides their names, nothing else is -known, are also cited. It is not very probable that Alphonso de Baena’s -collection was the origin of that which subsequently appeared under -the title of the _Cancionero general_. Of this celebrated collection -it is merely known that it was originally produced by Fernando del -Castillo, at the commencement of the sixteenth century, and within a -short period frequently augmented and reprinted. Fernando del Castillo -began his collection with the poets of the age of John II. He did not, -however, take the trouble to carry on the series in chronological order -through the fifteenth century. He places the spiritual poems before -the rest. He then gives the works of several poets of the reign of -John II. mingled with others of more recent date, but so arranged, -that the productions of each author seem to be kept distinct. After, -however, the works are thus apparently given, other poems follow under -particular heads, partly by the same and partly by different authors, -whose names are sometimes mentioned and sometimes not: there are also -a few Italian sonnets, and some coplas in the Valencian language. -In proportion as the collection extended, the additions were always -inserted at the end of the book. In the oldest editions the number of -poets mentioned amounts to one hundred and thirty-six.[104] - -A nation which can enumerate one hundred and thirty-six song writers -in a single century, and which also possesses a great number of songs -by unknown authors, produced within the same period, may well boast of -its lyric genius; and the literary historian, before he proceeds to -a closer review of this collection, may reasonably expect to find in -it a full and true representation of the national character. Thus the -old Spanish _Cancionero_ is even more interesting to the philosophic -observer of human nature than to the critic. - -The Spiritual Songs, (_Obras de Devocion_,) at the head of the -collection, probably will not fulfil the expectations which may be -formed respecting them. It is natural to presume that in a nation so -poetically inclined, and in an age when, for the most part, nature was -followed without reference to the rules of art, the poets could not -fail to view Christianity on its poetic side. But the scholastic forms -of the existing theology crushed the genius of poetry; and the unpoetic -side of Christianity, because it was the most learned, was alone deemed -worthy the strains of the Spanish poets of the fifteenth century. They -likewise seldom ventured to give scope to the fancy in devotional -verses, because the nation was accustomed to the most implicit faith -in every dogma of the church, and the recognition of the sacredness -of literal interpretation was identified with orthodoxy, long before -the terrors of the inquisition and its burning piles were known. This -rigid orthodoxy of the Spanish Christians was a consequence of their -war of five hundred years duration with the Moors. Throughout that -long period the Spanish knight invariably fought for religion and -his country; and from the constant hostility that prevailed between -the Christian and Mahometan faiths, the Spanish Christians were wont -to make a parade of their creed, as the Christians of the east are -accustomed to do at the present day. Hence the strictest formality -was observed in all matters connected with religion; and great as was -the enthusiasm of the Spaniards in the fifteenth century, it produced -few, if any, lyric compositions, containing more poetry than a common -hymn. Whether reference be made to the Twenty Perfections of the -Holy Virgin,[105] (_Obra en loor de veinte excellencias de nuestra -Señora_), by Juan Tulante, who is the author of most of the spiritual -songs in the _Cancionero general_; to the play on the five letters -of the name _Maria_,[106] by the Visconde de Altamira; or to Fernan -Perez de Guzman’s versions of the _Ave Maria_ and _Paternoster_,[107] -which could not have been more dryly and formally written in prose; -we find in all the same monotony without any poetic adaptation of the -materials. - -The moral poems of this collection do not weigh heavier in the scale -of poetic merit. The art which the ancients possessed of introducing -moral ideas into the region of poetry, was not attainable by the -pupils of the monastic schools. They allegorized either virtues or -vices according to the catalogue and definitions of the scholastic -philosophy; or they made common place observations on human life, -sometimes with declamatory pomp, sometimes with real warmth of feeling, -and occasionally in agreeable verse, though destitute of any poetic -spirit. Gomez Manrique with commendable frankness addressed a didactic -poem on the Duties of Sovereigns (_Regimiento de Principes_) in -redondillas, to Queen Isabella and her husband Ferdinand of Arragon; -but however valuable the truths which he wished to impart to the -royal pair, he could only express them in versified prose.[108] The -moral coplas of his nephew Jorge Manrique present somewhat stronger -claims to poetic merit; they were subsequently glossed as a National -Book of Devotion, and were held in high estimation up to a recent -period.[109] In the moral as well as in the spiritual songs the -character of the nation is manifest. With equal warmth of feeling, with -the same disposition for light and sportive gaiety, the Spaniards were -invariably distinguished from the Italians by moral gravity. Hence, -they have in all times set a high value on rules of conduct, sentences, -and useful proverbs, and have never regarded the principles of genuine -rectitude as less important than maxims of worldly wisdom. - -But love songs form by far the principal part of the contents of the -old Spanish _Cancioneros_. To read them regularly through, would -require a strong passion for compositions of this class, for the -monotony of the authors is interminable. To extend and spin out a theme -as long as possible, though only to seize a new modification of the -old ideas or phrases, was, in their opinion, essential to the truth -and sincerity of their poetic effusions of the heart. That loquacity -which is an hereditary fault of the Italian Canzone, must also be -endured in perusing the amatory flights of the Spanish redondillas, -while in them the Italian correctness of expression would be looked -for in vain. From the desire perhaps of relieving their monotony, by -some sort of variety the authors have indulged in even more witticisms -and plays of words than the Italians, but they also sought to infuse -a more emphatic spirit into their compositions than the latter.[110] -The Spanish poems of this class, exhibit, in general, all the poverty -of the compositions of the Troubadours, but blend with the simplicity -of these bards, the pomp of the Spanish national style in its utmost -vigour. This resemblance to the Troubadour songs was not however -produced by imitation; it arose out of the spirit of romantic love, -which at that period, and for several preceding centuries, gave to -the south of Europe the same feelings and taste. Since the age of -Petrarch, this spirit had appeared in classical perfection in Italy. -But the Spanish amatory poets of the fifteenth century had not reached -an equal degree of cultivation; and the whole turn of their ideas -required rather a passionate than a tender expression. The sighs of the -languishing Italians became cries in Spain. Glowing passion, despair -and violent ecstacy, were the soul of the Spanish love songs. The -continually recurring picture of the contest between reason and passion -is a peculiar characteristic of these songs. The Italian poets did not -place so much importance on the triumph of reason. The rigidly moral -Spaniard was, however, anxious to be wise even in the midst of his -folly. But this obtrusion of wisdom in its improper place, frequently -gives an unpoetic harshness to the lyric poetry of Spain, in spite of -all the softness of its melody. It would be no unprofitable or useless -task to pursue this comparison still further. But the limited extent of -this work can afford space for only a few notices and examples. - -How successful the Spanish poets of the fifteenth century were in -gay and graceful love songs, when guided only by their own feelings, -is manifest from some of the compositions of Juan de Mena; but the -charm vanishes the instant the poet begins to display his skill -and erudition.[111] In a love song by Diego Lopez de Haro, reason -and the mind enter into a prolix conversation on the value to be -attached to affections of the heart; and the thinking faculty admits -reason at the expense of poetry.[112] In the other songs of the -same author, in which the mind obeys only the heart, he is poetic in -all the simplicity of passion, though in search of wit he sometimes -involves himself in obscure subtilties.[113] The fire of passion is -excellently painted, even amidst sports of wit,[114] in several -songs by Alonzo de Cartagena, afterwards archbishop of Burgos; and it -seems to rage incessantly in the love songs of Guivara, to one of -which he has given the emphatic title of _El Infierno de Amores_; or, -The Hell of Love.[115] Sanchez de Badajoz, when, like a despairing -lover, he wrote his will in poetry, thought he might avail himself -of some passages from the book of Job to express his suffering. He -divided this strange kind of will into nine lessons, (_leciones_). -The ideas are very extravagant, but the execution is vigorous, and -in many parts not unpoetic.[116] It might be presumed that profane -applications of the doctrines and language of the bible would have -given offence to the Spanish public, or at least alarmed the guardians -of catholic orthodoxy. But such was not the case. Rodriguez del Padron -chose the Seven Joys of Love as the subject of one of his songs, the -title of which calls to mind the Marquis of Santillana’s Joys of the -Holy Virgin; he also versified Love’s Ten Commandments, (_Los diez -Madamientos de Amor_.) - -The other kinds of lyric poems, for example, the laudatory poems, which -are dispersed through the _Cancionero general_, are not distinguished -by any peculiar features; but the poems under miscellaneous titles in -this collection deserve particular attention. They exhibit the natural -style, amalgamated with a conventional, and thus form the model of a -species of national poetry, which has descended to the present age. -Certain short lyric poems, usually called songs, (_canciones_,) in -the more strict sense of the term are distinguished by a peculiar -character and a decided metrical form. They have always a sententious -or an epigramatic turn. The number of lines is generally twelve, which -are divided into two parts. The first four lines comprehend the idea -on which the song is founded. And this idea is developed or applied -in the eight following lines. The _Cancionero general_ contains one -hundred and fifty-six of these little songs, some of which are the best -poems in the whole book. For this advantage they are probably indebted -to their conventional form, which confined the romantic verbosity -within narrow bounds. These little songs were to the Spaniards of the -fifteenth century, what the epigram had been to the Greeks, and what -the madrigal was to the Italians and French. Like the latter, they -are generally devoted to some theme of gallantry; and though they do -not possess so high a polish, yet the interest excited by the truth -with which they paint the character of the age, and their ingenious -simplicity, entitles them to be ranked among the sweetest blossoms of -the ancient spirit of romance.[117] - -The Villancicos bear an immediate affinity to these little songs. The -idea which forms the subject of the Villancico, is sometimes contained -in two, but more commonly in three lines. The developement, or -application, may be completed in one short stanza, but often extends to -several similar stanzas. These stanzas always include seven lines. It -was, perhaps, by way of irony that the name Villancico was originally -applied to productions of this kind; for the spiritual motets, -which are sung during high mass on Christmas eve, are also called -Villancicos. At least no satisfactory etymology has yet been found for -the name. The _Cancionero general_ contains fifty-four Villancicos, and -among them are some which possess inimitable grace and delicacy.[118] - -These remarkable compositions, whose origin appears to be lost in the -early periods of the formation of the Spanish language, doubtless gave -rise to the poetic gloss (_glosa_,) a kind of poem scarcely known, even -by name, on this side of the Pyrenees, but to which the Spaniards and -Portuguese of the fifteenth century were particularly attached, and -which subsequently even after the introduction of the Italian forms, -continued to be preserved as national poetry in Spain and Portugal. - -The poetic glosses may, in some measure, be compared to musical -variations. The musician selects as his theme some well known melody, -which he paraphrases or modifies into variations; in like manner in -Spain and Portugal, well known songs and romances were paraphrased or -modified into new productions, but in such a manner that the original -composition was, without any alteration in the words, intertwined line -after line, at certain intervals into the new one. A poem of this kind -was called a gloss. By this operation the connection of the glossed -poem was broken, and the comparison of the poetic glosses to musical -variations is therefore not in all respects exactly just. But the -distinction between them arises out of the different nature of the -arts of music and poetry; and it is indeed more surprising that these -compositions have not flourished beyond the boundaries of Spain and -Portugal, than that they should have been peculiar favourites in those -two countries. At first, the old romances were glossed;[119] then, as -it appears, mottos, or sentiments, (_motes_,) in the style of gallantry -peculiar to the age,[120] and, at length, every thing that was capable -of being glossed. There is a particular class of _jeux d’esprit_, in -the _Cancionero general_, namely, versified questions and answers, -and versified interpretations of devices (_letras_,) which, together -with corresponding emblems, lords and ladies drew by lot at festivals, -tourneys, bull fights, &c. But these questions, answers, and devices, -are in general more whimsical than ingenious. - - -OF THE ROMANCERO GENERAL. - -The latter half of the fifteenth century seems also to have given birth -to the greater portion of those Spanish romances, which wrested the -approbation of criticism and public favour from the older productions -of the same class; and which, therefore, in the sequel, formed the bulk -of the _Romancero general_, or General Romance Book. This Romancero -of the Spaniards is so closely related to their _Cancionero general_, -that some account of it may not be out of place here, though it was -not printed as a complete collection until the close of the sixteenth -century. With the exception of the narrative romances, the Romancero -may be considered merely as a continuation of the Cancionero. The -poetry of the lyric pieces contained in it, which are extremely -numerous, is both in spirit and metrical form, precisely the same as -that which appears in the Cancionero, but more polished in manner and -language. The title of romance indicates no essential difference. The -narrative romances, which occupy the greater portion of the Romancero, -have, in some measure, been characterized in this history in treating -of the old romances of the same class; for most of them, particularly -those of the historical kind, differ little from the more ancient. -But a considerable portion of compositions of every class have been -contributed to the Romancero by poets of the sixteenth century. The -collectors have mingled these romances and the older ones together, -without any attention to critical arrangement or chronological order; -and in no instance is there any mention or indication of an author. -In a history of literature, it therefore becomes necessary to speak -of the Romancero as a whole; and for this purpose, the present is -perhaps the most convenient opportunity; for, even at the period when -this collection was produced, the poets who wrote romances in the old -national style, merely improved that style without essentially altering -it. - -Among the historical romances, contained in the Romancero, those -in which anecdotes of the Moorish war, or the heroic and gallant -adventures of Moorish knights, are poetically treated, seem, for the -most part, to belong to the latter half of the fifteenth century. All -these romances relate to the civil wars of Granada, the last Moorish -principality in Spain. The civil dissensions of Castile retarded for -upwards of half a century the conquest of Granada, which was at length -effected in the year 1492, by the united power of Isabella of Castile -and Ferdinand of Arragon. During this last period of the conflict -between the Christians and the Mahometans of Spain, the former became -more intimately acquainted with the history of the latter. As the last -blow for the deliverance of the Peninsula was now about to be struck, -all that related to the Moors was doubly interesting to the Castilians. -The two rival factions, the Zegris and the Abencerrages, whose mutual -enmity accelerated the fall of Granada, were, in a particular manner, -the objects of their adversaries attention. - -About this period it seems to have become a fashion among the Spanish -romance writers, to select from the events of Moorish history, -materials for their songs; and in these romances the heroes of the -Zegri and Abencerrage tribes sustain the principal characters. Even -after the conquest of Granada, the interest excited throughout Spain -by that great national event, still continued; and, doubtless, many -romances, the subjects of which are borrowed from Moorish history, were -produced in the sixteenth century.[121] - -The first Spanish pastoral romances, were probably produced during the -last ten years of the fifteenth century. But no distinct traces exist -of the rise of this species of poetry in Spain. In the poetry of the -age of John II. neither pastoral names nor ideas appear, except in the -satyrical poem, entitled, _Mingo Rebulgo_, which will be hereafter -noticed. Pastoral dramas are, however, to be found in the works of -Juan de la Enzina, who flourished towards the close of the fifteenth -century, and of whom we shall also have occasion to speak more at -large. The Spanish pastoral poetry seems, shortly after its rise, to -have been blended with the romantic poetry. Many of the most beautiful -narrative pieces in the _Romancero general_ are properly pastoral -romances. It is quite impossible to ascertain correctly to what age -these bucolicks belong;[122] and it has, hitherto, proved equally -impossible to obtain any positive information respecting the origin of -the facetious and satyrical romances and songs, dispersed through the -_Romancero general_.[123] - -Finally, the history of the _Romancero general_ itself still waits for -bibliographic illustration; and in order to throw any light on this -subject, it would be necessary to have the opportunity of examining -the Spanish libraries and old collections of manuscripts, and to be -able to bestow on them the most indefatigable attention. Of all the -collections, bearing the common title of _Romancero general_, only -two are quoted by authors; one was edited by Miguel de Madrigal, in -the year 1604; and the other by Pedro de Flores in 1614.[124] Another -publication, however, under the same title, which also appeared in -1604, and which contains upwards of a thousand romances and songs, -professes to be a new and augmented collection of this kind.[125] At -what time, then, was the first collection made or published? - -Those, however, who may think it unimportant to enquire how many of -these anonymous poems, which have for ages delighted the Spanish -public, were produced in the fifteenth or sixteenth century, and who -may merely wish to see a selection of the best Spanish poems in the -old national style, have only to turn to the _Romancero general_. -Many of the narrative romances which it contains, vie, in romantic -simplicity, with those of apparently older date in other collections, -and exceed them in elegance; and still more do a number of the songs -in the _Romancero_ surpass those in the _Cancionero general_. Thus the -historian of literature has additional cause to lament that through -the absence of all chronological and bibliographical notices, he is -deprived of even the slight satisfaction of paying a just tribute to -the memory of the authors of the best of these romances and songs, -which really deserve to be immortal. The poets themselves, it is -true, do not seem to have attached much value to fame. If their -songs, accompanied by the guitar, interested the hearts and charmed -the ears of their auditors, they sought no laurels in addition to -that true reward of the poet. Yet, for this very reason, in an age -when the lowest degree of poetic merit presumptuously claims literary -distinction, the task would be the more pleasing to do honour to those -venerable authors, by raising the veil beneath which their names have -too long been concealed. - - - FIRST TRACES OF THE ORIGIN OF SPANISH DRAMATIC POETRY IN THE - MINGO REBULGO--JUAN DEL ENZINA--CALLISTUS AND MELIBŒA, A DRAMATIC - TALE. - -All that now remains to be stated respecting the poetic literature of -the Spaniards during the fifteenth century, must be comprehended in a -notice of their first essays in dramatic poetry. - -In lieu of those poetic works which are styled dramatic in the true -sense of the word, and which afterwards formed the most brilliant -portion of Spanish poetry, the Spaniards of the fifteenth century -possessed merely spiritual or temporal farces, written in the style -which prevailed in the middle ages, and which can scarcely be said -to belong to literature. At Saragossa, the residence of the Court of -Arragon, attempts towards the improvement of dramatic amusements were -earlier made than in the Castilian court. There, as has already been -observed, the Marquis de Villena devoted his learning and inventive -talents to the drama. Allegorical dramas, indeed, do not seem to have -been in favour at the court of Castile, notwithstanding the taste for -allegory which distinguished the poets of the reign of John II. A -singular union of pastoral and satirical poetry first gave birth to a -species of dramatic poem in the Castilian language. - -In the reign of John II. an anonymous poet amused himself by describing -the court of that monarch in satirical coplas. It is impossible to -account for the whim which induced him to throw his rhymes into the -form of a dialogue, and to select shepherds for his interlocutors. -The work extends to thirty-two coplas, and critics have sometimes -classed it among the eclogues, and sometimes among the first satirical -productions of the Spanish poets. Some make Rodrigo de Cota the author -of these coplas; and others, who ascribe them to Juan de Mena, seem to -forget that the latter was zealously devoted to the court party. This -singular composition is usually mentioned under the title of Mingo -Rebulgo, from the names of the two shepherds who carry on the dialogue. -Supposing pastoral poetry to have been in vogue at that period in -Spain, and particularly at the court of John II. it would be easy to -explain how a witty author might conceive the bold idea of converting a -pastoral dialogue into a satire; but in that case the ideas of a poetic -pastoral existence must have been diffused through Spain, as they were -through Italy. It is probable, however, that in both countries the -revived study of classical literature, and particularly of Virgil’s -eclogues, gave rise to the practice of clothing modern ideas in a garb -imitated from the ancient bucolic poetry; and it seems the effect of -mere accident that a Spaniard should have been the first to devote a -work of this kind to the purposes of satire.[126] - -Doubtless neither the eclogue of Mingo Rebulgo, nor the colloquial -stanzas in the _Cancionero_ can properly be regarded as the -commencement of dramatic poetry in Spain. But all these preliminary -essays in dialogue, are in a literary point of view connected together; -and about the close of the fifteenth century, pastoral dialogues were -converted into real dramas, by a musical composer, named Juan de la -Enzina, or del Enzina, as he is styled in the old collections of his -works. This ingenious man who was born in Salamanca during the reign of -Queen Isabella, though in what year is not precisely known, was equally -celebrated as a poet and musician. He travelled to Jerusalem in company -with the Marquis de Tarifa, and this journey could not fail to store -his mind with many new ideas. He lived for some time at Rome in the -quality of chapel-master, or musical director to Pope Leo; who, it is -well known, afforded great encouragement to dramatic amusements. But -at Rome, as well as in Palestine, Juan de la Enzina still remained a -Spaniard. His poetry imbibed no tincture of the Italian taste, and he -continued to write songs and lyric romances in the old Castilian style. -He also exercised his fancy in making jests, consisting of ridiculous -combinations or heterogeneous conceits, called _disparates_, which he -wrote in the form of romances. For instance, he talks with an absurd -but harmless humour of a “cloud which at night, at day break in the -afternoon arrived from a pilgrimage, having in its train a domestic -utensil which appeared in _pontificalibus_,” &c.[127] These oddities -rendered his name a proverb in Spain. He converted Virgil’s eclogues -into romances, in which he displayed singular simplicity, and applied -to his patrons, Ferdinand and Isabella, the duke and duchess of Alba, -and others, the compliments which Virgil addressed to the emperor -Augustus. Accident had introduced into Spain a mixture of pastoral -poetry with the drama, and Juan de la Enzina wrote sacred and profane -eclogues, in the form of dialogues, which were represented before -distinguished audiences on Christmas eve, during the carnival, and on -other festivals. They are, however, entirely lost to literature.[128] - -The dramatic romance of _Callistus_ and _Melibœa_ is, however, more -celebrated than Juan de la Enzina’s eclogues. It was probably -commenced in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella; though some authors -assign this singular production of popular descriptive talent and well -meant plainness to the age of John II. The author is supposed to be -Rodrigo de Cota, to whom the pastoral dialogue of Mingo Rebulgo is also -attributed. This dramatic romance was continued and completed at the -commencement of the fifteenth century by Fernando de Roxas, who has -recorded his own name in the initials of the introductory stanzas.[129] -Fernando de Roxas did not possess the forcible descriptive powers of -the unknown author, though he appears to have fully entered into the -plan traced out by the latter. Either he or his precursor entitled the -work a tragi-comedy. It consists of twenty-one acts, and consequently -its vast length renders it unfit for theatrical representation. This -production may be regarded as original in a certain sense, for there -existed no work of the same kind which the author could have chosen -as his model. But in a higher and truly critical point of view, -it possesses as little originality as real poetic merit. Natural -description and moral precept seem to have formed the great object -of both authors. They both aimed at exhibiting a series of dramatic -lessons to warn youth against the seductive arts of base agents -employed to promote intrigues. In order to attain this moral end, the -authors deemed it necessary to paint in glowing colours the disgusting -picture of a brothel, and through a series of scenes unconnected by -the unities of time or place, to exhibit in the most striking point -of view, the tragical end of an intrigue conducted by a woman of -infamous character. Owing to its moral object, the book has found -admirers in all ages, though many have not unreasonably conceived -it more advisable to withdraw such scenes of vice from the eye of -youth, than to paint them with the minuteness and vivid colouring of -truth. But, even allowing that an inconsiderate young person may have -occasionally been deterred from an intrigue by the sad history of -Callistus and Melibœa, yet the whole dramatic tale, both in the subject -and execution, is nevertheless revolting to good taste. The story is -as follows:--Callistus, a young man of noble family, entertains a -romantic passion for Melibœa. The young lady is also attached to him; -but her own prudence, as well as the strict observation to which she -is subject in the house of her parents, prevents all communication -between the lovers. In this difficulty, Callistus applies to an artful -and abandoned woman, to whom the author has given the elegant name -of Celestina. She easily devises a pretence for insinuating herself -into the house of Melibœa’s parents, where she succeeds in bribing the -servants. The intrigue then proceeds in the most common manner, though -the author thinks it necessary to call in the aid of witchcraft and -magic. Callistus at length attains his object, and Melibœa’s parents -discover the mischief when it is too late. Murder is committed among -the servants of Melibœa; Celestina’s house likewise becomes the scene -of bloodshed; the profligate woman is herself murdered in the most -horrible manner imaginable; Callistus is assassinated, and Melibœa -closes the tragedy by throwing herself from the top of a lofty tower. -Such is the ground-work of the twenty-one acts of this tragi-comedy. -It must be admitted, that the authors appear to have wished to paint -the scenes in the house of Celestina in as decorous a manner as -the nature of the subject would permit. The profligate personages, -particularly Celestina, are drawn with great truth; and in the list of -the characters their description is unreservedly added to their names. -The first act, which is by the unknown author, is distinguished above -the rest for the easy flow of the dialogue.[130] Considered in this -point of view alone, the work is extremely interesting. It affords a -fair proof that the fluent and natural style of conversation which the -dramatic poets of the north did not attain, until after much labour -and repeated failures, arose spontaneously in Spain, on the first -attempt made by a writer of talent to make dramatic characters speak -in prose.[131] This tragi-comedy, as it is styled, has, however, but -little relation to poetry.[132] - - -FURTHER ACCOUNT OF SPANISH PROSE. - -RISE OF THE HISTORICAL ART--EARLY PROGRESS OF THE EPISTOLARY STYLE. - -In a history of Spanish prose of the fifteenth century, it would be -improper to omit a brief notice of the chronicles, which, in Spain, at -this period, were not written by monks, as in other parts of Europe, -but by knights, many of whom were at the same time poets. The custom -instituted by Alphonso X. of appointing historiographers to record -the most remarkable events of national history, was maintained by his -successors throughout the fourteenth century; and, in addition to -those historians, who were regularly appointed and paid, there arose -others in the fifteenth century, who wrote of their own accord from the -love of fame, or for the sake of doing honour to the parties to which -they were respectively attached. Historians were never held in such -high estimation in modern Europe as they were at this time in Castile. - -But notwithstanding the fortunate circumstances which combined to -revive the taste for historical composition in Spain, the noble -authors of the Spanish chronicles in very few instances rose above -the vulgar chronicle style. They faithfully adhered to the language -of the historical books of the bible. In nothing is their poetic -talent disclosed, except in a better choice of expression, than is -to be found in the common chronicles, which were in general written -by monks. Spirited and adequate historical description was totally -unknown to them. They all wrote in nearly the same manner. Facts -were heaped on facts, in long monotonous sentences, which uniformly -commenced with the conjunction _and_. Occasionally, indeed, the writers -of these chronicles seem to have made attempts to imitate the ancient -historians; for at every favourable opportunity little speeches are -put into the mouths of the characters they record; but these speeches -are given either in the language of scripture or the law. Thus wrote -the illustrious Perez de Guzman, who was celebrated among the poets of -his age; and thus wrote the grand Chancellor of Castile, Pedro Lopez -de Ayala, who is better known than the former as an historian, in -consequence of having compiled from ancient chronicles a connected -history of the kings of Castile of the fourteenth century.[133] - -An agreeable surprise is, however, excited in discovering among these -chronicles some biographical works, one of which was probably written -in the last years of the fourteenth century, and another, doubtless, -belongs to the fifteenth. These two productions deserve to be noticed, -but in a rhetorical point of view neither can be very highly estimated. -The first is the history of Count Pedro Niño de Buelna, one of the -bravest knights of the reign of Henry III. The author is Gutierre Diez -de Games, who was the Count’s standard-bearer.[134] The gothic taste -of the age, it must be confessed, is sufficiently apparent in this -history. The chivalrous author begins by apostrophizing the Trinity -and the Holy Virgin. He then reasons methodically on virtue and vice, -according to the scholastic notions of morality. It is, however, -easy to perceive that the author has taken great pains to avoid the -dry chronicle style. He evidently wished to give to the history of -his hero the interest of a romance. He did not, therefore, confine -himself very scrupulously to historical truth, and he has even blended -fabulous stories in his narrative. But on the other hand he paints -real events with a degree of spirit of which no example is to be found -in the chronicles; and some of his descriptions are so remarkable for -precision, and accuracy of expression, that they might be mistaken for -the production of a modern writer, if the simplicity of the ideas did -not betray the age to which the chivalrous author belonged.[135] - -The second of these biographical works is the history of Count Alvaro -de Luna. The author, whose name is not known, appears to have been -in the Count’s service, and to have taken up the pen soon after the -execution of that extraordinary man, to raise a monument to his memory -in defiance of his enemies.[136] The work is in fact an apology, in -which the enthusiasm of the anonymous author for his hero carries him -beyond the bounds of historical calmness and of impartiality. But -this very enthusiasm gives the work a degree of rhetorical interest, -which is wanting in the chronicles. Alvaro de Luna is regarded by his -apologist in his real character; namely, as the greatest, if not the -most disinterested man of his age in Spain: and it was the author’s -intention that the animated picture he drew should mortify and shame -the powerful party which overthrew his hero. His zeal frequently -betrays him into declamatory pomp. But what other Spanish writer -of that age could declaim with so much eloquence.[137] He is not, -however, always declamatory. His introduction, notwithstanding the -high elevation of the ideas, possesses real dignity of expression, -combined with the true harmony of prose.[138] His apostrophe to truth -at the close of this introduction, is a genuine overflowing of the -heart.[139] It is true that the narrative itself somewhat inclines to -the manner of the chronicles; but the spirit which pervades the whole -work is perceptible even in the style which, considered with reference -to the period in which it was written, is remarkable for precision and -facility.[140] In short, this biographical chronicle, estimated by -its rhetorical merit, has, in spite of all its gothic ornaments and -declamatory excrescences, no parallel among the chronicles of the age -to which it belongs. - -_Los Claros Varones_, the Celebrated Men, is a work which claims -particular attention. The author is Fernando del Pulgar, who filled -the office of historiographer in the reign of Isabella and Ferdinand. -This ingenious man was ambitious to be thought the Plutarch of his -nation. In his twenty-six short biographical sketches, he has, however, -confined himself within limits too narrow to effect all that he was -capable of; but the precision of his descriptions, and the purity -of his style, are nevertheless remarkable for the age in which he -flourished.[141] - -Fernando del Pulgar is also the oldest Castilian author in the -epistolary style; and upon the whole he may be regarded as the first, -who, in the character of a statesman and public functionary, formed -his correspondence in a modern language on the model of Cicero and -Pliny.[142] - -Those who have time and opportunity to peruse Spanish manuscripts of -the fifteenth century, will doubtless find many more documents to prove -the high degree of cultivation which Spanish prose had attained at that -period. In spite of the lofty poetic flight which then characterized -the genius of Spain, and the powerful charm of the poetic prose of the -chivalrous romances, the national gravity of the Spaniards, when their -minds were directed, not to sports of the imagination, but to things, -made them incline to what may be termed the style of affairs, in -the same degree as the genius of the Italians, which attached itself -exclusively to beautiful forms, had been accustomed to manifest an -indifference for true prose. The philosophic writings of Aristotle -were, in the same age, translated into Spanish by a scholar, whose -name, as well as his work, have fallen into oblivion.[143] - - -JUAN DE LA ENZINA’S ART OF CASTILIAN POETRY. - -The literature of this period possesses, however, not the slightest -trace of true criticism. Though the poetical and rhetorical rules of -Aristotle were known to a few scholars, they were of little utility -to writers who either applied them erroneously, or considered them -impracticable. Of the state of poetry in Spain, during the reign -of Ferdinand and Isabella, a correct notion may be formed from a -Treatise on Castilian Poetry, (_Arte de Poesia Castellana_,) by Juan -de la Enzina. In this work, addressed to the Prince Royal of Spain, -the author wished to prove that he thoroughly understood the art on -which he wrote, and that he was not an unskilful Troubadour.[144] The -commencement of the treatise might teach the reader to expect some -profound investigation. Juan de la Enzina observes, “that poetry is so -excellent an art, that it merits the particular favour of princes and -nobles”, who being reared “in the bosom of sweet philosophy,”[145] -know how to unite the virtues both of peace and war; it was therefore, -he continues, his intention to write a theory (_arte_) of Castilian -poetry, which might facilitate the distinction between good and bad. -He treats of the origin of poetry among the ancients and among the -Italians, and marks the difference between a poet and a Troubadour. The -former, he says, is, with respect to the latter, “what a composer or -learned musician is to a singer or musical performer, a geometrician to -a mason, or a captain to a private soldier.”[146] After all these high -promises, Juan de la Enzina merely gives an Essay on Castilian prosody -in a few chapters. Such is his art of poetry. - - * * * * * - -Thus did Castilian poetry and eloquence develope itself in the -ancient national forms, during the first centuries that succeeded its -birth, without any superior genius having either raised it to higher -perfection, or enlarged its boundaries. Like the _Gaya Ciencia_ of -the Troubadours, it was a common property, protected by a literary -democracy, which allowed no despotic genius to encroach upon its -rights. It is difficult to imagine what might have been the fate of -Castilian poetry, had not a new political connection formed between -Spain and Italy, at the commencement of the sixteenth century, suddenly -brought the Spanish nation, as it were in mass, in contact with the -Italians. At all events, the Spaniards must, in the progress of -cultivation, have ceased to be satisfied with the poetry of their old -songs and romances, on their literary taste becoming in any way more -refined. - - - - -BOOK II. - -FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE LATTER HALF OF THE -SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. - - -INTRODUCTION. - - GENERAL VIEW OF THE STATE OF POETICAL AND RHETORICAL CULTIVATION - IN SPAIN DURING THE ABOVE PERIOD. - -The union of the kingdoms of Castile and Arragon, in consequence of -the marriage of Isabella, the heiress of the Castilian throne, with -Ferdinand king of Arragon, forms an epoch in Spanish literature, as -well as in Spanish power. Hitherto Spain had been occupied only with -her own internal affairs. The monarchs contended for their prerogatives -with the powerful barons of their respective states; and the two -kingdoms waged war against each other. The only object which they -pursued in common, was the overthrow of the Moorish principality of -Granada, which was enabled to resist them, as long as their political -jealousy of each other counter-balanced their mutual zeal for religion -and conquest. Spain, in her detached situation to the west of the -Pyrenees, never appeared so completely separated from the rest of -Europe as in the middle of the fifteenth century. With Italy, Spain -maintained no relations, except such as were purely ecclesiastical. -A marked change, however, took place on the union of the crowns of -Castile and Arragon, though the union of the two monarchies was not -properly consolidated until after Ferdinand’s death, which happened in -1516. Since the year 1492, Granada had been a Castilian province. The -poets had no longer the feats of the Zegris and Abencerrages to record; -and the Spanish knights had no infidels to vanquish, unless they -travelled to Africa in quest of them. If, however, they were successful -in that quarter of the world, their victories did not present subjects -of such interest to the Castilian muse as former achievements had -afforded. The love of industry and social order, which distinguished -the people of Arragon, at length extended to Castile; and the old -chivalrous spirit declined in proportion as the use of gunpowder, which -was at this period rapidly increasing, became more general. The manners -of the Spaniards of both monarchies, had now approximated to those -of the Italians; and the analogy between the Castilian and Italian -languages, could not fail to be remarked, whenever opportunities for -making that observation occurred. Ferdinand soon afforded such an -opportunity; his ambition induced him to take an active part in the -transactions of Italy, and his interference was attended with success. -The victorious Gonsalvo Fernandez de Cordova, admired as the conqueror -of Granada, and a second Cid, and surnamed, by way of distinction, _El -gran Capitan_, presented the crown of Naples to his sovereign in the -year 1504. The political union which then took place between Spain and -Italy, and which continued longer than a century, paved the way for -that influence of the Italian poetry on the Spanish, which soon after -became manifest. - -About the same period that Ferdinand and Isabella united their -dominions, they also co-operated in the establishment of that terrible -tribunal which soon became known throughout Europe by the name of -the Spanish Inquisition, and which to the disgrace of human reason -exercised during two centuries and a half its monstrous powers in -their fullest extent. A crafty policy contrived to render religion -its instrument, in subjugating to one common tyranny the reason and -the rights of mankind; for the establishment of regal despotism in -both kingdoms was the great object of this institution, and its whole -organization corresponded with the end for which it was destined. -The pope, who penetrated the design of the founders, viewed their -proceedings with much dissatisfaction; but even the pope was obliged -to support the pretended interest of the church, and to honour -Ferdinand by bestowing on him, as a peculiar distinction, the title -of “Catholic King.” Thus the court of Rome contributed to annul the -privileges of the Cortes of Castile and Arragon, and to invest the -whole powers of government, without limitation, in the hands of an -absolute monarch: and thus did political artifice triumph over the -energy of one of the noblest nations in the world, at the very moment -when the genius of that nation had begun to expand, when the promising -flower had burst forth from the bud, and was about to unfold itself in -full vigour and beauty. A simultaneous and concordant cultivation of -the different powers of the human mind was now as little to be hoped -for in Spain as the improvement of her political constitution. Under -these circumstances the literary genius of the country could not be -expected to reach that high maturity of taste which always presupposes -a certain degree of harmony in the moral and intellectual faculties. -Poetic freedom was circumscribed by the same shackles which fettered -moral liberty. Thoughts which could not be expressed without fear of -the dungeon and the stake, were no longer materials for the poet to -work on. His imagination instead of improving them into poetic ideas, -and embodying them in beautiful verse, had to be taught to reject them. -But the eloquence of prose was more completely bowed down under the -inquisitorial yoke than poetry, because it was more closely allied to -truth, which, of all things, was the most dreaded. - -The yoke of this odious tribunal weighed, however, far less heavily on -the imagination than on the other faculties of the mind; and it must -be confessed that a wide field still remained open for the range of -fancy, though the boundaries of religious doctrine were not permitted -to be overstepped. To suppose that the Spanish inquisition could have -entirely annihilated the poetic genius of the nation, it must also be -supposed, that at the period of its establishment, there had existed -a style of poetry altogether hostile to such an institution, and that -the spirit of the inquisition was directly opposed to the spirit of -the nation. But it would be forming a false notion of the horrors of -the inquisition, to imagine that they were ever felt in Spain in the -same manner as in other countries, and particularly in the Netherlands, -where that tribunal was introduced hand in hand with foreign despotism. -When the inquisition was established in Spain, it harmonized to all -appearance, that is to say, as far as orthodox faith was concerned, -with the prevailing opinions of the Spanish Christians. It was -ostensibly directed not so much against heretics as against infidels, -namely, Mahometans and Jews. Its operations were accordingly commenced -by waging war against those infidels, for no sect of Christian heretics -existed at that period in Spain, and the inquisition took care that -none should be afterwards formed. To maintain the purity of the -ancient faith was the avowed object of the inquisition; and its wrath -was poured out on the unfortunate Jews, Moors, and Moriscos, (the -descendants of the Moors), with the view of removing every blemish -from the faith of a nation, which prided itself in its orthodoxy. This -bigotted pride was a consequence of the contest maintained in Spain -during four centuries and a half, between Catholic Christianity and -Mahometanism. The Spanish Christians celebrated the conquest of Granada -as the triumph of the church; and the inquisition, which at first -excited terror, soon became an object of veneration with men in whose -hearts religious enthusiasm was inseparably blended with patriotism. - -This view of the subject may serve to explain how it happened in the -sequel, and particularly during the reign of Philip II. that while, -throughout all the rest of Europe men shuddered at the very name of the -Spanish inquisition, the Spaniards still lived under it as happily -and cheerfully as ever; and also how, from the operation of the same -cause, the ecclesiastical shackles had not a more injurious effect on -the developement of the poetic genius of the nation. The conduct of the -inquisition was no subject of alarm to those who were confident that -they never could have any personal concern with it; for the suspicion -of deficiency in Catholic orthodoxy, the ground on which that tribunal -acted, was more degrading in Spain than the most odious crimes in other -countries. Before the establishment of the inquisition, fanaticism was -so firmly rooted in the minds of the Spaniards, that all scepticism -in matters of religion was abhorred as a deadly sin. He, however, -who submitted with blind devotion to the decrees of the church, was -held to have a clear conscience, and in that sort of clear conscience -the Spaniards prided themselves. The inquisition disturbed the good -Catholic as little in his social enjoyments, as criminal justice the -citizen who lived in conformity with the laws. The Spaniard was cruel -only to heretics and infidels, because he thought it his duty to hate -them; but in the orthodox bosom of his native country, he was animated -by a spirit of gaiety of which the literature of Spain presents -abundant proofs. While the Duke of Alba in the Netherlands ruled -with the axe of the executioner, Cervantes, in Spain, wrote his Don -Quixote, and Lope de Vega, who himself held a post connected with the -inquisition, produced his admirable comedies. The dramatic literature -of Spain flourished with most brilliancy during the reigns of the -three Philips, from 1556 to 1665, and that is precisely the period -when the Spanish inquisition exercised its power with the greatest -rigour and the most sanguinary cruelty. Many melancholy traces of -fanaticism are certainly observable in the literature of Spain during -the reigns of the three Philips; but those traces are so insulated, and -the painful impression which they naturally produce on liberal minds -is so far compensated, by the noblest traits of humanity, that to him, -who, from reading the works of the Spanish poets, should turn to the -perusal of the political history of the Spaniards during the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries, and particularly to the history of their -transactions in the Netherlands and America, it might well appear that -he had become acquainted with two distinct nations. - -Indeed, notwithstanding the generally prejudicial effects of the -restrictions imposed by the inquisition on intellectual freedom, -those restrictions could not fail, under the circumstances which have -been described, to prove in one respect favourable to the polite -literature of Spain. The poetic genius which, at the period of the -establishment of this tribunal, was energetically developing itself -throughout the Peninsula, was not now to be annihilated. Its strength -was even augmented by that growing national pride, which the union of -the Castilian and Arragonian monarchies fostered. During the period -marked by the reign of Charles I. better known by his Germanic imperial -title of Charles V. which was nearly half a century, namely, from the -year 1516 to the year 1555, the Austrian and Spanish monarchies were -also united, and Spain acquired rich possessions in a new quarter of -the world. The Spanish arms were not so victorious under the three -Philips as under Charles V. But, sacrificed as this gallant nation was -to fanaticism and the most despicable of governments, its spirit never -sunk under disaster, and its genius vented itself in the cultivation -of poetry, because it was excluded by religious despotism from every -graver study, except the scholastic philosophy of the convent. It -is also to be considered, that the influence of the ever debasing -despotism of the Spanish government could operate only gradually in -extinguishing the energies of national genius. The bold manifestation -of the spirit of freedom in Castile and Arragon on the accession -of Charles V. was attended with discouraging results, because the -nobility and the third estate did not unite in support of their common -interests. Had that union existed, Spain would probably have presented -the first model of a constitutional, and at the same time a vigorous -monarchy. That honour was withheld by fate: but the genius of the -Spanish people was not so easily suppressed as their political and -religious freedom. Kings might rule as they pleased; they might madly -shed the blood of their subjects, or waste the treasures drawn from -America; but the people, who had yielded to despotism only for the sake -of religion, continued in their hearts to be what they had always been, -till the influence of time consummated their subjugation. The Spanish -patriot, who fought in the cause of his king and country, was until -then, in his own estimation, still a free man. Kings received homage in -verse as well as in prose; but a court poetry, like that which existed -in France in the reign of Lewis XIV. was never known in Spain. The -kings of Spain, too, never bestowed any very liberal encouragement -on the poetic literature of their country. Charles V. honoured a few -Spanish and Italian poets with some degree of attention, according to -the fashion of the princes of that age; for in the sixteenth century a -poet was accounted an extremely useful man for business of every sort; -but that sovereign seems to have taken a more particular interest in -Italian than in Spanish literature. Philip II. from his joyless throne, -occasionally cast a glance of favour on a man of talent; but restless -ambition and blind bigotry occupied his gloomy mind, and deprived him -of all susceptibility for the beautiful. His son, Philip III. though of -a more amiable character, was too indolent to take a warm interest in -any thing whatever. Philip IV. however, did more for Spanish literature -than any of his predecessors since the time of John II. His taste for -pomp and splendour, to which he thoughtlessly gave himself up, while -decay and disorder preyed upon the vitals of the state, disposed -him to favour the Spanish theatre. Calderon, whom he pensioned, was -indebted to him for that leisure which enabled him to devote his life -to dramatic poetry. But Calderon only improved on the labours of -predecessors, who, without receiving the pay of kings, produced works -which did honour to the nation, and were approved and rewarded by the -public. Spanish literature owes nothing to kings, and has to thank only -the popular spirit for all its brightest flowers. The drama, therefore, -remained wholly national, even after the imitation of Italian forms -had long prevailed in the lyric and epic poetry of Spain. Writers -for the stage must of necessity obey the voice of a public possessing -sufficient energy of character to condemn every piece which does not -pay homage to the popular taste. The whole history of the Spanish -theatre exhibits this dominion of the public over authors; and the -particular taste of the dramatists being formed under the influence -of the general poetic genius of the nation, they very willingly, like -Lope de Vega, followed the stream, even though, like him, they well -knew what the true theory of their art required. The cultivation of -prose was more completely left to the individual taste of the authors; -but any instance of encouragement from the throne was as uncommon with -respect to it as to poetry. Antonio de Solis, who received a pension -from Philip IV. as historiographer, for writing the History of Spanish -America, was indebted for that honour in some measure to his reputation -as a poet, and his various acquirements, but by no means for any -particular esteem he had obtained on account of his talent for prose -composition. - -During the whole of this period, however, intellectual talents were -never undervalued, either by the kings, or the nobles of Spain. In -that country, as well as in Italy, the higher orders considered it a -duty to seek distinction through learning, and poetry was the soul -both of Spanish and Italian literature. Most of the Spanish poets of -this period, if not of noble birth, belonged, at least, to families of -consideration. Heroes, statesmen, ecclesiastics, all composed verses, -and poetry was most intimately interwoven with all the relations of -social life. No where did chivalrous gallantry so long survive the -extinction of real chivalry as in Spain; and poetry was the exhaustless -language of that gallantry, whether it displayed itself in secret -love intrigues, or at public entertainments and festivals. Every -characteristic national amusement, as for instance, a bull fight, -proved an incitement to the writing of sonnets and romances. There -are found in various Spanish poems of this period many expressions -and allusions which have reference to popular amusements, but the -poetic sense of which is only intelligible to readers who bear in -their recollection the favourite diversions of the nation. The -romantic intrigues which were common in high life, formed models for -the intricate plots of the Spanish comedies; but no ordinary powers -of invention were necessary to enable the dramatic author to maintain -on the stage a competition with the scenes which actually occurred -in society. Throughout the whole country, singing and dancing were -essential ingredients in every amusement. Learned musical composition -had, at this time, little attraction for the Spaniards; but wherever -joy was, musicians were not wanting, and every dance had its song. - -In the mean time the cultivation of the other fine arts, afforded -little aid to Spanish poetry, as the overwhelming interest attached to -it in its golden age directed the intellectual energies of the nation -almost exclusively to that one object. All other liberal pursuits were -consequently left far behind. - -Spanish taste was, at this period, entirely left to form itself, being -abandoned to the influence of Italian literature, and the authority of -eminent national authors. The Italian system of academies found little -favour in Spain. Perhaps the jealousy of the inquisition foreboded evil -from meetings of men of letters. Be this as it may, Spanish literature -sustained little loss by the want of those institutions. The Royal -Academy for the Spanish language and literature was not established -until the eighteenth century. - -The intimate union, which, during the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries, subsisted between the eloquence of prose and poetry in -Spain, renders a separate history of each unnecessary. A division -may, however, be advantageously made in the whole body of the Spanish -literature of this period, though the two sections cannot form two -distinct epochs. From the introduction of the Italian style into -Spanish poetry, until the decline of learning in the latter years of -the reign of Philip IV. no literary revolution was experienced in -Spain. The _corrupters of taste_, as certain writers who appeared -in the latter half of this period are called by some of the Spanish -critics, only continued a movement, the impulse of which had been given -long before by various authors, and particularly by the dramatic poets. -Several of these writers were contemporaries with authors who placed -a high value on classical correctness, and yet they exercised a much -greater influence over the general literature of Spain than the latter. -To confound Calderon, who perfected the Spanish comedy, according to -its true national character, with the corrupters of taste, is an idea -which could only have been entertained in the eighteenth century, -when it became customary in Spain, as every where else, to measure all -productions of genius by the rules of French criticism. But at the same -time, that Spanish poetry approximated as closely to the Italian, as -the necessary connection of the former with the national style would -permit, that national style, with all its faults and beauties, still -maintained the pre-eminence; and the passion for Italian correctness -again declined. This crisis in Spanish literature, occasioned by the -struggle between Italian refinement and the bold eccentricity of the -national manners, occurred in the age of Cervantes. At that time Lope -de Vega shone with more brilliancy in the eyes of his countrymen than -Cervantes, and the party of the former gained the victory and kept the -field. The taking of a distinct view of the progress of poetry and -eloquence in Spain, will therefore be facilitated, if the period of the -influence of Cervantes and Lope de Vega be made an historical resting -point. It is doubtless very remarkable, that Cervantes, who created an -epoch in the general literature of Europe, should not have produced -sufficient effect on the Literature of his own country, to justify the -choosing him as the founder of a new epoch in its literary history. An -opportunity will hereafter arise for reverting to this subject.[147] - - -FIRST SECTION. - - _History of Spanish Poetry and Eloquence, from the Introduction - of the Italian Style to the Age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega._ - - -OCCASION OF THE INTRODUCTION OF THE ITALIAN STYLE. - -After the complete consolidation of the monarchies of Castile and -Arragon by the accession of Charles of Austria, the grandson of -Isabella and Ferdinand, there appears to have been, for a short -time, a suspension of all literary activity in Spain. The political -convulsions which then agitated the interior of the two united -kingdoms, occupied the public mind too powerfully to allow any interest -to be felt in calmer and more agreeable objects. But as soon as the -civil contests were terminated by the success of the Austrian party, -and the enterprising Charles, incited by Francis I. employed the force -of his Spanish states to win new dominions in Italy, the poetic genius -of Spain revived in all its pristine vigour. In the meantime, the -ancient dialect of the Arragonian provinces began to be supplanted -by the Castilian, which became the language of the state and of -public business throughout Spain. Castile was then considered the -heart of the whole monarchy. Madrid rose to the rank of the capital -of Spain, and Saragossa sunk into the condition of a provincial town. -It was therefore no very extraordinary event, that a Catalonian, -whose maternal language still possessed a certain degree of poetic -consideration, should, in connection with a Castilian, produce a -revolution in Castilian poetry. - - -BOSCAN. - -Juan Boscan Almogavèr, who, in concert with his friend Garcilaso de -la Vega, introduced the Italian style into Castilian poetry, was born -in Barcelona, towards the close of the fifteenth century. He belonged -to one of the Patrician families of that city, of equal rank with -the nobility of the country. Though possessing a liberal education, -and sufficient fortune to enable him to gratify his inclination for -literary studies, without regard to any secondary views, he embarked, -notwithstanding, on his first outset in life for a short period in -the profession of arms. He afterwards travelled, but the countries he -visited are not mentioned in the brief notices which remain of him. -If, however, it be supposed that he went at this time to Italy, and -rendered himself intimately acquainted with the literature of that -country, it appears that he was still far from entertaining the idea -of transplanting the forms and manner of Italian poetry into Spain; -for the Castilian verses, which he wrote in his youth, were all in -the ancient lyric style, which, since the time of Juan de Mena no one -had thought it necessary to try to improve. It was not until 1526, -when, after having flourished at the court of Charles V. he had made -a happy marriage, and was settled in his native city, that a Venetian -induced him to imitate the Italian poetry in the Castilian language. -The emperor resided for some time in Granada; and, among the foreign -ministers who repaired to his court, was Andrea Navagero, the envoy -from Venice, a man of great literary and historical knowledge, and, -like every well-educated Italian of that age, a writer of canzoni -and sonnets. Boscan, having formed an intimate friendship with this -minister, was taught by him to view the Italian poetry and also the -classical latin in quite a new light. The Spanish lyric poetry, which -with all its gothic excrescences was still pleasing to the nation, -if not so barbarous in his eyes as in those of his Italian friend, -appeared to him, when compared with a sonnet of Petrarch, at least, -in the point of good taste greatly inferior. He now readily perceived -the nature and felt the value of the precision and correctness of the -great works of antiquity. Animated by his new ideas, he fearlessly -ventured to follow the counsel of Navagero, in spite of the menacing -clamour of the friends of the old national forms. He took upon himself -the character of a reformer of the lyric poetry of his nation, and -commenced his labours by writing sonnets in the manner of Petrarch. - -The metrical structure of the sonnet had long been known in Spain;[148] -but the genius of Castilian poetry was adverse to that form, and the -Spaniards had manifested very little predilection for any thing like -the elegant correctness of Petrarch. Boscan had therefore elevated -himself above the literature of his country, when he perceived that it -was necessary to infuse a new spirit into Castilian poetry before it -could be reconciled to the Italian forms. His friend Garcilaso de la -Vega participated in this opinion. But thousands of voices were raised -against the reformers. Some insisted that preference was to be given to -the old Castilian verse on the ground of euphony. Others went further, -and asserted that the ear could perceive no distinction between the -new verse and prose. Finally, a third party discovered that Italian -poetry was effeminate, and was fit only for Italians and women. Boscan -relates that this violent opposition made him reflect seriously on the -propriety of proceeding with his design; but as he was soon convinced -of the futility of the reasons urged against him, he persisted in -his undertaking. His party rapidly increased and soon obtained the -superiority, not indeed throughout the whole mass of the public, but in -that portion of society which was most enlightened and refined.[149] - -The other circumstances of Boscan’s life, in so far as they are known, -have little interest for the literary historian. The mature part of -his age was chiefly spent in his native city Barcelona, or in the -neighbouring country. The urbanity of his manners and his talents -recommended him to the family of Alba, which was then one of the most -brilliant of the noble houses of Castile, and to which the homage of -the Spanish poets was from that time constantly paid. Boscan was for -some time Ayo, or first governor of the young Don Fernando de Alba, -who was afterwards the terror of the enemies of the Spanish monarchy. -He appears, however, to have soon resigned this employment, in order -to divide his time between study and the society of literary friends. -The year in which he died is not exactly known; it is only ascertained -that his death happened before the year 1544.[150] He prepared for the -press a collection of his poems, to which he added those of his friend -Garcilaso; but the work was not published until after his death.[151] - -From the point at which Boscan found Castilian poetry, to that in -which it was necessary it should be placed before he could open for -himself a new path, the distance was considerable, and the transition -was to be accomplished by a single bound. That he succeeded in this -undertaking was owing not so much to his genius, as to a natural -susceptibility for the real beauties of Italian and ancient poetry, -accidentally excited at the favourable moment, and to a talent for -the imitation of classical models, without altogether discarding that -tone of feeling which was properly his own. To estimate, however, the -full value of Boscan’s talent, it is not only necessary to examine -the works by which he introduced a new style into Spanish poetry, -but to take a retrospective view of the productions of the Castilian -muse in the ancient manner. It is only by this comparison that a just -conception can be formed of the surprise with which the Spaniards -must have regarded the bold attempt of Boscan. He was the first among -his countrymen who had an idea of classical perfection in works of -imagination; and though the greater part of his poems fall below that -standard, they all afford evidence of his endeavours to reach it. An -aspiration so entirely unaffected and unembarrassed, had never been -manifested by any previous Spanish poet. Between the kind of poetry -which he introduced into his native land and that which he abandoned, -there was no visible passage. But lest the merits of Boscan should be -too highly rated, it is proper to observe, that at this time a reform -of the Spanish poetry, precisely such as that to which his efforts gave -birth, was, notwithstanding the clamour of his opponents, desired by -the more cultivated part of the Spanish public, though, perhaps, there -no where existed any distinct perception of the wished-for object. Had -it been otherwise, Boscan must have stood alone, and the numerous poets -of his nation, who have equalled or surpassed him in the new style, -never would have followed his example. - -The early productions of Boscan, which form the first book of his -works, are scarcely distinguishable by any trace of superior delicacy -or correctness from the poems of the same descriptions contained in the -_Cancionero general_. The very title of the longest of these youthful -essays, namely, _Mar de Amor_ (the Sea of Love) excites an anticipation -of the fantastic flights of the old Spanish muse; and it is impossible -to read the first strophe without being convinced that the author still -adhered to the original character of Castilian song.[152] It was, -however, only at the request of his friend Garcilaso de la Vega, who -said that he received from these poems the same sort of pleasure as -from pretty children, that Boscan renounced his intention of entirely -suppressing them. - -The second book of Boscan’s poems, contains _sonetos_ and _canciones_, -in the style of the Italian _sonetti_ and _canzoni_. They all betray, -in a greater or less degree, the disciple of the school of Petrarch; -but the spirit of Spanish poetry still displays itself throughout the -whole. The language, though it successfully imitates the precision -of Petrarch, seldom attains the sweetly flowing melody of its model. -In painting the feelings, the shadows are charged with stronger -colours than the Italian Petrarchists of the sixteenth century -permitted themselves to employ. Impetuous passion, which, with higher -pretensions, was, on account of its very violence, less capable of -commanding sympathy than a mild enthusiasm, strikingly distinguished -Boscan’s poetry from that which was the object of his imitation. The -contrast was farther increased by the constantly recurring picture -of a struggle between passion and reason. But these were precisely -the traits which disclosed the true Spanish character. It was not -individual feeling that prevented Boscan from equalling the delicacy -and softness of the Italian sonetto and canzone, for as his biography, -and still more his other poems, shew he was a man of a very mild -disposition. But it was necessary that the language of love, to appear -natural and true to a Spaniard, should burn and rage. At the same -time, to satisfy Spanish taste, reason was to be introduced to deliver -her precepts amidst the storm of passion, to prove its force by her -feebleness, and to give to lyric composition a moral gravity which was -not desired by the Italians. In so far however as the Spanish character -permitted the experiment to go, the fascinating tone of Petrarch was -very happily seized by Boscan;[153] and in the expression of tender -passion he has even sometimes surpassed the Italian poet.[154] - -The greater part of the third book of these poems is occupied by a -paraphrastic translation of the Greek poem of Hero and Leander. Nothing -of the kind had been previously known in the Spanish language. The -metrical form which Boscan chose for his translation, was that of -rhymeless iambics, or an imitation of the blank verse of the Italians. -The language is so pure and elegant, the versification so natural, and -the tone of the narrative so soft, and at the same time so elevated, -that it is impossible not to be pleased even with the prolixity which -the influence of the taste for romantic poetry has introduced into -this free translation. To this translation succeeds a poem in the -Italian style, entitled a _Capitulo_, and some epistles in tercets. The -_Capitulo_, as it is called, is a love elegy, abounding in pleasing -ideas and images, but on the whole too much spun out, like most Italian -poems of the same kind. It has also its full share of genuine Spanish -hyperbole and amorous despair.[155] The best of his epistles is, “The -Answer to Diego Mendoza,” who was himself the first epistolary poet -among the Spaniards, and whom it will soon be necessary to notice more -at length. After the new poetical career was opened, these authors vied -in imitating the epistles of Horace; but it is plain that the elegiac -tenderness of Tibullus was constantly present to the mind of Boscan. -In his Answer to Mendoza, the descriptions of domestic and rural life -charm by their exquisite delicacy, and possess a still more powerful -interest than the moral reflections, though these are unaffected and -noble, and conceived in the true spirit of didactic poetry.[156] - -Boscan’s works conclude with a narrative poem in the Italian style, -which has no other title than that which denotes the structure of the -verse, namely, _octava rima_. Some ideas and images are borrowed from -the Italian poets; but the whole invention and the execution of the -greater part of the details belong to Boscan. The merit of the fable, -however, is not great. A mythological allegory, describing the empire -of love, forms the introduction to a poetical relation of a festal -meeting of Venus, Cupid, and the other inhabitants of that imaginary -region. Little Cupids are dispatched all over the world by Venus to -defend her against the reproaches of unreasonable men, and to make -known the real blessings of love. One of those winged envoys directs -his course towards Barcelona, the natal city of the poet, gives a -particular account of his mission to the fair ladies of that town, and -takes the opportunity of saying many gallant things to them. As to the -construction of the fable of this poem, Boscan certainly gave himself -very little trouble. His object appears merely to have been to compose -a romantic picture of greater extent than a sonnet or a cancion, and to -make his countrymen sensible of the charm of descriptive poetry in the -Italian manner. It is impossible not to admire the grace and facility -with which Boscan has accomplished this purpose. The descriptions are -so animated,[157] and all the details so elegant and engaging, that -the tediousness of some of the parts is amply compensated by the happy -execution of the whole. Light plays of fancy embellish the lyric and -romantic passages; and, upon the whole, this is a work which no other -of the same kind by later Spanish poets has excelled.[158] - -If a comprehensive view be taken of the merits of Boscan, it will be -impossible, notwithstanding the striking faults which appear in his -works, and particularly in his sonnets, to withhold from him the title -of the first classical poet of Spain. Some of his expressions are -now antiquated, but upon the whole his language has continued a model -for succeeding ages. Simplicity and dignity had never, in the same -degree, and under a form so correct, been united with poetic truth -and feeling by any previous Spanish author. The partizans of the old -national poetry reproached him with being an imitator; but without -the kind of imitation by which he naturalized in his language a taste -for the literature of Italy and the ancient classics, it would have -been impossible for Spanish poetry to have gained that field in which -it afterwards competed with the Italian. That he did not obtrude upon -his countrymen a kind of poetry irreconcilable with the genius of the -language and the national character, is evident from the rapidity -with which the new taste spread over the whole of Spain, and extended -into Portugal, and from its duration in both kingdoms. The poetic -innovators, at whose head Boscan stood, were certainly blameable, in so -far as they wished to banish entirely the ancient Spanish style, which -was also, in its own manner, susceptible of classical improvement. But -it is doubtful whether the partizans of that style would have thought -of perfecting it after classical models, had not the disciples of the -Italian school unexpectedly shewn the high cultivation of which Spanish -poetry was capable under new forms. This Boscan first made manifest, -not by critical reasoning, but by example; and his modesty contributed -not a little to attract to his party the more liberal minded of his -countrymen. Had he commenced his reform by trying to beat down the old -style with theoretical argument, or egotistical declamation, he would -only have rendered himself an object of ridicule; for the public he had -to deal with was not indisposed to improvement, but would not submit to -have lessons read to it magisterially. - -After Boscan, his friends, who participated in the fame of that reform -to which he shewed the way, are justly entitled to the next place in -the history of Spanish poetry. - - -GARCILASO DE LA VEGA. - -The first Spanish poet who followed the example of Boscan was Garcilaso -de la Vega, a young Castilian, descended from a family of consideration -in Toledo, and born, according to the statements of different authors, -either in 1500 or 1503. His poetic talent was early developed, and he -had written several lyric pieces in the old Spanish style, when his -acquaintance with Boscan, which soon grew into friendship, commenced. -The character of the poetry of the ancients and of Italy was then -seen by him in a new light. He proceeded with ardour to the study -of classical models, and of Petrarch and Virgil in particular. The -improvement of pastoral poetry in his native tongue, appears to have -been his first object. But it was his lot to follow the restless -profession of arms; and the wars of Charles V. carried him abroad, and -dragged him from country to country. In the year 1529, he distinguished -himself in the Spanish corps, which was attached to the imperial army -opposed to the Turks. While in Vienna he was involved in a romantic -intrigue, between a near relation of his own and a lady of the court. -The imperial dignity, it appears, was conceived to be compromised -by this intrigue, and Garcilaso was punished for his interference by -imprisonment in an Island of the Danube. There he composed one of -his canciones, in which he bewails his destiny, but at the same time -celebrates the Danube and the countries through which it flows.[159] -His imprisonment probably was not of long duration. In the year 1535, -he served in the adventurous expedition of Charles V. against Tunis, -in which he acquired both glory and wounds. In Naples and Sicily, -he devoted, as far as circumstances would permit, his moments of -relaxation to poetry. He execrated war, and exerted all the powers -of his imagination in painting an Arcadian pastoral life, but still -remained a soldier.[160] It may be presumed, however, that his military -talents were not inconsiderable, for when the imperial army in the year -1536, penetrated into the South of France, Garcilaso de la Vega, who -could then be only thirty-three, or at most thirty-six years of age, -commanded eleven companies of infantry. That campaign, which did not -terminate so fortunately as it commenced, was the last to Garcilaso, -and tore him from the world in the bloom of life. The emperor in person -ordered him to take by assault, a fort, the garrison of which harrassed -the army in its retreat. Garcilaso executed this command with more -gallantry than prudence. He wished to be the first to scale the walls. -He attained his object, but was struck with a stone on the head, and -thrown down from the ramparts. Being mortally wounded, he was removed -to Nice, where, a few weeks after, he died. - -It would be difficult to discover from the works of Garcilaso, that the -author had spent a considerable portion of his short life in camps, -and had died in the bed of military honour, the victim of his courage; -for he approaches even more closely than Boscan to the tenderness of -Petrarch. The general tone of his poetry is so soft and melancholy, -that it is only by occasional characteristic traits, that the Spaniard -is recognized; but it must be confessed that when such passages do -occur, the exaggeration is striking enough.[161] In his sonnets, -which are not numerous, the imitation of Petrarch is obvious; but he -sometimes betrays that affectation of wit, which was still in Spain -regarded as an ingenious manner of expressing vehement and profound -passion.[162] One however exhibits throughout a delicacy of style and -sweetness of manner, equalled by few pieces of the same kind, in the -Spanish language.[163] He was not equally successful in seizing the -character of the Italian canzone, of which he, as well as Boscan, was -an imitator; and his reputation rests chiefly on his pastoral poems, -which therefore deserve to be more particularly noticed. - -Since the rude dramatic eclogues of Juan de la Enzina pastoral poetry -had made no progress in Spain. But Garcilaso de la Vega imitated Virgil -and Sanazzar, and so happily united the romantic character with the -correctness of the ancients, that his eclogues, though only one of -them can be regarded as a masterpiece, surpass all Italian poems of -the kind, those in the Arcadia of Sanazzar alone excepted. The fine -Neapolitan sky appears to have had the same influence on Garcilaso -as on Virgil and Sanazzar; and he seems to have regarded Naples as -his poetical country. The first of his eclogues is by far the most -beautiful, and marks an epoch in Spanish pastoral poetry. The whole -composition has the metrical form of an Italian canzone. The invention -is very simple. In the four introductory strophes, in which is -interwoven a dedication to the Viceroy of Naples, Don Pedro de Toledo, -Marquis of Villafranca, the author describes, with all the simplicity -which belongs to true pastoral poetry, the meeting of two shepherds, -Salicio and Nemoroso, who alternately give vent to their feelings in -melancholy strains. These elegiac songs reply to each other without -interruption, and the relation subsisting between them gives to the -whole lyric composition a proper consistence and unity. This is all the -plan of the eclogue. But the glow of enthusiastic feeling, the happy -choice of expression, and the harmony of versification so completely -satisfactory to the ear, to be found in almost every line of these -songs of sorrow, cannot fail to give delight to every mind susceptible -of elegiac and beauty. Accordingly the Spanish critics are nearly -unanimous in pronouncing this eclogue one of the finest works in their -language. The subject of the first song is the infidelity--of the -second, the death of a mistress; and the latter complaint appears to be -founded in fact. But Garcilaso would have better secured the sympathy -of the more scrupulous Spanish reader, had he entirely passed over the -cause of the lamented fair one’s decease. The lady whom he describes as -a pastoral nymph, lost her life it seems in childbed; for an apostrophe -of the complaining shepherd to Lucina, indicates plainly enough the -nature of her death. But is the affected delicacy which takes offence -at a trait so truly natural and pathetic, worthy of the attention of an -author? In the first strain in which the shepherd Salicio deplores the -infidelity of his mistress, the interest appears to be raised as far -as it is possible to carry it.[164] Passion is here elevated to the -highest pitch, and then lost in a most affecting self sacrifice.[165] -But the song in which Nemoroso laments the death of his mistress, even -surpasses the former in elegiac force, perhaps because it possesses -greater softness. In retracing his recollections the mourner draws a -series of melancholy pictures which have an indescribable charm. The -beauty of the poem rises with the description of the beauty of the -departed shepherdess.[166] The passage in which Nemoroso relates how -he carries in his bosom a lock of his Eliza’s hair, from which he is -never separated--how when alone he spreads it out, weeps over it, dries -it with his sighs, and then examines and counts every single hair--is -unexampled either in ancient or modern literature.[167] Occasional -imitations of Virgil have been pointed out, but they harmonize so -completely with the romantic spirit of the poem, that were it not -for the particular references which critics have made, they would -in general escape the notice of even the most erudite. The poem, as -a whole, is evidently the genuine offspring of the author’s soul. -Materials of an affecting but prosaic nature are, by his art, converted -into the most graceful and impressive poetry. - -As Garcilaso only imitated the ancients by the introduction of certain -ideas and images, and not in the structure of his eclogues, he -considered himself at liberty to vary their form at pleasure. But here -his good taste abandoned him. The second and longest of his eclogues is -an unnatural mixture of heterogeneous styles. An unfortunate shepherd -deplores his unsuccessful love. Another shepherd joins him, and their -conversation proceeds unconstrained in a romantic pastoral tone; but -it is impossible to discover any reason for the changes which take -place in the verse. Tercets are succeeded by rhymeless iambics, after -which the tercets re-appear and are followed by the syllabic measure -of a canzone. The simple dialogue suddenly becomes dramatic. The fair -huntress, whose indifference is the subject of the first shepherd’s -lament, appears upon the scene. The lover seizes and refuses to let -her go, until she swears to listen to his addresses. She makes the -required vow, and when at liberty flies. The despair of the shepherd -then becomes frenzy; and a third shepherd, who has in the mean time -arrived, enters into conversation with the one who first joined the -unhappy lover, on the means of restoring him to reason. The author -seizes this opportunity to convert his eclogue into a most unseasonable -eulogium on the house of Alba. One of the shepherds proposes that -medical assistance should be obtained, and mentions a physician named -Severo; but this name is assigned to a learned friend of Garcilaso and -the Alba family. Nothing more is necessary, according to the critical -conception of the author, to warrant the making a poetical digression -from his account of the merits of the physician, whose miraculous skill -is to recover the frantic shepherd, to the history of the house of -Alba, which he details in iambic blank verse. - -In the third and last of Garcilaso’s eclogues, the genuine pastoral -character is resumed. The lyric dialogue in octaves, or Italian -stanzas, pleasingly harmonizes with the soft description of amatory -sorrows given in this poem. - -Garcilaso made essays in other kinds of poetry, but with less success. -An elegy written to console the Duke of Alba for the death of his -brother, is an imitation, or rather a translation of an Italian poem by -Frascatoro, and is at once cold and verbose. More of interest belongs -to another elegy which is addressed to Boscan, and which the author -wrote at the foot of Mount Etna. Mythological recollections excited -by that classic ground, melancholy complaints of the miseries of war, -and tender anxieties for a loved object in the poet’s native land, -diffuse a charm over the whole of this elegant poem, which is besides -remarkable for comparisons and images full of novelty and truth.[168] - -Garcilaso is also the author of a small epistle in which he has -endeavoured to seize the true horatian tone. It is not sufficiently -important to deserve particular notice, but it is easy to recognize in -it the fine tact of this author, to whom the critic, however severely -he may judge his faults, cannot deny the title of the second classic -poet of Spain. - - -DIEGO DE MENDOZA. - -The third classic poet, and at the same time the first classic prose -writer of Spain, is Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza,[169] a native of -Granada, where he was born in the beginning of the sixteenth century, -but in what year is not known. Descended from one of the first familes -of the country, he had before him the prospect of high honours, which, -as he was one of five children, his parents destined him to reach -through the church. Being educated for the clerical profession, he -received what was then considered a learned education. Besides the -classical languages of antiquity, he acquired the Hebrew and Arabic. -At the university of Salamanca, he studied scholastic philosophy, -theology, and ecclesiastical law. While yet a student he was the -inventor of the comic romance or novel, for it was at Salamanca that -he wrote his celebrated work, the Life of Lazarillo de Tormes. Having -become as conspicuous for a vigorous and sound understanding as for his -wit and learning, the Emperor Charles V. who perceived that his talents -might be employed with advantage in public business, drew him from his -studies. He had not long left the university when he was appointed -imperial envoy to Venice. He availed himself of the opportunities -which this situation afforded to cultivate an intercourse with learned -Italians, and to obtain an intimate knowledge of the spirit of -Italian literature. Before his departure for Italy, he appears to have -formed an acquaintance with Boscan; but he was patriot enough not to -despise the old Spanish poetry. Though he loved the Italian poets, he -preferred the ancients, and in particular Horace, who, like himself -a man of the world, might occasionally assist him in his journey -through the slippery path of political life; and certainly few poets -could have divided themselves between literature and politics with as -much dexterity as Mendoza. He was, however, far from being a cringing -courtier. His low opinion of diplomatic dignity is stated frankly, -and even somewhat coarsely, in one of his epistles, in which he -exclaims:--“O these ambassadors, the perfect ninnies! when kings wish -to cheat they begin with us. Our best business is to take care that we -do no harm, and indeed never to do or say any thing that we may not -run the risk of making ourselves understood.”[170] The ambassador of a -prince of such deep dissimulation as Charles V. might naturally enough -form an unfavourable opinion of his office; but he who could speak his -mind in this manner, even when at his post, must have retained some of -the spirit of old Spanish freedom. - -The emperor made no mistake in the choice of his ambassador, of whose -turn of thinking he doubtless was not ignorant, but on the exercise -of whose talents he knew he could rely. He considered him the fittest -person that could be selected to go to the council of Trent, and -recommend, by an elegant manner, the truths he wished to be told to the -assembled fathers in the name of the Spanish nation. This commission -Mendoza executed to the satisfaction of the emperor. The speech which -he delivered before the council in 1545 was highly admired, and -Charles was convinced that it was impossible to confide the affairs -of Italy to better hands. In the year 1547, Mendoza appeared at the -papal court, then the centre of all political intrigues, as imperial -ambassador, and invested with powers which rendered him the terror -of the French party in Italy. The emperor at the same time appointed -him captain-general and governor of Sienna, and other strong places -in Tuscany. He was ordered to humble the pope, Paul III. even in his -own court; and to repress, by force, the movements of the restless -Florentines, who still hoped, under the protection of France, to shake -off the yoke of the Medicis. A man of less firmness of character would -have been totally unfit for such a task; but the terrible energy with -which Mendoza performed it, exasperated in the highest degree the -opposite party, and more particularly the Florentines. The repeated -insurrections in Tuscany could not be suppressed without measures of -great severity, and Mendoza was consequently detested as a tyrant by -all Italians who were not reconciled to the introduction of Spanish -garrisons. In Sienna he was constantly exposed to assassination; and on -one occasion, a musket ball directed against him killed the horse on -which he rode. His intrepidity, however, was not to be shaken, and he -continued to administer his difficult government until Paul III. died, -and was succeeded by Julius III. a pope inclined to the Spanish party. -The new pope wishing to bestow on Mendoza a particular mark of respect, -appointed him Gonfalonier, or Standard-bearer to the church. In this -character, Mendoza marched against the rebels in the ecclesiastical -territories, and made them submit to the pope. - -Thus did a Spanish poet, alike feared and admired, govern Italy for -the space of six years. During this stormy period of his life, Mendoza -composed verses, visited the Italian universities, purchased Greek -manuscripts, and collected a large library. Since the days of Petrarch -no friend of literature had shewn so much zeal for the acquisition -of Greek manuscripts. He spared no pains nor expense to procure them -even from Greece, and sent special messengers for that purpose to -the convent of Mount Athos. He availed himself of a service he had -rendered to the Ottoman sultan, to obtain supplies of corn for the -empty granaries of Venice, and of manuscripts for his own library. Many -a Greek work came first to the press from his valuable collection. -Whoever wished to promote the study of ancient literature, found in -him a friend and protector; and to him the learned bookseller, Paulus -Manutius, dedicated his edition of the philosophic writings of Cicero, -to the study of which Mendoza was particularly attached, and for the -correct publication of which he even made critical observations on the -manuscripts. - -Literature and politics, it appears, did not afford sufficient -occupation for this extraordinary man. He chose also to engage in -affairs of gallantry; and, according to the manners of the age, gave to -such pursuits, at least in verse, the character of romantic passion. -His looks, however, were not calculated to recommend him to the fair -sex; for his biographers state that he was far from handsome, and that -the glance of his fiery eye was more repulsive than inviting. But -Mendoza was active, accomplished, and in the possession of power; and -the favour which these advantages obtained for him with some Roman -ladies, was numbered among the offences with which his enemies loudly -reproached him. The repeated charges brought against him made at last -an impression on the emperor; and that monarch, who had begun to -contemplate the resignation of his crown, and who was now desirous of -establishing tranquillity in his states, thought fit, in the year 1554, -to recall this too rigid governor to Spain. - -The latter part of the history of Mendoza’s life is not uniformly -related by his biographers. According to some he retired to the -country, devoted himself to poetry and philosophy, and appeared very -seldom at the court of Philip II. Others assert that, though he no -longer retained his former influence, he continued a member of the -council of state under Philip II. and was present with that monarch at -the great battle of St. Quintin, fought in the year 1557. This much is -certain, that he was soon after engaged in an adventure at the court, -which, for a man of his age and knowledge of the world, was of a very -singular nature. An altercation arose in the palace between him and a -courtier, who, according to Mendoza’s own declaration, was his rival in -the affections of a lady. This man, whose name is not mentioned, in a -fit of violent exasperation, drew a dagger; upon which Mendoza seized -him, and threw him from a balcony into the street. What afterwards -became of his antagonist is not recorded; but the transaction was the -subject of serious observation, and the grave Philip regarded it as -a high offence against the dignity of his person and his court. He -was, however, content to inflict a moderate punishment, and merely -condemned Mendoza to a short imprisonment. The old statesman occupied -the period of his imprisonment in the ancient Spanish style, namely, -in composing lamentations on the unkindness of his mistress:[171] and -these romantic effusions do not appear to have been considered by his -contemporaries as absurd and ridiculous at his time of life. But the -sorrows expressed in his amatory ditties did not drive the venerable -lover to despair; for when he was soon after set at liberty, though -still exiled from court, he observed with the eye of a politician the -insurrection of the Moriscoes, or converted Arabs of Granada; and when -the insurrection broke out into a formal war, he noted down all the -remarkable events, and afterwards detailed them in an historical work, -which has obtained for him the name of the Spanish Sallust. He profited -of this opportunity to collect a great number of Arabic manuscripts. -Observations on the works of Aristotle, a translation of the Mechanics -of that philosopher, and some political treatises, were, it appears, -the last of his literary labours. He was thus actively and usefully -employed until his death, which happened when he was upwards of -seventy, at Valladolid, in the year 1575. He bequeathed his collection -of books and manuscripts to the king, and it still forms one of the -most valuable portions of the library of the Escurial.[172] - -A detailed account of the life of this distinguished man, cannot -be regarded as a biographical excrescence in a history of Spanish -Literature; for in no other poet’s life and works is the real Castilian -spirit of the age of Charles V. so clearly displayed as in those of -Diego de Mendoza. The universality of his literary talent will be best -understood, when it is known with what energy, precision, and facility -he accommodated himself to, and controuled the circumstances in which -he happened to be placed in all the practical relations of life. -That trait too in the portrait of his mind, which is most worthy of -observation, namely, the constancy with which, instead of abandoning -one species of mental activity for another, he continued throughout the -different periods of his life, from youth to extreme old age, always to -unite in his person the poet, the man of letters, and the statesman, -gives reason to expect that his works, however differing in kind, will -be found to possess a certain common character. - -Diego de Mendoza did more for the poetic literature of his country -than his countrymen seem to have acknowledged. Spanish writers, it -is true, place him next in rank to Boscan and Garcilaso de la Vega, -among the poets who introduced the Italian style into Castilian -poetry. But they cannot pardon the harshness of his versification in -those poems in which he adopted the metrical forms of Italy. Rendered -fastidious by the rhythmical harmony which a Castilian ear can never -dispense with, the Spaniards have held in very trifling estimation the -epistles of Mendoza; though those compositions, in a striking manner, -extended the boundaries of Castilian poetry. As an epistolary poet, -he might justly be styled the Spanish Horace, if his tercets flowed -as smoothly as the hexameters of the latin poet. Making allowance, -however, for the want of that pure harmony and that didactic delicacy -in which Horace is inimitable, Mendoza’s epistles may rank among the -best productions of the kind in modern literature. With the exception -of Boscan and Garcilaso de la Vega, no Spanish poet had evinced any -traces of that horatian spirit with which this author was endowed. In -the collection of Mendoza’s poems, these epistles are merely called -_cartas_ (letters.) Some of them are of a romantic cast, and overloaded -with tedious love complaints. But the rest, like Horace’s epistles, -are didactic, full of agreeable but sound philosophy, precise and yet -unconstrained in expression, and rescued from the monotonous effect -of moral instruction, by a happy interchange of precepts, images, and -characters. A masculine understanding, which clearly penetrates all -social relations, and a noble spirit, which estimates the blessings -of life according to their real value, diffuse over these epistles a -charm at once serene and attractive. Some of the most beautiful, for -example, that addressed to Boscan, which is best known, and which on -account of the answer is printed among Boscan’s poems, were composed -in Italy during the more early part of the author’s life. But in -estimating the poetical works of Mendoza, chronological arrangement -is of little importance, for as a poet he preserved equality from the -commencement to the close of his career. His epistle to Boscan is -in part an imitation of that of Horace to Numicius.[173] The latter -half, however, belongs exclusively to Mendoza. In this portion of the -epistle he presents to his friend the outline of the charming picture -of domestic happiness, to which Boscan himself, in the answer already -mentioned, has given a higher finish; and the taste which can overlook -the beauty of this picture on account of want of smoothness in the -versification, must be depraved by the affectation of refinement.[174] -Another epistle, addressed to Don Luis de Zuñiga, contains an -ingenious and striking comparison of the character of two heterogeneous -and equally foolish classes of men. The one wholly attached to the -vulgar pleasures of the moment, and stupidly indifferent to the affairs -of the world;[175] while the other, on the contrary, is cheated by -restless cares and anxieties out of the enjoyment of the present.[176] -In these epistles, Mendoza unfolded the result of his experience, as -the Infante Juan Manuel did a century and a half earlier, in his Count -Lucanor, though in a totally different manner. Mendoza’s style is that -of an accomplished man of the world, formed in the school of the latin -poets. - -Mendoza’s sonnets possess neither the grace nor the harmony essential -to that species of composition. They owe their existence to the amatory -spirit of the age rather than to the poetic inspiration of the author. -Though he composed in the Italian manner with less facility than -Boscan and Garcilaso, he felt more correctly than they or any other -of his countrymen, the difference between the Spanish and Italian -languages, with respect to their capabilities for versification. The -Spanish admits of none of those pleasing elisions, which, particularly -when terminating vowels are omitted, render the mechanism of Italian -versification so easy, and enable the poet to augment or diminish the -number of syllables according to his pleasure; and this difference -in the two languages renders the composition of a Spanish sonnet a -difficult task. Still more does the Spanish language seem hostile -to the soft termination of a succession of feminine rhymes, for the -Spanish poet, who adopts this rule of the Italian sonnet, is compelled -to banish from his rhymes, all infinitives of verbs, together with -a whole host of sonorous substantives and adjectives.[177] Mendoza, -therefore, availed himself of the use of masculine rhymes in his -sonnets; but this metrical license was strongly censured by all -partizans of the Italian style. Nevertheless had he given to his -sonnets more of the tenderness of Petrarch, it is probable that they -would have found imitators. Some of them, indeed, may be considered as -successful productions, and throughout all the language is correct and -noble.[178] - -Mendoza’s canciones have nearly the same character as his sonnets, -except that they more obviously mark the influence of the horatian -ode on the lyric fancy of the author. The versification, which is -sonorous, though deficient in harmony, is occasionally united with a -degree of obscurity from which the other productions of Mendoza are -totally exempt.[179] The least successful of his poems in the Italian -style is a mythological tale in octave verse, founded on the history of -Adonis, but along with which the author has interwoven the history of -Atalanta. The story is, however, related in a very pleasing manner. - -The Spaniards give the preference, not to this first class of the -poetic works of Mendoza, but to the second, which consists of lyric -poems in the old national style, the origin of which it is, however, -easy to perceive must be referred to a more highly cultivated age. -The similarity between these poems and others of the same sort in the -_Romancero general_, clearly proves that many of the poets of the age -of Charles V. had tacitly agreed to improve the old national poetry, -without, like the impetuous Castillejo, (of whom further mention will -soon be made) waging open war against the reformers of the school of -Boscan. Many of Mendoza’s lyric pieces are inserted in the _Romancero -general_ without the author’s name. In these compositions the syllabic -measure seems to have been the chief object of improvement. But this -improvement, however successful, was at the same time necessarily -limited; and the beautiful forms of the Italian canzone possessed -too striking a superiority over the most cultivated forms of rhyme -in the old redondillas, to yield to the latter in any collision. All -Mendoza’s lyric compositions are in stanzas of four lines; and the -pieces of this description now obtained, by way of distinction, the -name of redondillas, which seems originally to have been applied to all -trochaic verses in lines of four feet.[180] But songs in stanzas of -five lines, though in other respects similar to those just mentioned, -are called in Mendoza’s collection _quintas_ or _quintillas_. The -trochaic stanza in four lines of three feet,[181] of which the -_Romancero general_ also contains several specimens, was found to be -most suitable to _endechas_, or funeral songs, in the old national -style, and to compositions of that class Mendoza applied it. He wrote -many romantic epistles in the redondilla stanza of four lines; and -did not neglect the other old lyric forms, such as the _Villancicos_, -&c. The improvement of style, which is an essential feature of all -these poems, was limited by Mendoza to accuracy of expression, and to -softening the quaintness of the old subtilties: to these, however, -he himself sometimes resorted; and he seems to have been of opinion, -that the character of this kind of poetry rendered their occasional -introduction indispensable. In compositions of a tender and melancholy -character,[182] he is less successful than in those of a comic -cast.[183] - -Considering Mendoza’s wit and knowledge of mankind, it may naturally -be presumed that his satyrical poems, which however exist only in -manuscript, mark a great advancement in this species of poetry in -Spain. These poems are mentioned by all Mendoza’s biographers; one -is called _La Pulga_ (the Flea,) another _La Caña_ (the Reed), and -a third bears the comical title of _Elogio de la Zanahoria_ (Eulogy -on the Parsnip.) None, however, have yet passed the ordeal of the -inquisition. Their titles seem to indicate a kind of coarse humour in -the style of the burlesque satyres of the Italians. - -Some of Mendoza’s prose compositions have, however, obtained greater -celebrity than his poems; and they unquestionably form an epoch in the -history of Spanish prose. The comic romance of _Lazarillo de Tormes_, -which Mendoza wrote while he was a student at Salamanca, is either the -very first production of its kind, or at least the first that obtained -any thing like literary consideration. Soon after its publication it -was translated into Italian, and subsequently into French, and by -the means of this French translation it has been read throughout all -Europe. Relations of interesting tricks of roguery, probably formed at -a more early period a favourite amusement with the Spaniards; for that -adroit feats of cunning and deception have had for them a charm of a -peculiar kind, the whole history of their comic literature sufficiently -proves. Mendoza, therefore, gave to his humorous fancy a direction -conformable to the spirit of his country, when he chose, as the subject -of his work, the Adventures of a Beggar Lad, who makes a kind of -fortune by dint of cheating and roguery; and the comic interest of the -production was enhanced by its contrast with the pompous romances of -chivalry. In the perusal of such a tale, the Spanish reader willingly -descended from the romantic ideal world to the sphere of common life. -The skill with which Mendoza has sketched the vices of avarice and -selfishness in the persons into whose service Lazarillo enters, is -no less remarkable than the bold regard for truth which led him to -include priests in the number of his odious characters. The inquisition -of course could not expect that the Spaniards should regard the -ecclesiastic profession as a security against every vice; and Lazarillo -de Tormes sufficiently proves that in Mendoza’s time the priesthood -was not guaranteed against public satire in Spain. Under the reign of -Philip II. however, satires of this kind became subject to a certain -degree of restraint; and since that period Mendoza’s romance has only -been suffered to escape because its free circulation was once permitted -by the inquisition. No critic has hitherto called in question the truth -and accuracy of the pictures of vulgar life in Lazarillo de Tormes; -but an author named de Luna, who styles himself an interpreter of the -Castilian language, published a new edition of the romance with the -view of correcting the diction. De Luna likewise added a second part -to the story, for Mendoza in his maturer years never felt inclined to -finish the comic work which he had commenced in his youth.[184] - -A very different spirit animates the historical work in which Mendoza -traces the history of the rebellion of Granada.[185] Mendoza formed -his style, as a historian, principally on that of Sallust, and only -occasionally imitated Tacitus for the sake of variety. Were it not that -he sometimes oversteps the bounds of true elegance and falls into an -overstudied and artificial manner, this work might be ranked, without -reserve, among the best historical models; and notwithstanding the -affectation with which it is here and there disfigured,[186] it is, -unquestionably, after the works of Machiavell and Guicciardini, the -first production of modern literature that deserves to be compared with -the classic histories of antiquity. - -However carefully Mendoza polished the rhetorical form of his history, -still the importance of the materials and a true philosophic spirit -are every where prominent throughout his representation of facts. -Being himself a native of Granada, his power of rightly viewing the -events, and the impression he received from them, must have been much -the same as if he had been an eye witness of all that passed. Besides, -he derived his information from the most authentic sources; for at the -period in question he was residing on his estate in the vicinity of the -theatre of the war. His nephew, the Marquis de Mondejar, was for some -time commander in chief of the army against the rebels; and Mendoza -himself had long been so intimately connected with the government -at Madrid, that no individual in Spain had better opportunities of -obtaining that knowledge of the secret as well as of the ostensible -springs of transactions which is necessary for a just historical -representation of events. The atrocious measures adopted by Phillip -II. to suppress the insurrection in Granada, were, however, no less -opposed to the sound political views of Mendoza, than the fanatic -cruelty and glaring injustice by which the unhappy Moriscos had been -driven into rebellion appear, however good a catholic he may have -been, to have revolted his feelings. But neither his opinion nor his -compassion could be openly avowed. He therefore availed himself of all -the subtle windings of the historical art, to render his representation -of events easily intelligible to those who thought as he did, and at -the same time to secure himself against any literal interpretation -which spiritual or temporal despotism might have employed to his -disadvantage. Wherever undeniable facts, which the government according -to its own maxims could not venture to conceal, clearly expose the -folly and inhumanity by which the Moors were reduced to despair, -Mendoza apparently refrains from pronouncing any judgment, while -the poignant manner in which he relates the facts, is in itself a -sufficient condemnation.[187] - -When the fault rests rather with the agents of the government than -with the government itself, he seems to attack only the former. -In order that the just cause of the Moriscos might be, for once, -powerfully vindicated, he puts, after the manner of the ancients, a -speech into the mouth of one of the chiefs of the conspirators.[188] -This is the only speech in the work which seems sufficient to shew -that at least it was not inserted from a spirit of servile imitation; -but he occasionally ventures, contrary to the practice of modern -languages, to approximate his narrative style to that of the writers of -antiquity; as for example, where he employs a succession of verbs in -the infinitive mood.[189] The Spaniards, however, seem to have regarded -the grammatical freedom used by Mendoza as perfectly conformable to the -genius of their language. During the gloomy and suspicious government -of Philip II. this excellent work was only to be read in manuscript. It -was first published at Madrid, in the year 1610, five-and-thirty years -after the death of the author, and was reprinted at Lisbon in 1617; -but both editions were purposely mutilated.[190] The text was at last -given complete in the edition of the work, which appeared in 1776. - - -SAA DE MIRANDA. - -The fame of the great reform of the Castilian poetry having -penetrated into Portugal, a similar reform took place in the poetry -of that nation. At this time the Castilian language was held in -such high consideration in Portugal, that even Portuguese poets, -without undervaluing their national tongue, thought themselves bound -occasionally to write verses in Castilian, to entitle them to be -regarded as perfect masters of the poetic art. In the first half of the -sixteenth century, two of the most celebrated of these Portuguese poets -laboured with such success to extend the dominion of Castilian pastoral -poetry, that the thread of the history of Spanish literature would be -broken, were a notice of the poetic merits of these two celebrated men -confined solely to the history of the literature of Portugal. One of -them, Francisco de Saa de Miranda, who was born in 1494, and died in -1558, belongs, however, in so eminent a degree, to his own nation, and -the circumstances of his life are so closely connected with the history -of Portuguese poetry, that it would be an injustice to Portuguese -literature to rank him exclusively among the poets of Spain. Besides, -most of his poetic works, with the exception of his pastoral poems, -are written in the Portuguese language.[191] The other Portuguese -poet, who claims attention in the history of Spanish poetry, is Jorge -de Montemayor. He, through his residence in Spain, became wholly a -Spaniard:--the work to which he chiefly owes his celebrity is written -in Spanish; and he had so decided an influence on Spanish literature, -that this would be the proper place for introducing an account of -his short life and of his poetry, did not Saa de Miranda’s Castilian -pastorals, which are of older date, demand a previous notice.[192] - -The bucolic effusions of Saa de Miranda exhibit in their general tone -more traits of resemblance to Theocritus, than are to be found in the -writings of Garcilaso de la Vega. Garcilaso’s pastoral style, with all -its simplicity, was not sufficiently rural for Saa de Miranda. Like -Theocritus his feelings seem to have dictated to him pure rural ideas; -and he transferred this characteristic of his Portuguese eclogues -to those which he wrote in Spanish, which are the most numerous. -Nevertheless, even in his rural poems he did not wish to renounce the -attributes of the loftier style of poetry. He was, however, heedless of -all critical distinction of the different kinds of poetry, and would, -without scruple, commence a poem, in the metre of an Italian canzone, -as an ode, proceed with it in epic metaphors,[193] and conclude it in -the simplest idyllic style. With equal indifference he chose sometimes -octave verse, sometimes tercets for his pastoral poems, which thus -alternately assume a lyric and a dramatic tone. This capricious -mixture of poetic genera and styles deteriorates in no slight degree -the quality of Saa de Miranda’s poetry. The elevated tone of the ode -forms a singular contrast when introduced in the same composition along -with the easy familiar style, which, in the opinion of Saa de Miranda, -the pure pastoral character of his poetry required. But no modern -poet has succeeded so well in the union of simplicity and grace; and -in this respect the eclogues of Saa de Miranda are unequalled. When -he describes the gambols of the nymphs, with whom his fancy animates -his native woodland scenes;[194]--when he sketches impetuous storms -of passion, softened by the charm of his colouring, yet kept true to -nature;[195]--when he introduces nymphs discoursing;[196]--or, when -he abandons himself to a tone of elegiac melancholy;[197]--one knows -not whether most to admire, the delicate truth and penetrating depth -of his ideas, or the artless precision and facility of his expression. -In such cases he often abandons the natural style of Theocritus for -a more lofty or ideal manner. When, in some of his other eclogues, -his shepherds converse on their occupations or superstitions,[198] -he likewise departs from the prosaic nature of real pastoral life, -such as he had the opportunity of observing in his native country, -and gradually elevates it to romantic ideality. It happened, however, -that he occasionally found the prosaic truth of his pictures -sufficiently interesting, and then to be truly natural he avoided all -embellishment.[199] - -Some of Saa de Miranda’s popular songs, called _Cantigas_, a term which -in Portuguese corresponds with _Villancicos_ in Spanish, are inimitable -for grace and simplicity.[200] - - -MONTEMAYOR. - -The poet who is celebrated in Spanish literature by the name of Jorge -de Montemayor, was born in the year 1520, at Montemor, a little town -of Portugal, not far from Coimbra. He took for his name that of his -native city, spelt and pronounced in the Spanish way, probably because -his own family name was not deemed sufficiently sonorous; and thus the -latter has been entirely lost. The talent of this young Portuguese -developed itself without the aid of a previous literary cultivation. -At an early period of life he served in the Portuguese army, and, as -there is reason to believe, in the rank of a common soldier. His taste -for music, and the reputation he had acquired as a singer, induced him -to visit Spain, where the Infant Don Philip, afterwards Philip II. -had formed a company of court musicians, who were to accompany him -on his travels through Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands. Jorge de -Montemayor, being admitted as a vocal member of this travelling musical -company, gained an opportunity of seeing the world, and at the same -time making himself master of the Castilian language, which became to -him a second mother tongue. He was, however, attached to Spain by a -still closer link, namely, his love for a beautiful Castilian lady, -whom he occasionally introduces in his poems under the name of Marfida. -This Marfida became the deity of his poetry; and when, on his return -to Spain, he found her wedded to another, he endeavoured to divert his -sorrow by poetic effusions, in which he represented the faithless -beauty as a romantic shepherdess; and, uniting these with several -of his other compositions, he formed the whole into a romance. This -romance, which he entitled _Diana_, was received by the Spanish public -with a degree of favour never before extended to any Spanish book, -Amadis de Gaul excepted; and it speedily found no fewer imitators than -Amadis itself. The Queen of Portugal was desirous that the celebrated -author of Diana should return to his native country. She recalled -him, and he obeyed the honourable mandate. No further particulars of -his history are known. He died by some violent means, either in 1561 -or 1562. He was upwards of forty at the period of his death, which, -according to some accounts, took place in Portugal, and according to -others in Italy.[201] - -The Diana of Montemayor is one of the few romantic works which belong -entirely to the soul of the inventor, which are embued throughout with -individual interest, and which on that very account exercise the more -influence over unsophisticated minds, because the author possessed -sufficient poetic genius successfully to convey the joys and sorrows -of his own heart under the forms of a general interest. But this -romance can never be to any other cultivated people what it was to the -Spaniards of the sixteenth century. Still less can it be regarded as a -classical fragment, even though judged according to the lenient rules -by which every fragment is estimated; unless, indeed, after the manner -of some modern critics, new rules of art be deduced from defective -examples, for the sake of admiring as incomparable the grossest -absurdities, under the title of romantic complexity. But with all its -faults, this unfinished pastoral romance (for it was not brought to a -conclusion by Montemayor) possesses a poetic merit, which entitles it -to the esteem of all ages. - -The design of the work, so far as Montemayor’s ideas render his -intention obvious, sometimes charms by its graceful simplicity, -and at others becomes grotesque, through an illegitimate romantic -combination of heterogeneous species of composition. The shepherd -Sireno, who represents the poet himself, on his return to his native -country, visits the scene of the innocent joys which the inconstant -shepherdess Diana once shared along with him. Overwhelmed with grief, -he draws out first a lock of hair belonging to his mistress; and then -one of her letters, which he reads. While he is thus communing with -himself, he is joined by another romantic adorer of the beautiful -Diana. This shepherd, whose love had always been unrequited, now joins -his lamentations to those of the once happy Sireno, and each vies -with the other in claiming to himself the heaviest load of misery. -They are joined by a shepherdess, named Selvagia, who has been no -less unfortunate in love than themselves. She relates her history -very circumstantially, and thus terminates the first book. In the -second, the conversation of these lovers is continued, until three -nymphs appear, one of whom relates Sireno’s history in a song of some -length. Up to the conclusion of this song, the pastoral simplicity of -the story is preserved uninterrupted by any incident approximating to -the terrible; but suddenly a party of savage robbers completely armed -appears. The nymphs are about to fly, but are detained by the robbers. -A battle then ensues between the robbers and the shepherds, the latter -attacking the former with stones. The robbers are on the point of -overcoming their rustic antagonists, when a heroine, habited as a -huntress, rushes from a wood, and bending her bow, pierces the robbers -with her arrows, and liberates the nymphs. The fair huntress then joins -the party of nymphs and shepherds, and in her turn also relates her -history. This narrative, together with the conversations and songs to -which it gives rise, concludes the second book. In the third book the -story assumes the character of a fairy tale. The nymphs lead their -protectress, together with the rest of the party, through a thick -forest to the castle of the wise Felicia, who is represented as a kind -of priestess to the goddess Diana. The description of the wonders and -magnificence of the castle occupies a great portion of the third book. -The wise Felicia conducts the party to a superb hall of state, where -they behold a numerous collection of majestic statues, representing -Roman emperors, Castilian knights, and Castilian ladies. Even a place -is found for the statue of a Moorish knight, of whose conflicts with -the Christians a long history is related in this sanctuary of the -goddess Diana. By means of enchantment Felicia cures Sireno of the -torments of love. At length, in the sixth book, the poet releases -his shepherds and shepherdesses from Felicia’s palace, and the reader -for the first time becomes acquainted with the shepherdess Diana. She -attaches the blame of her infidelity to her parents, by whom, during -the absence of Sireno, she was forced to give her hand to another. In -the following scenes, to the conclusion of the seventh book, where -Montemayor’s labour terminates, the history of the principal characters -makes no further progress. Some of the other lovers in the romance are, -however, united according to their wishes. - -This composition, in which it is easy to recognize the uncultivated -genius of a poet, who, to give vent to the emotions of his soul, deemed -it necessary to wander through the whole region of romance, can only -be regarded by the unprejudiced critic as a fantastical frame-work, -serving to display pictures of the feelings and a philosophy of the -heart, which constitute the prominent features of the whole poem. -To paint romantic fidelity under the most fascinating and various -forms, and at the same time to exhibit in a poetic point of view the -theory of that fidelity, which even in a poem could only be verified -by facts, was the idea which guided Montemayor’s inventive fancy, and -the execution of which bears the full impression of his genius. The -versified portion of the romance is the soul of the whole composition. -A series of lyric poems, partly in the Italian and partly in the old -Castilian style, are introduced; but these compositions are strikingly -distinguished from the eclogues of Saa de Miranda by an epigrammatic -poignancy, which frequently degenerates into antiquated subtlety.[202] -But this epigrammatic turn usually imparts a more pointed precision -to the lyrical expression, and a degree of consistency to the whole -composition, which in no way injures its pastoral simplicity;[203] -and when judged according to the characteristic form of the popular -songs, called _Villancicos_, it by no means presents, to Spaniards -in particular, the idea of too much refinement or incongruity with -rustic nature.[204] In order to judge candidly of the pastoral truth -of these compositions, it is necessary to have the Spanish romantic -ideas of nature present to the mind. Montemayor is inexhaustible in new -turns and images for the expression of tenderness. In depth of feeling -he vies with Saa de Miranda; and, though his poetry is occasionally -deficient in rhythmical polish, it in general presents so exquisite -a union of the grace of language, with a happy concordance of ideas, -that the reader must soon become warmed by the spirit of the poet, even -though he should begin to peruse the work with indifference.[205] - -Montemayor’s style of romantic prose has been a model for all writers -of pastoral romances in the Spanish language. How far he himself -imitated the prose of Sanazzar, cannot easily be ascertained, as it is -not known whether or not Sanazzar’s Arcadia[206] was the prototype of -his Diana. Though it is certain that Montemayor carefully endeavoured -to give precision and dignity of expression, and to impart harmony -to every line of his composition, his language nevertheless appears -neither laboured nor affected. His taste seems to have been in -only a few instances seduced by the influence of that ostentatious -solemnity, which distinguished the common chivalrous romances, written -in imitation of Amadis de Gaul. In general he remained faithful to -the dignified simplicity, which the author of the Amadis appears to -have regarded as the genuine characteristic of the lofty style of -romantic prose. To this style his protracted but rhythmically pleasing -sentences may justly be said to belong.[207] It is but seldom that a -low expression escapes him.[208] His descriptions are never deficient -in vividness and force.[209] It is only in the didactic passages in -which he propounds his philosophy of love, that his language becomes -tinged with the scholastic formality, which at the period in which he -wrote, was considered indispensable when any scholastic ideas were -to be expressed; for though Montemayor had not received that kind of -education, which in his age was considered learned, he had picked up -some notions of the scholastic philosophy, which, when they interested -him, he was fond of introducing into the romance of his heart.[210] - -The other works of Montemayor, which are not so celebrated as his -Diana, are to be found in a collection of his poems, which, according -to the old custom, is entitled a _Cancionero_.[211] - - -HERRERA. - -Fernando de Herrera, a poet very different in character from -Montemayor, must next be included among the authors who chiefly -contributed to reform Castilian poetry, during the first half of the -sixteenth century. Of the history of his life but little is known. He -was a native of Seville, and was born, according to the conjectures -of his Spanish biographers, about the commencement of the sixteenth -century. Thus he flourished at the same time as Diego de Mendoza, and -afforded another instance of the light of poetical improvement being -directed from the south of Spain. It appears that he did not enter -into the ecclesiastical state, to which he finally devoted himself, -until he attained a mature age; but he must have received a literary -education, as he possessed no ordinary knowledge of the ancient and -modern languages, geography, mathematics, and scholastic philosophy. -According to a portrait which has been preserved of him, he appears to -have been a handsome man; and some of the editors of his works alledge -that the lady whom he has celebrated in his verses under various names, -was not merely an ideal object of the poet’s tenderness. The admirers -of his poetry have applied to him, after the Italian manner, the -surname of the _divine_; and this epithet, rendered so equivocal by its -application to Pietro Aretino, was never bestowed on any other Spanish -poet. These few particulars are all that are known relative to the life -of Fernando de Herrera. He died at an advanced age, probably soon after -the year 1578.[212] - -Why Herrera should have obtained the title of divine, in preference -to all the other poets of his nation, would appear almost -incomprehensible, were it not known that two opposite parties vied with -each other in exalting him; and, to avoid the appearance of yielding -on either side, considered themselves reciprocally bound to pronounce -compositions sublime which neither could regard as natural. Herrera -was, notwithstanding, a poet of powerful talent, and one who evinced -undaunted resolution in pursuing the new path which he had struck out -for himself. The novel style, however, which he wished to introduce -into Spanish poetry, was not the result of a spontaneous essay, flowing -from immediate inspiration, but was theoretically constructed on -artificial principles. Thus, amidst traits of real beauty, his poetry -every where presents marks of affectation. The great fault of his -language is too much singularity; and his expression, where it ought to -be elevated, is merely far-fetched. - -Herrera fancied he had discovered that the diction of the Spanish -poets, even in their best works, was too common, too nearly allied -to the language of prose, and consequently very far removed from the -classical dignity which distinguishes the Greek and Roman poetry. This -opinion induced him to form for himself a new style. He classed words -according to his fancy, into elegant and inelegant, and was careful -to employ in his verse only those to which he attributed the former -character. He connected words, under significations which they do not -bear in common language; and in contradistinction to the spirit of -prose, he regarded certain repetitions, for example, the conjunction -_and_ as very appropriate to poetry. He also introduced into his verse, -a free arrangement of words, after the model of the latin construction. -Finally, he thought he could enrich the language of poetry by new -words, which he formed by analogy from existing Castilian words, or -adopted immediately from the latin.[213] This peculiarity of style -was regarded as the perfection of poetry, by the party who idolized -Fernando de Herrera.[214] - -Those, however, who have no inclination to confound pompous with -poetic language, or diction with the essence of poetry, must still -allow to Herrera the possession of poetic ideas and precision of -manner, as well as a true dignity of expression, and an elegant -harmony of versification. His language is not always affected, and his -thoughts and descriptions, though frequently overstrained, are never -trivial.[215] Notwithstanding all the faults of his style, he must be -accounted the first classical ode writer in modern literature, for -the attempts of the Italian poet Chiabrera to emulate Pindar, are of -more recent date; and here it is worthy of remark, that the Spanish -odes of Herrera and the Italian odes of Chiabrera resemble each other -in a mixture of the style of the Pindaric ode, with the style of the -canzone. Through the medium of that lyric form only, was the spirit of -Pindar felt by these imitators; and both were the more easily deceived, -as the genius of the Spanish and Italian languages has a relation to -the metrical structure of the canzone, somewhat similar to that which -the genius of the Greek language bears to Pindaric verse. But the rapid -and bold succession of thoughts and images, which animates the odes -of Pindar, could not be imitated by poets, who, even in their boldest -flights of fancy were bound down by the laws of the Italian canzone, to -the luxurious harmony of its protracted verbose periods. Thus Herrera’s -odes, like those of Chiabrera, bear only a remote resemblance to -their prototypes. Odes, however, they must be termed, though Herrera -himself has classed them, under the general title of _canciones_, along -with imitations of the Italian style, purely romantic, but versified -according to similar rules. In his celebrated odes on the battle of -Lepanto, in which the Spaniards under Don John of Austria, the natural -son of Charles V. obtained a brilliant victory over the Turks, the -magnificence of the rhythm would be sufficiently attractive, though -the ideas conveyed in the torrent of sonorous syllables possessed less -poetic beauty than really belong to them.[216] Occasionally, however, -Herrera’s ideas degenerate into fantastical hyperboles; for instance, -when boasting of his hero, he says, that Don John of Austria, that -glorious conqueror of the infidels and the elements, combines within -himself “whatever of heavenly power animates terrestrial bodies;” and -that therefore “the fixed earth, the extended waters, the circumambent -air, and the ever glowing flames depend on him, so that through the -secret control which he exercises over earth, water, air, and fire, all -these elements are his works.”[217] But passages of real beauty occur -in Herrera’s odes, which afford a sufficient compensation for this sort -of bombast.[218] Among the odes for which Herrera has chosen a softer -theme, the prize of superiority has been justly awarded to the Ode to -Sleep. It is one of those compositions which may be said to be single -in their kind. The graceful choice of language, the picturesque effect, -the delicate keeping in the composition, and the finish given to all -the details in strict conformity with the true spirit of the theme, -impart to this ode or cancion a lyric beauty which must render it in -all ages an object of admiration, not only to the lover, but to the -critic of poetry.[219] - -The other poems of Herrera, though extremely numerous, require only -a slight notice.[220] His best sonnets, which are among the happiest -imitations of Petrarch in the Spanish language, are characterized -by the recurrence of some of the author’s favourite images, as for -example, the comparison of his mistress to light, or the evening -star,[221] &c. He is frequently very successful in the management of -these similes; but at other times he falls into strange absurdities, -such as making the “curling waves of gold of his sweet light float -in the wind.”[222] But extravagant tropes of this kind could not be -very offensive to Spanish taste, which had been accustomed to indulge -the orientalisms of the old national style, and they were indeed not -only tolerated but esteemed. It might have been expected that a writer -possessing so much critical judgment as Herrera, would, as an imitator -of Petrarch, have endeavoured to naturalize in his native tongue, the -simplicity of the Italian poet; but he was too much a Spaniard to be -pleased with such simplicity. His elegies, and other lyric compositions -in the Italian syllabic measure, have all the same character. - -Herrera endeavoured, by other means than poetical composition, to give -to the national taste of the Spaniards a direction conformable to -his own principles. He wrote a “Critical Commentary on the Poems of -Garcilaso de la Vega.”[223] This commentary has served as a model for -many similar works, which have been the means of circulating various -kinds of useful knowledge without having contributed in any remarkable -degree to the advancement of taste. Herrera, as a theorist, failed -to establish any fixed point or station from which he might have -taken a clear and consistent view of the whole region of poetry. His -criticism everlastingly turns on detached ideas and words; and whenever -opportunities for displaying his learning occur, he digresses into all -the regions of philosophy and literature. Of the indistinctness of his -notions, relative to the different species of poetry, some idea may -be formed from his definition of the elegy. He says--“an elegy should -be simple, soft, tender, amiable, terse, clear, and if it may be so -called, noble; affecting to the feelings, and moving them in every way; -neither very inflated nor very humble, nor obscured by affected phrases -or far-fetched fables.”[224] - - -LUIS DE LEON. - -Luis Ponce de Leon, the next lyric poet to be noticed, pursued a course -very different from that of Herrera, whose contemporary he was. He -is usually called, by abbreviation, merely Luis de Leon, and did not -obtain the surname of divine, to which, however, he might have laid -claim with infinitely more justice than Herrera, if his pious humility -would have permitted him to entertain the idea of maintaining any -competition for earthly honours.[225] - -This poet, who for classical purity of style and moral dignity of -ideas, had never been surpassed in Spanish literature, was, like -Herrera and Mendoza, a native of the south of Spain. He was born at -Granada, in the year 1527, where the family of the Ponces de Leon, -which was connected with the most distinguished of the Spanish -nobility, flourished. At an early period of life, Luis de Leon felt -a poetic inspiration, and cherished a love of retirement, which -rendered him indifferent to outward show, and all the pleasures of -the great world. He found only in poetry and in the contemplation -of a superior existence that food for which his soul longed. His -tranquil and gentle mind exhibited none of the gloomy features of -monkish fanaticism, but was devoted to moral and religious meditation. -As soon as he had finished his scholastic studies, he entered, of his -own free choice, into the ecclesiastical state. He was sixteen years -of age when he made his profession in the order of St. Augustine -at Salamanca. Theology now became his proper occupation. In Spain, -especially at that period, a man of the character of Luis de Leon, even -if he possessed a mind capable of divesting itself of prejudice, could -scarcely be expected to doubt the dogmas of the catholic faith; but his -poetic imagination, which was not to be satisfied with their dry and -scholastic interpretation, irresistibly impelled him to adorn them. -Luis transferred the mild enthusiasm of his pious feelings into the -theological studies, to which his vocation devoted him. On religious -subjects he was a learned and diligent author; but his heart found, at -least during the first years of his monastic life, only in poetry, the -faithful interpreter of his love for that pure truth, to the attainment -of which all his arduous efforts were directed. Though invested in -his thirty-third year with the dignity of doctor of theology, he -maintained, even within the cloister, his intimacy with the classic -writers of antiquity. The Hebrew poetry also worked powerfully on his -imagination; and on one occasion he nearly fell a martyr to an attempt -to translate and comment on the Song of Solomon. He was very far from -wishing to give a too liberal interpretation of the amatory language -of the original. He explained the sacred poem in perfect accordance -with the sense attributed to it by the church. But the inquisition -had, at that time, strictly prohibited the translation of any part of -the bible into the vulgar tongue. Luis de Leon, therefore, ventured -to communicate his version in confidence to one friend only; but that -friend was not faithful to his trust, and the translation found its -way into the hands of several individuals. It was soon denounced to -the inquisition, and the author was immediately thrown into prison by -that terrible tribunal. He himself mentions, in one of his letters, -that for the space of five years he was deprived of all communication -with mankind, and was not even permitted to see the light of day.[226] -Conscious of his innocence, he enjoyed during his captivity, according -to his own testimony, a tranquillity and satisfaction of mind which he -never afterwards so fully experienced, when restored to freedom, and -the society of his friends.[227] At length justice was done to him, -he returned in triumph to his monastery, and was reinstated in his -ecclesiastical dignities. From that period, he appears to have been -wholly devoted to the duties of his order and the study of theology. He -died in 1591, in the sixty-fourth year of his age, being at that time -general and provincial vicar of Salamanca. - -The poems of this amiable enthusiast are, according to his own -testimony,[228] for the most part the productions of his youth; but no -other Spanish poet has succeeded in expressing the intense feelings -of the heart under the control of so sound a judgment. It is only by -reference to the pious tranquillity of a cultivated mind wrapt up in -self communion, that the extraordinary correctness of this author’s -style can be explained, for Luis de Leon is, without exception, the -most correct of all the Spanish poets, though he constantly regarded -the metrical clothing of his ideas as a very secondary object. To -use his own language, he wrote poetry rather in fulfilment of his -destiny, than purposely and by dint of study. At an early age he -became intimately acquainted with the odes of Horace, and the elegance -and purity of style which distinguish those compositions made a deep -impression on his imagination. Classical simplicity and dignity were -the models constantly present to his creative fancy. He, however, -appropriated to himself the character of Horace’s poetry, too naturally -ever to incur the danger of servile imitation. He discarded the prolix -style of the canzone, and imitated the brevity of the strophes of -Horace, in romantic syllabic measures and rhymes. More just feeling for -the imitation of the ancients was never evinced by any modern poet. His -odes have, however, a character totally different from those of Horace, -though the sententious air which marks the style of both authors, -imparts to them a deceptive resemblance. The religious austerity of -Luis de Leon’s life was not to be reconciled with the epicurism of -the latin poet; but, notwithstanding this very different disposition -of the mind, it is not surprising that they should have adopted the -same form of poetic expression, for each possessed a fine imagination, -subordinate to the control of a sound understanding. Which of the two -is the superior poet, in the most extended sense of the word, it would -be difficult to determine, as each formed his style by free imitation, -and neither overstepped the boundaries of a certain sphere of practical -observation. Horace’s odes exhibit a superior style of art, and from -the relationship between the thoughts and images, possess a degree of -attraction which is wanting in those of Luis de Leon; but on the other -hand, the latter are the more rich in that natural kind of poetry, -which may be regarded as the overflowing of a pure soul, elevated to -the loftiest regions of moral and religious idealism.[229] - -Luis de Leon himself published a collection of his poetic works, -divided into three books. The first, contains his original poems--the -second, translations from some of the ancient classics--and the third, -metrical versions of several of the psalms, and some parts of the book -of Job. - -The reader who peruses the poems of Luis de Leon, which are all odes, -in the spirit in which the author wrote them, will fancy himself -transported to a better world. No furious zeal disturbs the gentle -piety that pervades them; no extravagant metaphor destroys the harmony -of the ideas and expression; and no discordant accent breaks the -pleasing melody of the rhythm. The idea of the perishableness of all -earthly things,[230] is united with smiling pictures of nature.[231] -The imitations of Horace are only introduced to aid the poetic light -in which the poet views those objects which were peculiarly interesting -to his contemporaries.[232] One of Luis de Leon’s most celebrated odes -is the _Noche Serena_, but the concluding stanzas do not correspond -with the beauty of the commencement.[233] In the ode to Felipe Ruiz, -the ardent aspiration for heavenly truth is very picturesquely -expressed.[234] But the exalted inspiration and tender enthusiasm in -which Luis de Leon so widely departs from Horace, are most prominently -evinced in his ode on Heavenly Life (_De la Vida del Cielo_). Here -his fancy is bold without launching into extravagant metaphors. What -an etherial effulgence glows through his lyric picture of “the soft -bright region, the meadow of holiness, never blighted by frost, nor -withered by the sun’s rays;--where the good shepherd, his head crowned -with blossoms of purple and white, without either sling or staff, -leads his beloved flock to the sweet pasture covered with everblooming -roses;--where the shepherd, reclining in the shade at noon, blows his -heavenly pipe, whose feeblest tone, should it descend on the ear of the -poet, would transform his whole soul to love.”[235] The ode in which -the genius of the Tagus prophecies to King Roderick the misfortunes of -Spain, is more in Horace’s style, and possesses a very happy uniformity -of character. In some other imitations of a similar kind, the fancy of -the pious poet willingly descends from the heavenly regions. The poems -contained in the first part of the collection are few in number. Those -which Luis de Leon himself inserted, amount only to twenty-seven, and -among them is an indifferent elegy, and a cancion in the Italian style -of not much greater merit. Several other compositions, which he seems -to have rejected, have been recently printed from manuscripts.[236] - -The greater portion of the poetic works of Luis de Leon consists of -translations; but these translations form an epoch in the department -of literature to which they belong. Those in the second book of the -collection are the first classical specimens, in modern literature, of -the art of renewing the ancient poetry in modern forms. Luis de Leon -has himself explained the principles by which he was guided in bringing -the ancient poetry within the sphere of the romantic. He endeavoured to -make the ancient poets speak, “as they would have expressed themselves, -had they been born in his own age in Castile, and had they written in -Castilian.”[237] However bold this attempt may appear, and whatever -defects a translation of this kind may present to the eye of the -connoisseur who wishes for a faithful resemblance of the original, -and not a flowery imitation, yet if the validity of the principle be -once admitted, Luis de Leon will be found to have fulfilled all that -the most rigid critic can desire. Besides, it must be considered that -translations of a more literal character would scarcely have found -readers in Spain at that period. Luis de Leon translated Virgil’s -eclogues, partly in tercets, and partly in coplas;[238] a considerable -series of Horace’s odes in the same romantic syllabic measure which -he chose for his own odes;[239]--and a portion of Virgil’s georgics -in stanzas. But the easy flowing style of his Spanish version of -Pindar’s first ode, excels all the rest.[240] To these translations -are also added two imitations of Italian sonnets, which prove that -he succeeded very well in that species of composition, though among -his own original poems there is not a single sonnet. He translated the -psalms of David, according to the rule he had prescribed to himself. -His translations speedily obtained the rank in Spanish literature -to which they were entitled; and they have served as models for all -succeeding versions of Greek and Latin poetry in the Spanish language. -Luis de Leon may indeed be blamed for having thwarted, by the style of -translation which he introduced, all the attempts made to form Spanish -poetry on the model of that of the ancients. But on the other hand, to -his example the Spaniards are indebted for numerous translations of -Greek and Latin poetry, which have all the air of Spanish originals. - -If Luis de Leon had not confined his prose writings exclusively to -spiritual subjects, he would doubtless have also exercised a very -decided influence on the rhetorical cultivation of Spain. His sermons -(_oraciones_) are, however, invariably mentioned in terms of praise by -Spanish writers, whenever they allude to the theological literature of -their country.[241] Among his other works intended for edification, The -Woman as she should be, or The Perfect Wife, (_La Perfecta Casada_), -will perhaps be found the most interesting to the untheological class -of readers; though it constantly turns on the positive morality of -Catholicism, and therefore, like every mixed treatise of theology and -morals, is no legitimate specimen of the developement of ideas in the -didactic style.[242] - -Luis de Leon terminates the series of distinguished Spanish authors, -who during the first half of the sixteenth century, composed after the -model of the great poets of Italy, or the ancient classics, and who, -by the superiority of their genius, mainly contributed to give a new -character to Spanish poetry. There are, however others, whose poetic -works ought not to be passed over in silence; but to follow the example -of those writers, who have hitherto related the history of Spanish -poetry, without separating subordinate from eminent talent, would be to -prolong an act of injustice. At the same time to the continuation which -must be made of the history of the lyric and pastoral poetry of Spain, -during the first half of the sixteenth century, may be very properly -added some account of a few unsuccessful efforts in epic composition, -and a notice of the further progress of the old national poetry during -the same period. - - - MINOR SPANISH POETS DURING THE PERIOD OF THIS SECTION, VIZ. - ACUÑA--CETINA--PADILLA--GIL POLO. - -Fernando de Acuña, one of the first of the distinguished men who became -the disciples of Boscan and Garcilaso, was of Portuguese extraction, -but born in Madrid, probably about the beginning of the sixteenth -century.[243] He signalized himself in the campaigns of Charles V. -and was also a person of consideration at the court of that monarch. -He lived on terms of intimate friendship with Garcilaso de la Vega, -whom he survived for a considerable period, for it appears that his -death did not take place until the year 1580. He proved his taste for -classical literature by translations and imitations. He paraphrased -in iambic blank verse, several passages from Ovid’s Metamorphoses, -and among the rest, the dispute between Ajax and Ulysses for the arms -of Achilles, in very correct and harmonious language. He likewise -translated some of the Heroides of the same author in tercets. In his -own sonnets, cancions, and elegies, which are replete with sentiment -and grace, it is easy to recognise a poet who successfully laboured -to attain classical elegance of style.[244] He was also one of the -first poets, who, by composing in short strophes, endeavoured to form -an intermediate style between the Italian canzone and the Spanish -cancion.[245] - -Gutierre de Cetina is less known, though there is no doubt of his -having lived about the same period, as he is mentioned by Herrera -in his Commentary on the Works of Garcilaso. He was, like Herrera, -a native of Seville; and having removed to Madrid, was there -invested with an ecclesiastical dignity. Few of his poems have been -printed;[246] but from those few it is obvious that he had a fair -chance of becoming the Anacreon of Spain. That glory, however, was -reserved for Villegas. Still Gutierre de Cetina’s imitations of the -anacreontic style are not without their share of sweetness and grace; -and they are moreover remarkable as being the first productions in the -class to which they belong.[247] His madrigals also seem to have had no -prototype in Spanish literature.[248] In his canciones, however, the -romantic enthusiasm occasionally degenerates into absurdity.[249] - -Pedro do Padilla, a knight of the spiritual order of St. Jago, must -be ranked in the same class with Gutierre. He vied with Garcilaso in -pastoral poetry; and in order to conciliate the partizans of both the -old and the new styles, he introduced alternately in the same eclogue -the Italian and the ancient Spanish metres.[250] His poetry is still -esteemed in Spain. He followed the old national custom by making the -events connected with the war in the Netherlands serve as subjects for -romances.[251] - -But a poet still more celebrated, and in a great degree indebted for -his fame to the immoderate encomium bestowed upon him by the pen of -Cervantes, is Gaspar Gil Polo, a native of Valencia, who continued -and concluded Montemayor’s Diana under the title of _La Diana -enamorada_.[252] A continuation of this pastoral romance had previously -been undertaken by a writer named Perez; but without success. Gil -Polo in one respect effected more than did Montemayor himself; but in -point of invention he is inferior, notwithstanding the faults of the -original plan. After Sireno has been cured of his love by the sage -Felicia, Gil Polo makes the passion of Diana revive, and renders her -more unhappy for Sireno’s sake, than he had previously been for hers. -Thus the romantic story is reversed; but the new relations under which -it now appears are few. In the sequel the aid of the sage Felicia is -again obtained, and she finally unites the long separated lovers. -The narrative style in the prose portion of the romance presents a -very correct imitation of Montemayor; but neither the merit of this -imitation, nor the continuation of the metaphysical reflections on -love, with which the romance is interspersed, would have gained for Gil -Polo the approbation of the critic. What must have raised him higher -than Montemayor in the estimation of such a judge as Cervantes, is -the precision and clearness of the ideas, and the perfect polish of -style in the poetic part of the romance. Montemayor has often indulged -in too subtle or sophistical plays of wit. Gil Polo in painting the -feelings has exercised a sounder judgment, without, however, descending -to the coldness of prose. His sonnets may be regarded as models; -for he has succeeded in combining the unity of ideas, which ought -to distinguish that species of composition, with the most elegant -rounding and regularity of structure.[253] In his canciones he has -occasionally, for the sake of variety, imitated the Provençal rhymes -(_rimas Provenzales_) with such happy dexterity, that the reader might -fancy himself perusing some of the best opera songs, though no such -thing as an opera then existed.[254] In like manner, he endeavoured to -naturalize the metrical structure of French verse (_rimas Franceses_) -in the Spanish language, upon which the burthen of alexandrines -had already been inflicted.[255] In compliment to the old Spanish -taste, he bedecked his romance with a profusion of versified riddles -(_preguntas_,) which are, for the most part, so exceedingly dull, that -it is difficult to conceive how they could be endured by a man of Gil -Polo’s talent.[256] In honour of Valencia, his native city, he composed -a poem, in which the genius of the little river Turia is made to sing -the praises of the celebrated men to whom Valencia had given birth. -This song of Turia (_Canto de Turia_) has found patriotic commentators, -without whose laborious explanations it would have been unintelligible -to foreign readers.[257] - - - OBSTACLES TO THE IMITATION OF THE ROMANTIC EPOPEE IN - SPAIN--UNSUCCESSFUL ESSAYS IN SERIOUS EPOPEE--TRANSLATIONS OF - CLASSICAL EPIC POETRY. - -Though Spanish literature was in the manner just recorded, enriched -during half a century by numerous lyric and pastoral compositions, -which deserve to be handed down with honour to posterity, yet within -the same interval epic poetry made but little advancement in Spain. - -Early in this period the absurd name of idyls (_idyllios_) appears -to have been applied to such narrative poems as were not romances, -and to have marked out a particular field for a kind of poetic tales, -which were in some measure imitations from the ancients, and yet -were executed in the romantic style. Such, for example, was Boscan’s -free translation of the story of Hero and Leander from Musæus, which -the Spaniards call their first idyl. Thus the term idyls in Spanish, -conveys no idea of pastoral poems, which are always called eclogues -(_eglogas_.)[258] Castillejo, of whom further mention will shortly -be made, imitated in old Castilian verse, stories from Ovid, and -gave to them the name of idyls. The spurious heroic style which the -authors of these tales introduced, proved, without doubt, one of the -obstacles to the cultivation of chivalrous epic poetry in Spain; but -it is also to be recollected, that the luxuriant mixture of the comic -with the serious, which is the very soul of the romantic epopee of the -Italians, was by no means congenial to Spanish taste. In Spain the -works of Boyardo and Ariosto were known only through the medium of bad -translations, and were read merely with the interest attached to all -books of chivalry. Finally, the spirit of the old romance poetry was -also hostile to the chivalric epopee. To descend from the cordial -gravity of the national narrative romances, to the careless levity with -which the venerable heroes of chivalry were treated by the Italian -writers, was a transition repugnant to the patriotic feelings of the -Spaniards; who, in their wars with the Italians, were the more disposed -to be proud of the preservation of their national spirit of chivalry, -when they found that it facilitated their victories over men who were -better fitted for intrigue than for defending their freedom sword in -hand. Thus, to the chivalrous epopee of the Italians, the Spaniards -remained as completely strangers, as if they had been excluded from all -opportunity of becoming acquainted with that kind of composition; and -yet the period when the Spaniards and Italians maintained the closest -political and literary relations, precisely corresponds with that -of Ariosto’s first celebrity, and of the numerous imitations of the -_Orlando Furioso_, which appeared in the Italian language.[259] - -On the contrary, several Spanish poets, during the first half of the -sixteenth century, zealously competed for the palm in the serious -epopee; but obstacles again arose, which all the force of Spanish -genius was not sufficient to surmount. Torquato Tasso had not yet shewn -what the serious epic was capable of becoming, and what it must be, in -order to be reconciled to the taste of modern times. The Spaniards were -so little prepared for the new poetry with which they had suddenly been -made acquainted on the first imitation of the Italian style, that they -could not be expected to enter without a guide into the true spirit -of the modern epopee. The men, who at this time boldly attempted to -become the Homers of their country, appear to have felt that they could -not select from ancient history the materials for an epic poem. But on -the other hand, their patriotic feelings prepossessed them too much in -favour of events of recent occurrence. The age in which they themselves -lived was, in their eyes, the most illustrious and the most worthy of -epic glory; a Spanish Homer could record no achievements save those -of the Spaniards under Charles V.; and the hero, who in their poems -eclipsed all others, was their favourite Charles, the never conquered, -(_el nunca vencido_,) as he was styled by all the Spanish writers of -the sixteenth century. Thus arose the _Caroliads_, or heroic poems, -in praise of Charles V. all of which speedily sunk into oblivion. -Among them were the _Carlos Famoso_, by Luis de Zapata; the _Carlos -Victorioso_, by Geronymo de Urrea; _La Carolea_, by the Valencian poet, -Geronymo Sampèr, &c. Alonzo Lopez, surnamed Pinciano, who flourished -at the commencement of the sixteenth century, was more happy in his -choice of an epic subject. The hero of his story is Pelayo, the brave -descendant of the visigothic kings, who, in his turn, was the first to -subdue the Arabs. But Pinciano’s poem, which he entitled _El Pelayo_, -had no better fate than the Caroliads.[260] - -The present seems a fit opportunity for mentioning _La fuente de -Alcover_, a narrative poem, which though of humbler pretensions than -the Caroliads, experienced considerable success. The author, Felipe -Mey, who was of Flemish extraction, was a bookseller in Valencia. -Encouraged by his patron, Antonio Agustin, bishop of Tarragona, he -chose a few stanzas, written by that ingenious prelate, as the ground -work of a mythological poem. The idea originated in the name given to -a plant (_capillus veneris_), through which the water trickling drop -by drop, at length forms a little fountain. This pretty poem makes, -along with some others by Felipe Mey, an appendix to his unfinished -translation of _Ovid’s Metamorphoses_ in octave verse. It deserves also -to be mentioned, that this translation reads like a modern poem; both -language and versification are excellent.[261] - -Some other translations of the ancient classic poets which appeared, -during this period, remain to be noticed. Gonzalo Perez, a native of -Arragon, is the author of a poetic translation of Homer’s Odyssey, in -the Castilian language. The first edition was printed in 1552, and the -second in 1562; so that it seems the Spanish public felt an interest -in this extension of their poetic literature. Gregorio Fernandez -translated the Æneid and several of Virgil’s eclogues in verse; and -in the like manner Juan de Guzman executed a complete version of the -georgics. All these translations, however, like those of Luis de Leon, -must be regarded as re-casts of ancient materials into modern moulds, -rather than translations, in the strict sense of the term. But, in an -age and country, in which both the people and the language were imbued -with the spirit of the romantic poetry, to have attempted to introduce -the classic poets of Greece or Rome in any other way than in a romantic -dress, would have been to do violence to the genius of the language and -the nation.[262] - - - PROGRESS OF THE ROMANTIC POETRY--CASTILLEJO: HIS CONTEST WITH THE - PARTIZANS OF THE ITALIAN STYLE. - -The rapid success of the imitators of the Italian and classic styles, -did not, however, deprive the old romance poetry of its rank, either -in literature or in public estimation. The first half of the sixteenth -century, was doubtless the period when most of the old romances, then -first brought together in collections, received the form which they -have retained down to the present day; and, in all probability, not -less than half the romances and canciones collected in the _Romanceros -generales_, particularly the mythological, anacreontic, and comic -kinds, had no existence previous to that period. - -But no poet of that age defended the cause of the old Castilian poetry, -in all its various forms, with so much talent and zeal as Christoval -de Castillejo, the most illustrious of the literary opponents of -the Italian style. Castillejo obtained the post of secretary in -the service of the Emperor Ferdinand I. an appointment which was a -consequence of the relations still subsisting between the courts of -Madrid and Vienna, after the death of Charles V. notwithstanding that -the German empire was then separated from the Spanish monarchy. The -greater part of Castillejo’s poems were written in Vienna; and are -full of allusions to the gay sphere of life in which he moved at the -imperial court. A young German lady, named Schomburg, of whom he seems -to have been an ardent admirer, figures in his poems, under the name of -Xomburg, because nothing like the hissing sound of the German _sch_, -could be expressed by the same characters in the Castilian language. -Advanced in life, and tired of gallantry and the gay world, he returned -to Spain, became a Cistercian monk, and died in a convent in 1596. -The admirers of Castillejo[263] assign to him the first rank among -Spanish poets; but the unprejudiced critic cannot, in justice, elevate -him to so high a station. His poetic horizon was very limited. He was -determined to be nothing but an old Castilian in poetic taste, as in -every thing else. He ridiculed Boscan, Garcilaso, and all the Spanish -poets of the new party, with more wit than judgment.[264] He asserted, -though without foundation, that the old Castilian metres and forms -of rhyme were alone suited to the Castilian language; and for want -of better arguments to urge against the amatory poetry of Italy, he -asserted that all poetry of love was to be regarded as mere raillery, -without reflecting, that in supporting this opinion he cast more -reproach on the old Spaniards than on the Italians.[265] The structure -of Italian verse appeared constrained to a poet, who confounded -rapidity with facility of style. The loose rhythm of the redondillas, -was with him an exclusive beauty of the syllabic structure of his -mother tongue, for he had no taste for a more regular style of poetry; -and some of his happiest productions are limited merely to graceful -plays of the imagination. His fertility in these sports of fancy, could -not fail to obtain for him the esteem of his countrymen, who were -ever too ready to tolerate, and even to admire, the subtle twisting -of quaint and fanciful conceits; but of all other poetic faults, most -reluctant to pardon heaviness of manner, particularly in versification. - -Some of Castillejo’s canciones are, however, so exquisite, that it is -scarcely possible to resist the temptation of placing their author in -the very foremost rank of poets.[266] But in spite of his captivating -fluency of style and power of expression, most of his works bear -traces of a mental boundary which every great poet oversteps. A sort -of affected verbosity often usurps the place of real wit, particularly -in his longer poems; and it not unfrequently happens that whole pages -of Castillejo’s flowing verse are to the reader nothing more than -lively prose. The strong inclination to levity, which he cannot resist, -even when he wishes to be serious, is a distinguishing feature in all -the poetic essays of this ingenious author, who has thus sometimes -given to his works more of a French than a Spanish character. - -Castillejo arranged his lyric works in three books, and they are so -printed under the title of _Obras Liricas_. Only a small portion of -these poems, however, properly belongs to the lyric class;[267] and -the author doubtless collected them together, under this general -title, for the purpose of distinguishing them from his comedies, which -are but little known. The first book contains amatory poems, (_Obras -amatorias_), songs, jests, epistles, glosses after the old fashion, -and in conclusion, a piece which he styled a (_Capitulo_) on love. The -songs, for the most part, commence in a serious tone,[268] but speedily -assume a comic turn, with which they usually conclude.[269] Some are -burlesque parodies on the affected ecstasies and extravagant metaphors -of the Spanish sonnet writers. Such, for example, is the “Tower of -Lamentation,” or the “Wind Tower,” (_Torre de Viento_,) which is -supposed to be built entirely of lovers’ sighs. Some shorter poems, in -the madrigal style, are among the best in this first book.[270] There -is also an “Exclamatory Epistle,” (_Epistola Exclamatoria_,) the spirit -and style of which are sufficiently indicated by the title. Among the -popular verses which the playful humour of Castillejo prompted him to -gloss in the form of _Villancicos_, is one which merely says, “If you -tend my cows, my love, I will give you a kiss; but give me a kiss and I -will tend yours.”[271] Productions of this description found favour -with the readers for whom they were intended. His humorous poems, which -are all more or less disguised under an air of seriousness, contain -a tale (_historia_) imitated from Ovid, which may be called an idyl -according to the literary terminology of the Spaniards. The second book -contains conversational and diverting pieces, (_obras de conversacion -y de pasatiempo_.) At the commencement appear the railleries of -Castillejo against the Petrarchists. The longest poem in this book is -a Dialogue on Women, (_Dialogo de la Condicion de las Mugeres_,) which -is here and there enlivened by admirable sallies of wit;[272] but upon -the whole it is nothing more than burlesque prose ideas dressed in -easy verse.[273] The third book, which contains moral works, (_obras -morales_,) is most prolix of all. The satires contained in this third -book have certainly a moral tendency, though that object is in a great -measure defeated by Castillejo’s sportive style. The moral is lost in a -torrent of words, while the serious thoughts of which the verse is the -vehicle, are for the most part trivial.[274] Notwithstanding the moral -design of this third book, the Spanish inquisition was for some time -undecided with respect to its fate. The publication of all the poems -of Castillejo was prohibited; but after some further deliberation the -inquisition permitted the sale of an edition, after it had undergone a -rigid revisal by the censor. - - - HISTORY OF SPANISH DRAMATIC POETRY, DURING THE FIRST HALF AND TEN - SUCCEEDING YEARS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - -In the reign of Charles V. amidst a throng of diversified talent, and -during the conflict between the old and new poetic styles, the Spanish -drama began to flourish. Considered in a literary point of view, it -can scarcely be said to have existed before that period; but it -arose under happier auspices than those which about the same period -accompanied the birth of the Italian drama, to which the struggle -between the learned and the popular burlesque styles afforded less -hope of success. The sacred and profane pastoral dialogues of Juan de -la Enzina were, at the commencement of the sixteenth century, still -the only dramatic compositions in the Spanish language, to which any -degree of literary respect was attached, and they were, by especial -favour, allowed to be performed at court.[275] With the exception of -mysteries, spiritual moralities, and burlesque representations of -religious ceremonies, the Spanish nation, at this time, knew nothing -of dramatic entertainments. No poet of reputation had hitherto devoted -his attention to this species of composition; but the nation evinced -by its attachment to those rude exhibitions, that tenacity which is -a great feature in its character, and which even in matters of taste -permits no reform to take place which does not perfectly accord with -the inclination of the public. This constancy of the national character -must never for a moment be lost sight of, while tracing the history of -the Spanish drama; but even with this peculiar circumstance carefully -kept in view, it is still impossible to give a very satisfactory -account of the early progress of dramatic poetry among the Spaniards; -for the notices which must be resorted to for that purpose, are both -defective and confused.[276] - -It is above all things necessary to begin by distinguishing the three -or four parties, which on totally different principles endeavoured -to cultivate dramatic poetry in Spain, and which appear to have been -hitherto overlooked by the writers on Spanish literature, merely -because each of those parties pursued its object, without openly -declaring war against the others. Critical cultivation was not yet so -far advanced in Spain as to open a field for literary warfare. But the -heterogeneous nature of the Spanish dramas of the first half and ten -following years of the sixteenth century, renders it evident, on a very -slight examination, that the authors who composed them must have been -influenced by different views.[277] - -The party called the erudite, was the first which at that period -laboured to introduce into Spain a style of dramatic literature, worthy -to be called national. This party consisted of men of information -and taste, though possessing but little knowledge of the true art of -dramatic poetry, and still less of imagination. These men, like a -similar party in Italy, endeavoured to form the modern drama on the -model of the antique. As, however, the most zealous among them did -not possess sufficient talent to imitate the ancient models, they -began to translate them, and performed their task in prose. A Spanish -translation of the Amphitryon of Plautus, by Villalobos, physician to -Charles V. was printed in 1515. Shortly afterwards there appeared a -new translation of the same drama, by Perez de Oliva, a prose writer -of considerable merit, who will be further noticed in the course of -this history. Perez de Oliva even ventured to make a prose version -of the Electra of Sophocles. This unfortunate attempt appeared under -the title of _La Venganza de Agamemnon_.[278] He also translated the -Hecuba of Euripides. At a somewhat later period the Portuguese comedies -of Vasconcellos, written in the manner of Plautus, were published in -the Castilian language. Translations of several comedies of Plautus -subsequently appeared, and at length Pedro Simon de Abril published a -complete translation of Terence, which is still much esteemed by the -Spaniards.[279] Thus it was not the fault of the erudite party that -the Spanish drama did not resemble the ancient. But to introduce in -Spain the tragic style of the classic drama, in all its poetic purity, -or even the style of the ancient comedies in iambic verse, was an idea -which could only have originated with scholars who did not understand -the character of the Spanish public. The translators, therefore, even -those who endeavoured to conciliate the public taste by prose versions, -formed, with their learned friends, a solitary party. No first rate -poet arose in Spain, like Ariosto in Italy, to amuse and instruct the -public by original dramatic compositions on the classic model. It is -possible that essays in the ancient manner may have been performed on -some Spanish stage, particularly at Seville, but they are now totally -lost; and no attempt seems ever to have been made to represent Spanish -translations of Greek and Latin plays. - -The party of the dramatic moralists approximated the closest to -that which has just been described. The interlocutory romance of -Cœlestina,[280] or Calistus and Melibœa, poor in invention, but -possessing in its natural descriptions of common life, an attraction -for many readers, was, on account of its moral tendency, admired as -a master-piece of dramatic art. As this dramatic romance was called -a comedy or tragi-comedy, some of its admirers conceived themselves -bound to write comedies and tragi-comedies in the same style for the -moral benefit of society. Whether these productions were, or were not, -calculated for representation, seems never to have been a subject of -consideration with their authors. They were content if the scenes -which they strung together exhibited in natural language the lowest -pictures of common life, and forcibly marked the dangers attendant -on vice. To do this requires only an ordinary share of talent, and -accordingly Cœlestina was followed by a torrent of similar “Mirrors of -Sin” in the Castilian language. The greater number appeared during the -first half of the sixteenth century, or shortly afterwards; and among -them were _Policiana_, entitled a tragedy;[281] _Perseus and Tibaldea_, -a comedy; _De la hechicera_ (of the Witch), a comedy; _Florinea_, a -comedy, &c. The author of a work of this kind, entitled _La Doleria del -Sueño del Mundo_, (the Anguish of the Sleep of the World,) mentions -in his title-page, that it is a comedy in the style of philosophic -morality, (_Comedia tratada por via de philosophia moral_.) All these -insipid moral lessons were read and admired in their day; but their -extreme length prevented them from getting possession of the stage.[282] - -Equally removed from the moral and the erudite party, was Bartholomè -Torres Naharro, a man doubtless of extraordinary talent. He was the -founder of a third party, which uniting with a fourth, that had for a -short interval preceded it, ultimately triumphed as the only national -party, and obtained exclusive control over the Spanish drama. It -is a singular circumstance, and yet one to which the historians of -Spanish literature have not called the attention of their readers, -that Cervantes in his comic sketch of the early History of the Spanish -Drama, mentions not a syllable respecting Torres Naharro, while the -editor of Cervantes’s comedies, who has prefixed to them that sketch, -declares, in his preface, Torres Naharro to be the real inventor of the -forms of the Spanish comedy. Torres Naharro was born in the little town -of Torre, on the Portuguese frontiers, and flourished in the beginning -of the sixteenth century. Of the history of his life but little is -known. All accounts, however, agree in describing him to have been an -ecclesiastic and a man of learning. After a shipwreck which involved -him in various adventures, he arrived at Rome during the pontificate of -Leo X. In that friend of genius he found a distinguished patron. It is, -however, extremely improbable, that his comedies were performed before -the pope at Rome, though such an assertion has been made by Spanish -writers, and has given offence to some Italians. It is certainly by no -means likely, that an occurrence so unusual, should have escaped the -notice of all Italian authors; and Pope Leo can scarcely be supposed -to have had any strong inducement to study the Spanish language which -is not agreeable to Italian ears. It is more probable that Naharro’s -comedies were represented in Naples, for there a Spanish audience -was to be found; and Naharro himself proceeded to Naples when the -difficulties into which his satirical writings involved him, obliged -him to quit Rome. - -The above are the only particulars that can be obtained respecting -the life of this extraordinary man; and it is not certain how far -they can be relied on, as they are gathered from writers who do not -mention the sources from whence they derived their information.[283] -It is not improbable that Naharro’s comedies were performed only in -Naples, and not in Spain, where there was no theatre suited to their -representation; for according to the account of Cervantes, who speaks -as an eye-witness, the whole apparatus of a Spanish theatre, about the -middle of the sixteenth century, consisted of a few boards and benches, -and a wardrobe, and decorations, which were contained in a sack. - -But whatever may have been the fate of the comedies of Naharro, with -respect to the stage in Spain, they were certainly printed along with -the other poetic works of the author, in the year 1521, or at latest -in 1533, under the learned title of _Propaladia_, intended to signify -exercises in the school of Pallas.[284] Judging from the accounts -given of these dramas by various writers, there is very little doubt -that Torres Naharro was the real inventor of the Spanish comedy. He not -only wrote his eight comedies in redondillas in the romance style, but -he also endeavoured to establish the dramatic interest solely on an -ingenious combination of intrigues, without attaching much importance -to the developement of character, or the moral tendency of the story. -It is besides probable, that he was the first who divided plays into -three acts, which being regarded as three days labour in the dramatic -field, were called _jornadas_.[285] It must, therefore, be unreservedly -admitted, that these dramas, considered both with respect to their -spirit and their form, deserve to be ranked as the first in the history -of the Spanish national drama; for in the same path which Torres -Naharro first trod, the dramatic genius of Spain advanced to the point -attained by Calderon, and the nation tolerated no dramas except those -which belonged to the style which had thus been created. - -It would appear, however, that there was something in the plays of -Naharro which did not precisely harmonize with the taste of the Spanish -public, for they were banished from literature and thrown into oblivion -by the prose dramas which Cervantes saw represented in his youth. The -author of these pieces, in which songs are sometimes episodically -introduced, was Lope de Rueda, a native of Seville. This man, who was -a gold-beater by trade, and who had received no literary education, -was notwithstanding endowed with a strong genius for the dramatic art. -Cervantes styles him the great Lope de Rueda. He did not compose his -plays in the character of an author. He was at the head of a little -company of players of whom he was himself the ablest; and his own -taste and that of the public required only such pieces as could be -easily represented on his wretched stage which consisted merely of a -few planks of wood. The most prominent characters in Lope de Rueda’s -dramatic compositions, were those which the author himself performed, -and which, according to the testimony of Cervantes, he delineated in -a highly natural style. In fools, roguish servants, biscayan boors, -and such like characters, he particularly excelled. He did not neglect -to avail himself of the accidental union of the Spanish drama with -pastoral poetry, and he wrote some pastoral dialogues (_coloquios -pastoriles_) in prose. On this account his theatrical wardrobe, of -which Cervantes gives a humorous description, contained four shepherds -dresses of white fur, trimmed with gold, an equal number of wigs and -shepherds crooks, and likewise four beards. The beards, it would -appear were indispensable in comedies of every kind; and the public -became so accustomed to call an old man’s part in comedy the _beard_, -that the theatrical term _barba_ was retained even after the custom of -wearing beards had long been exploded from the stage. - -Juan Timoneda has made careful collections of the comedies and -pastoral dramas of Lope de Rueda, by which we are enabled to judge -of the literary merit of these works, divested of the advantage -which they must have derived from the living representation of their -author. Timoneda, who was a bookseller in Valencia, was the friend -and enthusiastic admirer of Lope de Rueda; but in regard to literary -acquirements he ranked somewhat higher than that actor. He was indeed -a man of genius and talent, as is evident from his novels, which are -little known, and which have yet to be more particularly noticed in -this work. He printed in small collections, the pastoral dialogues and -plays of Lope de Rueda, making such alterations as were necessary both -in the language and style.[286] These productions equally indicate the -experienced master in the developement of character, and the untutored -pupil of nature following his own caprice. Lope de Rueda’s pastoral -dialogues possess more dignity, if the term may be used, than his -plays, and they are moreover imbued with a certain poetic character -which harmonizes admirably with the songs occasionally introduced. With -regard to invention and style, however, there is but little difference -between the dialogues and the plays, but the pastoral costume of the -dramatis personæ produces a certain heterogeneous effect; for the half -Arcadian, and half Spanish shepherds, are brought in contact with -negresses, barbers, and other characters of common life and modern -stamp. Lope de Rueda was not inattentive to general character, as is -proved by his delineation of old men, clowns, &c. in which he was -particularly successful. But his principal aim was to interweave in -his dramas, a succession of intrigues; and, as he seems to have been a -stranger to the art of producing stage effect by striking situations, -he made complication the great object of his plots. Thus mistakes, -arising from personal resemblances, exchanges of children, and such -like common place subjects of intrigue, form the ground work of his -stories, none of which are remarkable for ingenuity of invention. -There is usually a multitude of characters in his dramas, and jests -and witticisms are freely introduced, but these in general consist of -burlesque disputes in which some clown is engaged.[287] - -It would appear that many comedies in Rueda’s style were at one -time acted, though they are now lost to literature. Cervantes, for -instance, praises the perfection to which that style of comic drama -had been brought by a player, named Naharro of Toledo, who must not be -confounded with Torres Naharro. Cervantes informs us, that this Naharro -augmented the theatrical wardrobe so considerably, that it could no -longer be contained in a bag, but was packed up in boxes and chests. -He exploded the custom of dressing the old characters in beards, and -removed the orchestra, which had previously been stationed behind the -scenes, to the front of the stage. He moreover exhibited imitations -of clouds, of thunder and lightning, made other great improvements in -the scenic machinery, (_tramoyas_), and even introduced single combats -and battles on the stage. His name certainly deserves to be preserved -from oblivion; and it is unfortunate that Cervantes has neglected to -mention what kind of poetry or prose was spoken by the actors in these -new dramatic spectacles. - -A Spanish author of learning and merit, named Juan de la Cueva, who -lived about this period, seems to have been the first to perceive that -the Spanish drama could never succeed, if men of literary acquirements, -endowed with genius for dramatic composition, continued opposed to -the popular party. This meritorious author was a native of Seville, -which at that time appears to have been the cradle of every kind of -talent. The history of his life is enveloped in obscurity, and his -various writings, in every class of poetry, notwithstanding the praises -which critics have bestowed on them, are, though not totally sunk into -oblivion, very little known.[288] His copious Art of Poetry in tercets, -which was lately, for the first time, published from manuscript, -contains some important information relative to the history of Spanish -poetry. It is, however, merely written in good versified prose, and -pure language, but is in no respect poetical.[289] This Art of Poetry, -if so it must be called, shews, among other things, how numerous was -the party which at that time endeavoured to give to the Spanish drama -the form of the antique. An author, named Malara, a native of Seville, -who was called the Betisian Menander, in allusion to the Betis or -Gaudalquivir, and six other poets of that city, among whom is Gutierre -de Cetina, the celebrated author of several Spanish comedies in the -ancient style, are honourably mentioned by Juan de la Cueva. But this -judicious writer maintained that there were peculiarities in the -ancient drama, which, though excellent in themselves, would not accord -with the spirit of the moderns. The dramatic laws of the ancients had, -in his opinion, ceased to be obligatory; and he conceived it to be -reasonable that dramatic fictions should be accommodated to the taste -of the age and to the circumstances in which they are written.[290] -The Spanish public had already manifested a strong predilection for -plays in the modern style, and an aversion equally decided from all -the imitations of the dramatic works of the ancients. It was therefore -designedly and with a persevering industry that the Spaniards had -struck out for themselves a new course in dramatic literature. In -genius and taste they could only have vied with the Greeks and Romans, -without surpassing them; but invention, grace, ingenious arrangement, -and a certain art of involving and unravelling the plot, which -foreigners could not imitate, were the qualities on which the glory -of the Spanish drama was destined to be founded.[291] Juan de la -Cueva proceeds to state, that on these principles he had no scruple -in contributing to overthrow the ancient boundary between tragedy -and comedy; and to introduce on the stage, for the sake of variety, -characters clad in the rustic peasant’s garb, along with others -attired in the robes of royalty. Thus far he trod in the footsteps of -Torres Naharro. And yet he appears to have had no distinct knowledge -of the writings of that author; for he never mentions them; while, on -the other hand, speaking of his own works, he observes that he had -abandoned the old custom of dividing dramatic pieces into five acts, -and chose in preference the new method, then in vogue, of arranging -them in jornadas.[292] Cervantes must of course have been ignorant -of the decided testimony thus given by Juan de la Cueva, since he -imagines that he was himself the first to introduce the three divisions -of the Spanish drama. The approbation bestowed on Cueva’s dramatic -works, in the new style, seems, however, to have been but feeble and -transitory; and this explains how the editor of Cervantes’s comedies, -in his account of the early history of the Spanish drama, has omitted -to mention the name of Cueva. - -It will, perhaps, be proper to defer entering more fully into the -investigation of the peculiar spirit of the Spanish national drama, -until the writings of Lope de Vega come under consideration; for during -the brilliant career of that author, the new form of the drama took -complete possession of the Spanish theatre, and the older pieces, which -did not fall in with the popular taste, were speedily forgotten by the -public, as the notices of Cervantes clearly shew. But it may be proper -here once for all to remind the reader of a truth now historically -demonstrated, namely, that it was by no means ignorance, or want of -intimacy with the dramatic works of the ancients, which facilitated the -triumph of the modern Spanish drama. - -No sufficiently authenticated particulars enable the literary historian -to furnish any thing like positive information respecting the history -of the spiritual dramas of the Spaniards at the period now under -review. Considered generally their origin is sufficiently known; for -dramas of this kind, intended either for amusement or instruction, -were, in the middle ages, performed throughout the whole of the south -of Europe. In Spain, pilgrims assiduously devoted themselves to the -dramatic representation of sacred histories, when they wished to find -an edifying and agreeable relaxation from their severer duties of -praying and journeying from place to place. In these sacred dramas, -the authors often interwove the adventures, whether serious or comic, -in which they had been engaged, or described what they had seen and -learnt in their holy pilgrimages; and the whole was usually seasoned -with a sufficient quantity of jests in the popular style. To manifest -in as palpable a way as possible the power of the sacrament, and the -miraculous effects of faith, were the great objects of the pilgrims; -and there seems to be no doubt that their rude efforts formed the -origin of that class of spiritual plays, which, at a subsequent -period, were performed on the festival of Corpus Christi, and on -other solemn occasions; and which, from their allusion to the mystery -of the sacrament, were styled _Autos Sacramentales_. But at what -particular period examples of these spiritual exhibitions were first -committed to writing, and formed a portion of literature, cannot now be -ascertained. They have sometimes been confounded with the lives of the -saints (_vidas de santos_[293]), which were originally dramatized in -monasteries, and performed by the pupils of the monks, but which are in -fact quite a distinct class of representations. Up to the middle of the -eighteenth century the practice of acting these biographical dramas was -continued in monasteries in different parts of Spain, particularly in -Galicia;[294] and perhaps in that province they yet afford a source of -amusement and edification on festival days, to the pilgrims who visit -the shrine of St. Iago de Compostela. - -The burlesque interludes, called _Entremeses_ and _Saynetes_, which -were subsequently divided into various kinds, and were performed -between the preludes (_loas_) and the play, properly so called, appear -also to have had their origin in the first half of the sixteenth -century. Cervantes could refer to no entremeses of an older date, -when he contributed to give to this class of dramatic compositions a -literary form and character. - -What has been stated sufficiently proves the powerful control which -the public exercised over the stage. The popular taste demanded an -agreeable amusement, created by the boldest and most varied mixture of -the serious and the comic, of intrigues, sallies of the imagination -and ingenious thoughts, of surprises and animated situations; but it -was not required that either a comic or a tragic scene should tend to -produce any moral impression on the heart, except indeed in so far -as that object may be attributed to the spiritual pieces. But how -did it happen that a people in whom moral gravity has ever been a -national characteristic, should thus shew themselves indifferent to -the moral effects of their dramatic entertainments. The history of the -formation of the Spanish character appears to disclose the cause of -this incongruity so clearly, that it might be said, nature would have -contradicted herself, had not such been the consequence resulting from -that cause. When the treasures of America came to be dispersed through -Spain, luxury and extravagance superseded the old Spanish simplicity. -The age of chivalry was past; and the ecclesiastical fetters imposed -upon opinion and conscience, afforded so little freedom to the mind, -that it was not possible the public could endure, still less enjoy, -moral reflection on the stage. The Spaniard, as a catholic Christian, -devoutly and implicitly submitted his understanding to the doctrines -and mandates of the church; but as a man he ardently longed for -amusements, in which he might allow his heart freely to participate. -Moral reflection then could not be pleasing in any place where he -sought to be gratified by the unconstrained exercise of his feelings; -for every moral thought tended to revive the recollection of the -inquisition. Meanwhile the progress of luxury and the love of pleasure -stimulated the imagination, and increased the appetite for sports -of wit and fancy, which were pushed to the most extravagant excess. -A people of an ardent and enthusiastic temperament, which a genial -climate fostered, were always eager to partake of pleasures which no -king or grand inquisitor threatened to disturb. With a taste thus -formed, and with such claims on dramatic entertainment, the Spaniards -were not to be satisfied with the most ingenious comedies or tragedies, -unless the wildest revels of the imagination and a succession of joyous -and luxuriant forms agitated and interested the mind, and freed it from -all the fetters of maxims and rules of art. To see a variegated ideal -world, a diversified picture of romantic existence, was the object for -which the Spaniard visited the theatre, where he could endure no sort -of regularity, not even that which the nature of the subject seemed -most to require. - -This portion of the history of Spanish dramatic poetry must not be -terminated without a particular notice of two tragedies by Geronymo -Bermudez, a Dominican monk of Galicia, who, at the period when he -wrote them, was probably the inmate of a cloister.[295] He did not -think proper to acknowledge himself the author of these dramas, and -he published them under the assumed name of Antonio de Silva.[296] -Among his other poetical works, some Spanish writers mention in -terms of respect, a dull encomium on the Duke of Alba, of whom this -ecclesiastic was an enthusiastic admirer.[297] He lived until the -year 1589. His two tragedies are imitations of the ancient drama, -but they must not be confounded with the essays of the same kind, -which have already been mentioned. Bermudez conceived the happy idea -of selecting a subject from the history of Spain and Portugal, and -dramatizing it according to the rules of the Greek tragedy, without -destroying the modern character of his materials. The well known story -of the unfortunate Ines de Castro, seemed particularly suited to the -object he had in view. Being a Galician, he had, through his native -language, a national relationship to Portugal, and he consequently -took more personal interest in the tragical fate of his heroine, -than was felt by Spaniards in general. He did not commence his task -without apprehension of its success; for, as a Spaniard, he wished -to write in Castilian, and he was, therefore, in some measure, under -the necessity of studying a foreign language. This difficulty he -mentions in his preface. But with all its faults, his attempt proved -so fortunate, that his two tragedies may justly be styled the first -in their kind. Though they are intimately connected, yet each forms -in itself a complete tragic drama. Their titles are whimsical and -affected: the first is denominated, _Nise Lastimosa_, (the Lamentable -Nise); and the second, _Nise Laureada_, (Nise Crowned with Glory).[298] -The characters preserve their historical names. The first of these -tragedies sufficiently proves what may be effected by a poet, even of -moderate talent, when thoroughly penetrated with a poetic subject, -and at the same time possessing the power of expression. The Nise -Lastimosa, it is true, is far from approaching the ideal of tragic -perfection; but some of the scenes fulfil all that the theory of the -dramatic art can require; and energy and dignity of expression are not -wanting even in those passages where the action is tedious and the -incidents ill-connected. The plot is simple, and towards the conclusion -its interest declines. But Bermudez has introduced, with alternate -instances of remarkable dexterity and clumsiness, a chorus composed -of Coimbran women, which is sometimes interwoven with the action of -the drama, and sometimes quite independent of it. The unities of time -and place the author has totally disregarded. The first act opens -with a soliloquy by the Prince Don Pedro, which is beautiful, though -somewhat too long. In it the prince deplores his separation from his -beloved wife.[299] This soliloquy is succeeded by a long conversation -between the prince and his secretary, in which the latter, with all -due courtesy, hints that the attachment of the prince for a lady, not -of royal birth, is incompatible with the welfare of the state.[300] -The scene then changes, and the chorus of Coimbran women is very -absurdly introduced to moralize on love. Thus closes the first act. -In the second, the scene changes to the court, and exhibits the king -amidst his assembled council; the advice of the ministers prevails over -the good disposition of the monarch, and he consents to the death of -Ines de Castro. A soliloquy by the king follows, in which he offers -up his prayers. The scene again changes, and the fair Coimbrans once -more appear to moralize on human happiness. In the third act, however, -a new spirit is infused into the piece, and the chorus partakes in -the action. Ines de Castro appears. The women of the chorus form her -attendants, and offer her consolation and advice. Ines is informed -of the reports that are circulated respecting her fate;[301] but -throughout this act, the progress of the story is nearly suspended. -The fourth act may, however, be accounted almost a masterpiece. Ines -attended by her children and the chorus, appears before the king to -receive her sentence. Nothing can be more impressive than the dignity -with which she demands justice, or more affecting than the tenderness -towards her children, which continually breaks forth in her discourse; -at length she pictures to herself in vivid colours, the sorrows that -await her husband, till exhausted by the vehemence of her feelings, and -gradually losing the use of her faculties, she begins for the first -time to think of her own situation, anticipates the horrors of death, -and swoons, exclaiming _Jesus Maria!_ This scene exhibits a picture so -replete with real pathos, that it may be truly said, modern tragic art -has seldom attained so high a point of perfection.[302] The fifth act -is merely a tedious supplement. The prince is made acquainted with the -death of his wife, and he vents his sorrow in long lamentations. - -The tragedy of _Nise Laureada_ is far inferior to that just described. -The story is below criticism; and towards the end becomes revolting -to feelings, which are not blunted by inquisitorial horrors, or sunk -to the level of brutality. The Prince Don Pedro who has now ascended -the throne, orders the remains of his judicially murdered wife to -be taken from the tomb; he then, with great solemnity, invests the -corpse with the dignity of queen, and the ceremony of the coronation -is succeeded by a marriage. Two of the counsellors, whose perverted -and inhuman patriotism had urged them to sacrifice the unhappy Ines, -receive sentence of death and are executed. This is the whole plot, -if so it may be called; and among the acting and speaking characters -the executioners play a prominent part. The first act contains many -beautiful passages; but when the last judicial ceremonies commence, -horror and disgust fill the mind of the reader. The hearts of both -culprits are extracted from their bodies, the one through the breast, -and the other through the back. The most brutal exclamations accompany -the execution of the royal sentence, and the chorus utters shouts of -joy, while the executioner discharges his barbarous task. That these -horrors might be regarded as pathetic incidents by the Spaniards of -that age, accustomed as they were from early childhood to stifle every -sentiment of humanity, and to allow fanatical exultation to overcome -the natural emotions of the heart, whenever a brutal sentence was -pronounced by ecclesiastical, or royal authority, is unfortunately but -too probable. Had it not been for this perversion of feeling, a people, -otherwise so noble-minded, could not have attended the cruel festivals -of their church, and witnessed the burning of Jews and heretics with as -much pleasure as the exhibition of a bull fight. - -In order to form a just estimate of the talent of Bermudez, it must -be recollected that he was the first who conceived the idea of giving -a poetic colouring to the history of Ines de Castro. Camoens had not, -at that time, written his Lusiad, in which the same story forms the -subject of a celebrated episode. It may also be observed, that the -labour which Bermudez bestowed on his versification, and particularly -on the varied metres of the choruses of his dramas, ought to have -served as an example to his successors in tragic composition. - - - HISTORY OF SPANISH PROSE DURING THE FIRST HALF AND TEN SUCCEEDING - YEARS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - -Among the works of the poets which come within the period allotted -to the first section of this book, it has already been necessary to -notice some writings in prose. The connexion then subsisting between -Spanish poetry and prose, has thus been rendered more apparent, and -the different works of the same author have been kept together in -examining them. But the poetic talent of some authors of that age, for -example, Perez de Oliva, will not bear a comparison with their merits -as prose writers; and many others who have obtained reputation for -prose composition, must be totally excluded from the rank of poets. In -general the good sense of the Spanish writers has constantly impelled -them to mark a distinct boundary between poetry and prose; and this -separation was never more rigorously maintained than during the first -half of the sixteenth century, when the torrent of romances of chivalry -which then inundated Spain, threatened the common annihilation of -genuine poetry and eloquent prose. As very little has hitherto been -done in this department of literature, advantage cannot fail to be -derived from the labour which may be employed in endeavouring to obtain -something like an accurate introduction to the knowledge of several -good Spanish prose writers, whose names have hitherto scarcely appeared -in the history of modern literature. - -Every one who has read Don Quixote must be aware of the enthusiasm -with which romances of chivalry were admired by the Spaniards, at the -end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century. In -the reign of Charles V. this passion became epidemic; for then the -art of printing gave general circulation to the old romances, and new -imitations were not wanting. But the particular account of this portion -of Spanish literature, does not belong to the present subject, and -ought to form the conclusion of the history of the romantic literature -of the middle ages. Besides, the influence of the chivalrous romances -of the sixteenth century, operated on the public only in a peculiar -sense of the term, for every poet and prose writer, of cultivated -talent, laboured to oppose the contagion. There were, however, many -literary partizans, who did not scruple to flatter the public taste by -the grossest absurdities. A writer, named Geronymo de Sanpedro, with -the most devout piety, selected stories from the bible, and clothed -them, as he expresses himself, in the allegoric costume of romance. He -entitled his fantastical work, “The Book of Celestial Chivalry from -the Foot of the Fragrant Rose-bush.[303]” God the Father is introduced -in this edifying production as emperor, and Christ as the knight of -the Lion, (_Caballero del Leon_). In the meantime an opponent of the -zealots of chivalry, named Doctor Alexio de Venegas, anathematized -all romances, which he styled, “Devil’s Sermon Books,” (_Sermonarios -de Satanas_).[304] In this manner parties contended one with another -in Spain, until at length the romantic literature disappeared like a -stream lost amidst sand. - -At this period there appears to have existed no novels or romances in -the modern style, except the _Lazarillo de Tormes_ of Diego de Mendoza. -The well known imitations of this first romance of knavery (_del -gusto picaresco_) did not come into circulation before the end of the -sixteenth century. Little stories in the style of the Italian novels -were, it is true, written at an earlier period; but their author, the -bookseller Timoneda, the same individual who collected the comedies and -pastoral dramas of Lope de Rueda, did not venture to prefix to them -the title of _Novelas_. He was aware that he could better recommend -his works to the Spanish public, by giving them the old denomination -of _Patrañas_ (Tales).[305] Timoneda evidently imitated the Italian -novelists, though he by no means equalled them. Still, however, these -antiquated tales may be perused with pleasure, particularly by those -who have a taste for complicated intrigue. The author, it would appear, -endeavoured to surpass the Italian writers in romantic adventures and -unexpected incidents; at least in his preface he expressly promises -this kind of entertainment to his readers. - -But it was not merely with romances and novels that genuine prose -literature had to contend in Spain. Several men of distinguished -talent, however far they carried their notions of patriotism in other -respects, were of opinion that the Spanish language was incapable -of expressing grave and noble ideas in prose. Some would write -only in Latin, and others only in Italian. Alphonso de Ulloa, who -was an assiduous historical and political author, wrote chiefly in -Italian.[306] He was, it is true, born in Italy; but he was of a -Spanish family, and the Spanish language was perfectly familiar to him. -The want of confidence thus shewn by Spanish writers in the force -and precision of their own language seems inexplicable, when it is -recollected at how early a period Spanish prose began to be cultivated. -Their intercourse with the Italians had, however, made the Spaniards -perceive a want of elegance both in their colloquial phraseology and -literary style; but that grace which their poets soon began to imitate -from the Italians, is but feebly indicated in the works of the early -Spanish prose writers, whatever other rhetorical merits they might -possess, and a frank simplicity of expression appears still to have -constituted the main character of Spanish prose. Besides, the Italian -prose, which with the exception of the writings of Machiavell and -Guicciardini is distinguished by a playful and too often superficial -elegance, could not be very congenial to the Spanish taste, which -required a grave and energetic style. To imitate the ancient classics -was the only means whereby the prose literature of Spain could have -been cultivated in a manner answerable to the demands of enlightened -men in the sixteenth century. Unfortunately the ecclesiastical -and political despotism of this period left no free scope for the -exercise of the mental powers of those Spaniards who were desirous of -constructing a national prose style on the ancient models. Neither -the didactic nor the historical styles could be freely developed; -and for the formation of the oratorical style, circumstances were, -if possible, still more unfavourable. Impeded by such obstacles, and -permitted only to copy in the strictest sense the rhetorical forms of -the ancients, without their energy and solidity of thought, and their -force of expression, the Spanish prose writers certainly could not -be expected to produce works worthy to be ranked on a level with the -classic examples they would have wished to emulate; but their efforts -to open the career of genuine eloquence to their national literature, -deserves, notwithstanding, to be honourably recorded. - - -1. DIDACTIC PROSE is, in the Spanish language, indebted -for its first formation to Fernan Perez de Oliva of Cordova. At the -commencement of the sixteenth century this learned man travelled -through Italy and France, and during three years which he spent in -Paris delivered public lectures on philosophy and ancient literature. -On his return to Spain he settled at Salamanca, where he became -professor (_cathedratico_) of theology, and delivered lectures on the -Aristotelian philosophy. He died in 1533, before he had completed his -thirty-sixth year.[307] His philosophic and theological studies, and -his intimacy with Grecian and Roman literature, did not withhold him -from the cultivation of his native language; and he even endeavoured, -by his translations which have already been mentioned,[308] to -naturalize the Greek tragedy in Spain. He also wrote several poems, -which in honour of his memory, are still preserved. But Perez de Oliva -was no poet; and to judge from his translations he appears to have had -scarcely any true poetic feeling, though he possessed a correct and -delicate taste for the rhetorical beauty of prose. His most celebrated -work is his Dialogue on the Dignity of Man (_Dialogo de la Dignidad del -Hombre_) in the manner of Cicero.[309] It would be vain to seek in this -didactic dialogue for ideas which present the merit of novelty in the -present age; and it can by no means be regarded as a model of dialogue -style any more than the similar works of Cicero. But it was the first -specimen in Spanish literature, of clear and connected discussion, -maintained in correct dignified and elegant language. The colloquial -form serves to connect, though somewhat loosely, the two portions into -which the work is divided. Two philosophic friends meet, and their -conversation turns on solitude: they endeavour to explain the causes -which induce man to seek retirement, and which render him dissatisfied -with the society of his fellow creatures. One of the friends inveighs -against human society, while the other extols its advantages. In the -mean while they are joined by a third philosopher who becomes the -arbiter. Before this judge each disputant propounds his opinions in -an uninterrupted discourse. Thus the oratorical style is now mingled -with the didactic, which had before superseded the colloquial style. -This blending of the didactic and oratorical styles, must doubtless be -a subject of critical censure to many readers; but with the exception -of the oratorical passages, the dialogue of Perez de Oliva is written, -in a natural and easy manner.[310] The ideas are for the most part -clearly and accurately developed,[311] and the oratorical language, -particularly where it is appropriately introduced, is powerful and -picturesque.[312] - -Perez de Oliva had a successful pupil in his nephew Ambrosio de -Morales, who was also a native of Cordova. This learned writer was -born in the year 1513; after having finished his academic studies at -the university of Alcala de Henares, he delivered public lectures -on philosophy and ancient literature, by which he soon acquired an -honourable reputation. Charles V. appointed him classical tutor to his -natural son Don John of Austria, who afterwards became so celebrated. -On the death of Charles V. Ambrosio de Morales was installed by -King Philip II. in the vacant post of historiographer or chronicler -(_coronista_) of Castile. From the period when he entered upon this -office he appears to have devoted himself exclusively to historical -studies. He died at an advanced age. His didactic works consist of -treatises (_discursos_) on various subjects of practical philosophy -and literature. In one of these treatises, he expressly and urgently -recommends the rhetorical cultivation of the Spanish language, which -the writers of that age so unjustly disowned and neglected to the -great prejudice of literature and even of philosophy.[313] The other -dissertations of this meritorious writer, which are not so much known, -relate to the importance of rhetorical studies; the distinction between -Plato’s and Aristotle’s methods of instruction; the duty of man to -exert himself to the utmost when he wishes for the assistance of the -Almighty; the difference between a great and a good understanding; the -value of wealth, independent of personal merit in the possessor; and -such like objects of general utility. He only occasionally casts a side -glance on the region of speculative philosophy, so that among Germans -he might with propriety be called the Spanish Garve. Like that author -his views were clear rather than profound; and like him also his object -was to write pure didactic prose. His style, though not energetic -nor impressive, is natural, clear, and precise, and not unfrequently -adorned with pleasing images.[314] The pedantic allusions to the -scriptures and to classical literature must be attributed to the age -and country to which Morales belonged.[315] - -Pedro de Valles, another native of Cordova, followed the example of -Perez de Oliva, in cultivating prose; but he inclined to the pomp and -antitheses of Seneca, which he was perhaps induced to imitate from -respect for his countryman; for the learned of Cordova have always -prided themselves in being natives of a city which had produced an -ancient author of so much celebrity. Morales, in his collection of his -own and his uncle’s works, has inserted a treatise by Valles on the -Fear of Death.[316] - -Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, who lived about the same period, -likewise followed the tract which had been marked out by Perez de -Oliva. Respecting the life of this writer but few particulars are -known; and the resemblance of his name to that of the celebrated -Cervantes Saavedra, does not appear to be a sufficient reason for -concluding that he was related to that distinguished author. Cervantes -de Salazar wrote a continuation of Oliva’s Dialogue on the Dignity -of Man; for he regarded it as unfinished, because Oliva allows the -friend and the enemy of human nature to deliver their opinions, -while the third party, who is appointed the philosophic arbiter, -draws no inference from the arguments he hears. Through the medium -of this third character, Salazar circumstantially recapitulates the -whole theme, and arrives at a decided conclusion. Salazar is a more -contemplative writer than Oliva, who, in other respects appears to -have been his model. He translated from the Greek the Tabla of Cebes, -and from the Latin the _Introductio ad sapientiam_ of Luis Vives, one -of the learned Spaniards who did not choose to write in their native -tongue. He published his continuations and translations along with the -original works.[317] - -Among the various works which Cervantes de Salazar published and -elucidated, is an allegorical romance, entitled “_Labricio_, or the -fable (_Apologo_) of Idleness and Industry.” This romance may be placed -if not among, at least beside didactic works, for the allegorical -form serves merely to clothe the ideas, which are very methodically -developed. The author, Luis Mexia, or Messia, was a learned theologian -and jurist. His object was to draw an interesting and animated picture -of the dangers of idleness, the pleasures of occupation, and the value -of well directed industry. Notwithstanding the faults inseparable from -the class of writing to which this work belongs, it presents the charm -of an animated picture conveyed in language, which, though occasionally -declamatory, is, upon the whole, pure and elegant.[318] - - -2. HISTORICAL PROSE was, during this period, cultivated by -no author in so high a degree as by Diego de Mendoza, whose history -of the wars of Granada, has already been particularly mentioned; all -the other Spanish historians were inferior to Mendoza in every thing -that constitutes the historical art. But they had begun to study that -art, in which they would no doubt have distinguished themselves, had -they not on the one hand been intimidated by the despotism of the -government, and on the other, influenced by a spirit of contradiction, -which induced them to banish from genuine history every trace of -imaginative colouring, lest they should be confounded with the romance -writers of the age. - -The historical institution, established by Alphonso the Wise, still -subsisted; for the Spanish government was afraid to incur the shame of -allowing it to perish. National historiographers or chroniclers were -accordingly appointed, and paid in the same manner as formerly; but -after the accession of Charles V. those chroniclers could not venture -to write with freedom, even in favour of the court party. Charles V. -thought it prudent to obliterate as far as possible the recollection -of the powerful opposition he had experienced on his succession to the -Spanish crown. His chronicler, Florian de Ocampo, was a man of talent -and information; and these qualifications soon enabled him to perceive -the necessity of protracting as much as possible the duty assigned to -the old Spanish chroniclers of writing the history of their own age. -Fortunately for him there existed at that period no ancient history of -Spain; and this was a subject on which he could enter, without fear or -constraint, while, at the same time, it afforded scope for a singular -display of erudition. Ocampo accordingly wrote his five books of a -General Chronicle of Spain. By the selection of this deceiving title, -Ocampo appeared to be fulfilling the duties of his office; but the five -books of his General Chronicle contain nothing more than the history -of ancient Hispania, from the deluge to the second punic war.[319] The -work is not badly written, though it presents nothing particularly -attractive either in the style or in the handling of the subject. -Ocampo selected his materials chiefly from the ancient authors, with -whom he must have been intimately acquainted; but as far as relates -to historical art he avoided imitating his classical models, because, -as he says, he was afraid to substitute for truth “the rhetorical -flourishes and vanities, which appear in other books of the present -time.”[320] Like some German historians, he seems to have prided -himself in his dulness. - -Those truths which dared not be publicly told in the reign of Charles -V. still remained secrets under the government of Philip II. But even -the latter monarch did not suffer the office of national chronicler to -be discontinued; and he nominated a particular historiographer for the -provinces of Castile, and another for those of Arragon. The learned -Ambrosio de Morales, who took so lively an interest in the advancement -of the rhetorical art, was, as has already been mentioned, appointed -chronicler for the Castilian provinces. But with all his talent and -information, Morales was not the man precisely calculated to occupy -this situation, had he wished strictly to discharge its duties. He -had little taste for politics, and modern history was not the branch -of literature in the cultivation of which he was likely to find the -employment best suited to his talents. He therefore could do nothing -which better accorded with his own inclination, and the circumstances -in which he was placed, than to follow the footsteps of Ocampo, and -to continue the ancient history of Spain from the second punic war to -the establishment of christianity.[321] He vied with his predecessor -in research and erudition; while, at the same time, he devoted far -more attention to composition and style. In his preface, he states -that he availed himself of this opportunity of proving the dignity -and majesty of the Spanish language; and in that respect he rose far -superior to the usual chronicle style. In point of elegance, however, -he did not equal cardinal Bembo, while he really had no more idea than -that author, of the soul of the historical art, of which elegance is -merely an accessary.[322] Towards the close of his work, when he came -to the christian ages, his zeal induced him to insert the lives of the -saints of Spanish origin; and certainly no writer before his time ever -gave to that description of biography so much elegance and historical -dignity. Indeed the simplicity to which Morales was always faithful, is -a remarkable feature in the works of an author who was so ambitious of -distinguishing himself by his style. - -There appeared, however, at this time, another author, who might have -become, if not the Livy, at least the Machiavell of Spain, had he been -placed in more favourable circumstances, and been disposed to devote -himself to the rhetorical cultivation of his talent for historical -composition. He was a native of Arragon, and his name was Geronymo -Zurita, Surita or Curita, for it is written in these different ways. -Philip II. appointed him historiographer of the Arragonian provinces, -an office which he was well qualified to fill. Like all educated -Arragonese, he wrote Castilian with as much facility as his mother -tongue. As a politician, however, he entertained views respecting the -practical application of history, which though clear and well founded, -were not likely to be very acceptable to a despotic sovereign. Zurita -undertook, not merely the tedious task of exploring the old chronicles -and records, to which he had access, in order to produce a complete -history of the kingdom of Arragon, from the Moorish invasion to the -reign of Charles V. he was moreover desirous that his historical -labour should exhibit a faithful view of the rise and formation of the -national constitution of Arragon. The modern historian, who may wish -to investigate this particular point, ought to resort to the pages of -Zurita, for it will be difficult for him to find a more instructive -author. Zurita gave to his historical work the title of Annals,[323] -which he conceived to be more appropriate than that of chronicle. But -he felt the difficulty of the task he had undertaken, when he attempted -to develope the republican principles of the Arragonian provinces, and -at the same time to do homage to the caprice of an absolute monarch. -He must necessarily have written this part of his work in the total -absence of inspiration, for the only practical conclusion he draws -from his researches is the trite maxim, “that subjects ought to be -content if peace and tranquillity prevail in the country in which they -live;”[324] and it must be confessed that for peace and tranquillity, -in a certain sense, Philip II. with the help of the Duke of Alba and -the inquisition, had sufficiently provided. But in order to judge how -Zurita would have written, had he been permitted to write freely, the -grounds of the decision must be collected only from detached passages -of his work. His execution indeed is not so inviting as to excite -a strong desire for the perusal of the whole. He seems during his -laborious researches unconsciously to have imbibed the formal style -of the chroniclers, their constantly recurring _and_ not excepted; -while he did not allow himself time to separate the important from -the unimportant, and by a judicious distribution of his materials to -compose a pleasing historical picture. In a literary contest, which -arose respecting the merits and defects of these Annals of Arragon, -their value, in a rhetorical point of view, was never taken into -consideration. - - -3. ORATORICAL PROSE.--To other classes of prose writing, -the Spaniards at this time devoted but little attention; but two -printed discourses by Perez de Oliva well deserve to be more generally -known. The one was delivered at the request of a society of patriotic -citizens of Cordova, and it relates to the advantages to be derived -from the navigation of the Guadalquivir. In the first part of this -discourse, the learned orator certainly wanders far from his subject, -for he speaks of the Greeks and Romans, and even of the Trojan war; -but the second part contains a view of the business in hand, which -is vigorously unfolded, full of sound sense, and divested of all -affectation and pedantry. The second discourse promises but little, -for it is merely described as an academic occasional and defensive -address; but it contains a very good explanation of the literary duties -of a professor of moral philosophy, together with some particulars -respecting the literary life of the author, which are related in an -excellent oratorical style.[325] - - -4. Of the EPISTOLARY PROSE of this age but few printed -specimens exist; and it may be presumed that the Spaniards could -not experience much pleasure in written correspondence, after their -epistolary style had, like that of their social conversation, become -subject to the restraint of the ceremonial forms with which the -Italians and the Germans were about the same time infected. With -whatever ease _vuessa merced_ (your grace or your worship) especially -when contracted in conversation into _usté_, might glide, as a mere -form of courtesy through Spanish lips, its frequent occurrence could -not fail to have a very embarrassing effect in the periods of familiar -letters. This formula which every man of education employed in -addressing his equals, exhibits a striking contrast to the higher -ceremonial style, which the king himself observed in corresponding with -his relatives. Among the Spanish epistolary documents of the sixteenth -century, there has been preserved a letter from Philip II. to his -natural brother, Don John of Austria. This letter appears to be a kind -of supplement, written by the king himself, to the commission by which -Don John was appointed high admiral of the Spanish fleets (_capitan -general de la mar_). The king with old Spanish cordiality calls Don -John, “brother,” (_hermano_), without any other title; and when he -addresses him in the course of the letter, he uses the pronoun _you_, -after the old fashion. In reminding his natural brother of his duties, -he recommends to him integrity, as next in importance to religion.[326] - -There is also preserved a letter from the Duke of Alba, of odious -celebrity, to Don John of Austria. It contains military instructions -expressed with precision and dignified simplicity; but the style is -encumbered by the repetition of titles. Both letters are contained in -a collection published by the diligent Gregorio Mayans y Siscar.[327] - - -SPANISH CRITICISM DURING THE PERIOD OF THIS SECTION. - -It would scarcely be worth while to say any thing relative to Spanish -criticism during the period this section embraces, were it not that -among the books of instruction on poetry and rhetoric which then -appeared, there was one, which besides being extraordinary for the -age in which it was produced, may be regarded as the first of its -kind in modern literature. It is entitled, the Philosophy of the -Ancient Style of Poetry, which in Spanish is somewhat fantastically -expressed, _Philosophia Antigua Poetica_. This work is the production -of Alonzo Lopez Pinciano, physician to Charles V. who as has been -mentioned, was likewise the author of an unsuccessful heroic poem.[328] -Though Pinciano possessed few qualifications for a poet, he had -nevertheless conceived the idea of writing an Art of Poetry, which -should be something more than a mere introduction to versification -and instructions relative to correct and figurative expression. -Speculations on the elements of poetry constituted his chief -occupation, when relieved from the duties of his profession. He had -so carefully studied Aristotle’s Art of Poetry, and so attentively -compared it with the other writings of the same author, that of all -the admirers of that work, he was probably the first who discovered -its imperfection. He says--“what is called Aristotle’s Art of Poetry -cannot, if rightly understood, be regarded in any other light than as -a fragment; for Aristotle, in various passages of his other works, -refers to a second part of this Art of Poetry, which is lost.” -Pinciano’s conjectures respecting the contents of the lost part, and -its connection with the fragment now existing, have, it is true, -been contradicted by more modern critics; but this physician was -nevertheless the first to observe that imperfection which had escaped -the notice of all previous philologists and commentators on Aristotle. -He remarks, that the philologists and commentators have written very -learned works; which, however, are as imperfect as the text which they -elucidate. With the view of restoring poetry to its ancient dignity, -and establishing and developing its true spirit, Lopez Pinciano -commences with an Analysis of the Wants of Human Nature. He treats -minutely of the senses, of the affections, the faculties of the soul, -wisdom, and the pleasures peculiar to cultivated minds, but always -with reference to the works of Aristotle, whom, like other writers -of that age, he merely designates by the title of the _philosopher_. -Like Aristotle, he makes imitation the essence of poetry; but with -a particular and more precise definition of what in his opinion -constitutes poetic imitation. He then enters upon reflections -concerning poetic language, and gives a detailed theory of the several -kinds of poetry. The present, however, is not the proper place to -present an explanation of this theory. Whenever Lopez Pinciano abandons -Aristotle, his notions respecting the different poetic styles are as -confused as those of his contemporaries; and only a few of his notions -and distinctions can be deemed of importance at the present day. But -his name is deserving of honourable remembrance, for he was the first -writer of modern times who endeavoured to establish a philosophic -art of poetry; and with all his veneration for Aristotle, he was the -first scholar who ventured to think for himself, and to go somewhat -further than his master. He also evinced a laudable perseverance in -the execution of his task. Pinciano’s learned and ingenious work was -not quite so useful as it might have been, owing in a great measure to -its artificial and formal manner of composition, which, however, the -author considered singularly easy and natural. This Art of Poetry is -written in the form of letters, (which was in itself a novelty at that -age), and in these letters, conversations are occasionally introduced. -The friend who answers, invariably gives an abstract of the letter he -has last received, as a proof that he understands its contents and its -object. Lopez Pinciano, however, cannot be regarded as a model in -epistolary and conversational prose any more than in poetry. - -The authors of the other arts of poetry which appeared about this time -in the Spanish language, merely confined themselves to the explanation -of metrical forms and the establishment of subordinate principles. -Among these authors were Sanchez de Viena, Geronymo de Mondragon, and -Juan Diaz.[329] An Art of Poetry of the same description in verse, -by Juan de la Cueva, has already been mentioned. From a philosophic -treatise of this kind, Spanish poetry could derive no advantage, -unless its origin had been totally different from what it really was. -Theories, even the most popular, can contribute only in a very slight -degree to the formation of the poetic genius, either of nations or -individuals. - -Several works on the art of rhetoric, in which the principles of -Aristotle were followed, appeared about this time in Spain; but they -produced nothing valuable with respect to theory, and exercised no -remarkable influence on the improvement of Spanish prose. - - - - -SECOND SECTION. - - _History of Spanish Poetry and Eloquence, from the Age of - Cervantes and Lope de Vega to the Middle of the Seventeenth - Century._ - - -Spanish literature had now assumed a new character. Classical poets -wrote in the Castilian language; and elegant prose was cultivated with -equal rapidity and success on the model of the ancients. No great -advantage could henceforth be derived from the imitation of the Italian -poets, for the genius of the Spanish nation had well nigh decided how -far and under what limitations the Italian poetry could be naturalized -in Spain. But laurels were yet to be gathered on the new Parnassus; -and the conflict between the ancient and modern styles, had, through -the disputes of the different parties, who sought to rule the Spanish -drama, at length arrived at a crisis. Under these circumstances, -Cervantes and Lope de Vega entered upon the career which their -predecessors had opened for them. - - -CERVANTES. - -The life of this extraordinary man, whom, for the space of two -centuries, civilized Europe has admired above every other Spanish -writer, has been so frequently related, that a brief abstract of his -biography, derived from the most authentic sources, will be sufficient -for the purpose of this history.[330] - -It is a singular fact, that the contemporaries of this celebrated man, -whom every town, not merely in Spain, but throughout the world, would -be proud to have produced, should have neglected to record his native -place. After long investigations and warm disputes, which call to -mind the contests of the seven Greek towns, for the honour of having -given birth to Homer, it is at length agreed that the greatest share -of probability belongs to the conjecture, according to which Miguel de -Cervantes Saavedra was born at Alcalà de Henàres in the year 1547. His -parents, who were not rich, were merely enabled to give him a moderate, -but at the same time a literary education. They sent him to the schools -of Madrid, where he acquired some knowledge of classical learning. -At Madrid he had an opportunity of witnessing the dramas which the -ingenious Lope de Rueda represented on his wretched stage. Juan -Lopez, the tutor of Cervantes, was an indefatigable writer of poetry, -particularly of romances, and he sought every means of cherishing his -pupils’ taste for poetic composition. Some verses by Cervantes were -introduced in a description of the funeral of a Spanish princess, which -Lopez published in 1569. - -But young Cervantes, who had now attained his twenty-second year, -seems to have had no certain means of gaining a subsistence. He wrote -numerous romances and sonnets; and it was probably about this period -that he composed a pastoral romance, entitled _Filena_, which, if we -may give credit to his own testimony, was very generally read.[331] It -appears that he thought he could better his condition by travelling; -and he resolved to proceed to Italy. Here commences the period of his -adventures. In Rome, cardinal Acquaviva for a short time became his -patron and protector. But impelled either by necessity or choice, he -entered into the military profession. He enlisted under the banners -of his sovereign, to serve in the wars against the Turks and African -corsairs, who at that time disturbed the tranquillity of Spain and -Italy. During the war he proved himself to be wholly devoted to his -new profession; but being engaged in the great battle of Lepanto, in -1572, he received a wound which deprived him of his left hand together -with a part of the arm. This honourable mutilation, to which he proudly -alludes in his latter writings, obliged him to return to Spain. The -ship, however, in which he had embarked, was captured by an Algerine -corsair, and Cervantes was conveyed to Algiers and sold for a slave. -His captivity which lasted for nearly eight years, must have been of -the most romantic description, if the fact be, as has frequently been -conjectured, that Cervantes described his own adventures in the novel -of the Captive.[332] He was at length ransomed, and in the year 1581 he -returned to his native country. - -The third period of the life of Cervantes was exclusively devoted -to literature. He had now attained his thirty-second year, and with -a matured understanding, joined to considerable practical knowledge -of the world, and an ardent passion for literature, he resolved to -withdraw from the busy scene of life. In his retirement he wrote his -second pastoral romance, entitled _Galatea_, which has so eclipsed -Filena, that the latter is quite neglected and forgotten. He shortly -afterwards married, and in all probability lived for some time on his -wife’s dowry. At length he began to write for the stage; but the dramas -which he composed at this period of his life, though about thirty in -number, are nearly all lost.[333]--About this time arose the rivalry -between Cervantes and Lope de Vega, whose dramas were so much admired -that they bore away the palm of public favour. Mortified, as it would -appear, by the ill success of his dramatic efforts, Cervantes laid -aside his pen for a considerable period. It is conjectured, that in -the meanwhile he obtained a post in Seville, the emoluments of which -enabled him to subsist. He did not again appear in the literary world -until the death of Philip II. in the year 1598. - -It can scarcely be doubted, though no Spanish writer has made the -conjecture, that the death of Philip II. had a favourable influence -on the genius of Cervantes. After the accession of the indolent -Philip III. every man in Spain felt that he might then have more -freedom than he dared to take during the gloomy intolerance of the -preceding reign. The Spaniards now ventured to sport with the chains -which they had not the power to break, and delicate satire was soon -freely employed. Cervantes quickly found a subject for ridicule, in an -outrageous contest which arose in Seville between the spiritual and -municipal authorities, concerning the funeral obsequies of the deceased -monarch. There is reason to believe that he composed, about the same -period, some of the Instructive Novels (_Novelas Exemplares_), which -he subsequently published. What accident gave rise to the idea of his -Don Quixote is unknown; for his having, while travelling through the -province of la Mancha, become engaged in disputes with some of the -inhabitants, and his being on that account for a short time imprisoned, -can at most be only supposed to have suggested the idea of making that -province the scene of the first part of his romance. Some fortunate -circumstance, which cannot now be traced, seems to have impressed -Cervantes, who was then in his fiftieth year, with the consciousness of -the true bent of his genius. The commencement of Don Quixote was first -published at Madrid, in 1606; but the enthusiastic reception which this -original romance experienced from the Spanish public, produced very -little change in the author’s fortune; for the folly which felt itself -disturbed in its security united with envy in seeking to discover the -most offensive allusions in the work. Cervantes accordingly continued -poor, and had now to contend with exasperated enemies, who imagined -they had completely defeated him, when an unknown writer of their own -party, under the name of Avellaneda, published a continuation of Don -Quixote, full of invective against the original author. Precisely at -the period when this continuation appeared, Cervantes published the -sequel of his Instructive Novels, which he dedicated to the Count of -Lemos. In that nobleman he found a protector who never withdrew his -favour, and who, as it appears, afforded him support in various ways. -Pecuniary necessity seems, however, to have urged him, as a last -resource, to write for the stage. - -The latest works of Cervantes, were the genuine continuation and -completion of Don Quixote, the Journey to Parnassus, which was first -published in 1614, and finally the romance of Persiles and Sigismunda, -for which, a few days previous to his death, he wrote a dedication -to the Count of Lemos. From various passages in the prefaces and -introductions to these last works, it is obvious how highly Cervantes -prized that celebrity which, after many abortive efforts, he had at -length obtained in his old age. But even where his vanity is not -disguised, it is easy, from the candid tone in which he speaks of -himself, to recognize the man of firm and upright spirit, the declared -enemy of every sort of affectation, and the honest and liberal judge -of himself and others. He died in poverty, though not in extreme want, -at Madrid, in 1616, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. He was buried -privately, without any kind of distinction, and not even a common -tomb-stone marks the spot where the ashes of Cervantes repose. - -Were we to arrange the works of Cervantes according to their merits, -the first place must be assigned to Don Quixote, which is moreover -entitled to the supremacy, inasmuch as it is single in its kind. - -To enter into a description of the contents of this universally known -master-piece, or to give a circumstantial analysis of its plan, -would be equally superfluous. A few words, however, on the happy and -original idea which forms the foundation of the whole work may here be -introduced. It has often been said, though the opinion has, perhaps, -not been fully weighed, nor even expressed with sufficient precision, -that the venerable knight of La Mancha is the immortal representative -of all men of exalted imagination, who carry the noblest enthusiasm to -a pitch of folly; because with understandings in other respects sound, -they are unable to resist the fascinating power of a self-deception, -by which they are induced to regard themselves as beings of a superior -order. None but an experienced observer of mankind, endowed with -profound judgment, and a genius to the penetrating glance of which one -of the most interesting recesses of the human heart had been newly -disclosed, could have seized the idea of such a romance with energetic -decision. None but a poet and a man of wit could have thrown so much -poetic interest into the execution of that idea; and none but an author -who had at his disposal all the richness and variety of one of the -finest languages in the world, could have diffused over such a work -that classical perfection of expression, which gives the stamp of -excellence to the whole. The originality of the idea of Don Quixote is -not only historically demonstrated, by no romance of a similar kind -having previously existed--for pictures of ingenious roguery in the -style of Lazarillo de Tormes, belong to a totally different species of -comic romance--but it is also physiologically certain, that a creative -fancy, which was only capable of continuing to invent where another had -stopt, could not, with the boldness of Cervantes, have combined traits, -apparently heterogeneous, in order thereby to exhaust to the utmost -the idea by which he was inspired. Those who are acquainted with Don -Quixote only through the medium of the common translations, will not -certainly be inclined to regard it as a work of inspiration, in the -highest sense of the word. But it is impossible to form a more mistaken -notion of this work, than to consider it merely as a satire, intended -by the author to ridicule the absurd passion for reading old romances -of chivalry. Doubtless this is one of the objects which Cervantes had -in view; for among the romances which the Spanish public indefatigably -perused, few were tolerable, and only one or two possessed first-rate -merit. We must not, however, attribute to him the absurd conceit of -wishing to prove the prejudicial influence, which the reading of bad -romances produced on the taste of the Spanish nation, by exhibiting -the individual folly of an enthusiast, who would have been just as -likely to have lost his senses by the study of Plato or Aristotle, as -by the reading of romances of chivalry. The merit and the richness -of the idea of a man of elevated character, excited by heroic and -enthusiastic feelings to the extravagant pitch of wishing to restore -the age of chivalry, must be regarded as the seed of inspiration -whence the whole work originated. As a poet, Cervantes was aware of -the resources which this idea furnished; and he must also have been -satisfied with his power to prosecute it, as he has proved in the -execution what he was capable of accomplishing. In the invention of a -series of comic situations in the most burlesque style, he found full -scope for the exercise of his fancy. The painting of these situations -afforded opportunities for the free and energetic developement of his -poetic talent. Finally, he knew how to combine the knowledge of human -nature, which he had acquired during a life of fifty years, with the -most delicate satire, so as to render his comic romance also a book of -moral instruction, to which no parallel existed. These brief remarks -on the idea which forms the foundation of the romance of Don Quixote, -must be allowed to supply the place of a detailed analysis of the -manner in which that celebrated work is composed. Other critics have -sufficiently proved that the composition is by no means faultless. -In the preface to the second part, Cervantes has himself pointed out -some inadvertences which produce incongruities in the history, but he -disdained to correct them, because he conceived that they had been too -severely condemned. - -The character of the execution of this comic romance, is no less -original than the invention. Character in the strictest sense of the -term is here meant. The superficial sketches of a sportive fancy, for -which the Spaniards in the age of Cervantes entertained so high a -predilection, had not sufficient interest for him. He felt a passion -for the vivid painting of character, as all his successful works -prove. Under the influence of this feeling, he not only drew the -natural and striking portrait of his heroic Don Quixote, so truly -noble-minded, and so enthusiastic an admirer of every thing good and -great, yet having all those fine qualities, accidentally blended -with a relative kind of madness; but he likewise pourtrayed, with no -less fidelity, the opposite character of Sancho Panza, a compound of -grossness and simplicity, whose low selfishness leads him to place -blind confidence in all the extravagant hopes and promises of his -master. The subordinate characters of the great picture exhibit equal -truth and decision: but the characteristic tone of the whole is still -more remarkable. A translator cannot commit a more serious injury to -Don Quixote, than to dress that work in a light anecdotical style. A -style perfectly unostentatious and free from affectation, but at the -same time solemn, and penetrated, as it were, with the character of the -hero, diffuses over this comic romance an imposing air, which, were it -not so appropriate, would seem to belong exclusively to serious works, -and which is certainly difficult to be seized in a translation. But it -is precisely this solemnity of language, which imparts a characteristic -relief to the comic scenes. It is the genuine style of the old romances -of chivalry, improved and applied in a totally original way; and only -where the dialogue style occurs is each person found to speak, as he -might be expected to do, and in his own peculiar manner. But wherever -Don Quixote himself harangues, the language re-assumes the venerable -tone of the romance style;[334] and various uncommon expressions of -which the hero avails himself, serve to complete the delusion of -his covetous squire, to whom they are only half intelligible.[335] -This characteristic tone diffuses over the whole a poetic colouring, -which distinguishes Don Quixote from all comic romances in the -ordinary style; and that poetic colouring is moreover heightened by -the judicious choice of episodes. The essential connection of these -episodes with the whole has sometimes escaped the observation of -critics, who have regarded, as merely parenthetical, those parts in -which Cervantes has most decidedly manifested the poetic spirit of -his work. The novel of _El Curioso Impertinente_, cannot indeed be -ranked among the number of these essential episodes; but the charming -story of the shepherdess Marcella, the history of Dorothea, and the -history of the rich Camacho and the poor Basilio, are unquestionably -connected with the interest of the whole. These serious romantic parts, -which are not, it is true, essential to the historical connection, but -strictly belong to the characteristic dignity of the whole picture, -also prove how far Cervantes was from the idea usually attributed to -him of writing a book merely to excite laughter. The passages which -common readers feel inclined to pass over, are, in general, precisely -those in which Cervantes has shewn himself more a poet, and for which -he has manifested an evident predilection. On such occasions he also -introduces among his prose, episodical verses, which are for the most -part excellent in their kind, and which no translator can omit without -doing violence to the spirit of the original. - -Were it not for the happy art with which Cervantes has contrived to -preserve an intermediate tone between pure poetry and prose, Don -Quixote would not deserve to be cited as the first classic model of -the modern romance or novel. It is, however, fully entitled to that -distinction. Cervantes was the first writer who formed the genuine -romance of modern times on the model of the original chivalrous -romance, that equivocal creation of the genius and the barbarous -taste of the middle ages. The result has proved that modern taste, -however readily it may in other respects conform to the rules of the -antique, nevertheless requires in the narration of fictitious events, -a certain union of poetry with prose which was unknown to the Greeks -and Romans in their best literary ages. It was only necessary to -seize on the right tone, but that was a point of delicacy which the -inventors of romances of chivalry were not able to comprehend. Diego -de Mendoza, in his Lazarillo de Tormes, departed too far from poetry. -Cervantes, in his Don Quixote, restored to the poetic art the place -it was entitled to hold in this class of writing: and he must not -be blamed if cultivated nations have subsequently mistaken the true -spirit of his work, because their own novelists had led them to regard -common prose as the style peculiarly suited to romance composition. -Don Quixote is moreover the undoubted prototype of the comic novel. -The humorous situations are, it is true, almost all burlesque, which -was certainly not necessary, but the satire is frequently so delicate, -that it escapes rather than obtrudes on unpractised attention; as for -example in the whole picture of the administration of Sancho Panza in -his imaginary island. Besides, the language even in the description -of the most burlesque situations, never degenerates into vulgarity. -Throughout the whole work it is in general noble, correct, and so -highly polished, that it would not disgrace even an ancient classic -of the first rank.[336] This explanation of a part of the merits of -a work, which has been so often wrongly judged, may, perhaps, seem to -belong rather to the eulogist than the calm and impartial historian. -Let those who may be inclined to form this opinion, study Don Quixote -in the original language, and study it rightly, for it is not a book -to be judged by a superficial perusal. But care must be taken that the -intervention of many subordinate traits, which were intended to have -only a transient national interest, does not produce an error in the -estimate of the whole. - -It would be scarcely possible to arrange the other works of Cervantes -according to a critical judgment of their importance; for the merits -of some consist in the admirable finish of the whole, while others -exhibit the impress of genius in the invention, or some other -individual feature. A distinguished place must, however, be assigned -to the _Novelas Exemplares_ (Moral or Instructive Tales.) They are -unequal in merit as well as in character. Cervantes, doubtless, -intended that they should be to the Spaniards nearly what the novels -of Boccacio were to the Italians: some are mere anecdotes, some are -romances in miniature, some are serious, some comic, and all are -written in a light, smooth, conversational style. With regard to the -practical knowledge which these novels are intended to convey to the -reader, Cervantes has effected more than Boccacio; and at all events -he extended the literature of his country by their publication, for no -similar compositions had previously existed in the Spanish language. -In them Cervantes has again proved himself the experienced judge of -mankind, and has given, with admirable success, truly genuine and -judicious representations of nature, in the various situations of real -life. The reader must naturally feel inclined to pardon the want of -plan which this little collection of novels occasionally exhibits, -when he finds that the author through the medium of his characters -relates and describes all that he had himself seen and experienced -under similar circumstances, particularly during his abode in Italy -and Africa. The history of the _Licenciado Vidriera_, (the Glass -Licentiate) which is the fifth in the collection, is totally destitute -of plan, and is related in simple prose like a common anecdote. But the -novel of _La Gitanilla_, (the Gipsey Girl) is ingeniously conceived and -poetically coloured; and the same may be said of some others. The story -of _Rinconete y Cortadilla_, or the Lurker and the Cutter, as the names -with reference to their etymology may be translated,[337] is a comic -romance in miniature. - -_Galatea_, the pastoral romance which Cervantes wrote in his youth, is -a happy imitation of the Diana of Montemayor, but exhibiting a still -closer resemblance to Gil Polo’s continuation of that poem.[338] Next -to Don Quixote and the _Novelas Exemplares_, this pastoral romance is -particularly worthy of attention, as it manifests in a striking way -the poetic direction in which the genius of Cervantes moved even at -an early period of life, and from which he never entirely departed in -his subsequent writings. As, however, the Galatea possesses but little -originality, it constantly excites the recollection of its models, and -particularly of the Diana of Gil Polo. Of the invention of the fable -likewise, but little can be said, for though the story is continued -through six books, it is still incomplete. In composing this pastoral -romance, Cervantes seems to have had no other object than to clothe -in the popular garb of a tale, a rich collection of poems in the old -Spanish and Italian styles, which he could not have presented to the -public under a more agreeable form. The story is merely the thread -which holds the beautiful garland together; for the poems are the -portion of the work most particularly deserving attention. They are -as numerous as they are various: and should the title of Cervantes -to rank, with respect to verse as well as to prose, among the most -eminent poets, or his originality in versified composition, be called -in question, an attentive perusal of the romance of Galatea must banish -every doubt on these points. It was remarked by the contemporaries of -Cervantes that he was incapable of writing poetry, and that he could -compose only beautiful prose; but that observation had reference solely -to his dramatic works. Every critic, sufficiently acquainted with his -lyrical compositions, has rendered justice to their merits. From the -romance of Galatea it is obvious that Cervantes composed in all the -various kinds of syllabic measure which were used in his time. He even -occasionally adopted the old dactylic stanza.[339] He appears to have -experienced some difficulty in the metrical form of the sonnet, and -his essays in that style are by no means numerous;[340] but his poems -in Italian octaves display the utmost facility; and among the number, -the song of Calliope in the last book of the Galatea is remarkable for -the graceful ease of the versification.[341] In the same manner as -Gil Polo in his Diana makes the river Turia pronounce the praises of -the celebrated Valencians, the poetic fancy of Cervantes summoned the -muse Calliope before the shepherds and shepherdesses, to render solemn -homage to those contemporaries whom he esteemed worthy of distinction -as poets. But the critic can scarcely venture to place reliance on -praises which are dealt out with such profuse liberality. The most -beautiful poems in the Galatea are a few in the cancion style, some -of which are in iambics,[342] and some in trochaic or old Spanish -verse.[343] Cervantes has here and there indulged in those antiquated -and fantastic plays of wit, which at a subsequent period he himself -ridiculed.[344] The prose of the Galatea, which is in other respects so -beautiful, is also occasionally overloaded with a sort of epithetical -ostentation.[345] - -Cervantes displays a totally different kind of poetic talent in -the _Viage al Parnaso_, (Journey to Parnassus) a work which cannot -properly be ranked in any particular class of literary composition, but -which, next to Don Quixote, is the most exquisite production of its -extraordinary author. The chief object of the poem is to satirize the -false pretenders to the honours of the Spanish Parnassus, who lived -in the age of the author. But this satire is of a peculiar character: -it is a most happy effusion of sportive humour, and it yet remains a -matter of doubt whether Cervantes intended to praise or to ridicule -the individuals whom he points out as being particularly worthy of the -favour of Apollo. He himself says--“Those whose names do not appear -in this list, may be just as well pleased as those who are mentioned -in it.” To characterize true poetry according to his own poetic -feelings; to manifest in a decided way his enthusiasm for the art even -in his old age; and to hold up a mirror for the conviction of those -who were only capable of making rhymes and inventing extravagances, -seem to have been the objects which Cervantes had principally in view -when he composed this satirical poem. Concealed satire, open jesting, -and ardent enthusiasm for the beautiful, are the boldly combined -elements of this noble work. It is divided into eight chapters, and -the versification is in tercets. The composition is half comic and -half serious. After many humorous incidents, Mercury appears to -Cervantes, who is represented as travelling to Parnassus in the most -miserable condition; and the god salutes him with the title of the -“Adam of poets.”[346] Mercury after addressing to him many flattering -compliments, conducts him to a ship entirely built of different kinds -of verse, and which is intended to convey a cargo of Spanish poets to -the kingdom of Apollo. The description of the ship is an admirable -comic allegory.[347] Mercury shews him a list of the poets with -whom Apollo wishes to become acquainted; and this list, owing to the -problematic nature of its half ironical and half serious praises, has -proved a stumbling block to commentators. In the midst of the reading -Cervantes suddenly drops the list. The poets are now described as -crowding on board the ship in numbers as countless as drops of rain in -a shower, or grains of sand on the sea coast; and such a tumult ensues, -that to save the ship from sinking by their pressure, the sirens raise -a furious storm. The flights of imagination become more wild as the -story advances. The storm subsides, and is succeeded by a shower of -poets, that is to say, poets fall from the clouds. One of the first -who descends on the ship is Lope de Vega, on whom Cervantes seizes -this opportunity of pronouncing a pompous eulogium. The remainder of -the poem, a complete analysis of which would occupy too much space, -proceeds in the same spirit. One of the most beautiful pieces of verse -ever written by Cervantes, is his description of the goddess Poesy, -whom he sees in all her glory in the kingdom of Apollo.[348] To this -fine picture the portrait of the goddess Vain-Glory, who afterwards -appears to the author in a dream, forms an excellent companion.[349] -Among the passages which for burlesque humour vie with Don Quixote is -the description of a second storm, in which Neptune vainly endeavours -to plunge the poetasters to the bottom of the deep. Venus prevents -them from sinking, by changing them into empty gourds and leather -bottles.[350] At length a formal battle is fought between the real -poets and some of the poetasters. The poem is throughout interspersed -with singularly witty and beautiful ideas; and only a very few passages -can be charged with feebleness or langour. It has never been equalled, -far less surpassed by any similar work, and it had no prototype. The -language is classical throughout; and it is only to be regretted, that -Cervantes has added to the poem a comic supplement in prose, in which -he indulges a little too freely in self-praise. - -The dramatic compositions of Cervantes, were they all extant, would -be the most voluminous, though, certainly, not the best portion of -his works. Perhaps those which are now lost may yet be recovered; -for a fortunate accident brought to light two dramas, which had -remained concealed in manuscript till near the end of the eighteenth -century.[351] Cervantes includes some of his dramas among those -productions with which he was himself most satisfied; and he seems to -have regarded them with the greater self-complacency in proportion -as they experienced the neglect of the public.[352] This conduct has -sometimes been attributed to a spirit of contradiction, and sometimes -to vanity. The editor of the eight plays (chiefly heroic) and eight -interludes, which were the last dramatic productions of Cervantes, has -adopted the absurd notion, that Cervantes in writing these pieces, -intended to parody and ridicule the style of Lope de Vega;[353] which -is merely saying that he attacked the whole literary public of -Spain in the most discourteous way. No traces of parody appear in -any of those dramas. They are, however, with the exception of a few -successful scenes, so dull and tedious, that one might be inclined to -regard them as counterfeit productions by another author, were it not -that their authenticity seems to be sufficiently proved. The little -interludes alone exhibit burlesque humour and dramatic spirit. That -the penetrating and profound Cervantes should have so mistaken the -limits of his dramatic talent, would not be sufficiently accounted for -even by his vanity, had he not unquestionably proved by his tragedy -of Numantia how pardonable was the self-deception of which he could -not divest himself. Cervantes was entitled to consider himself endowed -with a genius for dramatic poetry. But he could not preserve his -independence in the conflict he had to maintain with the conditions -required by the Spanish public in dramatic composition; and when he -sacrificed his independence, and submitted to rules imposed by others, -his invention and language were reduced to the level of a poet of -inferior talent. The intrigues, adventures, and surprises which in that -age characterized the Spanish drama, were ill suited to the genius -of Cervantes. His natural style was too profound and precise to be -reconciled to fantastical ideas, expressed in irregular verse. But he -was Spaniard enough to be gratified with dramas, which, as a poet, he -could not imitate; and he imagined himself capable of imitating them, -because he would have shone in another species of dramatic composition, -had the public taste accommodated itself to his genius. - -With all its imperfections and faults, Cervantes’s tragedy of Numantia -is a noble production, and, like Don Quixote, it is unparalleled in the -class of literature to which it belongs. It proves that under different -circumstances the author of Don Quixote might have been the Æschylus of -Spain. The conception is in the style of the boldest pathos, and the -execution, at least taken as a whole, is vigorous and dignified. The -ancient Roman History from which Cervantes selected the story of the -destruction of Numantia, afforded but few positive facts of which he -could avail himself in his heroic tragedy. He therefore invented along -with the subject of his piece a peculiar style of tragic composition, -in doing which he did not pay much regard to the theory of Aristotle. -His object was to produce a piece full of tragic situations, combined -with the charm of the marvellous. The tragedy is written in conformity -with no rules save those which Cervantes prescribed to himself; -for he felt no inclination to imitate the Greek forms. The play is -divided into four acts (_jornadas_), and no chorus is introduced. The -dialogue is sometimes in tercets, and sometimes in redondillas, and -for the most part in octaves, without any regard to rule. The diction -does not maintain equal dignity throughout; but it is in no instance -affected or bombastic. Cervantes has evinced admirable skill in -gradually heightening the tragic interest to the close of the piece. -The commencement is, however, somewhat cold and tedious. Scipio appears -with his generals in the Roman camp before Numantia. In a speech which -might have been improved by abridgment, he reprimands his troops, -whose spirit has begun to give way to effeminacy. The soldiers are -re-inspired with courage. Numantian ambassadors enter with proposals -for peace, which are rejected. It is here that the tragedy properly -begins. Spain appears as an allegorical character, and she summons the -river Duero, or Durius, on whose banks Numantia stands. The old river -god appears, attended by a retinue of the deities of the smaller rivers -of the surrounding country. These ideal characters consult the book of -fate, and discover that Numantia cannot be saved. Whatever may be said -against the bold idea of endeavouring to augment the tragic pathos by -means of allegorical characters, it must be acknowledged that in this -case the result of the experiment is not altogether unsuccessful, and -Cervantes justly prides himself in the novelty of the idea. The scene -is now transferred to Numantia. The senate is assembled to deliberate -on the affairs of the city, and among the members the character of -Theagenes shines with conspicuous lustre. Bold resolutions are adopted -by the senate. The transition into light redondillas, for the purpose -of interweaving with the serious business of the fable, the loves -of a young Numantian named Morandro, and his mistress, is certainly -a fault in the composition of the tragedy. But to this fault we are -indebted for some of the finest scenes in the following act. A solemn -sacrifice is prepared; but amidst the ceremony an evil spirit appears, -seizes the victim, and extinguishes the fire. The confusion in the -town increases. A dead man is resuscitated by magic, and the scene in -which this incident occurs has a most imposing effect.[354] All hope -has now vanished. After the return of a second unsuccessful embassy, -the Numantians, by the advice of Theagenes, resolve to burn all their -valuable property, then to put their wives and children to death, and -lastly to throw themselves in the flames, lest any of the inhabitants -of the town should become the slaves of the Romans. Scenes of the most -heart-rending domestic misery, and the noblest traits of patriotism -then ensue.[355] Famine rages in Numantia.[356] Morandro, accompanied -by one of his friends, ventures to enter the Roman camp. He returns -with a piece of bread smeared with blood, and, presenting it to his -famished mistress, falls at her feet mortally wounded.[357] The action -proceeds with unabated interest to the end. An allegorical character of -Fame enters at the close of the piece, and announces the future glory -of Spain. - -Allegorical characters, for instance, Necessity and Opportunity, -likewise appear in Cervantes’s comedy, _El Trato de Argel_ (Life -in Algiers, or Manners in Algiers). But their introduction amidst -scenes of common life injures the story, which is besides by no means -ingenious, and imparts a cold and whimsical character to the piece. -This comedy, however, which is divided into five acts, is not destitute -of interest and spirit. - -The romance of Persiles and Sigismunda, which Cervantes finished -shortly before his death, must be regarded as an interesting appendix -to his other works.[358] The language and the whole composition of the -story, exhibit the purest simplicity, combined with singular precision -and polish. The idea of this romance was not new, and scarcely deserved -to be reproduced in a new manner. But it appears that Cervantes at the -close of his glorious career took a fancy to imitate Heliodorus. He -has maintained the interest of the situations, but the whole work is -merely a romantic description of travels, rich enough in frightful -adventures, both by sea and land. Real and fabulous geography and -history are mixed together in an absurd and monstrous manner; and the -second half of the romance, in which the scene is transferred to Spain -and Italy, does not exactly harmonize with the spirit of the first half. - -If we cast a glance on the collected works of Cervantes, in order to -ascertain what their author was entitled to claim as his original -property, independently of his contemporaries and predecessors, we -shall find that the genius of that poet, who is in general only -partially estimated, shines with the brighter lustre the longer it is -contemplated. That kind of criticism which is to be learnt, contributed -but little to the developement and formation of his genius. A critical -tact, which is a truer guide than any rule, but which abandons genius -when it forgets itself, secured the fancy of Cervantes against the -aberrations of common minds, and his sportive wit was always subject -to the control of solid judgment. The vanity which occasionally made -him mistake the true bent of his talent, must be confessed to have been -pardonable, considering how little he was known to his contemporaries. -He did not even know himself, though he felt the consciousness of -his genius. From the mental height to which he had raised himself, -he might, without too highly rating his own abilities, look down on -all the writers of his age. More than one poet of great, of immortal -genius, might be placed beside him in his own country; but of all the -Spanish poets Cervantes alone belongs to the whole world. - - -LOPE DE VEGA. - -Lope Felix de Vega Carpio, the rival and conqueror of Cervantes in -the conflict of dramatic art, was born at Madrid, in the year 1562. -He was consequently fifteen years younger than Cervantes. Marvellous -stories are related respecting the early developement of his poetic -genius and his talent for composing verses. Though his parents were -not rich, yet he received a literary education; and he is also said to -have distinguished himself in corporeal exercises. He lost his parents -before he was old enough to attend the university; but through the -assistance of Don Geronymo Manrique, the grand inquisitor, and Bishop -of Avila, who was much attached to him, he was enabled to complete a -course of philosophy at Alcala. After obtaining his degree at that -university, he returned to Madrid, where he became secretary to the -Duke of Alba. He shortly afterwards married; and from this period, -which seemed to promise a career of tranquil happiness, the stormy -vicissitudes of his life commenced. He became engaged in a quarrel, -fought a duel, wounded his antagonist dangerously, and was obliged -to fly. For several years he lived an exile from Madrid; and on his -return his wife unfortunately died. Harrassed by this series of -calamities, and being as warm a patriot as he was a sincere catholic, -he entered into one of the military corps which were embarked on board -the invincible armada for the invasion of England. Though he himself -returned in safety to Madrid, yet he was deeply grieved at the ill -success of the armada. His vigorous constitution, however, enabled -him to keep up his spirits; he again became a secretary, once more -entered into the married state, and passed some time in uninterrupted -domestic happiness. On the death of his second wife, who survived her -marriage only a few years, he resolved to forego the pleasures of the -world, and for that purpose took holy orders. He did not, however, -retire to a convent; but he devoted himself wholly to the study of -poetry,--to that study, which from childhood upwards, had principally -engrossed his mind, and in the active prosecution of which he produced -so extraordinary a result, that it is difficult to conceive how any -man could even during the most protracted existence, write as much as -Lope de Vega: and yet he spent a part of his life in civil business, -and in the discharge of military duties. He composed in all the various -kinds of verse which were in use in his time; and he succeeded in all. -But his dramas in particular were received with an enthusiasm which -the labours of no other Spanish poet had ever excited. He so precisely -struck the chord which harmonized with the taste of the Spanish public, -that he has been worshipped as the inventor of the national comedy, -though he only pursued the tract which Torres Naharro originally opened. - -Lope de Vega’s fertility of invention is as unparalleled in the history -of poetry, as the talent which enabled him to compose regular and well -constructed verses with as much facility as if he had been writing -prose. Cervantes styles him _el monstruo de naturaleza_, (the prodigy -of nature) and this name was not given him merely in levity. He was -constrained by no rules of criticism; not that he was ignorant of the -theory of the ancient poetry, but he took delight in letting his verses -flow freely from his pen, confident in the success of whatever he might -produce. The public, he observed, paid for the drama, and he thought it -but fair that those who paid should be served with that which suited -their taste. Lope de Vega required no more than four-and-twenty hours -to write a versified drama of three acts in redondillas, interspersed -with sonnets, tercets and octaves, and from beginning to end abounding -in intrigues, prodigies, or interesting situations. This astonishing -facility enabled him to supply the Spanish theatre with upwards of -two thousand original dramas, of which not more than three hundred -have been preserved by printing. In general the theatrical manager -carried away what he wrote before he had even time to revise it; -and immediately a fresh applicant would arrive to prevail on him to -commence a new piece. He sometimes wrote a play in the short space of -three or four hours. The profits which the theatrical managers derived -from the writings of Lope de Vega, enabled them to bestow such liberal -payment on the author, that at one time he is supposed to have been -possessed of upwards of a hundred thousand ducats. But he did not long -preserve his fortune, though from the commencement of his celebrity he -always possessed enough to enable him to live with comfort. His purse -was ever open to the poor of Madrid. - -But Lope de Vega’s poetic talent procured him even more glory than -gain. No Spanish poet was ever so much honoured during his life. The -nobility and the public vied in expressing their admiration of him. -He was chosen president (_capellan mayor_) of the spiritual college -of Madrid, of which he had previously been admitted as a member. Pope -Urban VIII. sent him the cross of Malta, and the degree of doctor of -theology, accompanied by a flattering letter. The pope also appointed -him fiscal of the apostolic chamber. For these distinctions Lope -de Vega was not indebted merely to his poetic talents. No Spanish -poet of celebrity had hitherto manifested in his writings such -enthusiastic interest for the triumph of the catholic religion. He -was accordingly appointed familiar to the inquisition, a post which -was at that period regarded as singularly honourable. But the Spanish -public adopted another mode of expressing their admiration of their -favourite dramatist. Whenever Lope de Vega appeared in the streets, -he was surrounded by crowds of people, all eager to gain a sight of -the prodigy of nature. The boys ran shouting after him, and those who -could not keep pace with the rest, stood and gazed on him with wonder -as he passed. He died in 1631, in the sixty-third year of his age. His -funeral was conducted with princely magnificence. The ceremony was -directed by his patron, the Duke of Susa, whom he appointed executor -of his will. The music of the high mass which was celebrated at his -funeral, was executed by the performers of the chapel royal. During -the exequies, which lasted three days, three bishops officiated in -their pontifical robes. The memory of the “Spanish Phenix,” as he was -usually styled by the publishers of his plays, was celebrated with no -less pomp in all the theatres of Spain. Arithmetical calculations have -been employed, in order to arrive at a just estimate of Lope de Vega’s -facility in poetic composition. According to his own testimony, he -wrote on an average five sheets per day; it has therefore been computed -that the number of sheets which he composed during his life, must have -amounted to one hundred and thirty-three thousand, two hundred and -twenty-five, and that allowing for the deduction of a small portion of -prose, Lope de Vega must have written upwards of twenty-one millions, -three hundred thousand verses.[359] - -Nature would have overstepped her bounds and have produced the -miraculous, had Lope de Vega, along with this rapidity of invention -and composition, attained perfection in any department of literature. -Nature, however, did her utmost for Lope de Vega; for even the rudest, -most incorrect, and verbose of his works, are imbued with a poetic -spirit which no methodical art can create. This poetic spirit is, at -the same time so national and so completely Spanish, that without -an intimate acquaintance with the works of other Spanish poets, and -particularly those who flourished at an early period, it is impossible -to perceive Lope de Vega’s merits and defects, or to understand their -connection with each other. On this account, however, he was in a -peculiar manner the poet of the Spanish public, the favourite of all -ranks; and on this account have his writings always been partially or -erroneously judged. - -Lope de Vega was born for dramatic poetry. In every other class of -composition, he was merely an accurate imitator, or if he struck out -a new course, it was in so imperfect a way, that his example was -injurious to the cause of literature. But as a dramatic poet, if he did -not create the Spanish comedy, properly so called, his inexhaustible -fancy and the fascinating ease of his animated composition confirmed -to it that character which has since distinguished it. All subsequent -Spanish dramatic poets trod in the footsteps of Lope de Vega, until -genius was banished from the sphere it occupied by the introduction -of the French taste in Spain. The successors of Lope de Vega merely -improved on the models which he had created. He fixed for a century -and a half the spirit and the style of nearly all the different kinds -of dramatic entertainment in Spain. It may therefore be proper to -unite with a notice of the dramatic works of Lope de Vega, a sketch of -the characteristics of the various species of plays then performed in -Spain; and this sketch will at the same time serve as a key to all the -peculiarities of the Spanish drama. - -Since the age of Lope de Vega, the word comedy (_comedia_) has had -in the dramatic language of Spain a totally different signification -from that which was attached to it by the ancient Greeks and Romans, -and which it retains in most countries of modern Europe. It is the -generic name of several species of drama, some of which, according to -our established notions, are neither comedies nor tragedies; but all -of which approximate to one common spirit of invention and execution. -The critic will inevitably form an erroneous judgment of these works, -if he be guided by notions deduced from the Greek and Roman drama, -and which, with certain limitations, are applicable to all dramatic -compositions except the Spanish comedy. The spirit of the Spanish -comedy must not be sought for in that popular satire, which constitutes -the very essence of the ancient and modern comedy, properly so called. -The compositions in which it is to be found are of a totally different -nature. In them stories of country and city life are clothed in -romantic poetic colours, and blended with the interesting inventions -of a bold and irregular fancy, without any distinction between the gay -and the serious, or the comic and the tragic. In a word, a Spanish -comedy is in its principle a dramatic novel; and as there are tragic, -comic, historical, and purely imaginative novels, so, in like manner, -the Spanish comedy readily adopts those various modes of exciting -interest on the stage. In Spanish comedies as in novels, princes -and potentates are no more out of place than jockeys and fops; and -these dissimilar characters may all be introduced on the stage at -once, should the progress of the intrigue require so heterogeneous -an approximation. Satire is therefore merely an agreeable accessary -in the Spanish comedy, of which the poet may avail himself at his -pleasure. In these comedies the powerful delineation of character -is no more essential than in novels. Even a motley combination of -burlesque and serious, vulgar and pathetic scenes, is not hostile to -the spirit of a Spanish comedy, the object of which is not to maintain -the interest in a particular direction. The subject of the piece -may be a moving or a horrific story; still the picture presented is -entertaining, but entertaining in a manner totally different from -that kind of comedy which exhibits the follies of life in a satirical -point of view. A continuance of the pathetic or the horrific would be -as little congenial to the spirit of those dramatic novels which the -Spaniards call comedies, as a continuance of the ludicrous. In this -is manifested the first of the peculiar conditions required by the -Spanish public, of which notice has already been taken in treating -of the origin of the Spanish comedy. With any other people than the -Spaniards these dramatic novels would have assumed a somewhat different -character, without, however, departing from their original spirit. But -this class of dramatic composition, which admits of the most singular -mixture of the pompous and the ludicrous, was particularly suited to -the Spaniards of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as by it -they were relieved from any long duration of serious impressions. -With this first requisite of a changeable dramatic form, which Lope -de Vega completely satisfied, was associated a second. A complicated -plot was indispensable in every drama, the subject of which was drawn -from the sphere of common life. As a substitute for that sort of plot -in historical comedies, extraordinary and striking adventures were -introduced, and in spiritual comedies, miracles. According to the -universally received notion of a Spanish comedy, in Lope de Vega’s -time, no distinction was made between the sacred and the profane -styles; for a legend was dramatized as a spiritual novel. - -Whether a nation which was satisfied with such comedies did or did not -beguile itself of the purest and most perfect developement of dramatic -genius, is a question for separate discussion. But the Spanish comedy -considered in all its modifications, as a particular species of drama, -may stand the test of sound criticism; and Lope de Vega in a great -measure contributed to fix the national taste in these modifications. -In his time the classification was first made of sacred and profane -dramas, or as the Spaniards called them, _comedias Divinas y Humanas_. -The profane comedies were again divided into _comedias Heroycas_, -(Heroic comedies); and _comedias de Capa y Espada_, (comedies of the -Cloak and Sword.) The heroic comedies were originally the same as the -historical, but the title was subsequently extended to mythological and -allegorical dramas. The comedies of the _Capa y Espada_, were founded -on subjects selected from the sphere of fashionable life, and exhibited -the manners of the age; they were likewise performed in the costume of -the times. At a later period a subdivision of these _comedias de Capa y -Espada_ was formed under the name of _comedias de Figuròn_, because the -principal character was either a needy adventurer representing himself -as a rich nobleman, or a lady of the same class. In Lope de Vega’s time -also, the sacred comedies began to be divided into dramatized _Vidas -de Santos_ and _Autos Sacramentales_. Both classes were founded on the -model of the dramas, which used to be represented in the cloisters. The -_Autos Sacramentales_, which had all a reference to the administration -of the sacrament, according to catholic notions, seem to have had -their origin in the age of Lope de Vega; at least in the prelude to -one of his _Autos_ (the word literally signifies acts) a countrywoman -questions her husband respecting the nature of these dramas.[360] -Finally, to the different kinds of Spanish comedy existing in Lope de -Vega’s age, must be added the little preludes or recommendatory pieces, -called _loas_, and the interludes, or _entremeses_, introduced between -the prelude and the principal comedy, and which when interspersed with -music and dancing, are denominated _saynetes_. - -Heroic and historical comedies form a considerable portion of the -dramatic works of Lope de Vega, in so far as they have been preserved. -The tragic scenes in many of these comedies, so well harmonized with -the national taste of the Spaniards, that they readily dispensed with -genuine tragedy; and as vivid a recollection of the old national -history was maintained by these theatrical representations as by the -old romances. But few of Lope’s historical comedies relate, like his -_Gran Duque de Moscovia_, to foreign subjects. In point of composition, -his dramas do not materially differ one from the other. Even in his -historical pieces, he uses such freedoms with respect to the unity of -action, that only a slight similitude connects the acts and scenes -together; and he totally disregards the unities of time and place. The -execution of these dramas is no less irregular than their composition. -According to the humour in which the author happened to be when engaged -in his literary labour, his descriptions and language are vigorous or -feeble, noble or mean, unpolished or highly refined. A description -of _Las Almenas de Toro_ (the Battlements of Toro), one of the best -productions in the class to which it belongs, will afford a tolerably -correct idea of Lope de Vega’s historical comedies. The subject of this -piece is the murder of King Don Sancho, by Bellido Dolfos, a knight -whom the king had offended by a violation of his promise, a story -which has likewise furnished materials for several old romances. The -Cid Ruy Diaz is a principal character in this comedy, which, like all -others of the same kind, is divided into three acts.[361] The scene -opens with a view of the country before the strongly fortified town of -Toro in Leon. The King Don Sancho, the Cid, and a Count Anzures enter. -The king explains to the two knights, that state reasons prevent him -from fulfilling his father’s will, and that he cannot leave his two -sisters, the infantas Elvira and Urraca, in possession of the strong -fortresses of Toro and Zamora.[362] The Cid with noble sincerity -avows his opinion of the king’s injustice towards his sisters, and -offers himself as a mediator in the dispute. The king and Count -Anzures retire. The Cid advances to the walls, and meets a knight -named Ordonez, who has just come out of the fortress to execute some -enterprize in favour of the infanta Elvira. Both knights are about to -draw; but they recognize each other, and embrace. The Cid is pourtrayed -in all the greatness of his character.[363] The infanta appears on the -walls, and states to the Cid her reasons for not opening the gates -to her brother. The king re-appears, and orders preparations for -storming the garrison. The scene changes--Don Vela, an old knight who -has withdrawn from the tumult of public life, appears in front of his -country residence. He communes with himself in a speech full of dignity -and beauty, but in some passages too poetical for the drama.[364] -His daughter enters singing, and surrounded by a rustic group. This -scene introduces a romantic episode which is interwoven with the main -action, and the hero of which is a prince of Burgundy, disguised as a -peasant, who is enamoured of the daughter of Don Vela. The scene again -changes to the neighbourhood of Toro. The infanta Elvira appears on -the battlements, and negotiations are once more set on foot. The king -himself holds a conversation with his sister, which, however, produces -no conciliatory result. This brief, pointed, and not very courteous -dialogue, is interspersed with plays of wit on the word _Toro_, the -name of the fortress, which in Spanish signifies a bull.[365] The king -instantly commands scaling ladders to be brought, and the storming -of the fortress commences, but the besiegers are repulsed. Thus the -first act concludes. With the commencement of the second act the -rural episode becomes more nearly allied to the main action. A sonnet -in which the disguised prince of Burgundy, and his mistress Sancha, -express their sentiments of mutual attachment, affords an instance of -that protracted kind of metaphor, which Lope de Vega employed on such -occasions, and which, a hundred years afterwards, Metastasio likewise -adopted in his opera songs, as the poetic language of passion.[366] -Don Bellido Dolfos prevails on the king to promise him the hand of -the infanta Elvira, on condition of his taking the fortress. By dint -of the vilest perfidy Bellido Dolfos succeeds; but the king, who is -of opinion that a traitor should be rewarded with treachery, refuses -to abide by his promise. Bellido Dolfos meditates revenge. Meanwhile -Elvira escapes in the disguise of a peasant, and takes refuge in the -house of Don Vela. With this combination of heroic and tender, domestic -and rural situations, the action proceeds, until Bellido Dolfos murders -the king; an incident, however, which does not take place oh the stage. -The infanta Elvira returns to Toro, where she receives the homage of -her people, and the prince of Burgundy avowing his real character, is -united to his beloved Sancha. - -Lope de Vega’s _Comedias de Capa y Espada_, or those which may -properly be denominated his dramas of intrigue, though wanting in the -delineation of character, are romantic pictures of manners, drawn from -real life. They present, in their peculiar style, no less interest -with respect to situations than his heroic comedies; and the same -irregularity in the composition of the scenes. The language, too, is -alternately elegant and vulgar, sometimes highly poetic, and sometimes, -though versified, reduced to the level of the dullest prose. Lope -de Vega seems scarcely to have bestowed a thought on maintaining -probability in the succession of the different scenes; ingenious -complication is with him the essential point in the interest of his -situations. Intrigues are twisted and entwined together, until the -poet, in order to bring his piece to a conclusion, without ceremony -cuts the knots he cannot untie; and then he usually brings as many -couples together as he can by any possible contrivance match. He has -scattered through his pieces occasional reflections and maxims of -prudence, but any genuine morality which might be conveyed through the -stage, is wanting, for its introduction would have been inconsistent -with that poetic freedom on which the dramatic interest of the Spanish -comedy is founded. His aim was to paint what he observed, not what he -would have approved, in the manners of the fashionable world of his -age; but he leaves it to the spectator to draw his own inferences. -In this indirect way only, could the Spanish public tolerate useful -applications in the drama; for the Spaniard always considered the -morality with which he was occupied in church sufficient. An exuberant -gallantry, which may or may not be veiled by decorum, and which is at -all times only slightly restrained by notions of honour, but never by -a sense of moral duty, constitutes the very essence of these dramas, -_de Capa y Espada_. Where the passion is vehement, it advances with -true Spanish ardour to the attainment of its object; where it is -tender and sentimental, the romantic tirades and far-fetched plays of -wit are inexhaustible. That _love excuses every thing_, was at this -time the darling maxim of the gay world in Madrid; and in conformity -with its spirit, Lope de Vega’s young heroes and heroines plunge -headlong into intrigue. Free scope is given to the basest artifice -and perfidy; the man of fashion draws his sword on the slightest -provocation; and whether he desperately wounds, or even kills his -adversary, is a matter of indifference. Disguises, too, abound in these -dramas. One of the most interesting of Lope’s comedies in this class, -is _La Villana de Xetafe_, (the Peasant Girl of Xetafe, a village -in the vicinity of Madrid). It exhibits a series of the boldest and -most dexterous impostures, by means of which the interesting heroine -succeeds in entrapping her lover, who is a man of condition, into the -bonds of matrimony. The confessors must have found some difficulty in -counteracting the ill effects which could not fail to be occasionally -produced by such examples, though they were by no means set up as -models. The fascinating natural painting of these intrigues, which at -the same time always possess a certain poetic elevation, constitutes -the chief charm of Lope de Vega’s comedies. The deviation from nature -in expression, which has frequently been a subject of reproach to -this prolific writer, is in most instances merely attributable to -negligence or rapidity of composition. He faithfully embodies the -general forms of character, which, to be sure, are all alike in the -class of Spanish comedies now under consideration. The _vejete_ (old -man), the _galan_ (lover), the _dama_ (young lady), together with -a suitable number of servants and waiting women, are the standing -characters which are constantly introduced with no variety, except in -the situations; but at the same time, they are drawn in such animated -colours, that the perusal of one or two of these dramas of intrigue is -sufficient to render the reader familiar with the whole world which the -poet describes. In Lope’s comedies, as in real life, the (_gracioso_) -buffoon and the fool are occasionally the same character. They have -also superfluous parts; personages totally unconnected with the -business of the drama are sometimes introduced. - -In order to afford an idea of the composition of this portion of the -dramatic works of Lope de Vega, we may select, as a specimen, the -comedy entitled, _La Viuda de Valencia_ (the Widow of Valencia). It -is one of the pieces of this master in the art of intrigue in which -the complication is best contrived, and it is besides remarkable in -the class to which it belongs for the unity which is preserved in the -action. The scene is laid in Valencia in the time of the carnival. -Leonarda, a young rich and handsome widow, living according to her -own fancy, has resolved never to re-marry. She enters with a book -in her hand; for she reads works of all sorts, sacred and profane, -not from piety or love of literature, but merely to amuse herself, -while she never deigns to bestow a thought on the suitors by whom -she is surrounded. On the subject of her reading she discourses very -reasonably with her waiting woman.[367] Her arch attendant turns -the conversation in such a way, that the young widow, with all her -pretended wisdom, is induced to view herself in a looking glass, and -in the very act of doing so, she is surprised by a visit from her -uncle. The old gentleman assures his fair niece, who is highly vexed -at the surprise, that she does well to convince herself of the power -of her charms by such indisputable testimony.[368] When, however, -he begins to talk of marriage, the lady contemptuously sketches a -burlesque portrait of a Madrid beau,[369] and describes, though in a -less happy style the unfortunate consequences of an imprudent match. -The old uncle takes his leave, and the scene changes, or rather it is -transferred to the other division of the stage. The three admirers of -the beautiful Leonarda meet each other in front of her house. They -express their wishes and hopes in sonnets, the subjects of which are -long-winded metaphors. As none of the party can boast of his mistress’s -favour, they mutually acknowledge their ill success, and each describes -a burlesque adventure, which has occurred to him during the night, in -front of Leonarda’s house. One relates, that under the supposition -that he was stabbing a rival, he thrust his poignard into a skin of -stolen wine.[370] Meanwhile Leonarda hastily returns from church, -where she has seen a young gentleman with whom she has fallen deeply -in love. She immediately forms a plan to induce this gentleman, whose -name is Camillo, to visit her, without either knowing who she is or -whither he is conducted. The whole intrigue is managed by Leonarda’s -coachman Urbano, who is at the same time the _gracioso_, or buffoon -of the piece.[371] While Urbano is gone out in quest of Camillo, the -three suitors, without any previous arrangement with each other, -arrive disguised as dealers in books and copper-plate prints. They -obtain an interview with Leonarda, and make avowals of their passion; -but she receives them very unfavourably, and they are all obliged to -make a rapid retreat to avoid being roughly handled by the servants. -This scene is highly amusing. In the second act Camillo appears, -and after long hesitation, he consents to engage in the romantic -adventure. Urbano dresses him in a doctor’s cloak, and drawing the -hood (_capirote_) over his eyes, he conducts him blindfold, with comic -effect, through a variety of windings, to the house of Leonarda. The -lady receives him in the dark. Lights are afterwards brought in, but -Leonarda remains masked. A sumptuous collation is prepared, of which -the young gentleman’s doubt and embarrassment will not permit him to -taste a morsel. He compares himself to Alexander, when he took the -suspected goblet from the hand of his physician.[372] A tender dialogue -ensues, after which the hood is again drawn over the eyes of Camillo, -and he is conducted from Leonarda’s house. In this manner the intrigue -proceeds; but between many of the scenes, whole days, and even weeks -are supposed to intervene. Leonarda and her lover become more and more -intimate, though he neither knows who she is, nor where she resides. -All his endeavours to discover these secrets are unavailing; and at -length he begins to suspect that his unknown mistress is an old cousin -of Leonarda. In the mean time the three rejected suitors, who still mix -in the plot, become jealous of the coachman Urbano; and one spirited -scene succeeds another until an affray occurs in which an honourable -suitor of Leonarda is wounded. This accident produces the denouement. -Camillo recognizes in his unknown mistress the beautiful widow with -whom he was previously acquainted, and whose hand he joyfully accepts. -Thus the piece is a comedy from beginning to end. - -Lope de Vega’s spiritual comedies, afford a picture of the religious -notions of the Spaniards in the age in which he lived, not less -faithfully pourtrayed than that by which his dramas of intrigue -represent the manners of Spanish society. Pure piety, according -to catholic ideas, wildly blended with the most contradictory -chimeras, and these chimeras again ennobled by the boldest flights of -imagination, form altogether a monstrous and extravagant patch-work; -but this heterogeneous variety is, nevertheless, united by the -ramifications of a poetic spirit, into a whole, to which no European -imagination could now be expected to produce a resemblance. But Lope -de Vega seems not to have come to a positive determination respecting -what ought to have been the true spirit of these dramatic pictures of -religious faith. The mixture of poetic and unpoetic elements is very -unequal in his different spiritual comedies. His Lives of the Saints -possess far more dramatic spirit than his Autos Sacramentales; while -on the other hand, allegory imparts a higher dignity to the religious -mysticism of the latter. Both, however, have in common a kind of -operatic style, combined with the display of theatrical machinery and -decoration, calculated to captivate the senses. Of all the dramatic -works of Lope de Vega, the Lives of the Saints are in every respect the -most irregular. Allegorical characters, buffoons, saints, peasants, -students, kings, God, the infant Jesus, the devil, and all the most -heterogeneous beings that the wildest imagination could bring together, -are introduced. Music seems always to have been an indispensable -accessary. Lope de Vega’s spiritual comedy, entitled the Life of Saint -Nicolas de Tolentino,[373] commences with a conversation maintained by -a party of students, who make a display of their wit and scholastic -learning. Among them is the future saint, whose piety shines with the -brighter lustre when contrasted with the disorderly gaiety of those -by whom he is surrounded. The devil disguised by a mask joins the -party. A skeleton appears in the air; the sky opens, and the Almighty -is discovered sitting in judgment attended by Justice and Mercy, who -alternately influence his decisions. Next succeeds a love intrigue -between a lady named Rosalia, and a gentleman named Feniso. The future -saint then re-enters attired in canonicals, and delivers a sermon -in redondillas. The parents of the saint congratulate themselves on -possessing such a son; and this scene forms the conclusion of the first -act. At the opening of the second a party of soldiers are discovered; -the saint enters accompanied by several monks, and offers up a prayer -in the form of a sonnet. Brother Peregrino relates the romantic history -of his conversion. Subtle theological fooleries ensue, and numerous -anecdotes of the lives of the saints are related. St. Nicolas prays -again through the medium of a sonnet. He then rises in the air, either -by the power of faith, or the help of the theatrical machinery; and the -Holy Virgin and St. Augustin descend from heaven to meet him.[374] In -the third act the scene is transferred to Rome, where two cardinals -exhibit the holy sere cloth to the people by torch light. Music -performed on clarionets adds to the solemnity of this ceremony, during -which pious discourses are delivered. St. Nicolas is next discovered -embroidering the habit of his order; and the pious observations which -he makes, while engaged in this occupation, are accompanied by the -chaunting of invisible angels. The music attracts the devil, who -endeavours to tempt St. Nicolas. The next scene exhibits souls in the -torments of purgatory. The devil again appears attended by a retinue -of lions, serpents, and other hideous animals; but in a scene, which -is intended for burlesque, (_graciosamente_) a monk armed with a great -broom drives off the devil and his suite.[375] At the conclusion of the -piece the saint whose beatification is now complete, descends from -heaven in a garment bespangled with stars. As soon as he touches the -earth, the souls of his father and mother are released from purgatory -and rise through a rock; the saint then returns hand-in-hand with his -parents to heaven, music playing as they ascend. - -The _Autos Sacramentales_ of Lope de Vega must have been far less -attractive than his Lives of the Saints. Compared with the latter, -their construction appears very simple, and they are executed in a -style of theological refinement which could not have been perfectly -intelligible to the multitude. But the allegorical characters, which -are the most prominent in these pieces, produce an imposing effect. -The dramas themselves are in general short. In one which represents -the fall, Man disputes with Sin and the Devil, and Earth and Time take -part in the dialogue. Next are discovered Justice and Mercy seated -beneath a canopy, and at a table furnished with writing materials. -Man is interrogated before this tribunal. The Prince of heaven, or -Saviour, enters. Reflection, or Care, (_Cuidado_) kneels and delivers -a letter to him. The Saviour, who takes his station behind a grating, -makes Man undergo another judicial examination, and pardons him.[376] -But the devil re-appears and protests against the pardon.[377] Man -has next to contend with Vanity and Folly, who are introduced as -allegorical characters. Christ again appears with the crown of thorns. -In conclusion, the heavens open and Christ ascends to his celestial -throne, with the usual accompaniment of music. Direct allusions to the -sacrament of the altar were seldom necessary in the Autos, as the whole -tendency of the allegorical action was directed to that object. - -Lope de Vega’s _Loas_, and more particularly his _Entremeses_ and -_Saynetes_, seem to have been intended to indemnify the audience for -the theological allegory of the sacramental dramas; for it is only in -connection with the Autos that these preludes and interludes are to be -found. The Loas are not always comic, and are sometimes only spirited -monologues. The interludes, or Entremeses and Saynetes, may also be -called preludes, for though they were performed after the Loa, which -was properly the prologue, yet they preceded the Auto: these interludes -are burlesque from beginning to end, and form a preparation for the -devotion of the Auto, quite in the Spanish taste. Farces of this kind, -pourtraying the incidents of common life, never destitute of genuine -comic spirit, and written for the most part in verse, soon became -indispensable to the Spaniards, and even to this day are never omitted -in their dramatic performances. The interludes of Lope de Vega and -Cervantes seem to have been the models of all that succeeded them. - -The dramatic genius of Lope de Vega has rendered him immortal. In the -seventeenth century his plays were universally read and performed -throughout Spain. In general they were first published singly, and -for the most part with the bookseller’s epithet--_Comedia Famosa_, -(the Celebrated Comedy), which subsequently became a universal device, -affixed to all comedies printed in Spain. In this manner Lope de Vega’s -most popular comedies were, partly during the life of the author, and -partly after his death, collected in five-and-twenty volumes;[378] -exclusively of the Autos, preludes, and interludes, which afterwards -formed a separate publication.[379] Among Lope’s scattered dramas which -have been printed at a later period, are some which are expressly -denominated tragedies.[380] - -The other poetic works of this prolific writer, must be very briefly -noticed; for to give any thing like a particular account of them -would require the space of a considerable volume.[381] In epic poetry -he maintained an unsuccessful contest with Tasso. His _Jerusalem -Conquistada_,[382] consists indeed of twenty cantos in octaves, and -contains some beautiful passages, but it will in no respect bear a -comparison with the Italian poem. Lope de Vega also augmented the -number of the continuers of Ariosto’s Orlando, by the publication of -_La Hermosura de Angelica_,[383] (the Beauty of Angelica), which is -also a narrative poem in twenty cantos, though shorter than those -of the Jerusalem. His other attempts at epic composition are--_La -Corona Tragica_,[384] (the Tragic Crown), or the history of the -unfortunate Mary Stuart, Queen of Scotland; and the _Circe_ and -_Dragontea_.[385] The _Corona Tragica_ is full of furious invective -against the protestants and against Queen Elizabeth in particular.[386] -The hero of the _Dragontea_ is Admiral Drake, who is introduced in -this poem as the tool of Satan, in order that he may finally serve as -an example of poetic justice. To compete with Sanazzar, Lope wrote a -second Arcadia,[387] in the style of the Italian. He likewise wrote -several poems, which may be called eclogues in the proper sense of -the term. His _Arte Nueva de Hazer Comedias_, (New Art of Writing -Comedies), is a humorous satire on his opponents under the appearance -of ridiculing himself.[388] He anonymously supplied the _Romancero -General_ with thirty-six romances.[389] His spiritual poems are to -be found in great profusion; and the number of his sonnets, some -of which possess first-rate merit, is considerable. His _Laurel de -Apolo_, a Eulogy on various Spanish Poets, which has been frequently -quoted, is but an indifferent production.[390] His epistles are -sufficiently numerous. Among his miscellaneous poems, those of the -comic kind have most originality, as for example: _La Gatomachia_, -(the Battle of Cats),[391] and the whole collection of miscellaneous -poems which he published under the assumed name of the Licentiate Tomè -de Burguillos.[392] Among his most celebrated prose works, are _El -Peregrino en su Patria_, (the Stranger in his own Country), a tolerably -long novel.[393] _Dorothea_, a dramatic story, or as it is called, -_Accion en Prosa_;[394] and a Collection of Novels.[395] - - -THE BROTHERS LEONARDO DE ARGENSOLA. - -Among the poets who flourished during the period now under -consideration, the place next in rank to Cervantes and Lope de -Vega, must be assigned to two brothers, whom their countrymen have -surnamed the Horaces of Spain. Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola -born in 1565, and Bartholemè Leonardo de Argensola, born in 1566, -belonged to a respectable family, of Italian origin, but settled in -Arragon. Lupercio, who pursued his academic studies in Saragossa, -had the satisfaction to witness the successful performance of three -tragedies, which he wrote in the twentieth year of his age, and which -are honourably mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote. His taste, -however, led him to cultivate another style of poetry, in which he -could imitate Horace, of whom he was an enthusiastic admirer. His -family connection facilitated his introduction to persons of rank; -and he became secretary to the Empress Maria of Austria, who at that -time resided in Spain. He was soon after appointed chamberlain to the -Archduke Albert of Austria. King Philip III. nominated him one of -the chroniclers or historiographers of Arragon, and directed him to -continue the annals of Zurita; and the states of Arragon, which already -possessed their own particular chronicler, seized some plausible excuse -for dismissing him, in order that Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola -might also be appointed historiographer for them. He then determined -to devote himself exclusively to the duties of his office; but he -was induced to go to Italy in company with the Count de Lemos, the -celebrated patron of Cervantes, who was at that time viceroy of Naples. -Lupercio was appointed secretary of state and of war for Naples; but -amidst the varied and laborious duties attached to such a situation, -he actively pursued his poetic studies, and did not even discontinue -his Arragonese annals. He was the principal founder of the academy at -Naples. While prosecuting this honourable career he died in 1613, in -the fortieth year of his age. Like Virgil, when he felt the approach of -death, he burnt a considerable portion of his poems. - -Bartholemè, the younger Leonardo de Argensola, entered the -ecclesiastical state. During the first half of his life, his success -in the world was inseparably connected with the fortunes of his -brother. He was chaplain to the Empress Maria of Austria, then a canon -in Saragossa; and afterwards proceeded to Naples in company with his -brother and the Count de Lemos. He quitted Italy on the death of his -brother, and was appointed to complete the continuation of the annals -of Arragon which Lupercio had left in an imperfect state; a task which -he executed in a way that gave universal satisfaction. While the -Count de Lemos was president of the council of the Indies, Bartholemè -Leonardo de Argensola wrote a history of the conquest of the Molucca -islands. He was indefatigable in the pursuit of his historical and -poetic studies; and after passing a tranquil and honourable life, he -died at Saragossa in 1631, in the sixty-sixth year of his age.[396] - -The poetry of these two brothers, who, in a critical point of view, -may both be regarded as one individual, is not characterized by -originality, or by depth of genius, in the extended sense of the -word. It is, however, remarkable for a fine poetic feeling distinct -from enthusiasm, a vigorous and aspiring spirit, a happy talent for -description, poignant wit, classic dignity of style, and above all, -singular correctness of taste. Both pursued the same course with equal -ardour and adroitness; but Bartholemè had the better opportunity of -cultivating his talent, because he lived longest. Next to Luis de Leon, -they are the most correct of all Spanish poets. - -The tragedies with which Lupercio commenced his poetic career, -considered as youthful essays, are worthy to be remembered, though -they do not merit the unbounded praise which Cervantes bestowed on -them in a fit of panegyrical enthusiasm. It appears that they did not -long maintain their place on the stage. Two of the three mentioned by -Cervantes were, at no very remote period, rescued from oblivion, and -the third still remains undiscovered.[397] The two which have been -recovered, and which are entitled, the one _Isabella_, and the other -_Alexandra_, afford excellent specimens of language and versification. -The Alexandra contains scenes, particularly in the second and third -acts, which the greatest tragic writer might advantageously adopt and -interweave into a better constructed piece.[398] The Isabella is a -trivial web of love intrigues, and terminates in a manner sufficiently -awful; but the piece is totally destitute of tragic dignity, -notwithstanding that it exhibits the languishing and raging of two -Moorish kings, with all the pomp of oriental accessaries. Alexandra -presents more numerous and correct traits of resemblance to the ancient -drama; and yet towards the close the action becomes most extravagant, -and is marked by all the tumult of a modern theatrical spectacle. - -But the poetic fame of Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, does not rest -on his tragedies. His lyric poems, epistles, and satires in the -manner of Horace, have transmitted his name, without the aid of any -recommendation to posterity. Lupercio formed his style after that -of Horace, with no less assiduity than Luis de Leon; but he did not -possess the soft enthusiasm of that pious poet, who in the religious -spirit of his poetry is so totally unlike Horace. An understanding -at once solid and ingenious, subject to no extravagant illusion, yet -full of true poetic feeling, and an imagination more plastic than -creative, impart a more perfect horatian colouring to the odes, as -well as to the canciones and sonnets of Lupercio. He closely imitated -Horace in his didactic satires, a style of composition in which no -Spanish poet had preceded him. But he never succeeded in attaining -the bold combination of ideas which characterizes the ode style of -Horace; and his conceptions have therefore seldom any thing like the -horatian energy. On the other hand, all his poems express no less -precision of language, than the models after which he formed his style. -His odes, in particular, are characterized by a picturesque tone of -expression, which he seems to have imbibed from Virgil rather than from -Horace.[399] The extravagant metaphors by which some of Herrera’s odes -are deformed, were uniformly avoided by Lupercio. His best sonnets -are those of a sententious cast, which have some moral idea for their -subject.[400] He was likewise successful in the composition of popular -songs in redondillas. His epistles in tercets present, in their -kind, about the same degree of resemblance to the epistles of Horace, -as is observable between his odes and those of his classic model. -The ideas are expressed in a clear, precise, and pleasing style; and -these compositions are not destitute of poetic and didactic interest. -Still, however, the vigour of Horace is wanting.[401] Lupercio did -not enter, with sufficient decision, into the true spirit of horatian -satire. He consigned to his brother the task of cultivating that class -of composition, in which poetry is scarcely distinguishable from -spirited prose. Among his writings, which escaped the flames, there is -only one piece of satirical raillery, in the form of an epistle to a -coquette.[402] - -The poetic works of Bartholemè, the younger Leonardo de Argensola, -which have been preserved, are twice as numerous as those of Lupercio. -The style of the two brothers is so similar, that in some cases it is -difficult, and in others totally impossible to distinguish the one -from the other. This extraordinary conformity of character, talent and -taste, appears at first sight no less singular a phenomenon than the -inexhaustible fertility of Lope de Vega. But it will be recollected, -that these brothers, who were nearly of an age, and almost inseparable -companions, and who were constantly occupied in the study and imitation -of the same models, could not fail, by the cultivation of similar, and -in neither original talents, closely to approximate. Still, however, -traces of difference are discoverable in their works. Bartholemè, -by his numerous epistles and satires, performed greater services to -Spanish poetry than his brother Lupercio. He was the first Spanish -writer who introduced concentrated satire in sonnets, which he probably -did after he became acquainted with the Italian poems of that class, -but he has imitated them with the spirit of Horace, and has avoided -every thing like Italian flippancy. His spiritual canciones, which -are not equalled by any in the poetic works of Lupercio, are among -the best in the style to which they belong. His most esteemed works -bear the impress of a more cultivated talent than is discernible in -the writings of his brother. His longer and properly didactic satires -are characterized by more causticity than gaiety in the ridicule of -general and particular follies.[403] But the enthusiasm of the moralist -never leads him into declamation in the manner of Juvenal; and these -satires are equally replete with traits of mild philanthropy and -sound judgment. His epistles on human felicity and human weakness have -nearly the same character, but they are for the most part serious and -devoid of irony.[404] His satirical sonnets present unequal degrees -of merit; but in the best, the pupil of Horace is more obviously -recognisable.[405] That Bartholemè should have succeeded in spiritual -canciones, may at first sight be deemed a psychological enigma. But it -was precisely his critical and reflective turn of mind which proved -most essentially serviceable in guiding him through the gloomy regions -of catholic mysticism. Being an enthusiastic catholic, he wanted -no extraordinary inspiration to furnish him with religious ideas; -and the faculties of a language eminently picturesque, supplied him -with new views and images which he alternately developed in majestic -descriptions,[406] and pleasing comparisons.[407] - -The praises lavished on the Argensolas by all parties, would afford -sufficient ground for the conjecture that their poetic works had -produced some influence on their contemporaries. But that influence is -chiefly obvious from the poetic style of the men of talent with whom -they lived on terms of intimacy, of one of whom, named Alonzo Esquerro, -there is extant a short but excellent epistle, published along with the -answer of Bartholemè de Argensola. - -The historical works of the younger Argensola, are also deserving -of honourable mention in an account of the polite literature of -Spain. Few narratives of Indian affairs are written with so much -judgment and elegance as his History of the Conquest of the Molucca -Islands;[408] and his continuation of the Annals of Zurita,[409] -exceeds in rhetorical merit the work of the original historiographer. -The circumstances connected with the accession of Charles V. and the -Castilian rebellion, subjects to which no Spanish writer had previously -ventured to allude, are related by Argensola with no less freedom and -fidelity than other events; though of course without his attempting to -urge any apology for the rebels. In the reign of Philip III. but little -danger was to be apprehended from such freedom; and when, in the year -1621, Philip IV. ascended the throne in the seventeenth year of his -age, Argensola did not hesitate to dedicate his Arragonian Annals to -the Duke of Olivarez, who in the name of the young king was invested -with unlimited sovereign authority. The Duke of Olivarez on receiving -this dedication little imagined that the recollection of the ancient -privileges of the Arragonian states, which had been solemnly ratified -by Charles V. and which were so much expatiated on in these annals, -would, at no very remote period, be the means of rousing the people of -Arragon to take up arms in defence of their constitution, on which the -duke wished to encroach, in order to recruit the exhausted strength of -Castile. - - - CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF SPANISH POETRY AND ELOQUENCE - DURING THE AGE OF CERVANTES AND LOPE DE VEGA. - -A very accurate idea of the general spirit of elegant literature in -Spain, during the age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega, will be obtained, -if, to an examination of the works of those eminent men and the two -Argensolas, be added a recollection of the labours of their immediate -predecessors; for the other Spanish poets of this period followed in -the beaten path as far as they were able to go, and if any one ventured -on a new course he only wandered into insipidity. These authors, though -deficient in originality, are not without merit; but so great is their -number, that it would be impossible to find room for even a very brief -notice of all their works in a general history of literature. There -was at this time a sort of poetical ferment in Spain, which can only -be compared with that which prevailed in Italy during the sixteenth -century. The blending of the Italian style with the old Spanish, had -excited a new enthusiasm throughout the whole nation; and in proportion -as the Spaniards were excluded from philosophic thinking, their passion -for works of fancy was augmented. Under these circumstances eloquence -could only follow in the train of poetry.[410] - - -FRESH FAILURES IN EPIC POETRY--ERCILLA’S ARAUCANA. - -Success in epic poetry was still denied to the Spanish muse. The -confounding of epic poetry with relations of actual events embellished -with poetic language, seems to have perverted the talent for true -epopee. The Spanish poets who attempted this style, studied after the -deceitful model of Lucan, and, according to an old critical phrase, -endeavoured to be more _Lucanists_ than Lucan himself. The imagination -which possessed unbounded dominion over the stage, seems to have -obtained in narrative poetry only the scanty privilege of inventing a -few ornaments. - -Among the unsuccessful attempts at epopee, particular distinction is -due to the _Araucana_ of the heroic and amiable Alonzo de Ercilla y -Zuñiga, a poem which has the accidental advantage of being better -known on this side of the Pyrenees than many other Spanish works of -far superior merit. Ercilla has recorded the most remarkable events -of his own biography in the _Araucana_, and the remainder of the poem -also reflects an interest on the author. He was born at Madrid in -1540, or according to some in 1533, and became page to the prince of -Asturias, Don Philip, with whom he travelled to Italy, the Netherlands, -and England. At the age of twenty-two, he embarked as an officer for -America, along with a newly appointed viceroy of Peru. He distinguished -himself in the war against the Araucans, the bravest of the South -American tribes. In the midst of his exploits, he conceived with a -youthful ambition the plan of writing a narrative of the conquest of -Arauco in an epic form, but with the strictest regard to historical -truth. He executed his project in spite of the dangers which surrounded -him, and the fatigues he had to undergo. In a wilderness inhabited by -savages, in the midst of enemies, and under no other cover than that of -heaven, he composed at night the verses which were to be the memorials -of the events of the day. In prosecution of his purpose, he was obliged -to use scraps of waste paper, which often could not contain more than -six lines, or to make pieces of leather supply the total want of paper. -In this way he completed the first part of his poem, consisting of -fifteen cantos. Before he was thirty years of age he returned to Spain, -full of hope, both as a soldier and a poet; but the gloomy Philip, -to whom he enthusiastically dedicated the _Araucana_, took little -notice of him, and less of his work. Ercilla deeply felt this neglect; -but nothing could damp his romantic attachment to his cold-hearted -sovereign, whom he still persisted in celebrating in the sequel of his -poem. He received no mark of favour except from the Emperor Maximilian -II. who appointed him one of his chamberlains. Dissatisfied with his -fate, Ercilla travelled from place to place; but his journies did not -prevent him from proceeding with his poem until he completed it by the -addition of a third part. When he died is not known, but it was after -he had attained his fiftieth year. - -The _Araucana_, so called from the country Arauco, is really no -poem. It is, however, impossible to read the work without becoming -attached to the author, and being delighted by his talent for lively -description, and for painting situations, his possession of which no -just critic can call in question. But notwithstanding that talent, -Ercilla is merely a versifying historian, capable of clothing his -subject in a poetic garb, but not of elevating it to the sphere of true -poetry. His diction is natural and correct; and to this the _Araucana_ -is in a great measure indebted for its celebrity. Its descriptive -beauties, and some scenes in the style of romantic love, certainly -make the composition approximate to poetry; but the heroic spirit -which pervades the whole work, is by no means a poetic spirit. The -principal events follow each other in chronological order. The combats -are described in succession, as they actually arose, without any regard -to poetic interest. Ercilla, indeed, prided himself on this historical -precision, and he challenged any of his countrymen who were acquainted -with the war in Arauco, to detect a single inaccuracy in his narrative. -The historical succession of events imparts, however, a sort of epic -unity to the work. The Spaniards in Arauco are surrounded by dangers, -which gradually augment until they reach a crisis; when a reinforcement -arrives from Peru, and the Spaniards experience a favourable change of -fortune. The capture of Caupolican, the Araucan commander, who is put -to death in a way repugnant to humanity, closes the narrative, though -it does not terminate the war; but the barbarous and unjust execution -of this brave chief being decreed by a Spanish council of war, is not -censured by Ercilla. From the manner in which the poem concludes, it -must be regarded as incomplete, considered as an historical narrative. -Even the moral interest of the events operates in a way contrary to -the intention of the author; for the feelings of the unprejudiced -reader are, from the commencement excited in favour of the brave -savages, who half-naked, and destitute of fire arms, contend for their -natural freedom against enemies so superior in the art of war. The -style of historical truth in which the principal events are narrated, -forms a disagreeable contrast with the fiction in the details, which is -intended to diffuse a poetic character over the whole work; for Ercilla -at length found it necessary to depart from his plan in order to escape -from the monotony into which he had fallen. In the first fifteen cantos -the poetic colouring is merely confined to the descriptions; but in -the two following parts,[411] the author has interwoven a number of -fabulous accessaries. He has introduced, for example, a poetic account -of the magician Fiton’s wonderful skill and garden of paradise,[412] -and also the story of the fair savage Glaura, who recounts the -incidents of her life in the style of a Spanish romance.[413] Ercilla -likewise relates the death of Dido after Virgil, and in honour of his -king he gives a detailed account of the battle of Lepanto. In addition -to the descriptions, some of the speeches, particularly that delivered -by the Cacique Colocolo in the second canto,[414] may be referred to as -the best parts of this unpoetic poem. - -Meanwhile the passion for epic poetry, which took possession of so many -Spanish writers in the age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega, gave birth to -a torrent of heroic poems. To the Caroliads, which have already been -noticed, there succeeded _La Restauracion de España_, (the Restoration -of Spain), by Christoval de Mesa; _Las Navas de Tolosa_, (the Plains -of Toulouse), by the same author; _La Numantina_, by Francisco de -Mesquera; _La Invencion de la Cruz_, (the Invention of the Cross), by -Lopez Zarate; _Maltea_, by Hyppolyto Sanz; _El Leon de España_, (the -Spanish Lion), by Pedro de Vezilla; _Saguntina_, by Lorenzo de Zamora; -_Mexicana_, by Gabriel Laso de Vega; _Austriada_, by Rufo Guttieraz; -&c. None but men who make this branch of literature their particular -study, now think of perusing these and similar patriotic effusions, -which were at the period of their publication regarded as epic -poems,[415] but which only serve to prove, with the greater certainty, -that Spain is incapable of producing a Homer. A genuine subject for -epopee was scarcely to be found in the national history of Spain, even -during the ages of chivalry; and modern history was not then more -susceptible than now of receiving a truly epic form. - - -LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETS OF THE CLASSIC SCHOOL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - -Lyric and bucolic poetry and also elegant satire, after the two -Argensolas had given the tone to that species of composition, continued -to be cultivated by various pupils of the classic school of the -sixteenth century. This school which was then on the decline in Italy, -still maintained its ground in Spain, and preserved its reputation in -spite of the opposition made by the different parties who contended -for their respective styles, particularly by that of Lope de Vega, -and by one of a still more dangerous kind, which will soon be more -distinctly noticed. The disciples of this classic school, together -with those writers who, since the time of Boscan and Garcilaso de la -Vega, had formed their style on the model of the ancients and the most -esteemed poets of Italy, may be called the Spanish _Cinquecentisti_, -in a favourable sense of the term, though some of them wrote in -the seventeenth century. The most distinguished among them really -flourished in the sixteenth century; and the rest, whose number is -incalculable, possessed, at least, the merit of endeavouring, like the -Italian _Cinquecentisti_, to express sensible ideas in correct language. - -To this classic school belongs Vicente Espinel, an ecclesiastic of the -province of Granada. He was likewise celebrated as a musician, and he -perfected the Spanish guitar by the addition of the fifth string. He -died in poverty, in the ninetieth year of his age, at Madrid in 1634. -His canciones, idyls, and elegies, though destitute of originality, -are distinguished by a spirited and inartificial character, and they -abound in beautiful images and descriptions. Espinel’s poetic style is -extremely melodious. In his idyls he has very successfully imitated -the pleasing syllabic measure which Gil Polo introduced into Spanish -literature under the name of _Rimas Provenzales_;[416] and he was one -of those writers who most contributed to bestow a metrical polish -on the redondilla stanzas of ten lines, (_decimas_). He translated -Horace’s Art of Poetry, in iambic blank verse, and several of Horace’s -Odes after the manner of Luis de Leon. Some of this author’s prose -works will hereafter be noticed.[417] - -Christoval de Mesa, an ecclesiastic of Estremadura, was contemporary -with Tarquato Tasso, with whom he maintained the most friendly -intercourse. He made, however, very little improvement in epic art -through his intimacy with that celebrated man. Of three compositions, -which Christoval de Mesa intended for epic poems, not one has been -preserved from oblivion. His tragedy of Pompey is likewise forgotten. -He was nevertheless a good translator; and his translations of the -Æneid and the Iliad are esteemed even at the present day. He also -published a Spanish version of Virgil’s Georgics. - -Juan de Morales obtained a similar reputation through his translation -of Horace’s Odes and Virgil’s Georgics. The particulars of his life are -not known. He wrote some good sonnets.[418] This writer must not be -confounded with his namesake, Ambrosio de Morales, the historian. - -Agustin de Texada, or Tejada, who was born in the year 1635, is -distinguished as a writer of spiritual odes and canciones. His poems in -this class vie with those of the younger Argensola in poetic dignity of -composition and genuine lyric diction.[419] He has, however, committed -the error of introducing mythological images in his christian poetry. -But in this respect he merely conformed with the bad taste of his age, -which in Spain and Portugal favoured the most absurd misapplication -of the Greek mythology; for, to humour the prejudices of the church, -it was necessary that the heathen deities should appear only as -allegorical characters in catholic poetry. - -Andres Rey de Artieda, a brave Arragonian officer, was a very learned -scholar and a particular friend of the Argensolas. Among other works, -he wrote poetic epistles which are full of good sense and natural -feeling.[420] His sonnets are remarkable for their novel and poignant -style.[421] - -Gregorio Morillo imitated Juvenal in his didactic satires, and vented -his spleen in well-turned verses.[422] - -Luis Barahona de Soto is, in preference to many of his contemporaries, -entitled to an honourable place among Spanish poets. He was born in the -province of Granada, and was a physician by profession. His eclogues -resemble those of Garcilaso de la Vega; and his canciones abound in -romantic grace.[423] His satires, which were lately republished, have -the spirit of Juvenal, but want the delicacy of Horace; they are, -however, written in a clear and energetic style. This writer moreover -gained celebrity by a continuation of the Orlando Furioso, which was -highly esteemed by Cervantes, and which is entitled, _Las Lagrimas de -Angelica_, (the Tears of Angelica).[424] - -Pedro Soto de Rojas, who was a particular favourite of Lope de Vega, -endeavoured to introduce the academic systems of Italy, which had never -been successfully imitated in Spain. A literary society established -at Madrid, after the Italian fashion, received the ludicrous title of -_Academia Selvaje_, (Academy of Savages;) and in this society Soto de -Rojas was distinguished by the surname of _l’Ardiente_. His eclogues -have the usual character of Spanish poems of that class, clothed in -elegant and harmonious language.[425] - -Luis Martin, or Martinez de la Plaza, an ecclesiastic of Granada, -a province fertile in literary talent, was particularly celebrated -for the grace of his madrigals, and other small poems of a similar -kind.[426] - -Balthazar del Alcazar, who appears to have been a native of Andalusia, -sought to distinguish himself as a writer of epigrammatic madrigals. -In his comic madrigals,[427] he was, however, less successful than in -those of gallantry.[428] He also appears to have been one of the first -Spanish poets who wrote odes in sapphic feet, in so far as the Spanish -language would permit the employment of that measure.[429] - -Gonzalo de Argote y Molina, one of those brave men, who, in the -reign of Philip II. combated with enthusiasm for the honour of their -country and their king, but whose valour remained unrequited, was -more distinguished as an historian than as a poet. To his literary -patriotism the Spaniards were indebted for the publication of the -Infante Don Manuel’s _Conde Lucanor_.[430] His poems are, however, -worthy of honourable notice. An ardent love of country is the soul of -his canciones and other lyric compositions.[431] - -Francisco de Figueroa spent a portion of his life in Italy, in the -twofold capacity of an officer and a statesman. During his residence -among the Italians, he enjoyed a degree of public esteem which was -extended to few of his countrymen. He wrote poems in Italian as well as -in Spanish. Among his friends and admirers he was called the _divine_, -and he was ranked among the most eminent Petrarchists of his age. His -amatory sonnets are written in a pleasing and natural style, and abound -in the softest touches of romantic melancholy.[432] The admirers of -Francisco de Figueroa likewise conferred on him the surname of the -Spanish Pindar; but that was a mere whim.[433] - -Christoval Suarez de Figueroa, who was an imitator of Montemayor, wrote -a pastoral romance, entitled _Amarillis_, which was very generally read -at the time of its publication. He also made a translation of Guarini’s -Pastor Fido, and cultivated with some degree of success the Italian -lyric forms of pastoral romance. Some of the poems of the latter class -contained in the _Romancero General_, appear to be written by this -author. His _Endechas_, or Elegiac Songs in the popular style, though -not particularly rich in ideas, are nevertheless pleasing with respect -to language and versification.[434] - -Another poet of this name, Bartholomè Cayrasco de Figueroa, is the -author of a long series of spiritual canciones and tales called -_cantos_, which were much esteemed on account of the edification -attributed to their contents. In these poems he explains the mysticism -of the christian religion, according to the catholic dogmas and the -scholastic ideas of christian virtue, in a manner more pedantic than -poetic; but yet in pure and elegant language. He was likewise one of -the Spanish imitators of the Italian verse with dactyllic terminations, -called _versos esdrujolos_, from the Italian _versi sdruccioli_.[435] - -Juan de Arguijo, a native of Seville, seems to have enjoyed high -reputation among the poets of his time. Lope de Vega formally dedicated -several of his works to him. Some well written sonnets and other small -poems are the only productions of this author now extant.[436] - -Pedro Espinosa, an ecclesiastic who possessed some poetic talent, -and who wrote on various subjects, compiled a lyric anthology of the -works of the above and other Spanish poets, who adhered more or less -rigidly to the principles of the old school, but whose fancy sometimes -roamed unrestrained with Lope de Vega, or sometimes degenerated into -affectation with Gongora.[437] - - -RISE OF A NEW IRREGULAR AND FANTASTICAL STYLE IN SPANISH POETRY. - -It is impossible to draw a rigid line of separation between the -disciples of the classic school, and the partizans of lyric -irregularity, who indulged in no less freedom than Lope de Vega, while -at the same time they endeavoured to exceed him in forced conceits. -Even the disciples of the classic school are not totally exempt from -extravagant ideas and unnatural metaphors; and they occasionally pour -forth a torrent of words, which though sometimes big with brilliant -ideas, more frequently wastes itself in mere froth and foam. It -cannot be doubted that the Italian school of the Marinists exercised -an influence on these Spanish poets. But Marino, being a Neapolitan -by birth, was a Spanish subject, and educated among Spaniards. It is -therefore more natural to regard his style as originally Spanish, -than to trace to Italy the source of those aberrations of fancy, -which, in the age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega, again found admirers -in Spain. Marino’s was the old Spanish national style, with all its -faults, divested of its ancient energy and purity, polished after -a new fashion, stripped of its simplicity, tortured into the most -absurd affectation of refinement, and that affectation displayed in a -boundless prolixity. - -One of the most zealous adherents of this party was Manuel Faria y -Sousa, a Portuguese by birth. Some cause of discontent had induced him -to quit his native country and to fix his residence in Spain; and in -composing both poetry and prose, he in general preferred the Castilian -to his vernacular tongue.[438] It can scarcely be supposed that he -introduced this perverted taste from Portugal; though his Portuguese -poems exhibit no less affectation of style than those which he composed -in Castilian, and in which a judicious direction of the fancy is seldom -observable. His ideas are, for the most part, intolerably fantastic. -One of his Castilian songs, for example, is composed in honour of his -mistress’s eyes, “in whose beauty, (he says) love has inscribed the -poet’s fate, and which are as large as his pain, and as black as his -destiny, &c.”[439] He displays similar extravagance in most of his -Castilian sonnets: in one, for instance, he relates “how ten lucid -arrows of chrystal, were darted at him from the eyes of his Albania, -which produced a _rubious_ effect on his pain, though the cause was -chrystaline,” &c.[440] In this absurd style he composed hundreds of -sonnets. Faria y Sousa, however, wrote several good works on history -and statistics;[441] and it must be recollected that in his poetry he -merely followed the party which he most admired, and which indeed had -its precursors in Portugal as well as in Spain. - -This party which soon became powerful, imitated the negligence of -Lope de Vega. But Lope de Vega was not a pedant; and when he failed -in producing real beauties, he did not coin false ones. His pretended -imitators, however, used the alloy of pedantry most unsparingly, and -thereby carried the affectation of ingenious thoughts, in the style of -the Italian Marinists, to an incredible height. - - -GONGORA AND HIS ESTILO CULTO--THE CULTORISTOS--THE CONCEPTISTOS. - -Luis de Gongora de Argote was the founder and the idol of the -fantastical sect, which at this period led the fashion in literature, -and attempted to create a new epoch in Spanish poetry by dint of -exquisite cultivation and refinement. Gongora was a man of shrewd -and powerful mind; but his natural faculties were perverted by a -systematic prosecution of absurd critical reveries. Through life he -had to maintain a constant struggle with the frowns of fortune. He was -born in Cordova, in the year 1561; and after completing his studies in -his native city found himself without any provision for the future. -He took holy orders, and after eleven years of solicitation at the -court of Madrid, obtained a scanty benefice. The dissatisfied turn of -mind, occasioned by his adverse fortune, contributed to develope that -caustic wit, for which he was particularly distinguished. He wrote -satirical sonnets, which for bitterness of spirit can scarcely be -exceeded;[442] and he was still more successful in romances and songs -in the burlesque satirical style. Works of this kind, did not, it is -true, possess the merit of novelty in Spanish literature; but Gongora’s -satirical poems are vastly superior to those of Castillejo. It would -be scarcely possible to preserve, in a translation, the caustic -spirit of Gongora’s romances and songs. To give full effect to these -compositions, the genuine national spirit of the serious romances and -canciones must never be lost sight of. In Gongora’s satirical works the -language and versification are correct and elegant, and the piquant -simplicity of the whole style would never lead to the supposition that -the ambition of marking an epoch in literature could have betrayed -the author into the most intolerable affectation.[443] He was less -successful in seizing the cordial tone of the old narrative romances. -But his canciones in the ancient Spanish style are in general masterly -compositions, full of true natural and poetic feeling.[444] - -It was doubtless in one of his moments of ill-humour that Gongora -conceived the idea of creating for serious poetry a peculiar -phraseology, which he called the _estilo culto_, meaning thereby the -highly cultivated or polished style. In fulfilment of this object, -he formed for himself, with the most laborious assiduity, a style as -uncommon as affected, and opposed to all the ordinary rules of the -Spanish language, either in prose or verse. He particularly endeavoured -to introduce into his native tongue the intricate constructions of -the greek and latin, though such an arrangement of words had never -before been attempted in Spanish composition. He consequently found it -necessary to invent a particular system of punctuation, in order to -render the sense of his verses intelligible. Not satisfied with this -patchwork kind of phraseology he affected to attach an extraordinary -depth of meaning to each word, and to diffuse an air of superior -dignity over his whole style. In Gongora’s poetry the most common -words received a totally new signification; and in order to impart -perfection to his _estilo culto_, he summoned all his mythological -learning to his aid. Such was Gongora’s _New Art_. In this style he -wrote his _Soledades_, his _Polyphemus_, and several other works. Even -the choice of the title _Soledades_, (Solitudes), was an instance of -Gongora’s affectation; for he did not intend to express by that term -the signification attached to a similar Portuguese word, (_Saudade_), -which is the title for a work relating to the thoughts and aspirations -of a recluse. Gongora wished by his fantastic title to convey an idea -of solitary forests, because he had divided his poem into _sylvas_, -(forests), according to a particular meaning which the word bears in -latin. This work, like all Gongora’s productions in the same style, -is merely an insipid fiction, full of pompous mythological images, -described in a strain of the most fantastic bombast.[445] The Duke -of Bejar, to whom the work is inscribed, must, if he only read the -dedicatory lines, have imagined himself transported to some foreign -region, in which the Spanish language was tortured without mercy.[446] -Gongora appears to have been peculiarly anxious to develope the spirit -of his _New Art_, both at the commencement and the close of his -whimsical compositions.[447] - -Gongora’s innovations did not, however, tend to better his fortune; -for when he died in 1627, he held merely the post of titular chaplain -to the king. But his works were universally read in Spain; and in -proportion as men of sound judgment emphatically protested against the -absurd innovations of the Gongorists, the more vehemently did these -assert their pretensions.[448] Thus Gongora in some measure attained -his object. His arduous exertions to establish his style did not, -it is true, promote him to a lucrative post; but they were rewarded -with the unlimited admiration of a numerous party, composed of men of -half-formed taste, who found it easy in the crisis of the conflict -between the Spanish national style and the Italian, to raise themselves -into importance. Proud of their half cultivation, they regarded every -writer who did not admire and imitate the style of their master, as a -man of limited talent, incapable of appreciating the beauties of their -_estilo culto_.[449] But none of Gongora’s partizans possessed the -talent of their leader, and their affectation became on that account -still more insupportable. They soon separated into two similar yet -distinct schools, one of which represented the pedantry of its founder, -while the other, in order to render the art of versifying the easier, -even dispensed with that precision of style which Gongora, in his -wildest flights, still sought to preserve. The disciples of the first -school were proud to be the commentators of their master; and in their -voluminous illustrations of Gongora’s unintelligible works, they did -not neglect to pour forth all the stores of their erudition.[450] These -were called the _Cultoristos_, a name which was applied to them in -derision. The second school of the Gongorists more nearly resembled -that of the Marinists; and its disciples were distinguished by the name -of _Conceptistos_, in imitation of the Italian term _Concettisti_, -which was applied to the followers of Marino. The _Conceptistos_ -revelled in the wildest regions of fancy, without the least regard -to propriety or precision, and were only desirous of expressing -preposterous and extravagant ideas (_concetti_) in the unnatural -language of Gongora. Some individuals of this party were, however, -inclined to imitate the careless style of Lope de Vega. - -Alonzo de Ladesma, who died a few years before Gongora, obtained -admirers for his poems, chiefly spiritual, which he wrote in the -obscure phraseology of the _estilo culto_.[451] For example, in -paraphrazing the mysteries of the catholic faith in lyric romances, he -thus speaks of the birth of the Saviour:--“The star of the east rose -at the time ordained by God, so that the enemy of day might lose the -prey he had seized, and with it the hope of his false pretensions, as -God assumed human flesh in order that man might enjoy him,” &c.[452] To -men imbued with superstition, and denied all reasoning in matters of -faith, ravings of this kind were well calculated to turn their heads, -and involve them in a vortex of romantic mysticism. - -Felix de Arteaga was likewise a zealous cultivator of this distorted -style, both in sacred and profane poetry. In 1618, he held the post -of court chaplain at Madrid, and he lived until the year 1633. The -chief portion of his songs, romances, and sonnets, are of the pastoral -kind. He extols “the miracles of the fair Amarillis, that angel of -the superior class, to whom truth and passion have given the name of -Phœnix. She once espied before her door a peasant, who, though not -worthy to adore her, was yet worthy to languish for her sake. This -happened one evening, which was a morning, since Aurora smiled, and -shewed white pearls between rows of glowing carmine. The angel was -amused by burning those she had illumined, and this beautiful angel -fell from the heaven of her ownself,” &c.[453] This author also wrote, -after the manner of Lope de Vega, a comedy, called _Gridonia_, which -he styles a royal invention, (_invencion real_), because potentates, -princes, and princesses are brought together from the most distant -parts of the earth, and introduced with vast scenic pomp.[454] - -Some of the adherents of this party, who were distinguished for natural -genius and ability, will be hereafter noticed. We must not, however, -neglect to mention that the _estilo culto_ likewise gained a footing -in Spanish America; and that various works in that style by Alonzo de -Castillo Solorzano, were very neatly printed at Mexico in the year -1625.[455] - - -TWO DRAMATIC POETS OF THE AGE OF LOPE DE VEGA. - -Lope de Vega had now become the model of the Spanish dramatic poets, -who soon appeared as numerous, and laboured as assiduously as if they -had been bound to supply all the theatres in the universe with new -pieces. But most of these dramatists, who may altogether be considered -as forming one great school, were contemporary with Lope de Vega only -during their younger years. The elegant Calderon, who was born in the -year 1600, may also have influenced the exercise of their talents. In -the history of the Spanish theatre, it will therefore be proper to -range together those dramatists on whom it is probable the example of -Calderon may have operated.[456] This, however, is the proper place -for noticing two contemporaries of Lope de Vega. - -The first of these writers, whose talents entitle them to an honourable -rank in literature, is Christoval de Virues, a native of Valencia. -He fought in the battle of Lepanto, and is usually distinguished by -his military title of captain. The period of his death is not known. -Both Cervantes and Lope de Vega mention him in terms of commendation. -Virues was not the pupil of Lope. Though older, as it would appear, -than that distinguished man, he was, like him, inspired with enthusiasm -for dramatic poetry; and they entered upon the same career at nearly -the same time. Virues did not adhere more attentively than Lope to -the strict rules of the ancient drama. But he wanted the fertile -imagination of his rival, and he conceived it necessary that the modern -drama should approximate in a slight degree to the antique, at least -in some of its forms. He was one of the Spanish dramatists by whom -the last attempts were made to separate tragedy from comedy; and his -efforts in this way are deserving of more praise than has hitherto -been conceded to them. Virues was a poet born for tragic art; but his -genius wanted cultivation. Pure poetic spirit, and a bold and energetic -style, are the distinguishing features of all his works. But, like -Lope de Vega, he was every inch a Spaniard. He obeyed the influence -of the national taste, and he could not restrain his own genius within -the bounds which he had himself prescribed. Among his five tragedies -are some which might more properly be termed comedies, according to -the Spanish acceptation of the term.[457] It is obvious that Virues -endeavoured to create a sphere of his own, and that in proportion as he -wrote he made advances in his art. His _Semiramis_, the first tragedy -he wrote, which is chiefly in octaves, interspersed here and there -with redondillas, is crude both in conception and execution; but the -language even of this imperfect drama, makes energetic approaches to -that genuine expression of tragic pathos, which Cervantes and the elder -Argensola in some measure attained.[458] His tragedy, entitled _La -Cruel Casandra_, which is richer in dramatic spirit, and more finished -and systematic in its execution, might in the hands of a writer of -genius be easily rendered a tragic master-piece. Virues selected from -the history of the kingdom of Leon, the subject of this tragedy, in -which he intended to unite the ancient and modern styles.[459] That -a drama of intrigue, like the _Casandra_, should not have obtained -greater popularity in Spain would be inexplicable, were it not for the -dislike which the Spanish public manifested towards all dramas in -which the tragic character was exhibited without the intervention of -comic scenes. Cultivated taste will, however, perceive many faults in -this tragedy. The uninterrupted delirium of passion, which prevails -from the beginning to the end of the piece, renders the whole more -astounding than impressive. The stormy movement of the action has, -notwithstanding, in most of the scenes, a very captivating effect; -and that passionate vehemence, in the painting of which Virues was -eminently successful, is, in this drama, characteristically Spanish. -The horrible deaths with which the piece closes, and which, according -to the nature of the catastrophe were by no means necessary, are -likewise in unison with the spirit of a Spanish national tragedy. -The spring of action is the wicked spirit of a revengeful woman whom -jealousy betrays into a series of the most treacherous intrigues. The -dialogue is occasionally somewhat declamatory; but in its best parts -it is energetic and unconstrained.[460] Of all the dramas of Virues, -his _Marcella_ in which princes, princesses, robbers, peasants, and -servants, are jumbled together in irregular confusion, was doubtless -most in unison with the Spanish taste. - -The other Spanish dramatist who remains to be noticed among the poetic -writers of the age of Lope de Vega, is Juan Perez de Montalvan, -whom Lope himself regarded as his first pupil, and who obtained, -probably through the interest of his patron, the post of notary to the -inquisition. He was a young man of distinguished talent, and even in -his seventeenth year he wrote plays in the style of Lope de Vega. He -first entered the lists in competition with his master, after whose -death he pursued his literary occupations with such assiduity, that -when he died in 1639, though aged only thirty-five, the number of -his comedies and autos amounted to nearly one hundred. He was also -the author of several novels, which will be particularly noticed in -another place. He put together in a single volume, some of his dramas -and novels, and his moral reflections, full of formal erudition; and -this singular compilation was published under the no less singular -title of Book for All.[461] His comedies are neither more finished nor -more systematic than those of his master, but they prove how easily a -Spanish writer of imagination might, in that age, be roused to venture -into competition with the inexhaustible Lope de Vega, and also how -far a poet of talent, with a certain degree of practice, was capable -of succeeding in dramatic intrigue. Montalvan’s comedies possess, -however, a more particular interest, inasmuch as they exhibit traces -of genius, which under other circumstances would have constituted a -painter of dramatic character. In two of his historical comedies, he -has introduced Henry IV. of France, and Philip II. of Spain. A kind of -moral dignity, almost approaching to sanctity, is falsely attributed -to the latter; but the prominent features of his character are truly -seized and strikingly delineated.[462] The amiable Henry IV. is, -however, pourtrayed to the life.[463] In his _Autos Sacramentales_, -Montalvan even ventured to differ from Lope de Vega, in order to give -to these dramas the popular character which Lope had sacrificed in his -allegorical moralities. He composed an auto on the romantic conversion -of Skanderbeg, in which drums, trumpets, clarionets, explosions of -squibs and rockets, and all the pomp of spectacle is introduced. -But the most extravagant creation of Montalvan’s fancy, is his auto -of _Polyphemus_, in which the cyclops of that name appears as the -allegorical representative of judaism; and the rest of the cyclops, -together with the nymph Galathæa, and other mythological beings, are -introduced for the allegorical personation of faith and infidelity, -according to christian notions. To these characters are added, Appetite -as a peasant, Joy as a lady, and finally the Infant Christ. Drum and -trumpet accompaniments are not forgotten in this auto. The cyclops -too perform on the guitar; and an island sinks amidst a tremendous -explosion of fire works.[464] - - -NOVELS IN THE AGE OF CERVANTES AND LOPE DE VEGA. - -Notwithstanding that poetry, sometimes under heterogeneous, sometimes -under harmonizing forms, was, next to religion, the object which -principally interested the Spanish public in the age of Cervantes and -Lope de Vega, yet elegant prose was not consigned to such obscurity as -to engage only the attention of the learned. The old Spanish soundness -of understanding which particularly displayed itself in Cervantes and -the two Argensolas, still, in some measure maintained its influence. -But upon the whole that rhetorical cultivation which had been so early -developed in Spain was obviously on the decline. - -Novels and romances, either decidedly bad or very indifferent, were -as widely circulated as rapidly produced, and so great was their -number that they counteracted the good effects which the master-piece -of Cervantes must necessarily have produced under more favourable -circumstances. If few new romances of chivalry were now written, the -old ones were read with the greater avidity. After the Galatea of -Cervantes, any very successful production in pastoral romance was -scarcely to be expected. Romances, depicting the manners of modern -society, were, however, proportionally the more numerous. Among the -best of the serious, but yet spirited productions of this class, is -the Life of _Marcos de Obregon_;[465] by the poet and musician Vicente -Espinel.[466] The object of the author was, in his old age, to transmit -useful instruction to the rising generation in the form of a novel. The -Spanish title in which the hero of the story is styled an _Escudero_, -would seem to indicate a romance of chivalry, but the whole character -of the work is modern. The Escudero is a sort of gentleman or squire by -courtesy, and by no means a shield-bearer. The book is intended as a -moral warning for young men without fortune, who hope to get honourably -through the world by attaching themselves to persons of distinction. -The story, though entertaining, presents nothing particularly -attractive; the narration is rather prolix, but still natural; and the -diction plainly denotes the classic pupil of the sixteenth century, -though Espinel, as he states in his preface, consigned his romance to -the correction of Lope de Vega, whom he styles the “divine genius,” -after having himself revised the verses which Lope composed in his -youth. The insipid jokes which occur in Marcos de Obregon, for example -those in derision of the Portuguese and their language, must be -considered as belonging to the natural local colouring of the work. - -Among the romances of knavery, (_del gusto picaresco_), the celebrated -Don Guzman de Alfarache may claim a distinguished place next to -Lazarillo de Tormes.[467] It was published in the year 1599, and -consequently before Don Quixote appeared. Like Lazarillo de Tormes it -was speedily translated into Italian and French, and was subsequently -published in various other languages, not excepting the latin. Mattheo -Aleman, the author of Guzman de Alfarache, who had withdrawn from the -court of Philip III. and lived in retirement, was not induced by the -success of his comic romance, to devote himself to a second production -of the same class. The knowledge of the world which he had acquired at -court, as well as in the sphere of common life, is doubtless abundantly -unfolded in his Guzman de Alfarache. The manners of the lower classes -of Spanish society, in particular, seem to be pourtrayed with -admirable accuracy. In spite of the vulgarity of the subject, and the -burlesque style in which it is treated, no ordinary share of judgment -is perceptible throughout the whole of this comic novel; and in his -humorous language the author has preserved a certain degree of natural -elegance even in describing the lowest scenes. - -That the Spaniards were by no means sparing of approbation to works -of this class, is obvious from the attention bestowed on the mannered -continuation of Aleman’s romance, by a writer styling himself Mattheo -Luzan, and still more by the favour lavished upon _La Picara Justina_, -a silly and pedantic pendant to Guzman de Alfarache, by a writer named -Ubeda. In Cervantes’s Journey to Parnassus, no literary production of -the age is so categorically condemned as this _Picara Justina_. And yet -it was oftener printed, and probably more read than even the Journey to -Parnassus. - -Little anecdotal stories of a sprightly character, likewise made their -appearance in Spanish literature at this period. A collection of these -productions, connected together by means of dialogues, was published -in 1610, under the title of Pleasant Dialogues for the Carnival time, -(_Dialogos de Apacible Entretenimiento_), by Gaspar Lucas Hidalgo. - -The political romance of Argenis, was pompously arranged to suit the -taste of the Spaniards of that age, by the Gongorist Pellicer de Salas. - -Among the novels which possessed more of an imaginative character, -the best then produced were those of Perez de Montalvan, the dramatic -poet.[468] - -The present is not the proper place to introduce a complete or copious -list of all the works in the class above alluded to. Other writers have -already enumerated them with sufficient accuracy.[469] Unfortunately -even the very best of these novels and narratives present no traces of -the advancement of taste and literary cultivation. - -The novels of a Spanish lady, named Doña Mariana de Caravajal y -Saavedra, must not be passed over without a particular notice. -Respecting this authoress, who was a native of the city of Granada, -but little is said by the writers on Spanish literature. Her ten -novels have been frequently reprinted, and were apparently very well -received by the public.[470] Doña Mariana states in her preface, that -her novels are intended to afford amusement in “the lazy nights of -chill winter;”[471] and they may, even now, be recommended to those -who stand in need of such amusement; for they are by no means devoid -of fancy though they are written in a style of affected verbosity. The -verses with which the tales are interspersed, exhibit no traces of -poetic talent. In her preface, the authoress promises to present to the -Spanish public, twelve comedies “from her ill-made pen,” as a proof of -the “kindness of her intention.”[472] Spain could indeed scarcely be -expected to give birth to a poetess in the true sense of the term. The -terrible yoke imposed on the conscience and the understanding, against -which even masculine genius could only contend by boldly plunging -into the wilds of romantic invention, weighed still more heavily on -the female mind, which without a certain spirit of freedom can seldom -range beyond the boundaries established by custom, and the routine of -ordinary thinking. Writers on Spanish literature, however, mention in -terms of approbation, several female writers of verses, and also women -of erudition, like Aloysia Sigea, distinguished for their knowledge of -languages. - - -PROGRESSIVE CULTIVATION OF THE HISTORICAL ART--MARIANA. - -At this period of Spanish eloquence, history was the only kind of -composition which maintained its old precision and dignity, while of -the perfect cultivation of the other branches of prose literature there -remained little hope. - -The General History of Spain, by the Jesuit Juan de Mariana, though not -a model of historical art in the most extended sense of the term, is, -in point of style, unquestionably a classic production. Mariana, who -may be said to have transferred the genuine spirit of the eloquence -of the sixteenth century into the seventeenth,[473] was not one of -the pensioned historiographers or chroniclers who have already been -frequently mentioned, and who, it must be confessed, honourably -discharged their duties. He obtained reputation both in France and -Italy as a professor of scholastic philosophy and theology; but his -love of literary retirement induced him to return to Spain. Of his own -free choice he undertook to compose a new general History of Spain -from the earliest period to the death of Ferdinand the catholic. His -predecessors had been sufficiently numerous, and he did not find -it necessary to collect the materials for his history by laborious -compilations from the old authors and chroniclers of the middle ages. -He was thus at liberty to prescribe to himself a more pleasing task, -namely, that of judiciously combining the most interesting events, -and describing them with rhetorical precision in elegant language. -With the view of acquiring a prose style, formed in the spirit of the -classic historians of antiquity, Mariana composed his work originally -in latin,[474] a method which Cardinal Bembo had adopted in writing -his History of Venice. After he had completed this first labour, and -dedicated the thirty books of his history in latin to Philip II. -he followed the example of Bembo in translating it himself, and he -in fact recomposed it in Spanish.[475] This work he also dedicated -to the king. Though this twofold dedication might have served to -prove that the author was far from being liable to the imputation -of cherishing views dangerous to the state, yet a party, with whose -designs several passages of this history did not accord, found it easy -under the government of the ever jealous Philip, to cast on Mariana -the suspicion of favouring wicked and rebellious principles. He was -formally brought before the inquisition, and it was with difficulty he -escaped destruction. Had he devoted more attention to the philosophy -of history, he could not so easily have repelled the charge of -impartiality, to aim at which was then considered an unwarrantable -assumption not to be tolerated in any Spanish writer. But it is only -in his style that Mariana was impartial. To exhibit facts as they -stood in their natural connection, was sufficient to give umbrage to -the court and the inquisition; and solely to such an exposition was it -owing, that the historian’s intentions became a subject of suspicion. -Elegant composition was his grand object; and in this respect he far -excels Bembo, because he is not, like him, mannered. His diction is -perfectly faultless, his descriptions picturesque without poetic -ornament; and his narrative style may, on the whole, be accounted -a model. He has been very successful in avoiding protracted and -artificially constructed sentences.[476] Mariana could not, however, -resist the temptation of putting speeches into the mouths of his -historical characters, after the manner of the ancient historians. In -fine, comparing this history with other works of a similar kind, which -previously existed in Spanish literature, it will be found that, though -justly entitled to a high share of esteem, it cannot be regarded as -forming an epoch either in a philosophic or literary point of view. - -Having described the rise and progress of the historical art in Spain, -it cannot be necessary to give a minute notice of historical works, -which for the most part possess only the negative merit of not being -ill written. The age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega was, moreover, -the period at which the historical literature of the Spaniards began -to form itself into that perfect whole for which it is so peculiarly -remarkable. At that time the old chronicles were committed to the -press one after another: and the continuation and correction of the -national history was the only literary occupation which could be -pursued with any hope of success by men of talent, who felt no impulse -to poetry; unless, indeed, they preferred to distinguish themselves in -scholastic theology, or in writing books of pious edification, in which -it was, above all things, necessary to take care to say nothing new. - -It is still less necessary to enter upon a detailed examination of -various works in the didactic department of Spanish literature, which -are upon the whole not badly written, but not one of which exceeds in -rhetorical merit the works of Perez de Oliva, Ambrosio de Morales, -and other authors, who have already been mentioned. The writings of -Balthasar, or Lorenzo Gracian, who endeavoured to introduce a kind of -_gongorism_ into Spanish prose, will be more fully noticed at the close -of the present book. - - -FLUCTUATION OF SPANISH TASTE FROM THE CLASSIC TO THE CORRUPT STYLE. - -In order to mark, by sensible gradations, the transition from the -golden age of Spanish poetry and eloquence, to those sad times, when -the energy of the national genius was, after a long conflict with -opposing circumstances, destined to be overcome, it will be proper -first to notice some poets and prose authors, who during the latter -half of the period embraced by the present section, assumed a tone -peculiar to themselves; and also, another set of writers who were their -immediate successors. Quevedo may with propriety be placed at their -head. During a part of his life he was contemporary with Cervantes, -Lope de Vega, and the Argensolas, and was, moreover, an opposer of -the New Art of Gongora. But both in poetry and prose he deviates so -strikingly from the classic, and so obviously approaches the ornamented -and artificial style, that by commencing with him the retrograde course -which Spanish literature began to take even in the period of its -highest cultivation, will be most distinctly perceived. - - -QUEVEDO. - -The circumstances of the life of Francisco de Quevedo Villegas,[477] a -man who has almost invariably been praised or censured with partiality, -had a most important influence on the developement and employment -of his talents. He began even in childhood to breathe the air of -courts. He was born, in 1580, at Madrid, of a noble family, and was -educated at the court under the care of his widowed mother who was -one of the ladies of the royal household. An eager curiosity was the -first indication of his active and restless mind; and the impressions -which he received in his infancy, induced him to make the scholastic -theology of catholicism his first study in preference to every other -kind of knowledge. He was sent to the university of Alcala, where he -received the degree of doctor in theology in his fifteenth year, a -fact which appears almost incredible. Grown weary of theology, he -directed his attention to law, philology, natural philosophy, medicine, -and elegant literature; and he pursued all these studies without any -regular order. It is probable that at this period he injured his sight -by indefatigable reading; for in the prime of life he was incapable of -distinguishing any object at the distance of three paces, without the -aid of glasses. But neither this infirmity nor the crooked legs which -he had received from nature, deterred him from mingling in fashionable -society. His figure, which was in other respects strong and well -proportioned, joined to his prepossessing countenance, contributed in -no slight degree to the early developement of his self-esteem. - -Quevedo returned to the court of Madrid, with a mind stored with -all kinds of academic knowledge. But he soon became engaged in a -dispute, fought a duel in which he wounded his antagonist, and was -compelled to fly. He proceeded to Italy, where the Spanish Viceroy of -Naples, Don Pedro Giron, Duke of Ossuna, interested himself for the -accomplished fugitive. He procured his pardon at Madrid, and retained -him in his service at Naples. Quevedo now became a statesman and a man -of business. He played the most prominent part at the court of the -Vice-king, executed important commissions, visited the papal court, -in quality of ambassador, was rewarded with titles and pensions, and -seemed to be the favourite of fortune. But he was suddenly cast down -by the fall of his patron, the Duke of Ossuna. Quevedo was connected -with that powerful grandee in all his transactions, and thus became -involved in his fate. In 1620, in the fortieth year of his age, he was -arrested and removed to his country seat, La Torre de Juan Abad, where -he was, by the order of the government, confined during three years, -notwithstanding his delicate state of health, which this restraint -rendered daily worse. So rigidly was this kind of imprisonment -enforced, that it was with great difficulty he could obtain leave to go -to a neighbouring town to commit himself to the care of a physician in -whom he could confide. - -At length Quevedo’s papers being strictly examined, his innocence -became unquestionable, and he was set at liberty. He now demanded -indemnification and the payment of the arrears of his pension. Instead, -however, of obtaining attention to his claims, he was threatened with -a new exile, and received an order to quit the court. This sentence he -found means to evade, and even court intrigue seemed at last inclined -to favour him; but in the conflict between vanity and reason, Quevedo -in due time proved himself a philosopher. He willingly forsook the -court, retired to his estate of La Torre, and devoted himself wholly -to literary pursuits. It is probable that at this period he wrote the -poems which on their first appearance were published as the works of -the Bachelor de la Torre, an old poet of the fifteenth century. The -name of his country residence apparently suggested to Quevedo the -disguise of the above title. There is also reason to suppose that at -this period he wrote the greater portion of his works both in prose -and verse. But these writings, which overflow with wit and satire, and -display that firmness of judgment and character, which is always so -unwelcome at courts, tended to keep alive the attention of those who -conceived themselves to be attacked. As the crisis of his varied fate -approached, Quevedo seems to have totally forgotten the intrigues of -which he had been the victim. He had already passed several years in -literary tranquillity, and was upwards of fifty years of age when he -married. But his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, did not live -long. Quevedo’s evil star once more induced him to visit Madrid, where -in 1641, he was arrested at midnight in the house of a friend with -whom he resided. The charge preferred against him, was that of being a -libeller, who spared neither the government nor public morals; he was -thrown into a small and unwholesome prison, and treated with the most -rigid severity, not even experiencing the humanity usually extended to -the vilest criminals. In the meanwhile his property was sequestrated, -and though not convicted of any crime, he was compelled to subsist on -charity. He was again seized with a severe fit of illness. His body -broke out in ulcers, in consequence of the insalubrity of his prison, -but he was even then denied the aid of a surgeon. In this situation -Quevedo appealed for justice to the Duke of Olivares, the all-powerful -prime minister of Spain, in a letter which has become celebrated. His -case was now, for the first time, strictly investigated; and it was -ascertained that he had merely been supposed to be the author of a -libel, which was subsequently discovered to have been written in a -monastery. Quevedo once more regained his freedom, but with the loss -of a considerable portion of his fortune, of which indeed he retained -so scanty a remnant, that he was unable to continue long enough in -Madrid to solicit the indemnification which was so justly due to him, -and without which he could not subsist with respectability. A prey -to sickness, and deprived of the hope of ever obtaining justice, he -retired to his country seat, and there died in the year 1645. - -A man who, like Quevedo, reaped the bitterest fruits from political -justice, cannot be very heavily reproached for seizing in his -satires every opportunity of more severely chastising and ridiculing -the ministers of that justice, than any other enemies of truth -and equity. But Quevedo was not a mere satirist. He may, without -hesitation, be pronounced the most ingenious of all Spanish writers, -next to Cervantes; and his mind was, moreover, endowed with a degree -of practical judgment, which is seldom found combined with that -versatility for which he was distinguished. Could Quevedo have ruled -the taste and genius of his nation and his age in the same degree in -which that taste and genius influenced him, his versatility, joined -to his talent for composing verses with no less rapidity than Lope -de Vega, might have rendered him, if not a poet of the first rank -in the loftier region of art, at least a classic writer of almost -unrivalled merit. But this scholar and man of the world was too early -wedded to conventional forms of every kind. It may indeed be said that -he was steeped in all the colours of his age. A true feeling of the -independence of genius never animated him, lofty as his spirit in other -respects was. His taste imbibed some portion of all the conflicting -tastes which at that period existed in Spain. His style never acquired -originality, and his mind was only half cultivated. - -Quevedo’s writings, taken altogether in verse and in prose, resemble -a massy ornament of jewellery, in which the setting of some parts is -exquisitely skilful, of others extremely rude, and in which the number -of false stones and of gems of inestimable value are nearly equal. -His most numerous, and unquestionably his best productions, are those -of the satirical and comic kind. Though Quevedo did not strike into a -totally new course, yet by a union peculiar to himself of sports of -fancy, with the maxims of reason and morality, he evidently enlarged -the sphere of satirical and comic poetry in Spanish literature. He -occasionally approached, though he never equalled, the delicacy and -correctness of Cervantes. His wit is sufficiently caustic; but it is -accompanied by a coarseness which would be surprising, considering -his situation in life, were it not that Quevedo, as an author, -sought to indemnify himself for the constraint to which, as a man -of the world he was compelled to submit. For this reason, perhaps, -he bestowed but little pains on the correction of his satires. His -ideas are striking; and are thrown together sometimes with absolute -carelessness, sometimes with refined precision; but for the most part -in a distorted and mannered strain of language. This mixed character -of cultivation and rudeness peculiarly characterizes his satirical and -comic works in verse, in which, as he himself says, he has exhibited -“truth in her smock, but not quite naked.”[478] He appears as the -rival of Gongora in numerous comic canciones and romances in the old -national style.[479] In these compositions he humorously parodied the -extravagant images of the Marinists,[480] and the affected singularity -of the Gongorists.[481] Quevedo wrote no inconsiderable number of his -comic and satirical poems in the jargon of the Spanish gypsies; and it -is therefore probable that they are not intelligible to many readers on -this side of the Pyrenees.[482] These romances and canciones, which -were distinguished by the name of Xacaras, were rendered so extremely -popular by Quevedo, that even down to the present day the Spaniards -continue to admire them.[483] His Bayles, or comic dancing songs, are, -on account of their numerous allusions to national peculiarities, no -less obscure to foreigners than the Xacaras. - -Of all the Spanish poets, Quevedo has been the most successful writer -of burlesque sonnets in the Italian manner. Some of these sonnets he -shortened by depriving them of the three last of their legitimate -number of lines, while the Italians on the contrary, attached to -theirs the comic sequel which they called the _Coda_.[484] Quevedo’s -productions in this class are, for the most part, like their Italian -models, full of allusions which cannot be understood without the -assistance of a commentary. Some have a piquant sententious turn. But -that licentious humour which distinguishes this species of composition -in Italian literature Quevedo renounced, either voluntarily or from -fear of the inquisition. Besides his burlesque sonnets, he wrote -canciones and madrigals in the same style. - -Quevedo’s satires in the manner of Juvenal, naturally connect -themselves with his burlesque poems. Like his model he has infused -into them nearly as much poetry as the satirical style is capable of -receiving.[485] These compositions display the noblest enthusiasm for -truth and justice,[486] and the most patriotic zeal for the honour of -Spain,[487] forcibly and clearly expressed. - -Quevedo’s satires in verse and his poems of humour, are not so well -known out of Spain as his prose writings of the same description, of -which the most remarkable are his Visions or Dreams, and his novel of -the Great Tacaño, or the Captain of Thieves, called Don Pablos, (_Vida -del Buscon_, llamado D. Pablos), which certainly may be regarded as -the most burlesque of the knavery romances.[488] Lucian furnished him -with the original idea of satirical visions; but Quevedo’s were the -first of their kind in modern literature. Owing to frequent imitations, -their faults are now no longer disguised by the charm of novelty, and -even their merits have ceased to interest. Still, however, they must -be regarded as ingenious productions abounding in practical truths. -They are not, it is true, remarkable either for delicate satire or -pure philosophy. But Quevedo’s object was to scourge human folly and -vice in the mass; and the severe lashes which he deals out in his -Visions, are in excellent unison with the popular nature of the idea -and the poignant style of its execution. He has made perverted Justice, -with all her servants and satellites, and particularly the Alguazils, -figure in the fore ground of his picture; but the melancholy fate of -the author may well excuse, though even in the visionary world, these -monotonous features in his satirical work. Among the passages for -which no just excuse can be found, are some disgusting descriptions -of the consequences of physical excess. The reader is occasionally -surprised by the humorous sallies with which Quevedo breaks forth in -these Visions; for example, in that of the Last Judgment, in which -he describes “some merchants who had placed their souls across their -bodies, so that their five senses got into the finger nails of their -right hand.[489]” - -For the serious works of Quevedo, we must refer to his poems, as his -serious compositions in prose are in general of a theological and -ascetic character. The sonnets, canciones, odes and pastoral poems, -which he published under the name of the Bachelor de la Torre, are even -at the present day highly extolled by critics;[490] and these poems -have certainly more correctness than most of Quevedo’s other works. But -they chiefly consist of imitations of the Spanish Petrarchist style, -which was always foreign to Quevedo; and notwithstanding the great -elegance of language and versification which distinguish them, they are -surcharged with antiquated phrases of affected gallantry. The _snows_ -which _inflame_ the poet, and similar tropes in which the beauty of -a mistress is brilliantly set forth, occasionally call to mind the -style of the Italian Marinists. Nevertheless some of these sonnets well -deserve the favour which has been extended to them.[491] Quevedo’s -_Endechas_, or Laments, have a pleasing national character.[492] The -pastoral poems contained in this collection, approximate to the good -specimens of the sixteenth century. Quevedo evidently wished to prove -what he was capable of producing in this style of composition. - -The serious poems of which Quevedo has avowed himself the author, are -very unequal in character.[493] His didactic and sententious sonnets -are energetic, but deficient in delicacy.[494] Some of the best assume -a satirical turn.[495] His odes in the Pindaric style are, however, -stiff and formal. He wrote a piece of moral declamation in verse, -called _Sermon Estoyco_, (Estoical Sermon), which is in truth precisely -what the title denotes. - -That Quevedo entertained very vague notions respecting poetry, is -particularly evident from the whim which induced him to translate in -rhymed verse, the stoical Enchiridion, or Manual of Epictetus. The -translation is, however, much esteemed by the Spaniards.[496] - - -VILLEGAS. - -An Anacreon was still wanting to Spanish literature, though various -attempts in the Anacreontic style had been made. That a poet penetrated -at once with the classic spirit of Anacreon, Horace and Catullus, -should now arise, and become the favourite of the Spanish public, -was a thing scarcely to be expected; for all the resources of amatory -poetry in the only style which had hitherto been found agreeable to -Spanish taste, seemed to be exhausted. The poetry of Villegas, however, -produced precisely for this reason the more powerful impression on a -public which ardently longed for entertainment. - -Estèvan Manuel de Villègas, was born in the year 1595, at Nagera, -or Naxera, a little town in Old Castile. The history of his life is -simple. His parents who were noble, though not rich, sent him to -study at Madrid and Salamanca. His taste for poetry was developed -at a very early period. Even in his fifteenth year he translated -Anacreon, and several of the odes of Horace in verse; and likewise -imitated those poets in original compositions. In his twentieth year -he gave the finishing touch to his youthful effusions, and added to -the collection of his translated and original poems, a second part, -which has since been published conjointly with them.[497] He soon -after printed the whole collection at his own expence at Naxera, under -the title of _Amatorias_; but in the interior of the book, the poems -are styled _Eroticas_.[498] Villegas ventured to dedicate these -poems, together with the part added to them, to which a particular -title might more properly have been assigned, to Philip III. though -individual parts of the collection had previously been addressed to -other patrons. That so indolent a monarch as Philip III. should have -accepted the dedication of such a collection, may not be surprising, -and the freedom was pardonable in a young author of three-and-twenty. -But this dedication is, in another respect, remarkable in the history -of Spanish literature; for the _Eroticas_ of Villegas contain some -passages, which though not wanting in delicacy of expression, are -nevertheless so extremely free, that it is wonderful how they happened -to escape the censure of the inquisition. The dedication was, however, -productive of neither good nor evil to the poet. For several years he -vainly solicited a lucrative office; and was at last obliged to content -himself with the scanty emolument arising from an insignificant post in -Naxera, his native town. From that time he devoted his leisure to the -composition of philological works in the latin language; and though he -produced nothing new for Spanish poetry, he made a prose translation of -five books of Boethius. He lived till the year 1669. - -The graceful luxuriance of the poetry of Villegas has no parallel in -modern literature; and, generally speaking, no modern writer has -so well succeeded in blending the spirit of ancient poetry with the -modern. But constantly to observe that correctness of ideas, which -distinguished the classical compositions of antiquity, was by Villegas, -as by most Spanish poets, considered too rigid a requisition, and an -unnecessary restraint on genius. He accordingly sometimes degenerates -into conceits and images, the monstrous absurdity of which are -characteristic of the author’s nation and age. For instance, in one -of his odes in which he entreats Lyda to suffer her tresses to flow, -he says, that “when agitated by Zephyr, her locks would occasion a -thousand deaths, and subdue a thousand lives;”[499] and then he adds, -in a strain of extravagance, surpassing that of the Marinists, “that -the sun himself would cease to give light, if he did not snatch beams -from her radiant countenance to illumine the east.”[500] But faults of -this glaring kind, are by no means frequent in the poetry of Villegas; -and the fascinating grace with which he emulates his models, operates -with so powerful a charm, that the occasional occurrence of some little -affectations, from which he could scarcely be expected entirely to -abstain, is easily overlooked by the reader. - -The order in which the poetic works of Villegas are arranged, is -by no means the best; but as it was chosen by the author, it is -proper that it should be observed in pursuing a notice of the poems -themselves. The first book of the first part commences with thirty-six -odes in the style of some of the odes of Horace. The Dedicatory Ode -addressed to the king, announces, in language truly charming, the -spirit of the whole collection.[501] Then follow in a similar strain, -the most delightful plays of fancy, abounding in classical allusions, -without the least trace of pedantry. The style of Villegas even -imparts a charm of novelty to descriptions of the oftenest described -things.[502] In these odes, romantic levity assumes freedoms, which -if not always of the most excusable, are invariably of the most -graceful description;[503] and the soft and melodious expression of -tender passion, which in more than one instance occurs, has never been -surpassed.[504] - -The second book of the first division of the poems of Villegas, -consists of odes, which are free translations of the first book of -Horace. It ought not, therefore, to have been ranked under the same -title with the other poems in the collection. There is something -pedantic in the generical titles by which he distinguishes the -different odes; for example--_Memptica_, _Enetica_, _Parænetica_, &c. - -With the third book of the first division commence the Anacreontic -songs, or as they are styled in the collection, the _Delicias_ of -the poet. Their measure is chiefly anacreontic, sometimes in blank -verse, and at other times presenting the most pleasing alternation -of rhymes and assonances. Light pleasing images and soft luxuriant -ideas float through these songs even more gracefully than in the odes -attributed to Anacreon.[505] Nothing can exceed the beauty of those -in which a certain delicate moral feeling is combined with a pathetic -simplicity.[506] Only a few can be said to be absolutely copied from -the greek or latin originals. - -The fourth book of the first part, contains the complete translation of -the greek odes ascribed to Anacreon. The second division is chiefly -occupied with elegies and idyls, or _eidillios_, as Villegas, in -hellenizing the term, chooses to call them. The elegies which might -with greater propriety be denominated epistles, do not belong to the -best of the kind in Spanish literature; in the idyls, or mythological -tales, as they ought to be called, Villegas appears as one of the -_Cultoristos_, or disciples of the school of Gongora.[507] - -The collection concludes with several imitations of greek and latin -verse, which may be regarded as the first compositions of the kind -in Spanish, that were not complete failures. Doubtless the Spanish -language adapts itself somewhat more readily to the ancient metres -than the Italian; for final syllables sounded in pronunciation, but -subject to elision in scanning, do not occur so frequently in Spanish -as in Italian.--This difference is, however, in reality but of trivial -importance; and Spanish verses in the ancient syllabic measures do -not flow much more naturally than the Italian compositions of the -same kind; because many words derived from the latin, have received -in Spanish, as well as in Italian, a modern quantity,[508] which is -generally confounded with the ancient quantity by the imitators of the -greek and latin metres. The Spanish hexameters of Villegas, it is true, -approach in point of facility to the hexameters of antiquity.[509] -But the pentameters defied his imitative talent.[510] In his sapphic -verse the measure resolves into iambics: one of these sapphic odes is, -however, exquisitely beautiful.[511] - - - CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF LYRIC, BUCOLIC, EPIC, DIDACTIC, - AND SATIRICAL POETRY, TO THE CLOSE OF THE PERIOD EMBRACED BY THIS - SECTION. - -After Quevedo and Villegas, and before entering upon the notice of a -series of dramatic poets, whose works must form a subject of separate -consideration, it will be necessary to mention several ingenious -writers, who, though endowed with eminent talents, were nevertheless -unable to retard the fast approaching close of the golden era of -Spanish poesy. - - -JAUREGUI. - -If pure diction, joined to a descriptive style of the most perfect -kind, might form a sufficient claim to the title of poet of the first -rank, the right of Juan de Jauregui, or Xauregui, to that distinction, -among the Spanish poets of the first half of the seventeenth century, -could not be disputed. Jauregui, who was of Biscayan origin, but -educated in the interior of Spain, first developed his talents in -Italy. In that country he prosecuted his poetic studies, and at -the same time thought it no degradation to practise painting as a -profession, though he was a nobleman and a knight of the order of -Calatrava. He is said to have excelled in painting even more than -in poetry. While in Italy he made a Spanish translation of Tasso’s -Amynta, in which he was so successful, that the translation is still -regarded by the educated portion of his countrymen as possessing the -characteristics of the happiest original composition. Jauregui was a -decided opponent of the Gongorists; but his taste did not coincide -with that of Quevedo. He devoted much talent and industry to a free -translation of Lucan’s Pharsalia in octaves. He died in 1610; and -his poetic remains, exclusive of his translations, are by no means -numerous. The translation of Lucan was not published till long after -the death of Jauregui; but ever since its appearance, the Spaniards -have admired it as a classic composition; and it unquestionably -possesses all the merit that the translation of such a work can -possibly present. But from a man who could be induced to apply so much -labour and time to a translation of Lucan, no very extraordinary -proofs of poetic talent were to be expected; and it must be confessed -that Jauregui, in none of his compositions has risen above what may -be called the poetry of style. He might have carried this kind of -merit still farther, had not his Lucan led him into a kind of mannered -affectation. Among his original works, his _Orfeo_, a mythological -tale, in five cantos, deserves to be distinguished.[512] But his lyric -poems, and particularly his sonnets, bear evident traces of the man of -genius and of cultivated mind.[513] Jauregui’s dramatic compositions, -which were written with the view of reforming the national taste, -are now lost to literature, and were at the time of their production -indignantly banished from the stage. He is the author of some small -works in prose, one of which is a treatise on painting.[514] - - -BORJA Y ESQUILLACHE. - -Prince Francisco de Borja y Esquillache, a knight of the Golden Fleece, -and for some time viceroy of Peru, was the most distinguished, in -point of birth, of all the Spanish poets of his age.[515] With regard -to cultivation, he may be placed on a level with Jauregui; but he -deserves to rank higher in poetic invention. Throughout his long life, -which when he died in 1658, had extended to nearly eighty years, he -seems constantly to have devoted a portion of his time to the study -of poetry; and though he was not entitled to the praises lavished on -him by his flatterers, who styled him the Prince of Spanish Poets, -he may be regarded as the last representative of the classic style -of the sixteenth century. The collection of his sonnets, epistles, -tales, romances, and canciones, forms a large quarto volume, the last -half of which is printed in double columns.[516] Prince Francisco de -Borja, was likewise the author of an unsuccessful epic poem, entitled, -_Napoles Conquistada_, and various works on sacred subjects. Though he -did not contribute to the advancement of Spanish poetry, yet in all -his writings, he decidedly opposed that subtlety and affectation which -in the time of Gongora usurped the place of real genius. The intimate -friendship he had contracted in his youth with the younger Argensola, -had no doubt a favourable influence on the early developement of his -talent. In the preface to his poems, which is in verse, he explains -the principles of his taste with so much accuracy, modesty and -elegance, that the reader cannot fail to be prepossessed in his favour, -before entering on an attentive perusal of his works.[517] He was -particularly averse to all kinds of affectation and extravagance.[518] -Most of his sonnets bear traces of mature reflection.[519] His long -tale of Jacob and Rachel, (_Cantos de Jacob y Raquel_), in octaves, has -indeed no other merit than that of elegant diction.[520] His lyric -romances, however, of which he wrote upwards of two hundred and fifty, -present at once the richest and most beautiful gleanings in that -species of poetic composition.[521] - - -OTHER POETS OF THIS PERIOD--THE SYLVAS, OR POETIC FORESTS. - -To enter into a detailed description of the works of some other -Spanish poets, with whom the old national poetry and the Italian style -equally perished, would be the more unnecessary here, as these poets, -though not without genius, wanted proper cultivation, and merely -followed in the general stream. Besides, there is no want of literary -notices which furnish abundant information respecting Luis de Ulloa, -Francisco de Rioja, Gravina, Manuel de Mela, Juan de Tarsis, Count of -Villamediana, and others.[522] It is, however, worthy of remark, that -at this period, as in the preceding ages, Spanish noblemen and men of -rank were particularly distinguished among the candidates for poetic -fame. The Poetic Forests, (_Sylvas_), as they were styled, according -to Gongora’s nomenclature, but which were afterwards designated by the -common Spanish word _Selvas_, doubtless contributed in no slight degree -to hasten the decline of genuine poetry in Spain. In these Forests -rhymed prose could flow on without obstruction, and every conceit was -in its proper place; for no fixed metre, and no unity of ideas or -events restrained the poet or versifier. The works of Count Rebolledo, -which are deserving of a particular notice, will afford a sufficient -idea of the direction thus given to the lyric, didactic, narrative, and -bucolic poetry of Spain, in a general combination of all these styles. - - -REBOLLEDO. - -Bernardino, Count of Rebolledo, was one of the heroes of the latter -period of the thirty years war in Germany. After having distinguished -himself in the military service both of Spain and Austria, he resided -for a considerable time in the quality of Spanish ambassador at -Copenhagen, where he watched over the interests of his sovereign with -reference to the designs of the king of Sweden. His taste for military -and political affairs did not preclude the exercise of his talent for -poetry. But it was not until his mission to Copenhagen, when he had -attained the age of maturity, that he found leisure to prosecute his -poetic studies with assiduity. Thus, for the first time, and perhaps -for the last, was Spanish poetry in the middle of the seventeenth -century, transplanted to Scandanavia. Count Rebolledo was much pleased -with his residence in Copenhagen; and he rendered signal service to -his Danish majesty, when Charles Gustavus, King of Sweden, marched -across the frozen Belt, and bombarded the Danish capital. Though a -zealous catholic, he felt for the royal house of Denmark a kind of -personal devotion, which he seized every opportunity of manifesting, -both in verse and prose. He took particular interest in the study of -the history and geography of Denmark, with the view of describing -them in Spanish verse. Having returned to his native country, where -he was appointed minister of war, he died in 1676, in the eightieth -year of his age. His poems were, during his life, collected and -published under various titles.[523] One of these collections, entitled -_Ocios_, (Leisure Hours), proves that Count Rebolledo, though he only -travelled in a long beaten tract, and even in that tract did not -shine above his contemporaries, possessed, nevertheless, a degree of -poetic cultivation, which was probably unparalleled in Copenhagen in -the age in which he lived. He was particularly successful as a writer -of elegant madrigals;[524] and he is the author of a play, entitled, -_Amor Despreciando Riesgos_,[525] (Love Dreads no Danger), which -possesses considerable interest. But Rebolledo’s name has been rendered -still more remarkable in the history of Spanish literature by his dull -Forests, for which he himself claimed the title of poetic, though -they exhibit only the last traces of Spanish poetry. Other writers -had already done their utmost to give importance to the rhymed prose -of these Forests. But Rebolledo so completely mistook the essence of -poetry, that he really conceived he was executing works of high poetic -merit, when he put into verse a compendium of the History and Geography -of Denmark, entitled, _Selvas Danicas_, and a treatise on the Art of -War and State Policy, entitled, _Selva Militar y Politica_. Whoever -attempts to travel through Rebolledo’s Danish Forests, will soon find, -especially if he have any recollection of genuine Spanish poetry, that -he has undertaken a very disagreeable task. In the first half of the -work, not a single poetic or even ingenious trait enlivens the dry -enumeration of facts. What the author intended for a narrative poem, -is found to be merely an account of the History of Denmark, related in -the lowest style of common place prose; and the multitude of northern -names, which partly retain their original spelling, and are partly -hispanized, have a peculiarly grotesque effect.[526] The geography of -Denmark, which constitutes the second part of the work, presents a few -poetic passages.[527] But the Military and Political Forest, which is -intended for a didactic poem, is rhymed prose from beginning to end. -It is difficult to say whether the principles of tactics,[528] or the -instructions in the art of government,[529] appear most ridiculous in -the versified garb in which Rebolledo has clothed them. The worthy -author might with more propriety have applied the title of poems to -his _Selvas Sagradas_, (Sacred Forests), which are translations of the -psalms in the loose forms of the Forests. - - -CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH DRAMA. - -The feeling of regret with which the decay of Spanish poetry in the age -of Rebolledo is beheld, yields to the agreeable surprize which arises -on taking a retrospective view of the Spanish drama, the history of -which must now be continued to the close of the present period. The -history of the Spanish drama should properly be studied as a whole; -but that combined mode of viewing the subject was not compatible -with a synchronous account of all the remarkable productions of the -polite literature of Spain. Having, however, in connexion with Lope de -Vega, spoken of Virues, Montalvan, and others, it will, at least, be -convenient not to separate the series of dramatic poets, who emulated -or imitated Calderon. - - -CALDERON. - -Again, in the history of Spanish poetry a writer occurs, whose name -deserves to be transmitted to the latest posterity, and who flourished -along with others who are also worthy of honourable remembrance. - -Pedro Calderon de la Barca, descended of a noble family, was born in -the year 1600. He is said to have written his first dramatic work -before he had completed his fourteenth year. Having finished his -collegial studies at an early age, he, according to the custom of -the times, attached himself to some patrons whom he found among the -nobility at the court of Madrid. Not satisfied, however, with this -means of introducing himself to the great world, he became a soldier, -and served in several campaigns in Italy and the Netherlands. Meanwhile -the fame of his talents as a dramatic poet was widely spread; and it -was foretold that he would equal, if not exceed, Lope de Vega. King -Philip IV. who afforded more liberal encouragement to the drama than -any of his predecessors, and who was himself the author of several -plays, was gratified by the idea that he had in Calderon a man capable -of giving splendour to the court theatre. He called him to Madrid in -the year 1636, and shortly after invested him with the order of St. -Iago. From this period Calderon became permanently fixed at court, and -his young sovereign, whose chief attention was devoted to amusements -and festivities, kept him in constant activity. No expence was spared -in bestowing pomp and brilliancy on the pieces which Calderon produced -for the entertainment of the court; but on the other hand, it was -expected of him to accommodate his genius to the conditions required -by a courtly audience. Nevertheless his taste was consulted in the -arrangement of all public festivities, and the triumphal arch through -which the Queen Maria of Austria made her public entrance into Spain, -was erected in conformity with his suggestions. - -In his fifty-second year Calderon took holy orders, but did not on -that account totally relinquish his previous occupations. From that -time, however, he applied himself with more particular assiduity to -the composition of his _Autos Sacramentales_, which soon superseded -throughout the whole of Spain all the older dramas of this class. -Calderon lived to an advanced age, admired by his countrymen, and amply -rewarded by ecclesiastical dignities, pensions and presents, from his -sovereign. In the estimation of the public, his dramas surpassed those -of every preceding and contemporary writer. But in his old age, he -himself attached but little importance to his temporal productions. The -Duke of Veragua addressed to him a flattering letter, requesting to be -furnished with a complete list of his dramas, because the booksellers -were in the habit of selling the works of other writers under his name. -In reply, Calderon, who was then in his eightieth year, supplied the -duke only with the list of his _Autos Sacramentales_. He added in a -letter, that with regard to his temporal dramas, he felt offended, that -in addition to his own faulty works, those of other authors should -be circulated in his name; and besides that, his writings were so -altered that he himself could not recognize even their titles. He also -expressed his determination to follow the example of the booksellers, -and to pay as little regard to his plays as they did; but he observed, -that on religious grounds he attached more importance to his Autos.[530] - -Calderon died in 1687, in the eighty-seventh year of his age. Several -collections of his dramas appeared during his life, and among the rest -one published by his brother, Joseph Calderon, in 1640, but none were -edited by the author himself. In the great edition of the collected -comedies of Calderon, which his friend Juan de Vera Tassis y Villaroel -began to superintend in 1685, the poet, who was then eighty-five years -of age, can scarcely be expected to have indirectly participated -even so far as was necessary to certify the authenticity of the -component parts. It is therefore questionable whether the hundred and -twenty-seven plays, published in Calderon’s name, be all genuine. This -doubt may indeed be hazarded with the greater probability, as Juan -de Vera Tassis, who undertook to publish the complete collection of -Calderon’s dramas, estimates the number of his Autos at ninety-five; -while Calderon himself, in his conscientious list furnished to the -Duke of Veragua, states their number to be only sixty-eight, including -those not printed. It can scarcely be believed that Calderon wrote -twenty-seven Autos after he had attained the age of eighty.[531] - -On a comparison of the dramas of Calderon and Lope de Vega, it requires -no extraordinary critical penetration to discover the essential -services which the former rendered to the dramatic literature of Spain. -Which of these writers possessed the greater share of inventive talent, -is a question which it would be difficult to determine, for Lope de -Vega was not the inventor of that species of dramatic composition -which was common to both, and Calderon was not behind him in the -invention of new combinations of intrigue, ingenious complexities of -plot, and interesting situations. In general the invention of Lope -may be the bolder, but it is also the more rude of the two; and with -regard to whatever may be called refinement, whether in conception or -execution, but more particularly in style, Calderon formed for himself -an entirely new sphere. The delicate art with which he gave the last -polish to the Spanish drama, without changing its nature, carries with -it an ennobling dignity in some of his historical, or, as they are -styled, heroic comedies. In his comedies of intrigue this delicacy is -conspicuous in the execution of the general forms of character, which -had now become naturalized on the Spanish stage, and which usurped -the place of individuality. Calderon’s comedies are necessarily as -little pieces of character as those of Lope de Vega, for with the -delineation of particular character they would have ceased to be pure -dramas of intrigue. But they abound in characteristic traits, in those -traits which develope, as it were, out of the souls of the dramatic -personages, the natural course of the gay intrigue in all its various -modifications. As an acute observer of the female mind and manners -Calderon was infinitely superior to Lope de Vega. This delicacy of -observation accords admirably with the almost incredible subtlety -of his combinations of intrigue; and the elegance of his language -and versification complete the ingenious harmony of these apparently -irregular dramas, which though not sufficiently perfect to be regarded -as models, are nevertheless true to the rules which the author -prescribed to himself. The other merits which belong to his dramas, -such as the seductive gracefulness and facility of the dialogue, -Calderon shares in common with all the good dramatic writers of Spain. -The faults with which he may be reproached, and which in some measure -belong to the species of drama he adopted, are more numerous in some of -his pieces than in others. It must also be observed, that in some of -his heroic comedies, he sinks so completely beneath his own standard -that it is difficult to recognize him. - -In Calderon’s _Comedias de Capa y Espada_,[532] the plots are usually -of so complicated a nature, that no reader except a Spaniard, -habituated to this sort of mental exercise,[533] can on a first -perusal seize and follow the various threads of the intrigue, by the -artful entanglement of which the principal characters of the piece are -repeatedly plunged from one unexpected embarrassment into another. -Calderon particularly excelled in the accumulation of surprises, in -connecting one difficult situation with another, and in maintaining -undiminished the strongly excited interest to the close of the piece. -But in order to render this task the easier, he paid still less -attention than Lope de Vega to probability in the succession of the -scenes; and his characters make their entries and their exits just as -it happens to suit the convenience of the poet. The Spanish public -was, however, disposed to pardon every improbability of this kind, -which gave rise to some new situation full of dramatic truth. Calderon -appears to have estimated the merits of his dramas of intrigue, in -proportion to the effect produced by the situations; and in this -respect he was the more an inventor in proportion as he introduced -the less variety into his characters. In all Calderon’s comedies of -intrigue, the dramatis personæ are the same individuals under various -names. Two or three ladies of fashion, two or three lovers, an old -man, a few waiting maids, a few male servants, and among these last, -one who acts as the _gracioso_, or buffoon; such are the standing -characters with which Calderon usually contented himself in his sphere -of dramatic composition. The motives on which the plot turns are a -licentious gallantry, in which no moral interest is permitted to mix, -and a point of honour which gives rise to incessant contests. On the -slightest cause of offence swords are drawn, and when passion rages, -even daggers are employed. Romantic accessaries are found in wounds, -and murders, though the latter, it is true, are not quite so frequent -as the former. Among the other passions the fury of jealousy is -conspicuous; and in order to bring this passion into play, the author -avails himself of disguises, concealments, mistakes of persons, houses -or letters, and occasionally some particular local circumstance, such -for instance, as the secret door, which appears to be a cupboard, -in the lively drama of _La Dama Duende_, (The Fairy Lady.) There is -also no want of night scenes in Calderon’s pieces of intrigue. But -however astonishing may be the variety of the situations which he has -created out of this uniformity of plan, yet they cannot long satisfy a -cultivated taste which requires a nobler kind of variety. - -How far Calderon in his _Comedias de Capa y Espada_ has correctly -represented the fashionable world of Madrid, as it existed in the -reigns of Philip III. and Philip IV. is a question which cannot now -be satisfactorily determined. Modern Spanish writers have conceived -they were pronouncing a judicious critical censure, when they cast on -Calderon’s dramas the reproach of insulting the whole Spanish nation, -by representing it as composed almost solely of romantic coxcombs and -intriguing coquettes. These attacks on Calderon, are the consequence -of inconsiderate zeal for the principles of the French drama, by which -the dramatic literature of Spain must never be judged.[534] It is -scarcely necessary to observe, that a representation of one class of -men, who were particularly conspicuous in Madrid, could not be intended -as a representation of the whole Spanish nation. But attempts have -been made to depreciate, by still more plausible sophisms, the merits -of Calderon’s sketches of manners. It has been remarked, that he has -totally violated nature, by putting into the mouths of valets and -waiting women poetic language, which would be extraordinary even if -delivered by their masters and mistresses. The Spanish servants of the -present day are, doubtless, less likely than those of the seventeenth -century, to converse in the poetical style in which the servants in -Calderon’s plays, on particular occasions, express themselves. But the -spirit of these particular occasions must not be misunderstood. The -servants in Calderon’s comedies always imitate the language of their -masters. In most cases they express themselves like the latter, in the -natural language of real life, and often divested of that colouring -of the ideas, without which a dramatic work ceases to be a poem. But -whenever romantic gallantry speaks in the language of tenderness, -admiration, or flattery, then, according to Spanish custom, every idea -becomes a metaphor; and Calderon, who was a thorough Spaniard, seized -these opportunities to give the reins to his fancy, and to suffer it -to take a bold lyric flight beyond the boundaries of nature. On such -occasions the most extravagant metaphoric language, in the style of -the Italian Marinists, did not appear unnatural to a Spanish audience; -and even Calderon himself had for that style a particular fondness, -to the gratification of which he sacrificed a chaster taste. It was -his ambition to become a more refined Lope de Vega, or a Spanish -Marino. Thus in his play, entitled, _Bien vengas Mal, si vengas Solo_, -(Misfortune comes Well, if it comes Alone), a waiting maid, addressing -her young mistress who has risen in a gay humour, says--“Aurora would -not have done wrong had she slumbered that morning in her snowy -chrystal, for that the light of her mistress’s charms would suffice to -draw aside the curtains from the couch of Sol.” She adds that, using a -Spanish idea, “it might then indeed be said that the sun had risen in -her lady’s eyes,”[535] &c. Valets, on the like occasion, speak in the -same style; and when lovers address compliments to their mistresses, -and these reply in the same strain, the play of far-fetched metaphors -is aggravated by antitheses to a degree which is intolerable to any but -a Spanish formed taste.[536] But it must not be forgotten that this -language of gallantry was in Calderon’s time spoken by the fashionable -world, and that it was a vernacular property of the ancient national -poetry. - -Faults of a less pardonable nature in Calderon’s dramas, are the stale -jests and meaningless plays on words uttered by servants,[537] and the -burlesque situations to which the disgusting accidents, occasioned by -certain nocturnal showers from windows give rise. But according to the -testimony of travellers, such accidents are very common at night in -the streets of Madrid and Lisbon; and it must be recollected that in -Calderon’s time the jests of servants were considered as indispensable -in a Spanish drama of intrigue, as the presence of the _gracioso_ -himself, who is, for the most part, one of the valets.[538] - -But the violations of cultivated taste which occur in Calderon’s -comedies of intrigue, are so amply redeemed, that the critic cannot -long hesitate to decide whether faults or beauties are most abundant. -Some of these dramas are particularly remarkable for those descriptive -narratives, by the introduction of which nearly all the Spanish -comedies of the same class bring to recollection their original -relationship with novels.[539] Though individual character is wanting, -yet sometimes in the course of the intrigue, beautiful characteristic -traits unexpectedly occur.[540] The delicacy of the point of honour, -which in all these dramas supplies the place of morality, is frequently -exhibited by Calderon in its most brilliant point of view;[541] -and he sometimes with much formality oversteps the Spanish rule, by -which moralizing was excluded from this species of drama.[542] The -application which may be made of the plot is frequently denoted by -the title of the piece, and is still more distinctly developed at -the conclusion.[543] Calderon deserves praise for having but seldom -introduced sonnets in his comedies of intrigue, though he has amply -availed himself of other freedoms, in order to maintain the privilege -of poetry in pourtraying the scenes of common life.[544] - -Calderon’s heroic comedies are much diversified in their kind, and very -unequal in their merits. Some are distinguished from the dramas of -intrigue only by the rank of the characters. Of this kind is the well -known piece, entitled, _El Secreto a Voces_, (the Published Secret), -imitations of which have appeared in the Italian, French, and German -languages. The Spaniards number it among their heroic comedies, merely -because an Italian prince and princess are introduced in it. Other -plays by Calderon, which, according to the Spanish nomenclature, are -ranked in the heroic class, are in fact romantic pastoral dramas; as -for example, the pleasing piece, entitled, _Eco y Narciso_. Others -again are romantic, mythological festival pieces, accompanied by -transformations and melo-dramatic splendour; of this kind is _El mayor -encanto Amor_, (Love is the greatest Enchantment). Finally, among -Calderon’s heroic comedies are included his historical dramas, several -of which may properly be called tragedies. Some of these historical -dramas are among the best, while others are the most trivial of -Calderon’s productions. All are melo-dramatic spectacles, in which -armies defile, battles are fought, and sumptuous banquets are given. -The scene is, by turns, a palace, a vast landscape, a cavern, or a -pleasure garden, while drums and trumpets flourish, and cannon thunder -at every opportunity. - -In all that regards scenic splendour in the composition of historical -plays, even Lope de Vega must yield to Calderon, for the dramas of the -latter were represented at the expence of the royal treasury. But in -the historical style of dramatic composition Calderon only succeeded -when he selected his materials from the events of his own country. -Where he has adapted to the Spanish stage, subjects from the Greek -and Roman history, as in his Alexander the Great,[545] and in his -Coriolanus,[546] the absurd change of costume is almost forgotten -amidst the extravagant confusion of the events, by which romantic -situations are brought about one after another, but which, on the -whole, produce only a mean effect. The great poet seems occasionally -to have been forsaken by his good genius, particularly when he makes a -display of his erudition in the very same scenes in which he completely -perverts ancient history. But Calderon’s historical dramas of this -class are very inferior to those of which the story was invented by -himself, and the scene arbitrarily laid in ancient Greece. Among the -latter is a piece, entitled, _Finezas contra Finezas_, (Generosity for -Generosity), a beautiful poem, full of tenderness and mythological -piety. But this drama, though, perhaps, single in its kind, must -nevertheless yield to the christian drama, of which the history of -Portugal furnishes the hero. The tragedy of Don Fernando, entitled, -_El Principe Constante_, displays all the lustre of Calderon’s genius. -The unities of time and place are lost sight of in the unity of the -heroic action, into which Calderon has infused the spirit of the purest -pathos, without departing from the Spanish national style of heroic -comedy. This tragedy might not improperly be named the Portuguese -Regulus. Don Fernando, a Portuguese prince, lands at the head of an -army, accompanied by his brother Don Enrique, on the coast of Barbary -in Morocco. He is victorious in his first battle, and he makes prisoner -the African hero, Muley, who relates to him his history. The prince, -moved by generosity, liberates his captive. No sooner has Muley -expressed his surprise and gratitude, than the Moors return with a -reinforcement, and the Portuguese prince is himself made prisoner. At -this point commence the tragic scenes which are prepared by pathetic -situations of another kind. The king of Fez and Morocco immediately -offers liberty to his royal prisoner, on condition of the surrender of -the garrison of Ceuta on the coast of Morocco, which is in possession -of the Portuguese. The prince declares that he would rather die in -the most degrading captivity, than consent to obtain his freedom by -delivering a christian town into the power of the infidels. The moorish -king, however, relies so confidently on the acquisition of Ceuta, that -he treats the prince with every mark of respect until the return of the -envoy from Portugal. The answer of the Portuguese government proves to -be, as the king of Fez expected, a compliance with his proposal; but -the prince firmly refuses to be ransomed on the required condition. He -now receives the most rigorous treatment, which he bears with pious -heroism and without complaint, until his bodily strength is exhausted -and he expires. The sufferings and fortitude of Fernando;--the conflict -between gratitude and religious prejudice in the mind of Muley, who -exerts his utmost endeavours to deliver the captive prince;--and, on -the other hand, Muley’s romantic passion for the king’s daughter, who -is destined to be the bride of another;--and the still more romantic -tenderness of the princess,--form altogether a picture so noble and -so truly poetic, that it would be unfair in this brief sketch of the -piece, to notice the numerous errors which it unquestionably presents. -The action seems to terminate with the death of Fernando; but a fresh -army arrives from Portugal, and the ghost of the prince, with a -torch in his hand, appears at the head of the troops and leads them -on to victory. The impression produced by this apparition gives the -finishing touch to the romantic pathos of the foregoing scenes.[547] -The beautiful flights of fancy which occur at the commencement of the -piece are worthy of particular attention. There Calderon has painted -his favourite images in his comparison of waves with flowers.[548] -On another occasion of a similar kind a comparison of stars with -flowers, and of flowers with stars, is introduced in two _concerted_ -sonnets.[549] The heroic character of Don Fernando is decidedly evinced -in his first speech to his companions in arms; and his noble spirit is -still more distinctly developed when he restores Muley to freedom.[550] -But a more minute detail of the beauties of this tragedy would carry -us beyond the limits of this work. - -Calderon’s _Autos Sacramentales_ may be noticed in a few words. In this -class of dramatic composition, Calderon pursued the path which had been -previously trodden by Perez de Montalvan, but he left his model far -behind him. Some of his autos, of which that entitled, _La Devocion de -la Cruz_, (the Miracles of the Cross, or literally the Devotion of the -Cross), may be cited as an example, are the grandest and most ingenious -productions of the kind in the Spanish language. But in these spiritual -dramas, reason and moral feeling are so perverted by extravagant and -fantastic notions of religious faith, that it is impossible to forbear -congratulating those nations whose better fate has excluded them from -amusements of this kind. - - -HISTORY OF THE SPANISH DRAMA CONTINUED TO THE CLOSE OF THE PERIOD OF -THIS SECTION. - -Never, perhaps, was any dramatic poet accompanied in so long a career -by such a number of rivals, friends, and imitators, as Calderon. -It was precisely the half century during which he indefatigably -laboured for the Spanish theatre that gave birth to the greater part -of those dramas, the number of which is better known than the merits. -In consequence of the popularity of Lope de Vega and Calderon, the -passion for dramatic composition became as epidemic in Spain as that of -sonnet writing had formerly been. The encouragement which Philip IV. -gave to the drama, doubtless contributed not a little to excite this -poetic emulation. But the multitude of writers who entered into the -competition were ambitious of rivalling Lope de Vega and Calderon in -proofs of fertility of invention. The fecundity of Perez de Montalvan, -who, notwithstanding his life was short, wrote nearly one hundred plays -in the style of Lope de Vega, was not allowed to remain a solitary -example. The impression produced by successive _comedias famosas_ on -a public whose greatest mental enjoyment was found in the theatre, -was also felt by those who were desirous of producing similar works. -Thus every piece which was applauded sowed the seeds of new comedies. -No author thought it necessary to reform the principles on which -Spanish comedy was composed, or attempted to distinguish himself by any -particular originality. At the same time the spirit which governed this -emulation was equally remote from an intentional imitation of the more -celebrated dramatic poets. He who was ambitious of adding one more to -the numberless dramas in the possession of the stage, followed in the -general stream under the influence of impressions previously received. -To wit and fancy free scope was allowed; but any original traits which -the new production might contain, were more or less overshadowed by -the general character of this class of composition. The whole of those -dramatists, whose works so closely resemble each other, form therefore -only one school. Were not the critic assisted by names the most -extensive, knowledge of this department of Spanish literature would in -most cases be insufficient to enable him to distinguish the labours -of different authors. It often happened that several writers formed a -co-partnership of their talents for the production of one piece. Hence -arose the practice of printing on the titles of some dramas, the words, -“by two wits,” or “by three wits,” (_de dos ingenios_, or _de tres -ingenios_.) Of the numerous aspirants in this conflict of efforts and -of talents, proportionally few succeeded in obtaining a celebrity which -entitles them to be placed near Lope de Vega and Calderon. These few, -however, whose number, compared with the approved dramatists of other -nations, the French comic authors excepted, is still very considerable, -vied in ingenuity and delicacy of composition with Calderon, and -endeavoured to surpass him in regularity. - -Several authors have with much labour endeavoured to discover the -number of the Spanish dramas, as if the knowledge of their amount even -correctly ascertained, could be worth the pains necessary to acquire -it. Of the three thousand eight hundred and fifty-two dramatic works -which La Huerta has enumerated,[551] the greater part belongs to the -age of Calderon. Those which Calderon himself wrote, appear in the -list; and it also includes a considerable number of short interludes, -some of which, perhaps, did not cost their authors more than a few -hours labour. But this list contains only the printed dramas known to -literary collectors. That the number of pieces remaining in manuscript -is much greater, may from analogy be presumed; for of the dramatic -compositions of the idolized Lope de Vega, which are estimated at more -than two thousand, not many more than three hundred have been printed. - -It would not be uninteresting to analyze, for the purpose of comparison -with the works of Calderon, some of the best of the other dramas -of this age; but such details do not fall within the province of -this General History of Spanish Poetry and Eloquence. Some of the -contemporaries of Calderon, however, vied with him in so distinguished -a manner, that an express but brief notice of their merits becomes -indispensable. - - - ANTONIO DE SOLIS--MORETO--JUAN DE HOZ--TIRSO DE MOLINA--FRANCISCO - DE ROXAS--AUGUSTIN DE SALAZAR--MIRA DE MESCUA, &c. - -An honourable station, beside Calderon, belongs to Antonio de Solis, -one of the most eminent authors of his age. He was ten years younger -than Calderon, whom he survived a few years. His literary activity was -not limited to the study of poetry; for morals, politics, and history, -also occupied his attention, particularly in his maturer years. He -wrote the preludes, (_loas_), to some of Calderon’s dramas, and appears -to have been connected by the ties of friendship with that great poet. -The fame of his political and historical knowledge obtained for him a -place in the administration under Philip IV. and after the death of -that monarch he was appointed to the lucrative post of _Coronista de -las Indias_, or historiographer of the transactions of the Spaniards -in both Indies. While he held this office, he wrote his celebrated -History of the Conquest of Mexico, which will be more particularly -noticed at the close of the present book. Finally, he entered into -holy orders, and devoted himself almost exclusively to exercises of -devotion; he died in 1686. His plays do not display so much boldness -of imagination as Calderon’s; but they are ingeniously composed in the -Spanish national style of intrigue, and exhibit an elegant vivacity of -diction. With regard to pleasantries put into the mouths of servants, -he does not exactly correspond with other Spanish dramatists. His -dramatic compositions are more regular than Calderon’s, because he was -less liable to be seduced by the force of his imagination. Among his -comedies attributed to the heroic class, _El Alcazar del Secreto_, -(the Castle of Mystery), is justly much valued. In his dramas of -intrigue he has endeavoured to vary the characters more than his great -contemporary. Thus gipseys figure in his piece, called, _La Gitanilla -de Madrid_, which is partly founded on Cervantes’s novel of the same -title.[552] - -Augustin Moreto possessed a higher degree of comic talent than -Calderon. This able and industrious writer was also favoured by Philip -IV. but he became an ecclesiastic and renounced writing for the -theatre. Some of his pieces are comic from beginning to end, and are -also comedies of character, though the form of the Spanish drama of -intrigue is still preserved. In his piece, entitled, _De fuera vendra, -quien de casa nos eschara_,[553] (He will come from without, Who will -turn us out), he has introduced an old coquette, a military coxcomb, -and a doctor of laws, who besides being cowardly and pedantic, is -also amorous. These characters are drawn with a comic force which has -seldom been surpassed, though it must be confessed that they partake -too much of the caricature style. In general Moreto approximates more -than Calderon to Terence, whose comedies became, in the sequel, models -for the Spanish dramatists when the principles of the French drama were -adopted. But his _gracioso_, who is always the fool of the piece in the -character of a servant, repeats too often the same sort of wretched -jests. - -Juan de Hoz likewise approached to the comic style of the regular -dramas representing character. Of this author nothing further is known, -except that he wrote an excellent comedy, entitled, _El castigo de la -Miseria_, (Avarice Punished,) which presents a considerable resemblance -to one of Cervantes’s novels.[554] - -Tirso de Molina, or Gabriel Sellez, (as his real name is said to -have been) was one of the most prolific dramatic writers among the -contemporaries of Calderon. He is the reputed author of upwards of -seventy plays still extant. He vied with Lope de Vega and Calderon -in the merit of ingenious and bold invention, which is particularly -manifested in his historical and spiritual dramas.[555] - -The dramas of intrigue by Francisco de Rojas, or Roxas, a knight of the -order of Santiago, were, about the middle of the sixteenth century, -as much esteemed as those of Calderon; for the art of ingenious -complexity which they exhibited, rendered them particularly pleasing -to the Spanish taste. A play by this author, entitled, _Entre Bobos -anda el Juego_[556], (When Fools play the Game goes well), is even at -the present day a distinguished favourite on the Spanish stage. He was -not so successful as a writer of heroic comedies. His _Casarse para -Vengarse_, (Marriage of Vengeance), which is a sort of tragedy, is -disgustingly surcharged with bombastic phrases. - -Agustin de Salazar y Torres, was educated in Mexico, and after his -return to Spain, lived at the court of Philip IV. He was an admirer of -Gongora, and as many of his poems prove, also a faithful disciple; but -though an inveterate Gongorist, he was one of the cleverest writers -of that school of affectation. His dramatic works are distinguished -for ingenuity of invention, and a style which shews that he knew -how to elevate himself above the common level, without running into -bombast.[557] His heroic comedy, entitled, _Elegir al Enemigo_, (How to -choose an Enemy), is full of genuine poetry. - -Antonio Mira de Mescua, or Amescua, who lived as an ecclesiastic at -the court of Philip IV. must not be omitted in the list of the Spanish -dramatic poets of the period now under consideration. He was regarded -by many of his contemporaries as a second Lope de Vega;[558] and he -doubtless more nearly approached the rude brilliancy of Lope than -the elegant manner of Calderon. He remained, however, far behind his -model; yet his historical and spiritual dramas are distinguished for -conceptions, which, though extravagant, are not devoid of interest, and -which were moreover perfectly in unison with the prevailing Spanish -taste. In _El Caballero sin Nombre_, (The Knight without a Name), he -has even ventured to introduce a wild bear on the stage. - -To the historian who makes the dramatic literature of Spain his -particular object, must be consigned the task of collecting the -necessary information respecting the works of Antonio de Mendoza, Luis -Velez de Guevara, Alvaro Cubillo, Luis Coello, Felipe Godinez, Juan -Matos Fragoso, and other dramatists, who in the age in which they -lived, were frequently placed on a level with Calderon. The writer -who devotes his attention to this department of Spanish literature, -must likewise take into consideration the older dramatic works which -appeared during the latter years of Lope de Vega’s career, as, for -example, the comedies of Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, Guillen de Castro, -&c.[559] Neither must he neglect to furnish bibliographic accounts -of the various collections of Spanish dramas published by different -editors. In the present work it is only necessary to observe, -that these collections, the greater part of which appeared in the -seventeenth century, were all speculations of the booksellers. Most -of them present abundant traces of haste and negligence, and but few -are distinguished for critical discrimination in the selection. The -historian of the Spanish national taste will, however, consult those -collections with the view of ascertaining what dramas were, at a -certain period, the greatest favourites in Spain; for the booksellers -published their collections in conformity with the humour of the -public. Thus every drama which was printed, was styled a _Comedia -famosa_, so that about the middle of the seventeenth century, the -epithet _famosa_, had, by frequent repetition, lost all value. - - - CONCLUSION OF THE HISTORY OF SPANISH ELOQUENCE AND CRITICISM - WITHIN THE PERIOD OF THIS SECTION. - -The works belonging to the department of elegant prose, which appeared -during the period of the ascendency of dramatic poetry in Spanish -literature, may be noticed in few words. The authors who still adhered -to the spirit of genuine eloquence, gave no new direction to rhetorical -cultivation; they merely continued, with laudable perseverance, the -task begun by their predecessors, namely, that of opposing the party -who methodically endeavoured to introduce into prose composition a new -tone of ingenious absurdity. - -Romantic prose no longer maintained a conflict with true eloquence, -but proceeded in a separate course. The reading portion of the Spanish -public continued to be supplied with romances and novels, most of -which, however, were the production of obscure writers. Several Spanish -ladies contributed their share in this kind of authorship. - -The necessary distinction between historical and romantic narrative -was now made by the historiographers or chroniclers, whose numbers -had been augmented since the extension of the Spanish possessions in -India and America. But among all these writers, Antonio de Solis, -who has already been noticed as a dramatic poet, is the only one -who produced a work deserving to be ranked among the models of -historical composition. His history, which he wrote in the quality of -historiographer of the Indies, is the last classic relic of the kind -of which Spanish literature can boast. It contains an account of the -Conquest of Mexico, in a genuine historical form, notwithstanding that -the subject was calculated to seduce a poetic author into the romantic -narrative style.[560] Those who are unacquainted with the fact of -Antonio de Solis being a celebrated poet, will never conjecture it from -the general tone of this work. No writer could possibly mark with more -solidity of taste the distinction between poetry and prose. Antonio de -Solis had, however, attained the age of maturity when he laid down the -principles by which he was guided in the discharge of his functions as -a historian. He states in his preface that in history all ornaments -of eloquence are merely accessaries; and that the accuracy of the -relation is true historical elegance. He says, that truth must be of -all things the most important to the historian, and that in historical -composition what is truly stated, is well stated.[561] According to -these principles the very worst style possible would be tolerable in -a faithful historical narrative. But it would appear that Antonio de -Solis, through a distrust of his own poetic imagination, exaggerated -to himself the necessity of self-denial as an homage due to historical -fidelity; and this exaggeration, which in reality was only theoretical, -proved of essential service to him in the execution of his work. His -talent for description, and his cultivated taste, naturally elevated -him above the dryness and dulness of the common chronicle style. Though -he seems scarcely to have reflected on the more essential requisites -of the historical art, yet his work has not suffered by their neglect; -for as a dramatic poet he had been accustomed to an arrangement of -events which concentrated them in a single point of view; and profound -political knowledge was not required for the just exposition of -transactions occurring in the expedition of a small party of Spanish -adventurers, led on by the daring Hernando Cortes, to the conquest of -the kingdom of Mexico. Nothing more was necessary than a simple and -unaffected narration, to cause the interest naturally belonging to the -subject to be strongly felt. - - -INTRODUCTION OF GONGORISM INTO SPANISH PROSE--BALTHASAR GRACIAN. - -The elegant simplicity of the historical style adopted by Antonio -de Solis, forms, with the Gongorism which about this time crept -into Spanish prose composition from the poetic school of Gongora, -a rhetorical contrast, which is the last remarkable phenomenon in -the history of Spanish eloquence. The pedantic commentators of the -unintelligible Gongora had long been accustomed to write a strange -fantastic prose style; but this prosaic Gongorism had not infected -any man of distinguished talent, until Lorenzo, or Balthasar Gracian, -became a popular author. Writers on literature mention but few -particulars respecting the life of this distinguished man, who is -supposed to have died in the year 1652. It is probable that he himself -concealed his literary existence; for it is conjectured that the works -which on their title-pages bear the name of Lorenzo Gracian, were -really written by Balthasar Gracian, who was a Jesuit, and the brother -of Lorenzo. Respecting Lorenzo nothing further is known than that he -is understood to have lent his name to the productions of his brother; -but, be this as it may, the writings which have conferred celebrity on -that name, are, in some measure, sufficiently jesuitical.[562] They -relate, in general, to the morality of the great world, to theological -morality, and to poetry and rhetoric. The most voluminous of these -works bears the affected title of _El Criticon_. It is an allegorical -picture of the whole course of human life divided into _Crisis_, that -is to say, sections according to fixed points of view, and clothed -in the formal garb of a pompous romance. It is scarcely possible to -open any page of this book without recognizing in the author a man, -who is in many respects far from common, but who from the ambition -of being entirely uncommon in thinking and writing studiously and -ingeniously, avoids nature and good sense. A profusion of the most -ambiguous subtleties, expressed in ostentatious language, are scattered -throughout the work;[563] and those affected conceits are the more -offensive, in consequence of their union with the really grand view -of the essential relationship of man to nature and his Creator, -which forms the subject of the treatise. Gracian would have been an -excellent writer had he not so anxiously wished to be an extraordinary -one. His shorter productions, in which he developes his theory of -the intellectual faculties, and the conduct of life, are still more -disfigured by affected ornament than the tedious Criticon;[564] they, -however, occasionally contain striking observations intelligibly -expressed.[565] His _Oraculo Manual_ has been more read than any other -of his works. It is intended to be a collection of maxims of general -utility, but it exhibits good and bad precepts, sound judgments, and -refined sophisms, all confounded together. In this work Gracian has -not forgotten to inculcate the practical principle of jesuitism “to be -all things to all men,” (_hacerse a todos_), nor to recommend his own -favourite maxim, “to be common in nothing,” (_en nada vulgar_), which -in order to be valid would require a totally different interpretation -from that which he has given it. - -Gracian’s _uncommon_ prose was formed according to certain principles. -His book on the Art of Ingeniously Thinking and Writing,[566] is no -inconsiderable contribution to criticism in Spanish literature. He -refines to an incredible degree on subtle distinctions and antitheses, -with the view of systematically bringing the style of his countrymen -to the level of his own. His illustrative examples are selected from -Italian and Spanish poets, particularly from Marino, Gongora and -Quevedo. Throughout the whole work, ingenious thoughts (_conceptos_,) -are constantly the subject of consideration. A man of genius, he says, -may receive these ideas from nature; but art enables him to create -them at pleasure. “As he who comprehends such ideas is an eagle, so -he who is capable of producing them must be ranked among angels; for -it is an employment of cherubims and an elevation of man which raises -him to sublime hierarchy.”[567] He then proceeds to describe those -_conceptos_, which he pronounces to be undefinable, because “they are -to the understanding what beauty is to the eye, and harmony to the -ear.”[568] Next follows an enumeration and explanation of the numerous -combinations by which the various classes of these ideas, for example, -the proverbial, the pathetic, the heroic, &c. may be produced. Poetic -figures are examined in rotation; and the style of true eloquence is -defined according to the same principles. Thus throughout the whole -book good sense and good taste are most ingeniously abused. - -This art of poetry and rhetoric by Gracian was, in the seventeenth -century, the only work of the kind which produced any influence on the -taste of writers and the public. - -Gongorism peeps forth even in the published letters of the eminent men -of this period, which exhibit a strained formality and an affected -elegance. The letters of Quevedo form in this respect no exception. -Even in those of Antonio de Solis the facility of the true epistolatory -style is wanting.[569] - - - - -BOOK III. - - HISTORY OF SPANISH LITERATURE FROM ITS DECLINE IN THE LATTER HALF - OF THE SEVENTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. - - -This book is intended to be only a compendious supplement to the two -preceding books of the History of Spanish Poetry and Eloquence. Were it -even an agreeable task to describe in detail through what gradations a -nation rich in intellect, which unfortunately descended from the most -brilliant height of literary independence, to the servile imitation of -foreign forms, passed in this lamentable decline, until the depressed -national spirit began with patriotic feeling again to arise, and slowly -to re-animate the native literature--it still would be proper to leave -that office to the writer whose object it may be to give an account of -every production which appears within the circle of polite learning. -From him, however, who has rather chosen to take a general historical -view of the developement and progress of literary genius and taste in -modern Europe, it would be unreasonable to expect specific notices of -inferior works, published during the period of an expiring and slowly -reviving literature. In the eighteenth century, no poet arose in Spain -to form an epoch such as that finally marked in Italian literature by -Metastasio; and whatever was then accomplished in Spanish prose, was a -consequence of the imitation of French models. - -It is scarcely necessary to observe, that according to the laws of -nature and the human mind, no distinct line of separation can exist -between this period and that which precedes it. When lights are -gradually and imperceptibly extinguished, it is impossible to name -the moment when obscurity commenced. It would be no less difficult -to fix precisely the epoch of the revival of Spanish literature, for -it is marked by no particular phenomenon. The necessary division -in the history of the progressive and retrogressive state of -Spanish literature must therefore be referred, without any precise -determination, to the reign of Charles II. from 1665 to 1700. Some -dramatic authors who maintained the respectability of the Spanish -national theatre, to the beginning of the eighteenth century, will -consequently be included in this last book. Thus the account of the -new dawn of national genius, promising better times, will be given in -connexion with the immediately preceding literary transactions. - -This book may be conveniently divided into three chapters. The first -will contain the history of the complete decay of the Spanish national -spirit in respect to literature. In the second will be given a brief -account of whatever literary events appear to deserve consideration -from the reign of Charles II. to the commencement of the reign of -Charles III. The third chapter will be devoted to a summary notice of -the more recent occurrences, which particularly in the last ten years -of the eighteenth century appear to have given a new direction to -Spanish literature. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - GENERAL VIEW OF THE STATE OF POETICAL AND RHETORICAL CULTIVATION - IN SPAIN DURING THIS PERIOD. - - -Within the century composed of the reigns of the three Philips, from -1556 to 1665, that is to say, the golden age of Spanish literature, -the national spirit, which the vicious system of the government was -calculated to repress, became at last like the national resources, -completely exhausted. Under Charles II. the wounds of the body politic -which had long profusely bled, began to exhibit frightful gangrenes. -In every quarter of the world Spanish valour had done its uttermost -for the support of the perverse measures of a despotic government, and -the state at length seemed on the verge of dissolution. The enormous -treasures which poured into Spain from the mines of America, were -immediately consigned to foreign nations. Thus the richest country -in the world was overwhelmed with debt. Agriculture and industry -languished particularly in the interior of the monarchy, where a near -view of the splendour of an ostentatious court still served to gratify -Castilian vanity, but where every blow levelled against the whole -state was most directly felt. The occupation of one half of America -carried off men from the mother country by thousands at a time; and in -addition to this drain, the population had been suddenly diminished to -the extent of nearly half a million, by the tyrannical expulsion of the -Moriscos, or baptized Arabs. Spain was also engaged in uninterrupted -warfare during the whole of the century in which the three Philips -reigned. Continual levies of troops, combined with oppressive -taxation, at length so reduced the nation, that the government lost -the instrument it had abused; and every sacrifice made to meet cases -of imperious urgency, served only to produce a new humiliation. The -little kingdom of Portugal, by a fortunate effort threw off the Spanish -yoke, and became once more an independent state. Torrents of Spanish -blood were shed in the Netherlands, with the view of suppressing, at -any price, the freedom of the United Provinces; yet those provinces -flourished in full vigour, while Spain was reduced to the last stage -of political inanition. Still, however, Spanish genius appeared to -soar superior to all the evils that assailed the state, as long, at -least, as the semblance of the ancient national greatness remained. But -with the death of Philip IV. even that semblance vanished. The widowed -queen, who was appointed guardian of the young king, then only five -years of age, acting under the influence of father Neidhart, a German -Jesuit, offered the last insult to the feelings of the nobility and the -people. No sooner was father Neidhart driven away by the party of Don -John of Austria, the natural son of Philip IV. than France obtained -possession of a considerable portion of the provinces which Spain still -held in the Netherlands. In the West Indies a republic of pirates was -established. This new enemy grew out of the remarkable association of -the Flibustiers, or Buccaneers, men who regarded Spanish America as a -booty on which they were entitled to prey. This state of things was -not improved when the full powers of government were placed in the -hands of the weak Charles II. the period of whose reign is the most -melancholy in Spanish history. - -The circumstance of a French prince being called to the Spanish -throne, in obedience to that will of Charles II. which has been so -much censured, was by no means unfortunate for Spain, either in a -literary or political point of view. The war, which was partly a civil -contest, and which was maintained for twelve years before the new -Philip, the fifth of that name, was tranquilly seated on his throne, -seemed, however, to threaten the annihilation of the last remnant of -Spanish national vigour. The mild and rigidly pious Philip V. was, -by his personal character and mode of thinking, previously related -to the nation to which he now belonged. He manifested no desire -to transplant into Spain the literature of France, which at that -time began to exercise an influence over the whole of Europe. The -foreigners whose promotion to important posts during the reign of the -first Bourbon in Spain, rendered them the objects of much patriotic -jealousy, were Italians and Irishmen, but in no instance Frenchmen. -The French influence operated in Spain, only on the wavering politics -of the cabinet of Madrid; the change of the reigning dynasty produced -therefore little or no influence on Spanish literature. All that Philip -V. did to promote the advancement of learning on the French model, -was wholly confined to the celebrated institution of royal academies, -among which the academy of history, and still more, the academy of -the Spanish language and polite literature,[570] may be regarded as -having operated influentially on the literature of Spain. But this -last-mentioned academy, which was established in the year 1714, was -never intended for the annihilation of the spirit and peculiar forms of -Spanish poetry and eloquence. The cultivation of the Spanish language -was its especial care, and its labours for the accomplishment of that -object were crowned by the production of its excellent dictionary. -The efforts made by some members of this academy to form the taste of -their countrymen on the model of that of France, must be attributed -to themselves individually. They merely followed the new current of -French taste, in common with almost every person in Europe, who had -then any pretensions to polite education. If these innovators must be -called a literary court party, the term can only be employed in the -sense in which it would, with equal propriety, apply to the same sort -of party existing in other countries, where the French style became the -fashionable style of courts, and was, with courtier-like complaisance, -generally adopted by authors both in verse and in prose. - -The French taste spontaneously penetrated into Spanish literature -when the age of Louis XIV. began to exercise an imposing influence -over the whole world. But the French taste would have operated on -the literature of Spain, which had already been carried so far -beyond that of France, in a very different manner, had not the old -national energy been crippled in every direction. Had it not been -for this unfortunate circumstance crowds of servile imitators and -pseudo critics would never have obtained a footing in Spain. Men of -rightly cultivated understanding would have reconciled their purer -taste to the yet unexhausted national genius, in order to enhance -the advantages of Spanish literature in its competition with the -literature of France, and to learn true elegance from the French, -without, like them, sacrificing to mere elegance beauties of a higher -order. But the age of vigour was past; and yet feeble pride would in -no respect renounce its pretensions. Two parties now arose in the -polite literature of Spain. The leading and would-be elegant party, -included persons of rank and fashion, who had begun to be ashamed of -the ancient national literature, and who yet wished to prove that that -national literature, even when estimated according to the rules of -French criticism, possessed many beauties. That the French might no -longer boast of superior taste, this party sought to improve Spanish -poetry, and particularly the Spanish drama, by translations of French -works and imitations of the French style. To this party of fashionable -innovators was opposed the old national party, composed of persons -distinguished for their obstinate attachment to the ancient taste, and -even to the ancient rudeness. This party continued, as heretofore, to -be that of the Spanish public; but it remained for a time without any -literary representative. Thus was it reduced to the necessity of seeing -writers, who laid claim to the title of Spanish patriots, publicly -attack its old favourites, particularly Lope de Vega and Calderon, -while no zealous pen took up their public defence. Nevertheless this -party continued unshaken in its opinions. Even during the extreme -crisis of the conflict between the French and the national taste, about -the middle of the eighteenth century, the Spanish theatre preserved its -own peculiar forms. It assumed, however, a character no less varied -than the German theatre at present exhibits. Plays in the national -style were performed on the Spanish stage alternately with translations -and imitations of French and even of English dramas; and if this -heterogeneous variety did not degenerate into the monstrous, as it now -does on the German stage, where a national style never prevailed, yet -nothing could be more inconsistent than the contrast formed by plays -in the French and English taste with the old Spanish comedies. But -these comedies, and in general all the old national poetry, once more -obtained spirited defenders among Spanish critics and authors, after -the shock of the last crisis had been withstood by the ancient taste in -its conflict with the modern. Thus another literary triumph was gained -by the tenacity of the Spanish public, to which, in matters of taste, -monarchs otherwise despotic, readily granted perfect freedom. - -The mixture of national and foreign taste in the modern literature of -Spain, was promoted in no slight degree by the introduction of French -manners, which had at this period spread over Europe, but which were -in Spain less encouraged by court example than in other countries. At -the court of Madrid, old Spanish formality was still preserved; and -among the nobility, as well as the people, the national costume was -only gradually superseded by the French style of dress. Bull fights -continued to be the favourite amusements of the Spaniards from the -highest to the lowest ranks. But the solemn _Autos de Fe_,[571] in -which the inquisition appeared in all the splendour of its power, -and in which heretics were burnt amidst the approving shouts of the -spectators, no longer insulted humanity. The last of these horrible -festivals of fanaticism was performed with extraordinary pomp at Madrid -in the year 1680, in compliance with the pious wish of King Charles II. -The Bourbons who succeeded to the Spanish throne, whatever might be -the ardour of their catholic zeal, appeared to regard such barbarous -spectacles with disgust, and thus set an example of refinement which -honourably marked their relationship to the French royal family. At -this period, too, when the storm of the reformation had subsided, -religion as well as manners assumed a milder character throughout all -Europe. The Spaniards, however, could not be induced to renounce their -sacred comedies, until in the year 1765 they were formally prohibited -by a royal decree, because they excited the derision of foreigners. - -Finally, in the second half of the eighteenth century, scientific -learning gained an ascendancy over polite literature in Spain, as -in every other part of Europe. A philosophy in the sense of the -French encyclopædists inflicted wounds equally mortal on fanaticism -and poetic enthusiasm. The spirit of experiment which sought by an -accumulation of facts to scan the furthest depths of human knowledge -and the principles of all science, and styled that accumulation sound -philosophy, had, since the time of the French encyclopædists, found -favour in Spain, as in every part of Europe, Germany excepted. True -poetry, to which this spirit of experiment is the most dangerous of -all enemies, could not easily revive in its former magnificence. But -a wider field of general utility was, under certain restrictions, -opened to elegant prose; and criticism at least obtained the negative -advantage of being able to impede any new encroachments of ingenious -extravagance. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - DECAY OF THE OLD SPANISH POETRY AND ELOQUENCE, AND INTRODUCTION - OF THE FRENCH STYLE INTO SPANISH LITERATURE. - - -The last branch of Spanish national poetry still flourished in the -reign of Charles II. The French drama, which then appeared in the first -dawn of its celebrity, had as yet no influence on the drama of Spain. -Several assiduous writers continued to enrich Spanish literature with -new pieces in the manner of Calderon; and these writers have here the -first claim to consideration. - - -CANDAMO, ZAMORA, AND CAÑIZARES, DRAMATISTS IN THE OLD NATIONAL STYLE. - -Towards the close of the seventeenth century, the dramas of Francisco -Bancas Cándamo, were particularly esteemed. Cándamo, who was an -Asturian of noble extraction, received, during a certain period, a -pension from Charles II. for writing for the court theatre at Madrid. -He, however, died in indigence in the year 1709. His historical -play, entitled, _El Esclavo en Grillos de Oro_, (the Slave in Golden -Fetters), is still spoken of in terms of approbation in Spain.[572] It -is a romantic anecdote taken from the history of the Emperor Trajan. -The singular combination of the ancient and the romantic costume which -this play presents, is a fault with which the author must not be -reproached; for since Lope de Vega’s time the spirit of the Spanish -drama required that the events of ancient history should be arrayed -only in the garb of romance. But Cándamo has put into the mouth of the -Emperor Trajan, a superabundance of phrases which are exceedingly dull, -though conveyed in light and harmonious verse. The purely romantic -scenes in which ladies and young knights appear, are the best in this -drama, which, according to the Spanish classification is a heroic -comedy. - -Antonio de Zamora, a gentleman belonging to the court of Madrid, was -particularly distinguished as a writer of comic dramas. The comedy, -entitled, _El Hechizado por Fuerza_, (the Bewitched by Force),[573] -is one of the most humorous and regular in the Spanish language. It -may also be numbered among the dramas of character; at least the two -principal parts, though a little overcharged, are nevertheless boldly -conceived and consistently maintained. One is a fantastic old man, who -continually expresses himself in a tone of sarcastic comic humour:--he -makes a parade of his odd fancies, as if they were so many proofs of -real wisdom; and he is induced to consent to a marriage under the -idea that he is bewitched. The other comic character is an enamoured -physician, who is prevailed on to take a part in the pretended -bewitching, and who on his part is also outwitted by the sprightly -girls whom he has assisted in playing off their trick on the old man. - -Joseph de Cañizares, who likewise lived at the court of Madrid, -produced a considerable number of Spanish comedies. He particularly -devoted his attention to that class of dramas of intrigue, called -_comedias de figuròn_, in which the principal character is a pretender -or braggadocio, either male or female, who by dint of impudence and -artifice, obtains a certain degree of credit. Among the dramas of -Cañizares, the Spaniards particularly esteem his comedy, entitled, _El -Domine Lucas_;[574] it is a drama of character, comic throughout, and -of the most regular description, though it by no means departs from -the Spanish national style. The title may be translated “The Pedant -Squire;” for Domine Lucas, the hero of the piece, is a young country -gentleman, a student of Salamanca, extremely dull and affected, and -withal proud of his noble birth. With this character is very happily -combined the uncle of Lucas, a brave, amiable, and sensible old -gentleman; though, like his nephew, he interlards his discourse with -scraps of latin from the _Corpus Juris_. An old domestic, who likewise -has resource to latin whenever his wit fails him, is well grouped -with his master’s. An excellent female pendant to the doltish hero is -exhibited in the character of one of the daughters of the old uncle, -who in the end is united to Lucas, while her sprightly sister, to whom -the Domine was betrothed, elopes with a more agreeable lover. The -traits of character in the whole of this comic picture, though by no -means delicately sketched, are, nevertheless, full of dramatic spirit. - -These, and other plays, by writers whose names are not in any other -respect distinguished, complete the national treasure of the Spanish -drama. The striking regularity which distinguishes some pieces, must -by no means be attributed to the influence of French taste. It is -possible that a vague idea of the regularity of the French comedy may -at this time have penetrated into Spain; but among the older Spanish -dramas, particularly those of Solis and Moreto, some are no less -regular than the comedies of character written by Zamora and Cañizares; -who, besides, did not always, any more than their predecessors, -confine themselves rigidly within the bounds of regularity. In the -works of these latter poets, the theatrical personages are precisely -of the same cast as in the writings of the older dramatists. Young -officers, who are usually represented as giddy lovers, boast of their -adventures in Flanders, and sing romances to the accompaniment of the -guitar. This part is the prototype of that which on the French stage -was subsequently called the _Chevalier_. No trace of the imitation of -French manners is perceptible; and, if here and there a French word is -introduced, it is always with a comic signification.[575] - - -DOÑA JUANA INEZ DE LA CRUZ. - -Nothing poetical produced at this period, or at least nothing sung -and written in the lyric or other styles of poetry in Spain, obtained -literary celebrity. It would, however, be unjust to pass over in -silence some works which made their appearance about this time, and -which are interesting, inasmuch as they afford instances of the -continuation of the taste for old Spanish poetry. Among these, the -most remarkable are the numerous productions of a Spanish American -poetess, named Doña Juana Inez de la Cruz, who was much celebrated -in Mexico about the latter end of the seventeenth century. On the -title-page of her works, which, however, she did not publish herself, -this distinguished woman is styled the tenth muse.[576] Respecting -the history of her life, nothing is known, save what is mentioned -in her poems. She was a nun in a Mexican convent; and she complains -of her weak state of health in the verses which form the preface to -her poems. Her writings sufficiently prove that she lived on terms of -intimacy with the viceroy and the other Spanish grandees in Mexico, and -that frequent demands were made upon her talent for the celebration -of festivals, both spiritual and temporal. Much as Inez de la Cruz -was deficient in real cultivation, her productions are eminently -superior to the ordinary standard of female poetry. Of all the Spanish -ladies who have turned their attention to poetry, she deserves to rank -the highest; though, perhaps, this station may not be deemed very -honourable, as Spanish women have so little distinguished themselves -in poetry. But for this very reason it seems the more worthy of -recollection, that under the sky of America, flowers of genius were -permitted to bloom, which in Spain would in all probability have been -blighted in the bud. The poems of Inez de la Cruz, moreover, breathe -a sort of masculine spirit. This ingenious nun possessed more fancy -and wit than sentimental enthusiasm; and whenever she began to invent, -her creations were on a bold and great scale. Her poems are of very -unequal merit; and are all deficient in critical cultivation. But -in facility of invention and versification, Inez de la Cruz was not -inferior to Lope de Vega; and yet she by no means courted literary -fame. The complete collection of her poems, which seems to have been -first printed by order of the Vice-Queen of Mexico, occupies a volume, -consisting of twenty-five sheets in octavo. Of some of her sonnets -the subjects are ingenious plays of romantic wit;[577] of others, -serious poetic reflections.[578] She also wrote burlesque sonnets on -rhymed endings, which, though sometimes deficient in delicacy, have -all the freedom and sprightliness that can be required in that species -of composition. A kind of poetic self-deception, which assumes the -tone of philosophic reasoning, is disclosed in several of the lyric -romances of Inez de la Cruz. She evidently took considerable pains to -persuade herself that she was happy.[579] A great portion of her poems -in the romance style, relate to circumstances of temporary interest. -In her dramatic works, the vigour of her imagination is particularly -conspicuous. The collection of her poems contains no comedies, properly -so called, but it comprises a series of boldly conceived preludes, -(_loas_), full of allegorical invention; and it concludes with a long -allegorical auto, which is superior to any of the similar productions -of Lope de Vega. It is entitled, _El Divino Narciso_, a name by -which the authoress designates the heavenly Bridegroom. The Spanish -public had never before witnessed so bold a travesty of the ideas -of catholic christianity, under the garb of the Greek mythology. It -would be impossible to give a brief, and at the same time intelligible -sketch of this extraordinary drama. With regard to composition it is -quite monstrous; in some respects offending by its bad taste, and in -others charming by its boldness. Many of the scenes are so beautifully -and romantically constructed, that the reader is compelled to render -homage to the genius of the poetess; while at the same time he cannot -but regret the pitch of extravagance to which ideas really poetic are -carried. There is one peculiarly fine scene in which human nature, in -the shape of a nymph, seeks her beloved, the real Narcissus, or the -christian Saviour. The imagination of the authoress had, doubtless, -been influenced by impressions received from the Song of Solomon.[580] -Next to this grand Auto, the spiritual canciones in the old Spanish -style, and some cantatas deserve to be distinguished among the works -of Inez de la Cruz. They abound in sentimental fancies, which, though -generally extravagant, often possess beauties which render them highly -interesting; and according to the notices in the collection, they -were all sung in the churches of Mexico. Some latin compositions of -the same class are inserted, which seem also to have been written by -Inez herself. The writer who may undertake a history of the poetic -developement of the catholic faith, will find his advantage in -rendering himself intimately acquainted with these poems. - - -GERARDO LOBO. - -In order to be satisfied that Spanish poetry inclined very little -to the French, in the early part of the eighteenth century, it is -only necessary to advert to the continued influence of Gongorism -at that period, as exemplified in poetic productions, which are in -other respects too unimportant to claim any notice. Men of rank in -particular, who, following the honourable example of their forefathers, -continued to cultivate the arts and sciences, seem to have regarded -Gongorism as the only style that was truly gentlemanly and worthy of -their adoption. Accordingly Eugenio Gerardo Lobo, who was a captain -in the Spanish guards, and commandant of the town and fortress of -Barcelona, composed in his leisure hours, many spiritual and temporal -poems in the manner of the Gongorists, which, since the author’s -decease, have been reprinted.[581] A new edition of these poems, which -appeared in 1758, is inscribed by the publisher to a miraculous image -of the virgin, with all the usual formality of a dedicatory epistle. -In this dedication the holy virgin, in quality of queen of heaven, is -addressed by the title of “Your Majesty.” Thus in the middle of the -eighteenth century, when an elegant and learned party had long rendered -homage to French literature, the taste of the Spanish public could -still endure absurdities of this kind. - - -DIFFUSION OF THE FRENCH TASTE--LUZAN, HIS ART OF POETRY, &c. - -It was, however, in the commencement of the eighteenth century that -the French taste found its way into the Spanish academy; and this -circumstance, which was not the effect of accident, serves to mark a -kind of epoch in the history of Spanish poetry. - -Ignacio de Luzan, who has become the authority to whom most Spanish -critics refer, must be regarded as the founder of the French school in -Spanish literature. He was a member of the royal Spanish academy, a -member of the academy of history, an honorary member of the academy of -painting, sculpture, and architecture; and at the same time counsellor -of state and minister of commerce. In addition to these dignities, -he was distinguished for extraordinary learning; and he was in -particular very deeply versed in ancient literature. He studied with -great assiduity Aristotle’s Art of Poetry and Rhetoric, and also the -rhetorical works of Cicero. He was a lover of poetry, and composed -very elegant verses in his native tongue. Being, as his writings -sufficiently prove, a man of candid and enlightened mind, national -pride did not deter him from making himself intimately acquainted -with French literature; and comparing it without prejudice, under its -best point of view, with the literature of his own country. This was -certainly a course altogether new for a Spanish author. - -In order to form a just estimate of the spirit of Luzan’s labours, it -is necessary to bear in mind that the theoretical literature of Spain -furnished him with scarcely a single trace of sound criticism; that -even those Spanish poets who possessed the justest feeling for poetic -beauty, propounded, in their theoretic explanations, the most erroneous -notions on the value and the essence of poetry; that only a critical -tact, and an instinctive imitation of good models, had preserved the -most correct among the Spanish poets from wanderings of the imagination -and perversions of judgment; and that in the age of Luzan, the only -art of criticism which was theoretically taught in Spain, had issued -from the school of Gongora, and was consequently only calculated -to assist the systematic propagation of absurdity and affectation. -Moreover, the elegant correctness of the French poets was, in that age, -calculated to dazzle by the charm of novelty. Finally, the delicate -subtleties whereby the principles of French criticism and of French -poetry, since the age of Moliere and Corneille, were derived from -the classic school of antiquity, and the moral syllogisms with which -those principles were entrenched behind Aristotle’s Art of Poetry, as -their last bulwark, were well calculated to seduce a man of Luzan’s -erudition. His partiality for the French school, and his efforts to -reform the Spanish taste according to the principles of that school, -are therefore no proofs of narrowness of mind, though genuine poetic -feeling certainly was not within the sphere of his talent. He possessed -a delicate sense for elegance and the dress of poetry, but not for the -energy and loftiness of poetic genius. It is thus easy to account for -his having, with the best intentions, theoretically misunderstood the -essence and design of poetry; and for his also having, in conformity -with the spirit of French criticism, confounded the objects of the poet -with the duties of the orator and the moralist. - -It was then with the view of fundamentally reforming the literary taste -of his countrymen, that Luzan wrote his celebrated Art of Poetry. It -was first published at Saragossa in the year 1737, in a folio volume -containing five hundred and three pages;[582] and it has ever since -been the code to which Spanish critics and authors have referred -for the decision of all cases of doubt. Sound judgment and classic -erudition are the chief characteristics of the work. The diction too is -simple and elegant, and prolixity is avoided, though in order to attain -that degree of perspicuity which was necessary for subduing Spanish -prejudice, much detail was indispensable. Newly discovered truths must -not be looked for in Luzan’s Art of Poetry. He even claims credit for -the doctrines he developes on account of their venerable antiquity. His -theory is declared by himself to be in the main no other than that of -Aristotle, the greatest of philosophers. To the neglect of that theory -he attributes the multitude of monstrous excrescences by which Spanish -literature is disfigured. He therefore conceived he was rendering, -though at the risk of being reproached with pedantary,[583] an -important service to the literature of his country, by the restoration -and just application of those ancient and only true principles which -had long been acknowledged and valued by the critics of foreign -nations. In support of his doctrines, Luzan regards the critical -observations of various French writers, particularly Rapin, Corneille, -Crousaz, Lamy, and Madame Dacier, as next in authority to the works of -Aristotle. He also availed himself of the Italian works of Gravina and -Muratori. These, and other foreign authors, are quoted by name. Spanish -readers must, doubtless, have been not a little surprised to find -among the quotations passages from French authors, given in the French -language, under the Spanish text. This was an unexampled phænomenon in -Spanish literature; and though a trifling circumstance it serves to -prove the increasing influence of the French language in Spain. - -The want of novelty in the principles of Luzan’s Art of Poetry, is -compensated by the new application of those principles to Spanish -literature. The arrangement of the theory, which was introduced, -also belongs, at least in part, to himself; and in the developement -of that theory it is easy to recognize the man of judgment, and the -perfect master of his subject, though he only improved what had been -previously produced. The work is divided into four parts or books. -The first developes, according to the notions of the author, the -origin, progress, and essence of poetry, (_el origen, progressos y -essencia de la poesia_.) The second book explains the usefulness and -pleasure of poetry, (_utilidad y deleyte de la poesia_.) The third -book treats, at ample length, of tragedy, comedy, and other kinds -of dramatic composition; and the fourth of epic poetry. These chief -divisions present, indeed, only the outline of Aristotle’s Art of -Poetry; and Luzan’s work, can no more than its prototype, be regarded -as a complete theory of the poetic art. In this respect Luzan went -no further than his predecessor, Lopez Pinciano, who had long before -equally clearly perceived that the work, called Aristotle’s Art of -Poetry, was, in fact, merely a fragment.[584] It is singular enough -that Luzan takes no notice of Pinciano’s remarkable work; but whether -he was unacquainted with it, or whether he was intentionally silent, -cannot now be known. Within the boundaries of his four unsystematic -divisions, Luzan pursues his own course; but the present is not the -proper occasion for accompanying him step by step. As, however, -the publication of Luzan’s book has been attended by important -consequences, it will be proper to explain the manner in which this -critic understood the principles of Aristotle, and how he applied them -to Spanish literature. - -Luzan in his exposition and application of Aristotle’s theory, takes -his departure from the same false principle which misled all the -French critics in the age of Louis XIV. He views poetry closely and -directly on its moral side; but not in that comprehensive manner in -which every thing, when contemplated on its moral side, ought to be -examined; he regards it merely as an art destined to aid morality, -properly so called; and that aid appears to him the more easily given, -because he adopts the maxim that the object of poetry is to be at once -useful and agreeable.[585] Deceived by this gothic idea, which seems -to have been founded on the misunderstanding of a verse of Horace, and -which is certainly as old as modern literature, it became impossible -for him either to attain a just notion of the poetic workings of the -imagination, in relation to the beautiful, or to discover the truth -of the proposition that such employment of the imagination possesses -in itself, under the proper restrictions, a moral value, and ennobles -human existence. Having fallen into the common error, Luzan, like the -French poets and critics, was capable of taking only a very contracted -view of poetic beauty. Genuine simplicity and elegance, and in both a -delicate infusion of wit, formed with Luzan, as with the French poets -and critics, the summary of all poetic excellence. According to these -principles, the imagination was regarded as merely the handmaid of the -recreative wit and the moralizing judgment. Genius was to be tied down -by rules in conformity with these narrow ideas of the spirit and object -of poetry. To satisfy the taste, in the exercise of wit and judgment, -was regarded as the highest object of the poet’s efforts. The bold -flight to a freer and fairer world, whence the true poet derives the -spirit of his imaginings, in the imitation of nature, was deemed merely -an agreeable accessary. In a word, the genuine essence of poetry was -held to be an adventitious ornament, while its station was usurped by -mere natural sentiment, and elegant or ingenious simplicity. - -The useful and the agreeable, in the trivial signification of the -terms, are therefore the verbal pivots around which Luzan’s whole -poetic theory turns. It is easy to conceive what degree of excellence -and truth was to be derived from such principles in their application -to Spanish literature. Luzan zealously supported the cause of good -taste against the absurdities of the Gongorists.[586] He exposed, -without reserve, the weak side of Lope de Vega’s poetry; and the -examples he selects from the works of that poet, in order to shew how -far they are at variance with nature and reason, prove precisely what -they are intended to prove. But to admire genius in its wanderings, -and even in many cases to prize those wanderings more than a frigid -elegance, required a view of the subject which Luzan’s mind did not -embrace. He was precisely the man to detect and enumerate the errors -of the favourite poetry of his country; but he wanted the critical -eye which would have enabled him to do justice to its beauties. -After defining poetry to be an “imitation of nature, either general -or particular, made in verse, for utility or amusement, or for both -together,”[587] he goes on to say, that little plays of wit, such as -sonnets, madrigals, and songs, may sometimes have no other object -than agreeable amusement; but that in poetry of a more important kind, -such as comedies, tragedies, and epopee, the useful and the agreeable -must necessarily be combined together, that is to say, the work must -at once instruct and entertain. Accordingly, when he comes to treat -more particularly of dramatic poetry, he says, “tragedy is such an -imitation of an action as is calculated to correct fear, pity, or -other passions; but a comedy must be an action so represented as to -inspire love of some virtue, or hatred and abhorrence of some vice -or fault.”[588] It is not necessary to particularize the judgments -which a critic, armed with these opinions, must have pronounced on -the Spanish drama. Luzan not only blamed the Spanish dramatists for -the violation of the Aristotelian unities, on the ground that such -violation was contrary to nature; but he even condemned as not moral, -or at least not sufficiently moral, the genuine nature which he could -not avoid recognizing in their works. He, however says, that what -is first to be esteemed in the Spanish dramatists, “is in general -their ingenious invention, their extraordinary wit and judgment, -admirable and essential qualities in great poets. Lope de Vega merits -particular praise for the natural facility of his style, and the adroit -way in which he has in many of his comedies painted the customs and -the character of certain persons. I admire in Calderon the dignity -of his language, which without ever being obscure or affected is -always elegant.”[589] He proceeds to eulogize the art of ingenious -developement displayed in Calderon’s dramas of intrigue; and attributes -a similar merit to some of the comedies of Antonio de Solis and -Moretto. Under the same point of view he judges the writings of the -later Spanish dramatists, on which he confers particular commendation -on account of their superior regularity.[590] Next follows a list of -the faults, which, according to the above principles, he imputes to -the Spanish drama in general, and to the favourite dramatic poets of -the Spanish public in particular; and on this subject he makes many -just observations. He had good reasons for not venturing to attack the -Spanish Autos. He accordingly dismisses them very briefly, pronouncing -no literary judgment on them, and merely observes that they are -allegorical representations in honour of “the most holy sacrament of -the altar.” - -Thus did a critic, whose voice a century earlier would scarcely have -been heard, systematically undertake to reform Spanish taste. It -appears from Luzan’s introductory observations that he was either not -sufficiently acquainted with the history of the poetry of his nation, -or had forgotten most essential facts, otherwise he never could have -adopted the notion that Spanish taste had degenerated for want of -learned critics to open the eyes of the public. The Spaniards of -Luzan’s age paid no more attention to his Art of Poetry, than their -ancestors had bestowed on Lopez Pinciano’s, which inculcated the same -principles two hundred years earlier, when the Spanish drama was in -its infancy. But the members of the Spanish academy regarded Luzan’s -book with as much veneration, as if through it the light of pure taste -had first been disclosed to Spain; and thus was the academy at length -placed in conflict with the public it sought to improve. Whether all -the members of that literary institution concurred in Luzan’s plans of -critical reformation cannot now be known. This, however, is certain, -that nothing was written in defence of the national style, either by -an academician or by any other critic or amateur; and all the writers, -who, since that period, have by means of critical treatises and new -dramas, zealously laboured to improve the dramatic literature of Spain, -according to French principles, have been members of the Spanish -academy. - -Luzan himself did his utmost to support his theory by some original -poetic productions and translations from the French. He translated -one of Lachausée’s comedies; but with what success it was represented -on the Spanish stage is not mentioned. It was, however, followed by -various translations of French dramas by other writers. - -Luzan’s poetic compositions are certainly honourably distinguished -by correctness, facility and elegance, and by what may be termed the -poetry of language, from the works of the Gongorists which at that time -were not entirely exploded in Spain. They consist of occasional poems -and poetic trifles, such as might have been written without the aid of -genius by any man of cultivated mind, possessing a certain degree of -descriptive talent. Zealous Gallicist as Luzan was, he had too much -solidity of taste to attempt an imitation of the structure of French -verse in the Spanish language; and accordingly his contributions to -the poetic literature of his country are in the usual national metres. -A poem in octaves, which he read on the opening of the academy of -painting, sculpture and architecture, in 1752, fifteen years before the -publication of his Art of Poetry, received particular approbation. He -read poetic compositions of the same kind on several occasions. Some of -his odes and canciones were not published till after his decease; among -the number are two on the re-taking of the Fortress of Oran;[591] an -occasional poem, entitled, the Judgment of Paris, which is prettily -conceived, and elegantly executed;[592] and some poems imitated from -the Greek of Anacreon and Sappho.[593] Luzan died in the year 1754. - - -MAYANS Y SISCAR--BLAS NASSARE. - -Among the contemporaries of Luzan, the royal librarian, Gregorio Mayans -y Siscar, is entitled to praise, for having, in biographical, literary -and rhetorical works, furnished many hints and notices which throw -light on the history of Spanish poetry and eloquence. His collection of -detached writings on the History of the Spanish Language, (_Origenes de -la Lengua Española_), embraces more than the title promises; and among -other things contains a well written discourse exhorting authors to -pursue the true idea of Spanish eloquence.[594] But his diffuse Art of -Rhetoric,[595] which he published twenty years later than the work last -mentioned, is merely a formal compilation of the ideas and criticisms -of Aristotle and modern writers. It might with equal propriety be -entitled an art of poetry. The examples given from the poets are long -and numerous. - -Blas Antonio Nassare, prelate and academician, laboured to attain the -same kind of merit. He was, however, so blinded by his predilection for -French literature, that he considered the eight comedies of Cervantes, -which he first restored to light, as parodies on the style of Lope de -Vega.[596] - - -MONTIANO’S TRAGEDIES IN THE FRENCH STYLE. - -Agustin de Montiano y Luyando, who was counsellor of state, director -of the academy of history, and a member of the Spanish academy, -undertook to introduce regular tragedy on the Spanish stage according -to Luzan’s principles. With this view he wrote two tragedies, the one -entitled _Virginia_, and the other _Ataulpho_, in which, with the -exception of the rhymeless iambics, which he substituted for the French -Alexandrines, he has most anxiously endeavoured to fulfil all the -conditions required by French criticism.[597] Both these tragedies are -remarkable for pure and correct language; for the cautious avoidance of -false metaphor; and for a certain natural style of expression, which -is sometimes wanting even in the dramas of Corneille and Racine. They -are, however, formed on the French model with such scrupulous nicety -that they might be mistaken for translations.[598] It is scarcely -necessary to mention, that in these tragedies the Aristotelian unities -are rigidly observed, and that in the Virginia the father does not stab -his daughter on the stage. - -To the play of Virginia which was published in 1750, some years before -Ataulpho, Montiano annexed a historical critical treatise on Spanish -tragedy.[599] Patriotism had certainly some share in this treatise; -for in the first place, Montiano wished historically to defend his -countrymen against the reproach that no Spanish tragedy had ever been -written; and secondly, he wished in his Virginia to furnish the first -experiment of a Spanish tragedy, without violation of dramatic rules, -though he did not pretend to set up that specimen as a model. He -states, with all due modesty, that his work cost him much labour, and -expresses a hope that his countrymen will be induced to imitate his -example, to disregard the approbation of the ignorant multitude, and to -strive to do better than he had done.[600] In a preface to his tragedy -of Ataulpho he enlarges on the same theme. - - -VELASQUEZ. - -Among the number of the Spanish Gallicists must likewise be included -that intelligent writer Luis Joseph de Velasquez. His History of -Spanish Poetry, (_Origenes de la Poesia Española_), which was published -in 1754, proves that the Spaniards had then, in a great measure, -forgotten their national literature. Velasquez unquestionably took -considerable pains to collect, with critical spirit, those facts which -were probably better known to him than to any of his contemporaries; -and yet he has, upon the whole, obscured rather than elucidated the -history of Spanish poetry. His criticism is quite in the French style, -with a slight tincture of Spanish patriotism. Velasquez was a member of -the French academy of inscriptions and belles lettres. - -Not a single Spanish poet of distinguished merit flourished during the -first half of the eighteenth century. That such a barrenness should -have succeeded so great a fertility of talent, is a circumstance which -the exhaustion of the national spirit does not sufficiently explain. -It is also necessary to take into the account the conflict maintained -between favour shewn to the French style and the demands of the -Spanish public. Supported by national approbation, the Spanish poetry -had gloriously flourished; but it perished when new arbiters of taste, -who judged according to foreign principles, could with impunity treat -the Spanish public as an ignorant multitude.[601] In this collision -Spanish eloquence sustained no immediate injury. The influence of -the French style, could indeed at that time do it no injury, for at -the commencement of the eighteenth century, French prose was fitted -to serve as a model for clearness, precision, facility and elegance. -But no aspiring spirit now animated Spanish authors. Books written in -correct prose were produced in sufficient numbers; and yet no work -appeared which deserved particular distinction for rhetorical merit, or -which contributed in any degree to invigorate the literature of Spain. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -CONCLUDING PERIOD OF THE HISTORY OF SPANISH POETRY AND ELOQUENCE. - - -The Spanish writers who lived about the middle of the eighteenth -century, began to be ashamed of the unworthy bondage which had severed -them from all common feeling with the public taste. It is doubtful -whether at this particular period, the nation in general began -once more to be roused to a sense of its own importance; but this -is certain, that a literary patriotism imperceptibly revived within -the narrow circle of Spanish authorship. Even several members of the -Spanish academy proved that they were no longer to be satisfied with -mere French elegance. The works of the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries were again received into favour. Men of superior talents -arose, who endeavoured to combine Spanish genius with French elegance; -and the literature of Spain began to acquire a new life. - - -LA HUERTA. - -One of the first who openly attacked the party of the Gallicists, was -the patriotic Vicente Garcia de la Huerta, a member of the Spanish -academy, and librarian to the king. None but a man whose literary -judgments were accredited by the same honourable posts which gave -peculiar weight to those of the Gallicists, could at that time hope -to oppose with success the fashionable opinion concerning Spanish -literature. La Huerta, however, undertook a dangerous task, for with -every talent and right feeling for genuine poetry, he was by no means a -skilful critic. In systematic coolness of judgment he was incompetent -to enter the lists with men of Luzan’s critical ability. The true -principles on which Spanish poetry was to be defended against French -criticism, were at that period not at all understood; and La Huerta -was not the man to discover them. But his feeling acted in the place -of his judgment. It groped on when abandoned by theory, and rejected -every theory to which it could not be reconciled. Conscious of his -deficiency, La Huerta was extremely diffident whenever his opinions -came into collision with those of Luzan and other academicians. But -when his task was to reply to the observations of French critics, -his patriotic enthusiasm knew no bounds. In exercising the law of -retaliation, he attacked the admired Coryphæi of the French Parnassus -with a grossness which would cast a stigma on his reputation for taste, -did not his other works sufficiently prove him to have been unjust, -only through the excess of a just indignation. Fortunately for La -Huerta, it was not until his works had obtained decided credit that he -openly avowed his hostility to the Gallicists. Among the poems which -first conferred celebrity on his name, is a piscatory eclogue, which -he read at a distribution of academic prizes in the year 1760. This -purely occasional effusion is written in the national lyric style of -the eclogues of the best period of Spanish poetry, and is free from -orientalisms.[602] Three years afterwards, on a similar occasion, he -read a mythological poem in stanzas. These were succeeded by other -poems, also of occasional origin, by which La Huerta disarmed the -critics, who might have been disposed to assert that he was destitute -of the necessary feeling for French elegance. The romances by which -he sought to give to that style of national poetry a new existence in -the elegant world, seem to have been written at various periods of his -life. Besides lyric romances, which had not entirely lost their ancient -consideration, he composed narrative romances in the old style. In one -of the latter compositions his success is remarkable.[603] He likewise -revived the Spanish custom of composing poetic glosses; and some of his -sonnets deserve the highest praise. That he was well acquainted with -latin and French poetry is evident from his metrical translations of -some of Horace’s odes, and of several fragments from the works of the -French poets.[604] - -But he had greater difficulties to overcome in his endeavours to -restore the Spanish drama to its former lustre. He was not so great a -poet as to be able to advance, accompanied by French elegance, in the -same course in which Calderon had stopped. Calderon’s dramas were, -however, still performed with approbation, in spite of all that was -said by the critics, and La Huerta wrote for one of these pieces a -prologue (_loa_) in the old style. At length when he thought he could -rely on the favour of a certain portion of the public, he came forward -with his first essay in tragic art. His _Raquel_, (Rachel), a tragedy, -which was intended to combine the old Spanish forms with the dignity -of the French tragic style, without being subject to the French rules -of dramatic art, was first performed at the court theatre of Madrid -in 1778. For upwards of half a century no new drama had been received -with such enthusiasm by the Spanish public. It was represented at -every theatre in Spain; and even before it was printed upwards of two -thousand copies were taken, and many sent as far as America.[605] The -Gallicists in Spain now rose in opposition to La Huerta; but he replied -to them in a tone of contemptuous haughtiness, while he always observed -the strictest modesty in addressing the public. - -La Huerta’s Rachel is not a master-piece; but it is a noble testimony -of the poetic national feeling of an ingenious writer, who exerted -his utmost endeavours to restore the credit of the Spanish drama. The -subject is taken from the old history of Castile. King Alphonso VIII. -who has resigned his heart and his royal dignity to the fair Jewess -Rachel, is implored by the people and the nobility to shake off the -dishonourable yoke. He hesitates between love and duty, until the -spirit of discontent, which has been with difficulty repressed, breaks -forth in rebellion. While the king is out hunting, Rachel is surprised -in the palace, and her base counsellor, Ruben, murders her to save -his own life; which he only preserves until the arrival of the king, -by whom he is killed in return. The tragedy is divided, according to -the old practice, into three _jornadas_; but, in other respects, it -is obvious that the author took considerable pains to conform, under -certain limitations, to the French rules of dramatic art. The dialogue -proceeds uniformly in iambic blank verse, without the introduction of -sonnets, or any other kind of metre. All irregular theatrical pageantry -is avoided. The language, upon the whole, preserves a dignified -character; and in several scenes the tragic pathos is complete.[606] -But the composition fails in the distribution of the characters. Only -a feeble light is thrown on Rachel, the heroine of the tragedy. Her -counsellor, Ruben, is a stupid contemptible Jew, whose lamentations -in the moment of danger border closely on the ludicrous;[607] and the -weak character of the king, who changes his resolutions on every new -impression, frequently approaches caricature. The author has, however, -succeeded admirably in exhibiting a striking contrast in the characters -of two Spanish grandees:--the one is a base courtier, named Manrique; -while the other, Garcia de Castro, in all his sentiments and actions is -a correct representative of the spirit of ancient Spanish chivalry in -its purest dignity. In the patriotic portraiture of this character, La -Huerta’s whole soul is developed;[608] and the national spirit which -pervades the tragedy, doubtless contributed in no small degree to -ensure its celebrity. - -La Huerta’s tragedy of _Agamemnon Vengado_, is a work of trivial -importance compared with Rachel. It is founded on the prose translation -of the Electra of Sophocles, which Perez de Oliva produced two -hundred years earlier;[609] but it is a remarkable, and by no means -unsuccessful attempt to unite the romantic and the classic forms, -according to the conditions required by a modern audience. La Huerta -wrote his Agamemnon in compliance with the wishes of some ladies of -Madrid, who were desirous of seeing a tragedy in the Grecian costume. -The place of the chorus is, after the French manner, supplied by -a female confidante. Part of the scenes are entirely taken from -Sophocles, others are those of the original remoulded, and some are -new. From the beginning to the end of the tragedy, the poetic language -is admirably preserved; and the alternation of the rhymeless iambics -with octaves and lyric metres, completes the beauty of the whole.[610] - -Finally, La Huerta adapted Voltaire’s _Zaire_ to the Spanish stage. -After he had unquestionably acquired the right of pronouncing a -decided opinion on the literature of his country, he published his -_Theatro Hespañol_; and in his prefaces to some of the volumes of -that collection, he launched forth his invectives against the French -drama.[611] La Huerta’s _Theatro Hespañol_ is a classic selection -from the incalculable store of Spanish dramas; and the selection is -certainly well made consistently with the plan which he had adopted. -With the view of marking his hostility towards the Gallicists, -he selected only those Spanish comedies which are particularly -distinguished for elegant ingenuity in point of invention and -execution. Thus upwards of three-fourths of the whole collection -consists of _comedias de capa y espada_, chiefly from the pen of -Calderon. But for this very reason the work does not properly fulfil -its title, as it exhibits the Spanish theatre only under one point of -view. La Huerta has not even selected a single piece from Lope de Vega, -because the plays of that great dramatist were not sufficiently elegant -for his purpose: neither has he granted a place to the most beautiful -of Calderon’s heroic comedies, being deterred from inserting them by -their irregularity; and in conformity with the plan he had laid down, -he could with still less propriety admit an _Auto_ into his collection. -By this work he, however, attained the objects he had in view, which -were to restore the Spanish national comedy to its honourable place -in literature, and to vent his feelings of indignation against the -Gallicists. He treats the Italian authors, who had openly avowed their -disapproval of the Spanish drama, with no less severity than he had -evinced towards the French critics. Quadrio, Tiraboschi, Bettinelli, -and other writers “of the same breed,” (_de la misma raza_), are -denounced by La Huerta as malignant and envious critics. He accuses -Signorelli, of “notorious falsehood.” “Childish egotism,” he says, is -the soul of French criticism. The icy coldness of French tragedy was -with him more offensive than the neglect of rules in the Spanish drama. -Racine, the favourite tragic writer of the French school, owed his fame -solely to the “tedious scrupulosity,” which he observed in composing -his tragedies, but not to the “masculine vigour of genius, or the fire -and spirit of fancy.” The “natural sublimity” of Spanish genius could -not be restrained by the fetters of the French school. Luzan, though -in many respects a very estimable author, was imbued with prejudices. -Velasquez, with all his delicacy and erudition had fallen into the -errors and misconceptions of Luzan. In general, Spanish poetry had, -like the Spanish nation, a certain _oriental_ character, which it was -fit it should preserve. French imitations of Spanish dramas of intrigue -are declared perfectly insupportable; and, in particular, the Marriage -of Figaro, “a comedy altogether contemptible,” (_despreciada en todas -sus partes_.[612]) - -La Huerta remained a debtor to the public for the critical grounds of -these denunciations, which called forth the bitterest answers from the -adverse party, and also for a reply to his opponents. He asserted -briefly and bluntly that those opponents were merely “a ludicrous pack -of cynical and drivelling critics, the vehicles of envy, ignorance, and -imbecility.” What might not this patriotic author have effected had he -been as energetic in his reasoning as in his abuse! He nevertheless -appears to have contributed more than any of his contemporaries to -produce a re-action in Spanish literature, which was indispensable to -give to that literature the opportunity of again acquiring a poetic -elevation. - - -SEDANO. - -The publication of the choice Spanish poems, collected by Don Juan -Joseph Lopez de Sedano, was a circumstance very favourable to the -restoration of the poetry of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to -its proper place in Spanish literature. This work appeared in the year -1768, under the title of the _Parnaso Español_; but there certainly -would have been little difficulty in producing a better collection. The -notions which Sedano entertained respecting religion and morality have -induced him to mingle not a few bad and indifferent productions with -poems of superior merit; and it was by no means a happy idea to reprint -long translations, such, for example, as the whole of Tasso’s Amynta, -when so much of the rich fruit of the original Spanish stock remained -ungathered. But the undertaking was praiseworthy; and the biographical -and literary notices annexed to the work rendered the Spanish public -once more acquainted with estimable authors whom it ought never to have -forgotten. - - -YRIARTE. - -Tomas de Yriarte, general archivist to the high council of war, and -translator to one of the ministerial departments of state in Madrid, -combined French elegance with the ancient forms of Spanish poetry in a -manner very different from that of La Huerta. After he had acquired a -certain degree of reputation by several translations of French dramas, -by original poems in the latin language, and various other literary -labours, he obtained more decidedly the favour of the elegant portion -of the Spanish public by his _Fabulas Literarias_, (Literary Fables), -which were first printed in the year 1782.[613] Yriarte conceived the -novel idea of rendering literary truths, many of which may at the same -time be regarded as moral truths, themes for fables in the style of -Æsop; and of composing these fables in every variety of verse which -was in any way applicable to them. No classical fabulist had hitherto -appeared in Spanish literature. Yriarte’s fables are, however, not only -remarkable for their classic language and excellent versification, -but they possess a peculiar charm of style which may be mistaken for -a happy imitation of the manner of Lafontaine, though it is to be -traced to a different source. Like Lafontaine, Yriarte had a true -feeling for that delicate harmony which is so indispensable to the -fabulist, and for that spirited infantine style, which, in a graceful -prattling, playfully unfolds the truth as it were intuitively, and, as -it ought always to be disclosed, in apologue, without the slightest -trace of didactic design. He had no need to turn to the writings of -foreigners in quest of the literary elements of such a style. It -was only necessary to combine the exquisite simplicity of many old -Spanish romances and songs, with the true spirit of Æsopian fable, -and his narrative style could not fail to assume the tone in which it -so successfully rivalled the manner of Lafontaine. Accordingly among -Yriarte’s sixty-seven literary fables, those which are composed in -redondillas and other kinds of Spanish national measures, possess the -superiority in point of graceful execution. Some are not remarkable for -their didactic merits. But even when the idea, or what is styled the -moral, presents no particular interest, Yriarte’s fables please by the -graceful handling of the subject: an example of this may be seen in -the fable of the Ass, which finding a flute in a meadow, accidentally -breathes into the lip-hole with his nose, and on hearing the tone of -the instrument, persuades himself that nature has qualified him for -a musician.[614] Whether Yriarte wholly invented these fables, is a -question which can only be decided by laborious investigation. One -of the number, in so far as regards the lesson or moral, precisely -resembles Gellert’s fable of the Painter in Athens.[615] Yet this -circumstance by no means warrants the inference that it is borrowed. - -Considerable praise has been bestowed on a didactic poem by Yriarte, -entitled Music;[616] but with all the merits which this production -may in other respects possess, it is no less deficient in the true -characteristics of a didactic poem, than are the earlier essays of the -Spaniards in the same class. It is judiciously conceived, executed with -the requisite elegance of language, and contains many passages which -are by no means destitute of poetic beauty.[617] But the systematic -form is not disguised by poetic composition. Instead of diffusing -a poetic interest over the truths which were to be inculcated, and -presenting even the instruction as a picture of the imagination, -according to the proper though seldom realized idea of a didactic -poem, Yriarte, like most didactic poets, regarded instruction as the -main object, and the creations of poetic fancy merely as accessory -embellishments: thus three-fourths of his work consist only of -elegantly versified prose.[618] - - -LEON DE ARROYAL. - -To give an account of all the other poets, who at the latter end of the -eighteenth century contributed to restore the credit of Spanish poetry, -is a task which must be consigned to other historians of literature, -who may possess favourable opportunities for rendering themselves -intimately acquainted with the more recent productions of Spanish -genius. A considerable number of bibliographic notices which would -contribute to the accomplishment of this object are extant.[619] - -In taking a survey, however, of the latest period of the history -of Spanish poetry, the odes of Leon de Arroyal must not be -overlooked.[620] Though these odes are inferior to the older Spanish -productions of the same sort, yet some of them are distinguished, -not indeed for bold, but for airy flights of fancy;[621] and for -harmonious versification.[622] At the time of their appearance there -were likewise published anonymously some anacreontic songs by a lady, -who imitated Villegas with grace as well as with decorum.[623] - - -JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. - -But a poet of the graces, who has had but few equals even in the golden -ages of Spanish poetry, and who excels in his particular sphere, -remains to be noticed. This ornament of modern Spanish literature, is -Juan Melendez Valdes, a doctor of law, and, perhaps, still professor -of polite literature in Salamanca. A delicate fancy, ever lively, -yet ever true to nature; an uncommon intensity of feeling; graceful -turns of thought; a classic precision and elegance of language, and -the most pleasing flow of versification, exist in so eminent a degree, -and are so happily combined in this author’s works, that the critic -is compelled to become a panegyrist, if he be not totally insensible -to the charm which such a phenomenon presents in modern poetry.[624] -At an early period of life, Melendez began to retrace the footsteps -of Horace, Tibullus, Anacreon, and Villegas; but, as he must have -felt that the luxuriant graces of his Spanish model were not to be -excelled, his imagination appears to have spontaneously applied itself -to a more exquisite painting of amatory ideas and images, and to the -dignifying of that kind of poetry by a certain moral delicacy to the -observance of which Villegas attached too little importance. The joys, -sorrows, and sports of rustic love, rural festivals and amusements, -are the materials which confer a peculiar character on the anacreontic -effusions of Melendez. Were it not that the picturesque descriptions -sufficiently indicate the Spaniard,[625] his verses might sometimes -be mistaken for translations from an English or German poet. Nothing -can surpass some of his descriptions in the graceful colouring of -tender sentiment.[626] It is only necessary to bestow a slight glance -on the compositions of Melendez to feel the injustice of the reproach -cast on Spanish poetry, by a French traveller, who observes “that the -Spaniard is so completely a citizen, that not even in his poetry does -he manifest a taste for rural life.” This reproach, which is probably -only directed against the poetic writers of the present day, would -be unworthy of notice were it intended to apply to the Spanish poets -of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, whose numerous pastoral -compositions abound in descriptions of rural scenery, which evince an -intuitive perception of the poetic beauties of unsophisticated nature. -Be this as it may, the Spanish academy thought proper, in the year -1780, to award a prize for the best poem in praise of rural life; and -on this occasion Melendez gloriously competed with Yriarte. - -Besides the anacreontic poems of Melendez, his lyric romances, his -popular songs, in which the old national style is combined with -modern elegance, his romantic odes, his elegies and his sonnets, must -be numbered among the best productions in Spanish literature.[627] -How admirably he succeeded in the composition of poetic epistles -is proved by the classical dedication of his poems to his friend -Jovellanos.[628] He has rendered service to the Spanish theatre by -dramatizing the novel of the rich Camacho from Don Quixote. He is also -the author of several treatises on moral and philosophical subjects. - - -BRIEF NOTICE OF SOME OF THE MORE RECENT LITERARY PRODUCTIONS OF SPAIN. - -If the above information respecting some of the latest Spanish poets -be connected with the general observations and bibliographic notices -in the preceding part of this history, it will plainly appear that -the revival of polite literature in Spain must have been on the one -hand accelerated, and on the other retarded, by the progress which was -made in the cultivation of modern science and philosophy, during the -latter years of the eighteenth century. The period of the triumph of -the Gallicists is doubtless past, however numerous the adherents of -that party still may be. But in general the Spaniards of the educated -and refined classes still blush for their ancient prejudices, and -observe, with regret, that the Spanish literature is now only labouring -to acquire what it long ago neglected. In order to raise the elegant -literature of Spain to a level with that of other cultivated nations -of modern Europe, it is deemed necessary to continue with persevering -spirit to translate, adapt and imitate every foreign work which attains -any degree of celebrity. In this concurrence of the spirit of foreign -literature with the ancient national spirit, which is by no means -suffered to perish, more than one decennial period of the present -century will probably elapse ere Spanish poetry resume its original -independence. - -Among their modern dramas, the Spaniards particularly esteem the -regular tragedies of Nicolas Fernandez de Moratin, and the comedies of -Ramon de la Cruz, who, previous to the year 1784, was computed to have -written upwards of two hundred interludes in the old style. Spanish -translations of the tragedies of Corneille and Voltaire, of the plays -of Moliere, and other French comic writers, and of the sentimental -dramas of Mercier, have also been received with approbation. Don -Leandro Fernandez de Moratin, who must not be confounded with his -namesake, travelled at the expense of the Spanish government to study -the dramatic literature of the different nations of Europe; and since -his return to Spain, a considerable pension has been granted to him -as a reward for one of his dramatic productions. He has rendered -the tragedy of Hamlet into Spanish, and is expected to give to his -countrymen a complete translation of Shakespeare. Don Luciano Francisco -Comella, who is mentioned in literary journals as one of the rivals -of Leandro de Moratin in comic poetry, appears to be a very prolific -writer, and inclined to the old national style. Don Theodoro de la -Calla has attempted to give Shakespeare’s Othello in Spanish, from -a French translation. Comella has also dramatized several recent -historical events, among which are some points in the history of Peter -the Great, and Catharine II. of Russia. - -The Count de Noroña has particularly distinguished himself as a writer -of lyric poetry, and he has also translated Dryden’s Alexander’s Feast -into Spanish verse. - -Joseph Vasquez Cadalso, and the younger Moratin, may be ranked among -the most successful writers of satirical poetry which Spain has -recently produced. - -_Diana_, or the _Hunt_, by the elder Moratin; the _Happy Man_, by -Almeida; and the _Happy Woman_, by Morino, are the latest productions -in didactic poetry. A Spanish translation of _How to be always Merry_, -from the German of Uz, also occurs in the notices of new Spanish poems. - -The old ambition of the Spaniards to distinguish themselves by some -production in epic art has again revived. A work of this class, -entitled, _Mexico Conquistada_, by Don Juan de Escoiquiz, has excited -some attention. - -Spanish pastorals in the old national style are associated with -translations from the German of Gessner. - -The collision of the natural and foreign styles is strikingly -exemplified in the Spanish romance literature of the present period. -The old romance of _Cassandra_ has lately been re-printed; and a -new one in the old style, entitled, _Leandra_, has also made its -appearance. All the English and French novels which obtain any -celebrity, are now translated into Spanish. - -Elegant prose, which was earlier cultivated in Spain than in any -other country in Europe, seems at length to have emancipated itself -from the Gongorism which threatened its destruction. The prevailing -study of French prose in Spain, has no doubt proved favourable to the -revival of the pure eloquence of the writers of the sixteenth century. -None, indeed, of the more recent works in Spanish prose is eminently -distinguished for rhetorical composition. But on the other hand, among -these publications it would be difficult to mention a single book of -science, whether original or translated, which is not written with -a certain degree of purity and elegance. An historical work in the -Spanish language has been for some time announced, and is probably now -before the public. It is a History of America, by D. Juan Bautista -Muñoz, professor of philosophy at Valencia. The intention of the author -is to exhibit the conduct of the Spaniards in America in a point of -view different from that taken by Robertson; and the work is said to -be remarkable for beauty of style. - -The Art of Rhetoric,[629] by Don Antonio de Capmany, a member of the -Spanish Academy of History, affords a new proof of the importance which -the Spaniards attach to the cultivation of elegant prose. The preface -to this work is particularly instructive. The book itself contains no -new truths, but it presents the old ones well arranged and judiciously -selected. Capmany’s work, and particularly the preface, clearly shews -that Spanish eloquence is still, in some measure, in a divided state. -The classic prose of the sixteenth century is again esteemed. But in -any endeavour to restore this prose unchanged, it must be difficult -to avoid the appearance of affectation; for since the prevalence of -the French taste, many Spanish words and phrases, which were formerly -classical, have now become antiquated, while on the other hand, old -words and phrases have been introduced from the French. The party of -the _purists_, as the adherents of the old style are denominated, -have the prevailing language of the polite world against them; while -the polite world and the partizans of the French style, can adduce no -good reasons for rejecting the old style, which is acknowledged to be -pure Castilian. Capmany is decidedly favourable to the new style.[630] -However, this conflict will not prove injurious to Spanish eloquence, -if each party be willing to make concessions, in order that the old -style may be fundamentally preserved, and yet be so modified as to -conform, without affectation, to the new ideas and forms of language -which modern science has introduced. - -All these facts considered in their connexion as a whole, leave no room -to doubt that the polite literature of the Spaniards may again rise to -its former glory, if favoured by the ancient national spirit, to the -genial influence of which it owes its existence. The two academies of -polite literature, (_de buenas letras_), at Barcelona and Seville, may -likewise contribute to the fulfilment of this object, if they seriously -devote their attention to it. The talent of the Spanish improvisatori, -who are said to be in no way inferior to those of Italy, may also be -directed to the revival of the ancient popular poetry. Since the works -of the poets and elegant prose writers of the golden age of Spanish -literature have lately been republished in elegant editions, and -universally circulated, and since the new demands of reason and science -have promoted the developement of the mental faculty in Spain, the -best results may be expected from the union of elegant and scientific -learning. - - -CONCLUSION. - -It is only after having duly studied the polite literature of Spain in -all its parts, with the interest attached to literary investigation, -that it is possible to characterize it as a whole, and to obtain -possession of the results which such a characteristic judgment ought to -present. - -I. Spanish poetry is more decidedly national than any other branch -of modern poetry in Europe. Even the Italians have only transferred -their spirit and character into forms; which, though ennobled by a -genial classic refinement of style, were originally derived from the -Provençals. But the Spanish, or to speak with more precision, the -Castilian poetry, which arose in the neighbourhood of the Provençal, -is a peculiar stream from the romantic Parnassus. When the Spaniards -admitted the Italian forms into their poetry, they did not transfer the -old Spanish character to these nationalized forms, in the same manner -as the Italians, by classic improvement of style, and enlargement -of the boundaries of romantic composition, converted the Provençal -poetry into pure Italian poetry. The Spanish poets made the classic -purity, and polish of the Italian forms, subservient in a new manner -to the orientalism of their ancient national literature. A tendency to -the old orientalism is indeed plainly perceptible even in the works -of the few Spanish poets, who were the most disposed, like Luis de -Leon, Cervantes, and the two Argensolas, to adopt the opinions of the -ancients and the Italians with regard to the correctness of ideas and -images. This orientalism of the Spanish character and poetry which has -long been disapproved, is now decidedly pronounced bad taste, because -the general idea of poetry, which is the same for all ages and all -nations, is superseded by Greek, Italian, or French national ideas; -and thus that beauty which is general is made subject to particular and -subordinate laws. But as long as the ideal creations of the imagination -are not entirely at variance with reason and nature, they may far -overstep the boundaries of the Greek and other national forms, without -violating the supreme laws of the beautiful. A true theory of taste -should therefore induce us to look beyond all factitious limits of the -creative and plastic powers of imagination for a critical point of -view, which has only nature and reason for its basis. Considered from -such a point of view, that orientalism, which is ridiculous and absurd, -becomes at once distinguishable from that which belongs to the truly -sublime and beautiful. Spanish poets, it is true, have often failed to -observe this distinction. But owing to the usual mode of estimating -Spanish literature in the mass, justice has not been done to that -genuine beauty which it so conspicuously discloses even in the midst of -absurdity. - -II. This unjust system of criticism appears to account for the very -slight attention which has been paid to the high elegance and classic -purity of a considerable portion of the polite literature of Spain. -In this respect Cervantes alone outweighs a whole host of the correct -Gallicists, whose highest merit is to have written interesting prose in -well constructed verse. Metrical elegance is indeed a distinguishing -property in many of the most irregular productions of the Spanish -poets; this is evident in their comedies, and more particularly -in the comedies of Calderon, which present the highest charm of -rhythmical harmony. On this occasion the classic prose of the golden -age of Spanish literature ought also to be brought to recollection. -In the number of prose works distinguished for elegance of style -and intellectual energy of composition, the literature of Spain far -surpasses that of Italy. - -III. The deficiency of one kind of riches in Spanish literature, is -amply compensated by the abundance of another kind, which is in a -great measure peculiar to that literature, and which has manifested -itself in an inconceivable number of works. The portion of lyric poetry -in which the Spaniards have imitated the Italian forms, tolerably -counterbalances the amount of Italian poetry in the same style. But if -to that portion be added the whole store of lyric romances and songs -in the old popular style, a multitude appears which sets calculation -at defiance. Nothing, however, could be more absurd, than to estimate -the poetic fertility of a nation according to the number of works -called poems, which it may possess. It is from the sum of genuine -poetry actually existing in any considerable number of such works, -though it should be visible only in the seed or in the bud which -has withered in the opening, that the balance must be struck when -the poetic riches of nations is the subject of comparison. If the -mere number of productions were to decide, Italy would be as rich in -dramatic literature as Spain. But in Italy, it unfortunately happened -that scarcely any writers except those of middling and even inferior -talent laboured to increase the stock of Italian dramas to infinity. In -Spanish dramatic literature, on the contrary, the most fertile writers -shew themselves to be great poets even amidst their faults. According -to the same principle the multitude of nominal epic poems, which have -appeared in Spain, and in which scarcely a feeble spark of true epopee -is discernible, must not be taken into account in estimating the poetic -treasures of Spanish literature. A single canto of Ariosto or Tasso, is -worth all the Spanish epic poetry that ever was written. - -IV. Of all the poets of modern times, the Spanish can alone be regarded -as the inventors of the poetry of catholic mysticism, which they have -employed in a very ingenious, though, it must be confessed, not in an -exemplary manner. He must indeed be completely dazzled by the brilliant -side of Spanish poetry, who refuses to acknowledge that the character -of the sacred comedy is monstrous, even as it appears in the Autos of -the estimable Calderon. But, on the other hand, the affectation of -philosophic criticism must have deadened all susceptibility for that -bold style of spiritual poetry in him who denies to the Spanish Autos -the possession of beauties, which deserve to be admired. What might not -this poetry have become, had reason extended her influence over it in a -more powerful degree, not, indeed, to reduce it to the level of prose, -but to divest it of the mask of caricature, while soaring in the lofty -regions of mystic invention! - - - END OF VOL. I. - - AND OF THE HISTORY OF SPANISH LITERATURE. - - _E. Justins, Printer, 41, Brick Lane, Whitechapel._ - - - - -ERRATA FOR VOL I. - - - Page 27, title of Book I. for _end of the sixteenth_, read - _commencement of the sixteenth century_. - - 43, l. 4 from the top, for _Don Juan de Manuel_, read _Don Juan - Manuel_. - - 51, l. 14 from the top, for _beaux tenebreux_ read _beau - tenebreux_. - - 100, l. 1 of the second note, for _Diez_ read _Dieze_. - - 102, l. 11 from the top, for _Bachellor_ read _Bachelor_. - - 128, last line, for _Count of Arragon_ read _Court of Arragon_. - - 131, l. 12 from the top, for _applies_ read _applied_. - - 161, last line but one of the note, for _called_ read _calls_. - - 165, l. 1 of the second note, for _Gottengen_ read _Göttingen_. - - 168, l. 1, for _changed_ read _charged_. - - 180, l. 5 from the top, for _ecologues_ read _eclogues_. - - 193, l. 18 from the top, for _Diego Mendoza_ read _Diego de - Mendoza_. - - 215, l. 2 from top, for _depths_ read _depth_. - - 218, l. 6 from the top, for _formed_ read _found_. - - 253, l. 7 from the bottom, for _though it even constantly_ read - _though it constantly_. - - 254, l. 7 from the bottom, for _Acuna_ read _Acuña_. - - 272, l. 13 from the top, for _belong_ read _belongs_. - - 303, l. 12 from the top, for _Lusiade_ read _Lusiad_. - - 309, l. 14 from the top, for _mankind_ read _man_. - - 312, l. 2 of the note, for _edition_ read _addition_. - - 364, 7 from the bottom, for _Span_ read _Spain_. - - 435, l. 7 from the top, for _title of a work_ read _title for a - work_. - - 448, l. 8 from the bottom of the note, for _to Marshal_ read _to - the Marshal_. - - 469, l. 6 from the top, for _voluntary_ read _voluntarily_. - - 524, l. 12 from the top, for _analize_ read _analyze_. - - 551, l. 8 from the top, for _Nothing poetical was at this period - produced_, read _Nothing poetical produced at this period_. - - - - -FOREIGN LITERATURE. - -PROSPECTUS OF A - -CIRCULATING LIBRARY, - -EXCLUSIVELY DEVOTED TO - -FOREIGN LITERATURE, - -_By BOOSEY and SONS_, - -FOREIGN AND ENGLISH BOOKSELLERS, - -4, BROAD STREET, EXCHANGE. - - -It has long been a subject of surprise and regret with Foreigners, and -with those of our own countrymen acquainted with their Literature, that -no establishment for the circulation of Books in the FOREIGN LANGUAGES, -should have been formed in this country. - -If this opinion was prevalent during the late war, how must it have -gained ground latterly, owing to the gradual increase which, since -that period, Foreign Literature has been making in the number of its -votaries in this country. - -With the view of supplying this _desideratum_ in Literature, -BOOSEY and SONS, (_after an experience of thirty -years as Foreign and English Booksellers_,) have been induced, at -the particular request of many of their Friends, who have promised -them their support and patronage, to undertake the establishment of a -CIRCULATING LIBRARY _for_ FOREIGN BOOKS ONLY, upon an -extensive scale. - -As it is their intention to spare neither pains nor expence in -rendering it as complete as possible, they confidently hope that it -will meet with the approbation of the Public. - -The Catalogue (which is in active preparation) will contain an -extensive Collection of _French_, _German_, _Italian_, _Spanish_, -and _Portuguese_ books, including the works of the authors in those -languages who are considered as Classic Writers; also an extensive -selection of _Modern Publications_. - -In order to be supplied with all New Works of interest on their _first -appearance_, BOOSEY and SONS have made arrangements -with their Correspondents to forward them, together with the best -Periodical Publications, _once every month_. - -The Library will be opened to the Public as soon as the Catalogue, -which is in a great state of forwardness, can be got ready for -delivery: in the mean time a list of the Terms of Subscription -is subjoined, in order that those who feel disposed may have an -opportunity of encouraging the undertaking with their early support and -patronage. - - * * * * * - - -CLASS I. - -Subscribers paying £5 : 5s. the Year; £3 : 3s. the Half-year; or £1 : -16s. per Quarter, are allowed 10 volumes in town, or 20 in the country. - - -CLASS II. - -Subscribers paying £4 : 4s. the year; £2 : 12s. : 6d. the Half-year; or -£1 : 11s. : 6d. per Quarter, are entitled to 8 volumes in town, or 16 -in the country. - - -CLASS III. - -Subscribers paying £3 : 3s. the year; £2 : 2s. the Half-year; or £1 -: 5s. per Quarter, are entitled to 6 volumes in town, or 12 in the -country. - -⁂ _Full particulars of the Terms and Regulations will be delivered with -the Catalogue._ - -To facilitate the circulation of Books at the West End of the Town, it -is intended to appoint a house in a central situation for their receipt -and delivery. - - * * * * * - -BOOSEY and SONS are desirous it should be generally -understood, that they do not intend, in consequence of establishing -the Library, to relinquish any branch of their FOREIGN and -ENGLISH BOOKSELLING business; on the contrary, they trust -that the impulse which Foreign Literature will receive in this country -through its medium, added to the more frequent opportunities it will -afford them of obtaining books from the Continent, will enable them to -keep on sale a much more extensive stock of modern publications. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] This, in its turn, is only a small part of a very extensive work, -the general title of which is, _Geschichte der Künst und Wissenschaften -seit der Wiederherstellung derselben bis an das Ende des achtzenten -Jahrhunderts, von einer Gesellschaft gelehrter männer ausgearbeitet_. -(History of Arts and Learning from their restoration to the end of the -eighteenth century, by a society of learned men.) Different authors -have each taken a part in this great literary enterprize, which may -be said to form an Encyclopedia, though not on the usual plan of a -dictionary. - -[2] There is also a French translation of Bouterwek’s volume on Spanish -literature, which, as far as it goes, is correct and well executed in -point of style; but notwithstanding that the translator appears to have -been capable of doing justice to the work, it is greatly mutilated. The -Portuguese volume, which is in some respects the more valuable of the -two, is not touched by the French translator. - -[3] _Letters from an English Traveller in Spain, in 1778, on the Origin -and Progress of Poetry in that kingdom, London 1781._--This book was -written by _Mr. Dillon_, author of “Travels through Spain,” “History of -Peter the Cruel,” &c. - -[4] Fought in the year 712. - -[5] This remark, from the _Indiculo luminoso_ of Bishop Alvaro of -Cordova, is noticed in the preface to Du Cange’s Glossary, and is -repeated by Velasquez in his History of Spanish Poetry, Dieze’s -edition, page 33.--See also Eichhorn’s _Allgemeine Geschichte der -Cultur und Litteratur_, vol. i. p. 121. The details of the history of -Arabic poetry in Spain cannot be comprehended in a history of Spanish -and Portuguese poetry. The bibliographic erudition on the subject of -Arabic poetry, which Dieze has displayed in his remarks on Velasquez, -does not belong to the subject of this work. - -[6] Velasquez, Dieze, and other authors, furnish information on the -history of the Biscayan language and poetry. This language, with the -poetry to which it may have given birth, has had no influence on -literature beyond its own territory, and appears to have had very -little even there. - -[7] How sensibly the neglect of the Catalonian or Valencian tongue, -after the union of the kingdoms of Arragon and Castile, was felt in -the provinces which belonged to the former, may be seen from the -passage quoted by Eichhorn, in his _Allg. Gesch. der Cul. u. Litt._ -vol. i. page 129, from Scuolano’s History of Valencia. But the -pleasing language of the Troubadours was doubtless very defective. -It would otherwise have been difficult to have made the Catalonian -poets so soon proselytes to the Castilian dialect, especially as, -besides the difference of language, the natural jealousy between the -Arragonian and Castilian provinces was strong enough to manifest -itself by political effects even in the eighteenth century. The -imperfection of the Troubadour phraseology may have been partly owing -to its fluctuations, and the various forms it assumed, in the several -dialects. The difference of the dialects appears particularly evident -on comparing the real PROVENÇAL of the French Troubadours -with the Valencian, called LENGUA VALLENCIANA. The dialect of -the Provençal Troubadours may, without much difficulty, be translated -by conjecture, if the reader be acquainted with French and Italian; -but the meaning of the Valencian cannot be so easily guessed at, even -with the additional knowledge of Castilian. As a proof of this, it -will be sufficient to peruse a passage of the _Libre de los Dones_, -of _Mosen_, [that is, Monsieur, instead of the Castilian Don] _Jaume_ -[James] _Roig_, reprinted in Valencia, 1735, in 4to. The author is one -of the last poets who wrote in the Valencian dialect, and the whole -didactic poem, if so it may be called, is composed in short verses of -the following description: - - Yo com absent - Del mon vivint, - Aquell linquint - Aconortat, - Del apartat - Dant hi del peu, - Vell jubileu - Mort civilment, - Ja per la gent - Desconegut, - Per tots tengut - Con hom selvatge - Tenint ostatge, &c. &c. - -Owing to the difference of the dialects, a foreigner might, by a short -residence in Madrid, learn to express himself in Castilian with more -fluency than it is spoken by a great part of the inhabitants of the -Arragonian provinces. - -[8] At least such is the opinion of Gregorio Mayans y Ziscar, given in -his work, known under the title of _Origenes de la Lengua Española_, -part i. page 8. - -[9] An old prejudice attributes the forcible aspiration which the -Spanish shares in common with the German and Arabic, solely to the -mixture of the latter with the Castilian. This prejudice is pardonable -in the Spaniards, who are not aware of the influence which the German -guttural must have had over their language; but the Germans, who -know the nature of their mother tongue, ought to recollect that the -same Arabic words which are strongly aspirated by the Spaniards, are -pronounced by the Portuguese, though equally naturalized among them, -with a hissing sound. Besides, how does it happen that the G -before E and I, which is a guttural with the Germans, -has nearly the same sound with the Castilians, though it is never so -pronounced by any other people whose language appears to have risen on -the ruins of that of ancient Rome? The Germanic pronunciation of the -Visigoths, which was doubtless preserved in the mountains of Castile, -would afterwards be easily confounded with the Arabic. The Castilian -conversion of O into UE, also resembles the change -which takes place in German of O into OE. Let, for -instance, the Spanish CUERPO and PUEBLO be compared -with the German KÖRPER and PÖBEL. - -[10] The Portuguese language would perhaps be less depreciated by the -Spaniards, if it did not remind them of the vulgar idiom spoken by the -Galician water-carriers in Madrid. On the contrary, the Portuguese -think the Castilian language inflated, and at the same time rough -and also affected. Both nations are as little disposed to come to an -agreement on the merits of their respective languages as the Danes and -Swedes are regarding theirs; for the Castilian and Portuguese are, -like the Danish and Swedish, only two conflicting dialects of the same -tongue. The Swedes admit that the Danish language exceeds their own -in softness, though they consider that softness disagreeable, and the -harsher Swedish more sonorous on account of the greater abundance and -fulness of its vowel sounds; thus, precisely in the same manner, do the -Spaniards condemn the softness of the Portuguese tongue. The elision -of the letter L in a great number of Portuguese words, as in -COR, PAÇO, for _color_, _palacio_, and the remarkable -change of L into R, as in _branco_, _brando_, for -_blanco_, _blando_, are peculiarities of that language to which -foreigners do not easily reconcile themselves. - -[11] The first essay towards a history of the Portuguese language, -and an introduction to Portuguese orthography, were published in -Lisbon at the time when Portugal was a Spanish province.--Duarte Nunez -de Liaõ, the author of both works, was a statesman and magistrate. -(_Desembargador da Camara da Supplicaçaõ._) The former is entitled -_Origem da Lingoa Portugueza_, _Lisb._ 1606, in 8vo. It is dedicated -to Philip III. king of Spain, who is, however, on this occasion merely -addressed as _Dom Phelipe II. de Portugal_. In the preface the author -states his other, but older work, (_Orthographia da Lingoa Portugueza_, -Lisb. 1576, in 8vo.) to be the first of the kind. The Portuguese have, -however, for two centuries laboured with as little success as the -Germans, to introduce uniformity of orthography into their language. -The convertible M and AÕ appear to have been so early -selected to denote the French nasal tone which occurs in numerous final -syllables, that Nunez de Liaõ found it necessary to acquiesce in the -custom, according to which the same word might be very differently -written, as _naçaõ_ or _naçam_, _naõ_ or _nam_, pronounced nearly as -_nassaong_ and _naong_, with the French sound of _on_, _bon_. But it -surely could not have been very difficult to dispossess the totally -unnecessary and barbarous H in _hum_ and _huma_ (from the -latin _unus_ and _una_) of the place it had assumed, as it is now -banished from elegant Portuguese orthography. Trifles of this kind -present more materials for reflection than a first view gives reason -to expect. When the orthography of a country continues to be an object -of reform, that nation is deficient in a certain degree of refinement, -the attainment of which has either been missed, or the right pursuit -of which is but just commenced. Indeed what necessity is there for the -French, Italians, Spaniards and Portuguese, writing the same sound, -occurring in the same word, in four different ways, as for example, -_bataille_, _battaglia_, _batalla_, _batalha_? - -[12] Nothing could be more improper than to follow Du Cange, (Glossar. -praef. § 34, sq.) in dividing the _vulgare idioma_ of the present -inhabitants of the Pyrenean Peninsula into the _Castellanum_, -_Limosinum_, and _Vasconicum_. - -[13] A particular account of the Limosin poetry, even in its last -period, which is late enough to come into the division of time called -the latter ages, does not belong to the history of modern poetry. It -ought to be treated as the last part of the chivalrous poetry of the -middle ages.--See the notices in Velasquez and Dieze, p. 45, and the -still more instructive sketch of the history of Limosin poetry, in -Eichhorn’s _Gesch. der Cult. u. Litt._ vol. i. p. 123. - -[14] That the Portuguese and the Galician were originally not to be -distinguished from each other, is expressly stated by that attentive -observer of the forms of his native language, Nunez de Liaõ, who says, -_As quaes ambas_, (namely, the Portuguese and the Galician tongues) -_eraõ antigamente quasi huma mesma nas palavras, e diphthongos, e -pronunciação, que as outras partes de Hespanha naõ tem_. ORIGEM DA -LINGOA PORTUGUEZA, cap. VI. - -[15] Velasquez, who felt this, thought fit when he read the _Lusiade de -Camões_, to pay a particular compliment to the author, at the expense -of the Portuguese language; for, after delivering the same opinion -on that language, which is entertained by most Spaniards, he very -elegantly adds: “the muses thought otherwise when they spoke through -the mouth of Camoens.” - -[16] _Cada fuente de Portugal y cada monte son Hippocrenes y -Parnassos_, says Manuel de Faria y Sousa, in his _Epitome de las -Historias Portugueses_. Father Sarmiento, a Spanish author, whom -national prejudice does not prevent from doing justice to the -Portuguese, mentions this observation in his instructive _Memorias para -la Poesia Española_. - -[17] The word is used in this extensive sense by Sarmiento in his -_Memorias_, or as the book is sometimes called, _Obras posthumas_, -parte i. p. 168. Authors are far from being agreed respecting the -origin of the term _redondillas_, (according to the Portuguese -orthography _redondilhas_.) But is not the word more naturally derived -from _redondo_ (round), than from a small town called Redondo? Instead -of redondillas, these compositions are sometimes named _redondillos_, -the word _versos_ being understood. In German they might be called -_ringelverse_ (circular verses.) - -[18] Shall it be said that there is, in the German language, no kind -of verse which unites to so much grace, a character so truly popular! -Let Burger’s _Nachtfeier der Venus_ be considered, before this be -determined. Even the Esthonian Serfs, on the coast of the Baltic, -chaunt their simple ballads in the same measure. Proof of this may be -seen on reference to Petri’s _Nachrichten von den Esthen_, vol. ii. p. -69. - -[19] Among others, Sarmiento, who in support of this opinion, -quotes some verses from Virgil, for example: _Inter viburna -cupressi_--_Tondenti barba cadebat_, &c. These verses have, it is true, -eight syllables, but not four trochaic feet. - -[20] How does it happen that none of the Spanish authors have taken -notice of the ancient songs sung by the Roman soldiers, though they -are evidently _redondillas_? Suetonius has preserved some remarkable -examples of these songs; and the same measure occurs after the decline -of latin poetry, particularly in some pious verses of Prudentius, which -are quoted by Sarmiento. - -[21] After examining Arabic verses, written in the European manner, it -cannot be difficult, even for persons unacquainted with the language, -to form a sufficient idea of the influence which the monotonic rhymes -of the Moors had on the old Castilian romances. See, for example, the -following passage of the Koran: - - Va sciamsi, va dhohàha, - Val Kamari eda talàha, - Van nahari, eda giallàha, - Val Laïli eda jagsciàha. - -But the Spanish ear required some variety, and accordingly preferred a -predominant to a single unchanging rhyme. Thus in the romance:-- - - Media noche era por hilo; - Los gallos querian _cantar_ - Donde Claros con amores - No podia _reposar_, - Quanto muy grandes sospiros - Que el amor se hazia _dar_, &c. &c. - -[22] Such _rimas asonantes_ as occur in the words _noble_ and _pone_, -_dolor_ and _corazon_, are easily recognized. But from some old Spanish -romances, it appears that the return of the same consonants sometimes -supplies the place of an assonant rhyme; for example, when the words -_baxo_, _crucifixo_, _enojo_, &c. follow each other at short intervals. - -[23] See what is stated by Sarmiento, p. 191, from an old letter of the -Marquis of Santillana, of which more particular notice must soon be -taken in this work. - -[24] The Spanish and Portuguese _versos de arte mayor_ very much -resemble some of the English popular ballads, with regard to their -measure. There is, however, in the rudest of the Spanish and Portuguese -strophes of this kind, more real rhythmus, than even in the modern -popular songs of the English. An old political song, by Juan de Mena, -commences thus:-- - - Como, el, que duerme con la pesada, - Que quiere y no puede jamas acordar, - Mas si lo puede á la fin desechar, - Queda la mente con el desvelada, &c. - -[25] Sarmiento has written at sufficient length on the origin of the -Castilian romances, but the information he gives is more copious than -satisfactory. It would require the most laborious investigation, joined -to the highest critical sagacity, to penetrate the obscurity in which -this part of the history of literature is involved. How indeed can it -be ascertained to what age a ballad belongs, the author of which is -unknown, and which, in the progressive improvement of the language and -the national taste, has been, without scruple, altered by the singers? - -[26] These monuments of old Castilian rhyme were little known until -rescued from oblivion in 1775 by the publication of D. Thomas Antonio -Sanchez’s _Coleccion de Poesias Castellanas Anteriores al siglo XV._ -a work which in respect to philology is certainly very meritorious. -The collection, however, appears to terminate with the third volume, -(Madrid, 1782), which contains the _Poema de Alexandra Magno_. The -first volume contains the celebrated letter of the _Marquis de -Santillana_ on the ancient Spanish poetry, which, for the first time, -is printed in that volume, with a commentary by the publisher, full of -philological learning. - -[27] For example, in the following passage which Sarmiento has also -quoted; the language, too, differs less from the present Spanish in -this, than in many other parts of the work. - - De los sus ojos tan fuertemente llorando, - Tornaba la cabeça, e estavalos catando. - Vio puertas abiertas, e uzos sin canados, - Alcandaras vacìas sin pieles e sin mantos - E sin falcones, e sin azores, mudados. - Sospirò mio Zid; ca mucho aviè grandes cuidados. - Fablò mio Zid bien, e tan mejorado: - Grado á ti, Señor Padre, que estas en alto. - Esto me han envuelto mìs enemigos malos, &c. - -[28] He states at the beginning of the work the importance he placed on -the labour of the rhyme, which he seems to have particularly valued, -because he made four lines always rhyme together in succession:-- - - Mester trago fremoso, no es de juglaria, - Mester es sen pecado, ca es de clerecia. - _Fablar curso rimado por la quaderna via - Per silabas cantadas, ca es grant maestria._ - -[29] - - El padre a vii. años metiole a leer, - Diole a maestros ornados de seso e de saber, - Los megores que pudo in Grecia escoger, - Que lo sopiessen en las vii. artes emponer - Aprend de las vii. artes cada dia licion - De todas cada dia facia disputacion, &c. - -[30] Sarmiento and Sanchez may be consulted respecting those enquiries. -Some notices on the same topics are also to be found in Velasquez. Had -Berceo composed verses on temporal subjects, it is probable that the -Spanish writers would not have disputed with so much zeal on the merits -of his life. It is curious, that the pious author himself calls his -verse prose. The passage runs thus:-- - - Quiero far _una prosa_ in Roman paladino, - En qual suele el pueblo fablar a su vecino, - _Ca non so tan letrado a far otro latino_. - Bien valdra, como ereo, un vaso de bon vino. - -[31] Having stated that he learnt his art from an Egyptian, whom he -invited from Alexandria, Alphonso adds:-- - - La piedra que llaman philosophal - Sabia facer, e me la enseñó, - Fizimoslo juntos, despues solo yo; - Con que muchas veces creció mi caudal. - -The chemical prescriptions have a very quaint effect, as delivered in -the dancing measure of these verses, viz. - - Tomad el mercurio assi como sale - De minas de tierra con limpia pureza. - Purgadlo con cueros par la su maleza, - Porque mas limpieza en esto mi cale. - E porque su peso tan solo se iguale, - Con doze onzas del dicho compuesto, - En vaso de vidro despues de ser puesto. - Otra materia en esto non vale. - -This extract may also serve as an example of the rhythmical facility -displayed in the verses of Alphonso. - -[32] Histoire générale des Troubadours, tom. ii. pag. 255, tom. iii. -pag. 329, &c. - -[33] Sarmiento refers the oldest Castilian romances to the thirteenth -century, but only hypothetically, and with the explicit declaration, -that certainly none were to be found in the form in which they then -existed. Respecting the _Nicolas_ and the _Antonio de los Romances_, -see the notes of Dieze on Velasquez, p. 146. - -[34] See the _Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus_ of Nicolas Antonio, under the -head of Alphonso XI. and Sarmiento, p. 305. - -[35] A sensible and well digested biography of this prince, by Gonzalo -de Argote y Molina, a writer of the sixteenth century, is prefixed to -_El Conde Lucanor_, the first edition of which Argote superintended. -The work is not easily procured even in Spain. _No es de los mas -communes_, says Sarmiento. In the library of the university of -Göttingen there is a copy of the edition: Madrid, 1642, 4to. - -[36] - - Si algun bien fizieres, que chico assaz fuere, - Fazlo granado; que el bien nunca muere. - -[37] - - Quien te conseja encobrir de tus amigos, - Engañar te quiere assaz, y sin testigos. - -[38] - - No aventures mucho tu riqueza - Por consejo de ome que ha pobreza. - -[39] - - Quien bien see, non se lieve. - -[40] - - Quien te alabare con lo que non has en ti, - Sabe, que quiere relever lo que has de ti. - -[41] As this work is as scarce as it is curious, to extract the whole -of the first tale will perhaps be agreeable to the reader. Fablava -un dia el Conde Lucanor con Patronio su Consejero, en esta manera. -Patronio, vos sabedes que yo soy muy caçador, y he fecho muchas -caças nuevas, que nunca fizo otro ome, y aun he fecho y añadido en -los capillos y en las piguelas algunas cosas muy aprovechosas, que -nunca fueron fechas, y aora los que quieren dezir mal de mi fablan -en escarnio en alguna manera, y quando loan al Cid Ruydias, o al -Conde Ferrand Gonzalez, de quantas lides que fizieron, o al santo y -bienaventurado Rey don Ferrando, quantas buenas conquistas fizo, loan -a mi, diziendo que fiz muy buen fecho, porque añadi aquello en los -capillos y en las piguelas. Y porque yo entiendo, que este alabamiento -mas se me torna en denuesto, que en alabamiento, ruego vos que me a -consejedes en que manera faré, porque no me escarnezcan por la buena -obra que fiz. Señor Conde, dixo Patronio, para que vos sepades lo -que vos cumple de fazer en esto, plazeme ya que sopiessedes lo que -contescio a un moro, que fue Rey de Cordova. El Conde la preguntó como -fuera aquello; Patronio le dixo assi. - -Huvo en Cordova un Rey Moro, que huvo nombre Alhaquime, y como quier -que mantenia bien assaz su Reyno, no se trabajó de fazer otra cosa -honrada, nin de gran fama, de las que suelen y deven fazer los Reyes. -Ca non tan solamente son los Reyes tenudos de guardar sus Reynos, mas -los que buenos quieren ser, conviene que tales obras fagan, porque -con derecho acrecienten sus Reynos, y fagan en guisa, que en su vida -sean muy mas loados de las gentes, y despues de su muerte finqueen -buenas fazañas de las obras que ellos ovieren fecho. E este Rey non -se trabajava de esto, si non de comer, y de folgar, y de estar en su -casa vicioso; y acaescio, que estando un dia que tañian ante el un -estormento de que se pagavan mucho los moros, que há nombre Albogon, -e el Rey paró mientes, y entendio que non fazia tan buen son como -era menester, y tomó el Albogon, y añadio en el un forado a la parte -de yuso, en derecho de los otros forados, y dende en adelante fazia -el Albogon muy mejor son que fasta entonces fazia. E comoquiera que -aquello era bien fecho para en aquella cosa, pero que non era tan -gran fecho como convenia de fazer al Rey. E las gentes en manera de -escarnio començaron a loar aquel fecho, y dezian quando llamavan a -alguno en Arabigo, _Vahedezut Alhaquime_, que quiere dezir: este es -el añadimiento del Rey Alhaquime. Esta palabra fue sonada tanto por -la tierra, fasta que lo ovo de oir el Rey, y preguntó, porque dezian -las gentes aqueste palabra. E conaquier que ge lo quisieran negar y -encubrir, tanto los afincó, que ge lo ovieron a dezir. E desque esto -oyó tomó ende gran peçar, pero como era muy buen Rey, non quiso fazer -mal a los que dezian aquesta palabra, mas puso en su coraçon de facer -otro añadimiento, de que por fuerza oviessen las gentes a loar el su -fecho. E entonce porque la su mezquita de Cordova non era acabada, -añadio en ella aquel Rey toda la labor que hi menguava, y acabóla. -Y esto fue la mejor, y mas complida, y mas noble mesquita que los -moros avian en España. E loado Dios es aora Iglesia, y llamanla Santa -Maria de Cordova, y ofresciola el santo Rey don Fernando a Santa -Maria quando ganó a Cordova de los Moros. E desque aquel Rey ovo -acabado la mesquita, y fecho aquel tan buen añadimiento, dixo, que -pues fasta entonces lo avian a escarnio, retrayendole del añadimiento -que fiziera en el Albogon, que tenia que de alli adelante le avrian a -loar con razon del añadimiento que fiziera en la mezquita de Cordova, -y fue despues muy loado: y el loamiento que fasta entonces le fazian -escarnesciendole, fincò despues por loa, y oy dia dizen los Moros -quando quieren loar algun buen hecho:--Este es el añadimiento del Rey -Alhaquime. E vos, Señor Conde, si tomades pesar, o cuidades que vos -loan por escarnescer del añadimiento, que fezistes en los capillos, y -en las piguelas, y en las otras cosas de caça que vos fezistes, guisad -de fazer algunos fechos granados e nobles que les pertenesce de facer -a los grandes omes. E por fuerça las gentes avran de loar los vuestros -buenos fechos, assi como loan aora por escarnio en el añadimiento que -fezistes de la caça. E el Conde tovo este por buen consejo y fizolo -assí, e fallose dello muy bien. E porque don Juan entendio que esta era -buen exemplo, fizolo escrivir en este libro, y fizo estos versos, que -dizen assi: - - Si algun bien fizieres, que chico asaz fuere, - Fazlo granado, que el bien nunca muere. - -[42] Thus in the first stories the old word _ome_ stands for _hombre_; -but in those towards the end of the collection it is changed to -_hombre_. - -[43] Argote y Molina enumerates the prose works of this prince in the -before-mentioned biography. He notices the poems in an appendix to -his edition of _El Conde Lucanor_, entitled _Discurso sobre la poesia -Española_. Though the appendix occupies only a few pages, it contains -many interesting observations. - -[44] The following romance, which is inserted without interpunctuation, -as it appears in the original, may serve for a specimen of those to -which the name of Don Juan Manuel is attached. It is certainly not the -worst of its kind; and must have found its way by some lucky accident -into the _Cancionero general_, which contains scarcely any narrative -romances. It is also found in another _Cancionero de Romances_, under -the title of _Romance de Don Juan Manuel_. - - Gritando va el cavallero - publicando su gran mal - vestidas ropas de luto - aforrados en sayal - por los montes sin camino - con dolor y sospirar - llorando a pie descalço - jurando de no tornar - adonde viesse mugeres - por nunca se consolar - con otro nuevo cuydado - que le hiziesse olividar - la memoria de sua amiga - que murio sin la gozar - va buscar las tierras solas - para en ellas habitar - en una montaña espesa - no cercana de lugar - hizo casa de tristura - qu’es dolor de la nombrar - d’una madera amarilla - que llaman desesperar - paredes de canto negro - y tambien negra la cal - las tejas puso leonadas - sobre tablas de besar - el suelo hizo de plomo - porque es pardillo metal - las puertas chapadas dello - por su trabajo mostrar - y sembro por cima el suelo - secas hojas deparral - cado no se esperan bienes - esperança no ha destar - en aquesta casa escura - que hizo para penar - haze mas estrecha vida - que los frayles del paular - que duermen sobre sarmientos - y aquellos son su maniar - lo que llora es lo que beve - aquello torna a llorar - no mas d’una vez al dia - por mas se debilitar - del color de la madera - mando una pared pintar - un dosel de blanca seda - en ella mando parar - y de muy blanco alabastro - hizo labrar un altar - con canfora betumado - de raso blanco el frontal - puso el bulto de su amiga - en el para le adorar - el cuerpo de plata fina - el rostro era de cristal - un brial vestido blanco - de damasco singular - mongil de blanco brocado - forrado en blanco cendal - sembrado de lunas llenas - señal de casta final - en la cabeça le puso - una corona real - guarnecida de castañas - cogidas del castañal - lo que dize la castaña - es cosa muy de notar - las cinco letras primeras - el nombre de la sin par - murio de veynte y dos años - por mas lastima dexar - la su gentil hermosura - quien quel sepa loar - qu’es mayor que la tristura - del que la mando pintar - en lo qu’ el passa su vida - es en la siempre mirar - cerro la puerta al plazer - abrio la puerta al pesar - abrio la para quedarse - pero no para tornar. - -All the songs attributed to Don Juan Manuel in the _Cancionera_ have a -form and structure, which render it probable that they belong to the -age in which _El Conde Lucanor_ was written; one, for example, begins -thus: - - Quien por bien servir alcanza - Vivir triste y desamado, - Este tal - Deve tener confianza, - Que le traera este cuydado - A mayor mal. - -Another which belongs to the class, called _Villancios_ possesses more -poetical merit. It commences thus:-- - - Muerto es ya, muerto, Señora, - El triste que en ley de Amor - Era vuestro servitor. - La muerte pudo matalle, - Pues le distes ocasion, - Pero no pudo quitalle - De teneros aficion. - O pena sin redemcion, - Que pena el triste amador - En los infiernos de Amor. - -[45] Sarmiento only briefly notices this arch-priest, and Nicolas -Antonio has entirely overlooked him. But Velasquez pays particular -attention to him, and gives a long extract from his work. - -[46] As a specimen by which justice will be done the author, it -is sufficient to quote the following passage, which is printed by -Velasquez. Don Amor says:-- - - Entrada de quaresma viume para Toledo; - Cuidé estar vicioso, plasentero e ledo. - Fallé y gran santiadad, e fisome estar quedo. - Pocos me recibieron, niu me ficieron del dedo. - Estaba en un palacio pintado de Almagra. - Vino a me mucho Dueña de mucho aguno magra - Con muchos paternostres e con oracion agra, &c. - -[47] The celebrated letter of the Marquis de Santillana, which must -be more particularly noticed hereafter, contributes its part in -illustrating the history of this period. Much however is not to be -learned from the letter itself. The commentary on it by Sanchez, in -the first volume of the before-mentioned _Coleccion_, is far more -instructive. - -[48] Whoever wishes to become acquainted with the controversies on the -early literature of knight-errantry, should resort to Nicolas Antonio, -and compare what he says with Eichhorn’s learned view of the subject, -including the necessary references, in his Allg. Gesch. der Cult. u. -Litt. Theil I. p. 136, &c. Nunez de Liaõ, in his _Origem de Lingoa -Portugueza_, also mentions Lobeira as the author of _Amadis de Gaul_. - -[49] The merit of the Amadis was not overlooked by Cervantes. In the -judgment passed on Don Quixote’s library, the Curate wishes to condemn -this work first of all to the flames, because, being the parent of all -the books of knight-errantry in Spain, it was therefore the great cause -of Don Quixote’s malady; but the Barber, or rather Cervantes, speaking -in that character, says, “No, friend; for I have heard it remarked -that the Amadis is the _best book_ of the kind ever written; it ought -therefore to be spared as a _peculiar specimen_ of art.” Whoever may -be desirous of making the Amadis re-appear in a state capable of being -relished in the present times, must, above all things, take care to -preserve the ingenuous simplicity of the stile, or the work will be -wholly disfigured. - -[50] The titles of all the collections of romances need not be given -here. A considerable part of them may be found in Velasquez, with -additions by Dieze, (p. 442, &c.) and Blankenburg’s Zusätzen zu -Sulzer’s Wörterbuche. I have before me several collections, which -contain some of the oldest romances I am acquainted with. The best of -these collections is entitled: _Cancionero de Romances, en que estan -recopilados la mayor parte de los Romances Castellanos, que hasta agora -se han compuesto._ Nuevamento corregido _y añadido en muchos partes. -Anvers_ 1555, 8vo. In the well known _Romancero general_ none of the -pieces which derive their materials from knight-errantry romances are -to be found. - -[51] The following romance, derived from that work, gives an artless -description of the sufferings of Amadis on the barren rock. - - En la selva esta Amadis - el _leal enamorado_ - tal vida estava haziendo - qual nunca hizo Christiano - cilicio trae vestido - a sus carnes apretado - con diciplinas destruye - su cuerpo muy delicado - llagado de las heridas - y en su señora pensando - no ce canoce en su gesto - segun lo trae delgado - de ayunos y d’abstinencias - andava debilitado - la barva trae crecida - deste mundo se ha apartado - las rodillas tiene en tierra - y en su coraçon echado - con gran humildad os pide - perdon si avia errado - al alto dios poderoso - por testigo ha publicado - y acordado se le avia - del amor suyo passado - que assi le derribo - de su sentido y estado - con estas grandes passiones - amortecido ha quedado - el mas leal amador - que en el mundo fue hallado. - -[52] According to Sarmiento (p. 228,) it is usual to say, _Este no vale -las coplas de Calainos_. But it is not therefore to be inferred, that -the ancient romance of that name is the worst of the kind. - -[53] It will be sufficient to cite, in support of this opinion, the -romance of the _Conde Alarcos_, which is, besides, distinguished from -most of the other romances by greater richness of composition. It opens -in a very simple manner with a description of the sorrow of the Infante -Solesa, who, after being secretly betrothed to Count Alarcos, has been -abandoned by him. - - Retraida està la Infanta - Bien assi como salia, - Viviendo muy descontenta - De la vida que tenia, - Vienda ya que se pasava - Toda la flor de su vida. - - The fair Infanta midst the court - A look of sorrow wears, - Told by an aching heart how she - Is doom’d to pass her years; - For far from her is ever flown - The early bloom of life---- - -At length, after Count Alarcos has been long married, the forsaken -princess discloses her seduction to her father. This scene is strongly -painted, but not overcharged: the king is transported by rage and -indignation; his honour appears to him so wounded, that nothing but -the death of the Countess can be a sufficient satisfaction. He has an -interview with the Count, addresses him courteously, represents the -case to him with chivalrous dignity as a point of justice and honour, -and concludes by categorically demanding the death of his lady. Thus -the developement of the story commences in a manner, which, though most -singular, is perhaps not unnatural, when the ideas of the age to which -the composition belongs are considered. The Count conceives himself -bound as a man of honour to give the king the satisfaction he desires. -He promises to comply with his demand, and proceeds on his way home. -There is a touching simplicity in the picture which is here drawn. - - Llorando se parte el Conde, - Llorando, sin alegria, - Llorando a la Condessa, - Que mas que a sì la queria. - Lloraba tambien el Conde - Por tres hijos que tenia, - El una era de teta, - Que la Condessa lo cria, - Que no queria mamar - De tres amas, que tenia, - Sino era de su madre. - - Weeping he homeward wends his way, - His grief nought can remove, - Because his tears are shed for her - He more than life doth love. - He weepeth too for his three sons, - In youth and beauty dear; - The youngest boy a suckling still, - The Countess’ self doth rear. - For, save his mother, none he lov’d, - Though he had nurses three, - Nor by the milk of other breasts - Would alimented be. - -The pathetic interest now rises gradually to the highest pitch of -tragic horror. The Countess, who receives her husband with the wonted -marks of affection, in vain enquires the cause of his melancholy. He -sits down to supper with his family, and again we have a situation -painted with genuine feeling, though with little art. - - Sentose el Conde a la mesa, - No cenava, ni podia, - Con sus hijos al costado, - Que muy mucho los queria. - Echo se sobre los hombros, - Hizo, como se dormia, - De lagrimas de sus ojos - Toda la mesa cubria. - - The board is laid, he takes his place, - Where viands tempt in vain, - For near him his lov’d children are, - Now lov’d, alas! with pain. - In seeming sleep with head reclin’d, - He tries to hide his woe; - But from his eyes the big tears roll, - And o’er the table flow. - -The apparent fatigue of the Count induces the Countess to accompany him -to his apartment. When they enter, the Count fastens the door, relates -what has passed, and desires his lady to prepare for death. - - De morir aveis, Condessa, - Antes que amenesca el dia. - - O Countess, thou art doom’d to die, - Before the morning’s dawn. - -She begs him to spare her only for her children’s sake. The Count -desires her to embrace for the last time the youngest, whom she has -brought with her into the room asleep in her arms. - - Abrazad este chiquito, - Que aquesto es el que os perdia. - Peso me de vos, Condessa, - Quanta pesar me podia. - - Give to that babe one parting kiss, - That babe for whom thou’rt lost; - Beshrew me--but I pity thee-- - I who need pity most. - -She submits to her hard fate, and only asks for time to say an _ave -maria_. The Count desires her to be quick. She falls on her knees, and -pours forth a brief but fervent prayer; she then requests a few moments -more delay, that she may once more give suck to her infant son. What -modern poet would have thought of introducing so exquisite a touch of -nature? The Count forbids her to wake the child. The unfortunate lady -forgives her husband, but predicts that, within thirty days, the king -and his daughter will be summoned before the tribunal of the Almighty. -The Count strangles her. - - Echole por la garganta - Una toca que tenia, - Apreto con los dos manos, - Con la fuerza que podia. - No le afloxo la garganta, - Mentre que vida tenia. - -In the conclusion, the fulfilment of the unfortunate Countess’s -prophecy is briefly related. On the twelfth day the princess died, on -the twentieth the king, and on the thirtieth the Count himself expired. - -[54] Those in the _Cancionero de Romances_ are of this kind. (See the -remark, p. 35.) - -[55] Sarmiento counted one hundred and two romances relative to -the Cid, in one collection. Only some of them are inserted in the -_Romancero general_, interspersed among others. - -[56] In the following romance, for instance, the assonance is very -skilfully managed. - - Fizo hazer al Rey Alfonso - el Cid un solene juro, - delante de muchos Grandes, - que se hallaron en Burgos. - Mandò que con el viniessen - doze cavalleros juntos, - para que con el jurassen, - cada qual uno por uno. - Por la muerte de su Rey, - que le mataron seguro, - en el cerco de Zamora, - a traycion junto del muro. - Y quando en el templo santo - estuvieron todos juntos - levantose de su escaño, - y el Cid aquesto propuso. - Por aquesta santa casa - donde estamos en de ayuso, - que fabledes la verdad, - de aquesto que aqui os pregunto. - Si fuystes vos Rey la causa, - o de los vuestros alguno, - en la muerte de don Sancho - tengays la muerto que tuvo! - Todos responden Amen, - mas el Rey quedò confuso, - pero por cumplir el voto, - respondio, la mismo juro. - Y con la rodilla en tierra - por fazer su cortes uso, - el Cid delante del Rey, - assi le fablò sañudo. - Si ayer no os besa la mano, - sabed Rey que non me plugo, - y si aora os la besare - será de mí grado, y gusto. - Aquesto que aqui he fablado - no ha fecho agravio a ninguno, - porque lo devo a don Sancho - como buen vassallo suyo. - Pero sino lo fiziera - que dara yo por injusto, - y no por buen cavallero, - me tuvieran en el mundo. - Y si ha parecido mal - a los de vuesso consulto, - en el campo los aguardo, - con mi espada, y lança en puño. - -[57] Of this kind is the following romance, in which the Cid takes -leave of Ximena. It is obviously one of the more modern. - - Al arma, al arma sonavan - los pifaros y atambores, - guerra, fuego, sangre dizen - sus espantosos clamores: - el Cid apresta su gente, - todos se ponen en orden - quando llorosa y humilde, - le dize Ximena Gomez: - Rey de mi alma, y desta tierra Conde, - porque me dexas? donde vas, a donde? - - Que sì eres marte en la guerra, - eres Apolo en la Corte, - donde matas bellas damas, - como alla Moros feroces. - Ante tus ojos se postran, - y de rodillas se ponen - los Reyes Moros, y hijas, - de Reyes Christianos nobles, - Rey de mi alma, &c. - - Ya truecan todos los guerras, - por luzidos morriones, - por arneses de Milan, - los blandos pechos de Londres, - las calças por duras grevas, - por mallas guantas de flores: - mas nos otros trocaremos - las almas y coraçones. - Rey de mi alma, &c. - - Viendo las duras querellas, - de su querida consorte, - no puede sufrir el Cid, - que no la consuele y llore. - Enxugad señora, dize, - los ojos hasta que torne: - ella mirando los suyos, - supena publica a vozes. - Rey de mi alma, &c. - -[58] A zealous orthodox author speaks with much warmth on this subject -in a romance which commences, “Tanta Zayda, y Adalifa.” Among other -things he says: - - Renegaron a su ley - Los romancistes de España, - Y ofrecieron a Mahoma - Los primicios de sus gracias. - -[59] - - Cabelleros Granadinos, - Aunque moros, hijos d’álgo. - -[60] - - Las huestes de don Rodrigo - desmayavan y huyan, - quando en la octava batalla - sus enemigos vencian, - Rodrigo dexa sus tierras - y del real se salia, - solo va el desventurado - que non lleva compañia - el cavallo de cansado - ya mudar no se podia, - camina por donde quiere - que no le estorva la via - el rey va tan desmayado - que sentido no tenía, - muerto va de sed y hambre - que de vella era manzilla - yva tan tinto de sangre - que una brasa parecia - las armas lleva abolladas - que eran de gran pedreria, - la espada lleva hecha sierra - de los golpos que tenia. - el almete de abollado - en la cabeça se hundia - la cara llevava hinchada - del trabajo que sufria, - subiose encima de un cerro - al mas alto que veya, - dende alli mira su gente - como yva de vencida - d’alli mira sus vanderas - y estandartes que tenia, - como estan todos pisados - que la tierra los cubria, - mira por los capitanes - que ninguno parescia, - mira el campo tinto en sangre - la qual arroyos corria - el triste de ver aquesto - gran manzilla en si tenia - llorando de los sus ojos - desta manera dezia, - Ayer era Rey d’España - oy no lo soy de una villa, - ayer villas y castillos - oy ninguno posseya, - ayer tenia criados - y gente que me servia - oy no tengo una almena - que pueda dezir que es mia, - desdichada fue la hora - desdichado fue aquel dia - en que naci y herede - la tan grande señoria - pues lo avia de perder - todo junto y en un dia - o muerte porque no vienes - y llevas esta alma mia - de aqueste cuerpo mezquino - pues se te agradeceria? - -[61] This is one of the best pieces of the kind. - - Vitorioso buelve el Cid - a san Pedro de Cardeña, - de las guerras que ha tenido - con los Moros de Valencia. - Las trompetas van sonando, - por dar aviso que llega, - y entre todos se señalan - los relinchos de Babieca. - El Abad, y monjes salen - a recebirlo a la puerta, - dando alabanças a Dios, - y al Cid mil enorabuenas. - Apeose del calvallo, - y antes de entrar en la Iglesia, - tomò el pendon en sus manos, - y dize desta manera. - Sali de ti templo santo - desterrado de mi tierra, - mas ya buelvo a visitarte - acogido en las agenas. - Desterrome el Rey Alphonso, - porque alla en Santagadea - le tomè el juramento - con mas rigor que el quisiera. - Las leyes eran del pueblo, - que no excedi un punto dellas, - pues como leal vassallo - saquè a mi rey desospecha. - O embidiosos Castellanos, - quan mal pagays la defensa - que tuvistes en mi espada, - ensanchando vuestra cerca. - Veys aqui os traygo ganado - otro reyno, y mil fronteras, - que os quiero dar tierras mias - aunque me echeys de las vuestras. - Pudiera dezirlo a estraños, - mas para cosas tan feas - soy Rodrigo de Bivar - Castellano a las derechas. - -The concluding line:--_Castellano a las derechas_, (the Castilian as -he ought to be) is a description of the Cid, which was well adapted -to produce an impression on the hearts of the people to whom it was -addressed. - -[62] The following is the commencement of this romance:-- - - De los trofeos de amor - ya coronadas sus sienes, - muy gallardo entra Ganzul - a jugar cañas a Gelves, - en un hovero furioso, - que al ayre en su curso excede, - y en su pujança y rigor - un leve freno detiene. - La librea de los pajes - es roxa, morada, y verde, - divisa cierta y colores - de la que en su alma tiene: - todos con lanças leonadas - en corredores ginetes, - adornados de penachos, - y de costosos jaezes: - el mismo se trae la adarga, - en quien un fenix parece, - que en vivas llamas se abrasa, - y en ceniza se resuelve; - la letra si bien me acuerdo, - dize: Es inconveniente - poderse dissimular - el fuego que amor enciende, &c. - -[63] - - El que poblò las masmorras - De Christianos Caballeros. - -[64] The subjoined passage forms the latter part of this romance. - - La hermosissima Balaja, - que llorosa en su aposento - las sinrazones del Rey - le pagavan sus cabellos - como tanto estruendo oyò - a un valcon salio corriendo, - y enmudecida le dixo, - dando vozes con silencio: - Vete en paz, que no vas solo, - y en mi ausencia ten consuelo, - que quien te echò de Xerez, - vno te echara de mi pecho: - El con la vista responde, - yo me voy, y no te dexo. - De las agravios de Rey - para tu firmeza a pelo, - Con esto passò la calle, - los ojos atras bolviendo - dos mil vezes: y de Andujar - tomò el camino derecho. - -[65] Such, for example, is the following ludicrous description of -Hector’s funeral. - - En las obsequias de Hector - esta la reyna Troyana - con la linda Policena - y con otras muchas damas - tambien estavan los Griegos - sino Achiles que faltava - que fue a la postre de todos - y en el tempo se assentava - frontero la reyna Elena - que por Hector lamentava - mirando su hermosura - con gran cuydado pensava - si Menelao no fuera - rey Griego la conquistara - para casarse con ella - segun era muy loçana - y assí triste y pensativo - no podia echar la habla - quando miro a Policena - en la coraçon le pesara, &c. - -[66] - - Con ravia esta el rey David - rasgando su coraçon - sabiendo que alli en la lid - le mataron a Absalon - cubriose la su cabeça - y subiose a un mirador - con lagrimas de sus ojos - sus canas regadas son - hablando de la su boca - dize esta lamentacion - _o fili mi fili mi - o fili mi Absalon_ - que es de la tu hermosura - tu estremada perficion - los tus cabellos dorados - parecian rayos de sol - tus ojos lindos azules - que jacinta de Sion - o manos que tal hizieron - enemigos de razon, &c. - -Any person who in those times was capable of making redondilla verses, -must have found it very easy to produce such romances as this. - -[67] _No vale las coplas de la Sarabanda_, is a proverb of precisely -the same signification as--_No vale las coplas de Calainos_, according -to Sarmiento. See the remark, page 55. The two proverbs have probably -been confounded, for the romance of Calainos is not in coplas. - -[68] The following is one of those pieces which may be regarded as -untranslatable. - - Rosafresca Rosafresca - tan garrida y con amor - quando y’os tuve en mis braços - no os sabia servir no - y agora que os servira - no os puedo yo averno. - Vuestra fue la culpa amigo - vuestra fue que mia no - embiastes me una carta - con un vuestro servidor - y en lugar de recaudar - el dixera otra razon - qu’erades casado amigo - alla en tierras de Leon - que teneys muger hermosa - y hijos como una flor. - Quien os lo dixo señora - no os dixera verdad no - que yo nunca entre en Castilla - ni alla en tierras de Leon - sino quando era pequeño - que no sabio de amor. - -A piece, which is a companion to the above, commences thus: - - Frontefrida, Frontefrida, - Frontefrida, y con amor, - Do todas las avecicas - Van tomar consolacion, &c. - -The fiction on which this second song is founded must, notwithstanding -its native beauty, appear a very absurd fancy to the naturalist, as it -describes a nightingale wooing a turtle dove. - -[69] “Fizo _assaz buenas_ canciones,” says the Marquis of Santillana, -in his antiquated Spanish, speaking of his grandfather. The remaining -notices which he gives of the origin of Spanish poetry communicate -nothing, in addition to what has been already mentioned, on those -things respecting which it is most desirable to be informed. - -[70] See Velasquez, according to Dieze, page 302. - -[71] See Sarmiento, page 345. - -[72] See the observations of Sarmiento, page 352. - -[73] An extract made from this treatise of the Marquis of Villena by -Gregorio Mayans, may be found in the _Origines de la lengua Española_, -tom. ii. pag. 321. The whole work probably exists in manuscript in -Spanish libraries. - -[74] Tanto es el provecho, que viene desta dotrina a la vida civil, -quitando ocio y ocupando los generosos ingenios en tan honesta -investigacion, que las otras naciones desearon y procuraron haver -entre si escuela desta dotrina, y por esso fue ampliada por el mundo -en diversas partes.--The measure of this sonorous period will not be -overlooked. - -[75] Temporum iniquitate sublimi virtute superata, honorem vitæ ac -bonum nomen fallacibus delinimentis omnibus, quæ magnam quamque -fortunam velut pedissequi comitantur, præferebat, says, in allusion to -him, Nicolas Antonio, who at the same time refers to the Chronicles, -from which he had drawn his information respecting the Marquis of -Santillana. - -[76] This elegy is inserted along with other poems by the Marquis in -all the editions of the _Cancionero general_, immediately after the -spiritual poems. No complete collection of the works of this celebrated -man has yet been printed. - -[77] That the Marquis had read Dante can scarcely be doubted, for he -quotes him in this poem:-- - - Assi conseguimos de aquella manera, - Hasta que llegamos en somo del monte, - No menos cansados que Dante Acheronte. - -[78] Thus the two following stanzas are crowded with the names of -authors, ancient and modern, with the view of shewing the loss which -Spanish literature had sustained by the death of Villena. - - Perdimos a _Homero_ que mucho honorana - este sacro monte do nos habitamos - perdimos a _Ovidio_ el que coronamos - del arbol laureo que muchos amava - Perdimos _Horacio_ que nos invocava - en todos exordios de su poesia - assi disminuye la nuestra valia - que antiguos tiempos tanto prosperava. - Perdimos a _Livio_ y a Mantuano - _Macrobio_, _Valerio_, _Salustio_, _Magneo_ - pues no olvidemos al moral _Agneo_ - de quien se loava el pueblo Romano - Perdimos a _Julio_ y a _Casaliano_ - _Alano_, _Boecio_, _Petrarcha_, _Fulgencio_ - Perdimos a _Dante_, _Gaufre_, _Terencio_ - _Juvenal_, _Estacio_, y _Quintiliano_. - -[79] Stanzas, like the following, deserve to be extracted from this -work, as they are calculated to shew what might have been expected of -the Marquis of Santillana, had he cultivated his talent for poetry -under more favourable circumstances. - - Mas yo a ti sola me plaze llamar, - o cithara dulce, mas que la d’Orfeo; - que tu sola ayuda, no dudo, mas creo - mi rustica mano podra ministrar. - O Biblioteca de mortal cantar, - fuente meliflua de magna eloquencia, - infunde tu grande y sacra prudencia - en mi, porque yo pueda tu planto esplicar. - A tiempo a la hora suso memorado, - assi como niño que sacan de cuna, - no se falsamente, o si por fortuna, - me vi todo solo al pie de un collado, - Salvatico espesso lexano a poblado - agreste desierto y tan espantable, - que temo verguenza, no siendo culpable, - quando por extenso lo aure recontado. - No vi la carrera de gentes cursada, - ni rastro exercido por do me guiasse, - ni persona alguna a quien demandasse - consejo a mi cuyta tan desmesurada; - Mas sola una senda poco visitada - al medio de aquella tan gran espessura, - bien como adarmento subiente a l’altura - de rayo Dianeo me fue demostrada. - -[80] Don Alvaro de Luna begins to speak in the first stanzas:-- - - Vi tesoros ayuntados - por gran daño de su dueño. - Assi como sombra o sueño - son nuestros dias contados:-- - Y si fueron prorogados - por sus lagrimas algunos - desto no vemos ningunos - por nuestros negros pecados. - Abrid abrid vuestros ojos, - gentios, mirad a mi, - quanto vistes, quanto vi, - fantasmas fueron y antojos. - Con trabajos con enojos - usurpe tal señoria, - que si fue no era mia - mas endevidos despojos. - Casa, casa, guay de mi! - campo a campo alleguè - casa agena no dexè, - tanto quise quanto vi. - Agora pues ved aqui, - quanto valen mis riquezas - tierras villas fortalezas - tras quien mi tiempo perdi. - -[81] There is a singular pedantry, with a happy turn of versification, -in a song which commences thus:-- - - Antes el rodante cielo - tornara manso y quieto, - y sera piadoso _Aleto_, - y pavoroso _Metello_. - Que yo jamas olvidasse - tu virtud, - vida mia y mi salud, - ni te dexasse. - _Cesar_ afortunado - cessara de combatir, - y harian desdezir - al _Priamides_ armado-- - Quando yo te dexarè, - ydola mia, - ni la tu philosomia - olvidarè; &c. - -[82] It commences thus: - - Gozate, gozosa, madre, - gozo de la humanidad, - templo de la Trinidad, - elegida por dios padre, - Virgen que por el oydo - concebiste, - _gaude_, virgen, _mater Christi_, - y nuestro gozo infinido! - Gozate, luz reverida, - segun el Evangelista - por la madre del Baptista - anunciado la venida, - de nuestro gozo Señora - que trayas - vaso de nuestro mexias - gozate pulchra y decora, &c. - -In this way the _Gozate_ is repeated through a series of stanzas. - -[83] Dieze, in his remarks on Velasquez, erroneously refers to the -publication of Gregorio Mayans, for the proverbs in verse; but only -the original proverbs, without versification, (refranes que dicen las -viejas tras el huego) as collected by the Marquis, are given in the -second volume of that work, p. 179. The greater part deserve to be -better known, but many of them are unintelligible to foreigners. - -[84] See the note, page 24. - -[85] E que cosa es la poesia, que _en nuestra vulgar_ (there is -something equivocal here, for this term was not vernacular in the -Castilian language) llamamos gaya sciencia, sino un fingimiento -de cosas utiles, è veladas con muy fermosa cobertura, compuestas, -distinguidas, escondidas, por certo cuento, peso, è medida. - -[86] He appeals to St. Isidore, whom he cites as a guarantee for this -origin of poetry:--Isidro Cartaginès, santo Arzobispo Hispalense, assi -lo pruebra y testifica, e quiere, que el primero que fizo rythmos y -cantó en metro hay sido Moysen, y despues Joshue, David, Salomon, y Job. - -[87] _Honestæ conditionis_, says Nicolas Antonio, speaking of his -family. - -[88] Only the supplement to this poem is contained in the _Cancionero -general_. The poem itself was probably too long to be included in that -collection. However, in the editions of the collected works of Mena -(for instance, that which I have now before me, intitled--_Todas las -obras del famosissimo poeta Juan de Mena, &c._ Anveres, 1552, 8º) -which Dieze notices, it fills the greater portion of the volume, and is -accompanied by a copious commentary by Fernan Nuñez. - -[89] The emphatic praise bestowed on this poem in Dieze’s observations -on Velasquez, (page 168), according to which Juan de Mena “maintains -_to his advantage_ a comparison with all the poets of all ages,” is -sufficient to prove Dieze’s deficiency in sound criticism. - -[90] The second stanza contains the theme, but it is very imperfectly -expressed:-- - - Tus casos fallaces, Fortuna, cantamos - Estados de gentes que giras y trocas, - Tus muchas mudanzas, tus firmezas pocas, - Y las que en tu rueda quexosos hallamos. - -[91] Mena, politely enough, solicits permission of Fortune to read her -a lesson: - - Dame licencia, mudable Fortuna, - Porque yo blasme de ti lo que devo. - -Then, in well turned antitheses, he allows her a sort of regularity -which contradicts itself:-- - - Que tu firmeza es, no ser constante, - Tu temperamento es destemplanza, - Tu mas cierto orden es desordenanza, &c. - -[92] Providence appears as a most beautiful young woman:-- - - Una donzella tan mucho hermosa, - Que ante su gesto es loco quien osa - Otras beldades loar de mayores. - -[93] In the fourth stanza a patriotic flight seems to promise the -recurrence of similar passages: - - Como que creo, que fossen menores, - Que los Africanos, los hechos del Cid? - Ni que feroces menos en la lid - Entrassen los nuestros que los Agenores? &c. - -On another occasion the author addresses an invocation to his native -city Cordova: - - O flor de saber y cabelleria, - Cordova madre, tu hijo perdona, - Si en los cantares, que agora pregona, - No divulgarè tu sabiduria, &c. - -[94] From the following stanzas the degree of talent possessed by -Juan de Mena for the poetical description of natural objects, without -allegory, may be fairly estimated. - - Bien como medico mucho famoso - Que trae el estilo por mano seguido - En cuerpo de golpes diversos herido - Luego socorre alo mas peligroso, - Assi aquel pueblo maldito sañoso - Sintiendo mas daño de parte del Conde - Con todas sus fuerças juntando responde - Alli do el peligro mas era dañoso. - - Alli disparavan bombardas y truenos - Y los trabucos tiravan ya luego - Piedras y dardos y hachas de fuego - Con que los nuestros hazian ser menos. - de Moros tenidos por buenos - Lançan temblando las sus azagayas, - Passan las lindes palenques y rayas, - Doblan sus fuerças con miedos agenos. - - Mientra morian y mientra matavan - De parte del agua ya crecen las ondas - Y cobran las mares sobervias y hondas - Los campos que ante los muros estavan, - Tanto que los que de alli peleavan - A los navios si se retrayan, - Las aguas crescidas les ya defendian - Tornar a las fustas que dentro dexavan. - -[95] When the poet, in his ideal world, sees Don Alvaro, by a singular -fancy he pretends not to know him, in order that he may question his -guide (Providence) respecting him, in imitation of a similar passage in -Homer:-- - - Tu, Providencia, declara de nuevo, - Quien es aquel Caballero, que veo, - Que mucho en el cuerpo parece a Tydeo, - E en consejo a Nestor el longevo. - -Among other things Providence replies:-- - - Este cavalga sobre la Fortuna - Y doma su cuello con asperas riendas, - Y aunque del tenga tan muchas deprendas, - Ella no le osa tocar de ninguna. - Miralo, miralo en platica alguna, - Con humildes, no tanto feroces! - Como, indiscreto, y tu no conoces - Al Condojos estable Alvaro de Luna? - -[96] For instance, the word _longevo_ in the verses quoted above. - -[97] The opening stanzas may be regarded as a poetic preface or -dedication; but they gain nothing by that. - - _Al muy prepotente_ Don Juan el Segundo, - Aquel, _con quien Jupiter tuvo tal zelo, - Que tanta de parte le haze del mundo, - Quanta a si misme se haze en el cielo_; - Al gran d’España, al _Cesar novelo_, - Al que es con fortuna bien afortunado - Aquel, con quien cabe virtud y reynado, - A el _las rodillas hincadas por suelo_. - -[98] This poem is not to be found in the _Cancionero general_, but -it is included in the _Obras_, mentioned in the note, page 92. Juan -de Mena gave it the absurd title of _Calamicleos_, compounded from -the latin _calamitas_ and the Greek κλεος. It was afterwards -called, simply, _La Coronacion_. - -[99] Most of these questions were not very difficult to answer; for -instance, the following, which is preceded by three introductory -stanzas in a very courtly style:-- - - Mostradme qual es aquel animal, - que luego se mueve en los quatro pies, - despues se sostiene en solos los tres, - despues en los dos va muy mas ygual. - Sin ser del especie quadrupedal - el curso que hizo despues reytera - assi que en los quatro d’aquesta manera - fenece el que nace de su natural. - Del hombre se halla ser gran enemigo, - porque lo hiere do nunca sospecha, - y donde mas plaze menos aprovecha - tanta ponçoña derrama consigo. - Dad vos Señor pues un tal castigo, - o de virtudes tal arma que vista, - porque alomenos punando resista - contra quien tiene tal guerra comigo. - -[100] The poem commences thus:-- - - Canta tu, Christiana musa, - _La mas que civil batalla_, - Que entre voluntad se halla - Y Razon, que nos accusa. - -[101] Nicolas Antonio, whom Dieze follows in his remarks on Velasquez, -is the authority for these notices. - -[102] In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spanish books were -printed in Seville by German printers. At the end of an edition, -probably the first, of the proverbs collected by the Marquis of -Santillana, (see page 88,) are the following words, which Mayans y -Siscar has reprinted:--Aqui se acaben los refranes--imprimidos en la -muy noble y leal civdad de Sevilla por Jacobo Comberger, Aleman, año -1508. - -[103] On this subject Nicolas Antonio’s Bib. Hisp. vet. lib. x. cap. 6. -may be compared with Velasquez and Dieze, page 165. - -[104] To this number they amount in the old folio edition, printed with -gothic characters, which forms one of the literary curiosities of the -library of Gottingen. Dieze, in his observations on Velasquez, page -177, gives a particular account of this, as well as of the succeeding -editions of the _Cancionero general_. - -[105] With this spiritual composition, the _Cancionero general_ -commences. The reader will have enough in the first stanza:-- - - Enantes, que culpa fuesso cansada, - Tu, Virgen benigna, ya yves delante, - Tan lexos del crimen y del semejante, - Que sola quedaste daquel libertada, &c. - -[106] This silly conceit, which consists only of eight lines, commences -thus:-- - - La M madre te muestra, - La A te manda adorar, &c. - -[107] The _Ave_ begins thus:-- - - Ave, preciosa Maria, - Que se deve interpretar - Trasmontana de la mar, - Que los mareantes guia. - -[108] In the third strophe he thus addresses king Ferdinand:-- - - Gran señor, los, que creyeron - Estas consejeros tales, - De sus culmines reales - En lo mas hondo cayeron. - Si esto contradiran - Algunos con ambicion, - Testigos se les daran. - Uno sera _Roboan_, - Hijo del rey Solomon. - -[109] A new edition of Jorge Manrique’s Coplas, with glosses or poetic -paraphrases by various authors, appeared at Madrid in 1779. - -The following are the two first strophes, and the rhythmic structure of -the rest is not less beautiful. - - Recuerde el alma dormida, - avive el seso y despierte - contemplando - come se pasa la vida, - come se viene la muerte - tan callando: - quan presto se va el placer, - como despues de acordado - da dolor, - como a nuestro parescer - qualquiera tiempo pasado - fue mejor. - Pues que vemos lo presente - quan en un punto se es ido - y acabado, - si juzgamos sabiamente, - daremos lo no venido - por pasado - No se engañe nadie, no, - pensando que ha de durar - lo que espera, - mas que duro lo que viò - pues que todo ha de pasar - por tal manera. - -[110] For instance, the following passage from a song by Juan de Mena:-- - - Ya _dolor_ del _dolorido_, - Que con _olvido_ cuydado, - Pues que antes _olvidado_ - Me veo, que _fallecido_. - Ya _fallece_ mi sentido &c. - -Or:-- - - _Cuydar_ me hace _cuydado_ - Lo que _cuydar_ no devria, - Y _cuydando_ en lo passado - Por mi no passa alegria. - -Such plays of words are to be found throughout the whole _Cancionero_. - -[111] The commencement of one of his songs, the two first strophes of -which are subjoined, is exceedingly beautiful; but in the sequel the -lyric spark is extinguished by pedantry. - - Muy mas clara que la luna - sola una - en el mundo vos nacistes, - tan gentil, que no vecistes - ni tuvistes - competidora ninguna, - Desde niñez en la cuna - cobrastes fama, beldad, - con tanta graciosidad, - que vos doto la fortuna. - Que assi vos organizo - y formò - la composicion humana, - que vos soys la mas loçana, - soberana - que la natura criò. - Quien sino vos mereciò - de virtudes ser monarcha? - Quanto bien dixo Petrarcha, - por vos lo profetizo. - -It would be absurd to attempt the translation of many of the specimens -which are necessary to the illustration of this work; and with respect -to these lines the tender breathing of the poetry would be entirely -lost in a literal version. - -[112] Reason, like a talkative person, commences the dialogue, and has -also the last word; she thus addresses her opponent:-- - - Pensamiento, pues mostrays - en vos misma claro el daño, - pregunt’os, que me digays - camino de tanto engaño, - do venis o donde vays - a tierra, que desconoce - muy presto la gente della - donde nace una querella, - y quien bien no le conoce - vive en ella. - Porque en ella ay una suerte, - d’una engañosa esparança - que el plazer nos da muerte, - por do el fin de su holgura - en trabajo se convierte. - Do sus glorias alcançadas, - puesto ya que sean seguras, - o con quantas amarguras - hallaras que son mezcladas - sus dulçuras! - -[113] He is particularly successful in expressing with old Spanish -plainness the emotions of passion; as for instance in the following -concluding strophes of a farewell song. - - De vos me parto, quexando, - y de mi, muy descontento - de mi triste pensamiento. - Mi vivir lo va llorando - vuestro mal conocimiento. - Assi que por sola vos - yo de todos vo enemigo, - pues me parto, como digo, - mal con vos y mal con Dios, - y mal comigo. - Aunque desto en la verdad - poca culpa tengo yo, - que mi fé no se mudò, - vuesta mala voluntad - m’a traido en lo qu’ estò. - Por do mis cuytas agora - vuestras seran desde aqui, - pues por vos a vos perdi, - y por vos a Dios, señora, - y mas a mi. - -[114] What a picturesque storm of passion appears under the antiquated -garb of the following stanzas! and with what a fantastic play of words -are they interspersed! - - La fuerça del fuego, que alumbra, que ciega - mi cuerpo, mi alma, mi muerte, mi vida, - do entrado hiere, do toca, do llega, - mata y no muere su llama encendida. - Pues que harè, triste, que todo me ofende? - Lo bueno y lo malo me causan congoxa, - quemandome el fuego que mata, qu’ enciende, - su fuerça que fuerça que ata, que prende, - que prende, que suelta, que tira, que afloxa. - Aso yre triste, que alegre me halle - pues tantos peligros me tienen en medio, - que llore, que ria, que grite, que calle, - ni tengo, ni quiero, ni espero remedio? - _Ni quiero que quiera, ni quiero querer_, - pues tanto me quiere tan raviosa plaga, - ni ser yo vencido, ni quiero vencer, - ni quiero pesar, ni quiero plazer, - ni se que me diga, ni se que me haga. - -[115] The following are the first and second strophes of this song. -Love is here a hell, in which the thoughts burn. - - Que tu beldad fue querer! - Mas a ti que a mi me quiero. - Tu beldad fue mensagero - de morir en tu poder. - Tu nubloso disfavor - me cerco sin fin eterno - d’unos fuegos qu’es amor - cuyo nombre es el infierno. - Qu’en su encendida casa - se queman mis pensamientos, - alli montan los tormentos - mis entrañas hazen brasa. - Alli sospiro los dias, - que morir no puede luego - alli las lagrimas mias - fortalezen mas en fuego. - -[116] This curious composition begins like a testamentary arrangement, -and then immediately takes a poetic turn:-- - - Pues Amor quiere que muera, - y de tan penada muerte, - en tal edad, - pues que yo en tiempo tan fuerte, - quiero ordenar mi postrera - voluntad. - Pero ya que tal me siento, - que no lo podre hazer, - la que causa mi tormento - pues que tiene mi poder - ordene mi testamento. - Y pues mi ventura quiso - mis pensamientos tornar - ciegos, vanos, - no quiero otro paraiso, - _sino mi alma dexar - en sus manos_. - Pero que lleve de claro - la misma forma y tenor, - d’aquel que hizo d’amor - don Diego Lopez de Haro, - pues que yo muero amador. - -[117] The following is by a poet named Tapia. - - Gran congoxa es esperar, - quando tarda el esperança, - mas quien tiene confiança - por tardar, - no deve desesperar. - Assi que vos, pensamiento, - que passays pena esperando, - galardon se va negando, - bien lo siento, - mas tened vos sufrimiento. - Y quiça podreys ganar - con firmeza sin dudança - lo cierto del esparança - que el tardar - no lo puede desviar. - -[118] The author of the following Villancico is named Escriva. - - Que sentis, coraçon mio, - no dezis, - que mal es el que sentis. - Que sentistes aquel dia, - quando mi señora vistes, - que perdistes alegria, - y descando despedistes, - como a mi nunca bolvistes. - no dezis, - donde estays que no venis. - Qu’ es de vos, qu’ en mi nos fallo, - coraçon, quien os agena? - Qu’ es de vos, que aunque callo, - vuestro mal tambien me pena? - Quien os atò tal cadena. - no dezis, - que mal es el que sentis. - -[119] These glosses, which certainly belong to the fifteenth century, -prove the still higher antiquity of the glossed romances. As a proof of -this, we may quote the commencement of a gloss of the _Rosa fresca_, -(see p. 74), though it is not one of the most successful productions of -this class. - -LA GLOSA DE PINAR. - - Quando y os quise querida, - si supiera conoceros, - n’os tuviera yo perdida - ni acuciara yo la vida - agora para quereros. - Y porqu’ es bien que padezca - desta causa mi dolor, - llam’os yo sin qu’ os merezca, - _Rosa fresca, rosa fresca, - tan garrida y con amor_. - Llam’os yo con voz plañida, - llena de gran compassion, - con el alma entristecida - del angustia dolorida, - que ha sufrido el coraçon. - Que le haze mil pedaços, - yo muero do quier que vò - pues que por mis embaraços. - _Quando y’os tuve en mis braços - no vos supe servir, no._ - No porque os uviesse errado, - con pensamiento de errar, - mas si me days por culpado, - pues publico mi pecado - deveys me de perdonar. - No porque quando os servia - mi querer os desirvio, - mas porque passo solia, - _Y agora que os serviria, - no vos puedo yo aver, no_. - -[120] The device of an enamoured knight in the true Spanish style: -WITHOUT THEE I AM WITHOUT GOD, AND WITHOUT MYSELF, was thus -glossed. - -_Mote._ - -Sin vos, y sin Dios y mi. - -GLOSA DE DON JORGE MANRIQUE. - - Yo soy quien libre me vi, - yo quien pudiera olvidaros, - yo so el que por amaros - estoy desque os conoci - _sin Dios y sin vos y mi_. - _Sin Dios_, porque en vos adoro - _sin vos_, pues no me quereys, - pues _sin mi_ ya esto decoro, - que vos soys quien me teneys. - Assi que triste naci, - pues que pudiera olvidaros, - yo soy el que por amaros - esto desque os conoci - _sin Dios y sin vos y mi_. - -[121] An accurate idea of all the romances of this class may be -derived from the _Historia de los Vandos de los Zegris y Abencerrages, -Caballeros Moros de Granada_, a work well known to those who are -acquainted with Spanish literature. It has been several times printed. -The edition which I have now before me (Lisboa 1616,) seems to be one -of the latest. On the title page the author styles himself, Ginez Perez -de Hita, and on that page also appear the words, _Aora nuevamente -sacado de un libro Arabigo_. The German critic Blankenburgh, is of -opinion, that there is no more reason for supposing this work to be a -translation from the Arabic, than that Don Quixote was derived from a -similar source. But the word _sacado_ on the title page, by no means -indicates that it is a translation. The author has evidently derived -much of his information, such for instance, as the genealogical -register of the families, from Moorish sources. He has probably availed -himself of an Arabic work to write a half true and half fabulous -history of Granada, and to intersperse it with favourite romances. -There is a counterfeit edition of this work, entitled, _Historia de las -guerras civiles de Granada, Paris_, 1660. From the French words on the -margin, it is obvious that the book must have been used in Paris in the -seventeenth century, for learning the Spanish language. - -[122] It will be sufficient to transcribe here one of these pastoral -romances, which presents a fair specimen of the better part of the rest. - - Olvidada del sucesso, - del engañado Narciso, - mirando està en una fuente - Filis su rostro divino, - el negro cabello suelto, - al ayre vano esparzido, - ceñida la blanca frente - con un liston amarillo. - Mira los hermosos ojos, - y el labio en sangre teñido - de los cristalinos dientes - adornado y ofendido: - no se mira el bello rostro, - por presuncion que ha tenido, - mas porque le mueve a ello - el desprecio de su amigo. - Hala dexado el cruel, - sin averlo merecido, - por quien vale menos que ella, - y es della menos querido. - Pareciole que enturbiava - con las perlas que ha vertido - las corrientes amorosas, - y solloçando, les dixo: - Turbias van las aguas madre, - turbias van, - mas ellas se aclararàn. - Si el agua de mi alegria - enturbia la de mis ojos, - y le ofrecen mis despojos - al alma en mi fantasia, - sospechas son, que algun dia - tiempo y amor desharan. - Turbias van las aguas madre, - turbias van, - mas ellas se aclararàn. - Si fatiga el pensamiento, - y se enturbia la memoria, - juntar la passada gloria - con el presente tormento, - si esparzidos por el viento - mis tristes suspiros van. - Turbias van las aguas madre - turbias van, - mas ellas se aclararàn. - -[123] The following is written in a style which was, at a later period, -much admired in France, and frequently imitated in Germany while -Hagedorn and Gleim flourished:-- - - Que se case un don Pelote - con una dama sin dote, - Bien puede ser. - Mas que no de algunos dias - por un pan sus damerias, - No puede ser. - Que pida a un galan Minguilla - cinco puntos de servilla. - Bien puede ser. - Mas que calçando diez Menga, - quiera que justo la venga, - No puede ser. - Que la biuda en el sermon - de mil suspiros sin son, - Bien puede ser. - Mas que no los de a mi cuenta, - porque sepan do se assienta, - No puede ser. - Que ande la bella casada - bien vestida, y mal zelada, - Bien puede ser. - Mas que el bueno del marido - no sepa quien da el vestido, - No puede ser. &c. - -[124] See the notices of Nicolas Antonio, Sarmiento, Velasquez, and -others. - -[125] It is entitled _Romancero general_, en que se contienen todos los -romances, que andan impresos, aora _nuevamente añadido y enmendado_, -Madrid, 1604, a quarto volume, containing about seventy sheets. The -preface is subscribed by the bookseller, who seems to have compiled -this work himself. The _todos_ on the title page must not be literally -understood. Not one of the romances contained in the old _Cancionero de -Romances_, (see note page 53) appear in this _Romancero general_, which -is, in other respects, extremely copious. But the Spanish booksellers -began at an early period to give boasting titles to their publications. - -[126] More copious information, together with bibliographic notices -respecting the pastoral dialogue of Mingo Rebulgo, are given by -Velasquez and Dieze, page 162. - -[127] Sarmiento, page 235, quotes this specimen of Juan de la Enzina’s -_Disparates_:-- - - Anoche do madrugada, - Ya despues de medio dia, - Vi venir en romeria - Una nube muy cargada &c. - No despues de mucho rato - Vi venir un orinal - Puesto de pontifical &c. - -[128] Nicolas Antonio, Sarmiento, and Velasquez, give accounts of Juan -de la Enzina. Some of his romances and songs, which however, possess -no remarkable merit, are also contained in the _Cancionero general_ -and the _Cancionero de romances_. One of his compositions, styled an -_echo_, or a song, in which the rhyme is repeated in the following -word, with the effect of an echo, is inserted in the _Cancionero -general_, as being something peculiar. The old collection, entitled, -_Cancionero de todas las obras de Juan del Enzina_, certainly contains -poems far superior to any already mentioned, though perhaps they do not -rise above the poetry of his age. Velasquez quotes an edition published -in 1516, which Dieze regards as a curiosity. Indeed one of the greatest -literary curiosities in existence, is an old folio edition, (probably -the first) of the _Cancionero_ of Juan de la Enzina, printed at -Seville, in gothic characters, in the year 1501, by two Germans named -Pegnitzer and Herbst, at the expense of two merchants. The copy to -which I have referred, which is probably the only one in Germany, is -also mentioned in Dieze’s supplement to Velasquez; it belongs to the -Ducal library at Wolfenbüttel. Notwithstanding the gothic characters, -the print is so clear and neat, that in this respect alone it is highly -interesting to bibliographists. Juan de la Enzina’s songs occupy the -greater part of the volume. One of them, namely--an Apology for Women, -(_Contra los que dicen mal de Mugeres_) is remarkable for poetic truth -and pleasing versification. In this Apology for the fair sex, the -author, among other things, says: - - Piadosas en dolerse - De todo ageno dolor, - Con muy sana fe y amor, - Sin su fama escurecerse, - Ellas nos hacen hacer - De nuestros bienes franquezas; - Ellas nos hacen poner - A procurar y querer - Las virtudes y noblezas. - Ellas nos dan ocasion, - Que nos hagomas discretos, - Esmerados y perfetos, - Y de mucho presuncion. - Ellas nos hacen andar - Las vestiduras polidas, - Los pundonores guardar, - Y, por honra procurar, - Tener en poco las vidas. - -His imitations of Virgil’s eclogues have the same metrical form as many -of his other poems. The first eclogue commences with the following -graceful strophe:-- - - Tityro, tu sin cuidado - Que te estas so aqueste haya, - Bien tendido y rellanado. - Yo triste y descarriado - Yo no sè, por do me vaya. - Ay, carillo! - Tañes tu tu caramillo, - No hay que en cordoja te trayga. - -His sacred and profane pastoral dramas are merely eclogues in a style -similar to the above, only that they are written in the dialogue form, -and with remarkable lightness. The last, which is of the profane class, -commences thus:-- - - Gil. Ha, Mingo, que das de atràs? - Pasa, pasa, acà delante! - A horas que no se espante, - Como tu, tu primo Bras. - Asmo, que tu pavor has. - Entra! No estes revellado! - - Mingo. Dò me a Dios, que estoy asmado. - No me mandes entrar mas. - -[129] In the edition of 1599, which I have consulted, the work is -entitled _Celestina, tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea_. The first -letter of each of the introductory stanzas, being put together, form -the following words:--El bachiler Fernando de Rojas _acabò_ la comedia -de Calisto y Melibea, e fue nacido en la puebla de Montalvan. - -[130] The following specimens may be cited. Callistus is discoursing -with his servant, concerning his passion for Melibœa. - -_Ca._ Mayor es mi fuego, y menor la piedad de quien agora digo.--_Sem._ -No me engaño que loco està aste mi amo.--_Ca._ Que estàs murmurando -Sempronio?--_Sem._ No digo nada.--_Ca._ Di lo que dizes: no -temas.--_Sem._ Digo que como pueda ser mayor el fuego que atormenta un -bivo, que el que quemó tal ciudad y tanta multitud de gente?--_Ca._ -Como? yo telo dire: mayor es la llama que dura ochenta años que la -que en un dia passa; y mayor la que quema un anima, que la que quemó -cien mil cuerpos. Como de la aparencia a la existencia, como de lo -vivo a lo pintado; como de la sombra a lo real: tanta differencia ay -del fuego que dizes al que me quema. Por cierto si el del purgatorio -es tal, mas querria que mi espiritu fuesse con los de los brutos -animales, que por medio de aquel yr a la gloria de los santos.--_Sem._ -Algo es lo que digo, a mas ha de yr este hecho: no basta loco, sino -hereje.--_Ca._ No te digo que hables alto quando hablares? Que -dizes?--_Sem._ Digo que nunca Dios quiera tal: que es especie de -herejia lo que agora dixiste.--_Ca._ Porque?--_Sem._ Porque lo que -dizes contradize la Christiana religion.--_Ca._ Que a mi?--_Sem._ Tu -no eres Christiano?--_Ca._ Yo Melibieo soy, e a Melibea adoro, e en -Melibea creo, e a Melibea amo. - -[131] About the same period, the dramatic prose dialogue of Italy was -formed in a similar style, but with more histrionic refinement. See -vol. ii. of my history of Italian Literature. - -[132] The dramatic romance of Callistus and Melibœa, has been -translated into several languages as a book of moral instruction. -There is an old German translation which appeared at Nurnberg in 1520, -entitled the _Hurenspiegel_. The German philologist, Caspar Barth, -translated it into Latin under the title of _Pornoboscodidascalus_, and -styles it, _Liber plane divinus_. It was published at Frankfort on the -Oder, in 1624. - -[133] One may become acquainted with these old Spanish chronicles -with more facility than formerly; for during the last thirty years -the greater part of them have been re-printed. A folio edition of the -copious chronicle of Peres de Guzman was printed at Valencia, in the -year 1779, with an elegance which proves the patriotic zeal of the -editors: the chronicle of Ayala was printed at Madrid in the same year. -Literature is indebted for this revival of the fathers of Spanish -History, to the efforts of the Historical Academy of Madrid. - -[134] It is not many years since this history was first published from -the manuscript. It is intitled, _Cronica de Don Pedro Niño Conde de -Buelna, por Gutierre Diez de Games, su Aferes. La publica D. Eugenio de -Llaguno Amirola_, &c. Madrid, 1782, in quarto. - -[135] He gives the following description of the national character of -the French, which derives additional attraction from its antiquated -language:-- - -Los Franceses son noble nacion de gente: son sabios é muy entendidos, -é discretos en todas las cosas que pertenescen á buena crianza en -cortesia é gentileza. Son muy gentiles en sus traeres, é guarnidos -ricamente: traense mucho á lo propio: son francos é dadivosos: aman -facer placer á todas las gentes: honran mucho los estrangeros: saben -loar, é loan mucho los buenos fechos: non son maliciosos: dan pasada á -los enojos: non caloñan á ome de voz nin fecho, salvo si los vá alli -mucho de sus honras: son muy corteses é graciosos en su fablar: son muy -alegres, toman placer de buena mente, é buscanle. Asi ellos como ellas -son muy enamorados, é precianso dello. - -[136] That this biographical chronicle was written between the years -1453 and 1460, is proved in the preface to the latest edition, which -is entitled, _Cronica de Don Alvaro de Luna, &c. La publica con varios -apendices Don Josef Miguel de Flores, Secretario perpetuo de la real -Academia de la Historia._ Madrid, 1784, 4to. - -[137] The following is one of his declamatory passages: it is certainly -more suited to a philippic than to a biographic work, but it is -sufficiently oratorical for the age in which it was produced:-- - -Oh traycion! oh traycion! oh traycion! Maldito sea el ser tuyo: -maldito sea el poder tuyo: é maldito el tu obrar, que á tanto se -estiende, é tantas fuerzas alcanza. Oh enemiga de toda bondad, é -adversaria de toda virtud, é contraria de todos bienes! Por tì han -seìdo destruidos Reynos: por tí han seìdo asoladas grandes é nobles, é -populosas cibdades: é por tì son cometidas en Emperadores, é Reyes, é -Principes, é altos señores, crueles, bravas é miserables muertes. Quien -pudiera pensar? Quien pudiera creer? O qu’al juicio pudiera abastar á -considerar, que un tanto señor, é de tan alto ser, un tan grand, á tan -familiar amigo de virtudes, como era el inclito Maestre de Sanctiago é -insigne Condestable de la gran Castilla, viniesse al passo que agora -aqui contaremos? - -[138] Entre los otros frutos abundosos que la España en otro tiempo -de sì solia dar, fallo yo que el mas precioso de aquellos fué criar -é nudrir en si varones muy virtuosos notables é dispuestos para -enseñorear, sabios para regir, duros é fuertes para guerrear. De los -quales unos fueron subidos á la cumbre imperial, otros á la relumbrante -catedra del saber. E muchos otros merescieron por victoria corona del -triunfo resplandesciente. - -[139] E tentando entrar la presente obra donde pues tú, Verdad, eres -una de las principales virtudes que en aqueste nuestro muy buen Maestre -siempre fecistes morada, á tí solo llamo é invoco que adiestres la mi -mano, alumbres el mi ingenio, abundes la mi memoria, porque yo pueda -confirmar é sellar la comenzada obra con el tu precioso nombre. - -[140] The author thus relates how in his youth Don Alvaro de Luna, by -the irresistible grace of his manners had gained the love of the king, -who was then also very young, and the favour of the fair sex:-- - -Ca si Rey salia á danzar, non queria que otro caballero ninguno, nin -grande nin Rico ome danzase con él, salvo Don Alvaro de Luna, nin -queria con otro cantar, nin facer cosa, salvo con Don Alvaro, nin se -apartaba con otro á aver sus consejos é fablas secretas tanto como con -él. De la otra parte que todas las dueñas é doncellas lo favorescian -mucho. Don Alvaro era mas mirado é preciado entre todos aquellos que -en las fiestas se ayuntaron. E despues quando el Rey se retraìa á -su cámara á burlar ó aver placer, Don Alvaro burlaba tan cortés é -graciosamente, que el Rey é todos los otros que con él eran avian muy -grand placer. E si fablaban en fechos de caballeria, aunque Don Alvaro -era mozo, él fablaba en ellos, assi bien é atentamente que todos se -maravillaban. E aquel fué desde niño su mayor estudio, entender en los -fechos de armas é de caballeria, é darse á ellos, é saber en ellos mas -facer que decir. - -[141] The library of the university of Göttingen contains a copy of -this scarce book, printed in gothic characters, but the title page -is wanting. It commences with the title of the table of contents: -_Comiença la tabla de los claros varones, ordenada por Fernando del -Pulgar, &c._ The biographical sketches are followed by a collection -of letters; and the whole forms a volume with which every author who -writes on Spanish history ought to be acquainted. - -[142] The following specimen is the commencement of a jocular letter, -in which Fernando del Pulgar begs of his physician to prescribe to him -a remedy for the sciatica, as the consolation which Cicero offers in -his book _de Senectute_ had no effect on him:-- - -Señor dotor Francisco Nuñes fisico: yo Fernando de Pulgar escrivano -paresco ante vos: y digo que padesciendo grand dolor de la yjada: y -otros males que asoman con la vejez quise leer a Julio de senetute -para aver del para ellos algun remedio. Y no le de dios mas salud al -alma de lo que yo falle en el para mi yjada. Verdad es que da muchas -consolaciones: y cuenta muchos loores de la vejez. Pero no provee de -remedio para sus males. Quisiere yo fallar un remedio solo, mas por -cierto de Señor fisico que todos sus consolaciones por que el conorte -quando no quita dolor, no pone consolacion. Quise ver essomismo el -segundo libro que fizo de las quistiones Tosculanas. Do quiere provar -que el sabio no deve haver dolor: y si lo hoviere lo puede desechar con -virtud. E yo Señor dotor como no soy sabio senti el dolor. Y como no -soy virtuoso no le puede desechar. Ni lo desechara el mismo Julio por -virtuoso que fuera: si sintiera el mal que yo sinti. Assi que para las -enfermedades que vienen con la vejez fallo que es mejor yr al fisico -remediador: que al filosofo consolador. Por los Cipiones, por los -Metellos, y sabios, y por los Trasos, y por otros algunos romanos que -bivieron y murieron en honra quiere provar Julio que la vejez es buena. -Y por algunos que ovieron mala postremera provare yo que es mala. E -dare mayor numero de testigos para prueva de mi intencion que el Señor -Julio pudo dar para en prueva de la suya. - -[143] See the notice by Nicolas Antonio in the _Bibl. Hisp. Vetus_, -last edition, (Madrid, 1788,) vol. ii. p. 282. - -[144] This treatise precedes the collection of Juan de la Enzina’s -poems. See note page 131. - -[145] Criados en el gremio de la dulce filosofia. This he says in -particular reference to Ferdinand and Isabella. - -[146] Quanta diferencia aya del Musico al Cantor, y del Geometra al -Pedrero, tanta debe haver entre Poeta é Trobador. The third comparison -follows afterwards. - -[147] An unpardonable neglect of chronology has given rise to a -confusion of dates, by which this period of Spanish literature has been -made to include two distinct epochs. This confusion is particularly -striking in the work of Velasquez. In his third age of Castilian -poetry, which he commences with the introduction of the Italian style, -but which ought really to be called the second, he reckons all the -Spanish poets, who appear to have formed their manner after Italian -models down to the reign of Philip IV.; and in the following age, which -he calls the fourth, he places Virnes, Lope de Vega, and others, who -flourished half a century before. - -[148] See page 25. In the _Cancionero general_ there are some spiritual -sonnets, but they are all equally aukward and repulsive. - -[149] The history of the opposition which Boscan’s poetical reform -experienced, is briefly related by himself in the dedication to the -Duchess of Soma, which precedes the second volume of his poems. - -[150] The eighth volume of the _Parnaso Español_, by Sedano, contains a -supplement to the biographical notices which Nicolas Antonio collected -under the article Boscan, and Dieze adopted in his notes on Velasquez. -The _Noticias Biographicas_, which Sedano has added to the _Parnaso -Español_, deserve, from this epoch downward, to be carefully consulted. - -[151] The library of the university of Göttingen possesses a copy of -perhaps the oldest edition of the works of this author, viz. _Obras de -Boscan_, _Lisboa_ 1543, in 4to., and another edition, _Anvers_ 1569, in -8vo. - -[152] The first strophe runs thus:-- - - El _sentir de mi sentido_ - Tan profundo ha navegado, - Que me tiene ya engolfado, - Donde vivo despedido - De salir ni a pie ni a nado; &c. - -[153] The spirit of Petrarch breathes in the following sonnet; though -it is accompanied in the latter verses with a portion of romantic -subtilty. - - Solo y pensoso en prados y desiertos - mis passos doy cuydosos y cansados: - y entrambos ojos traygo levantados - à ver no vea alguien mis desconciertos. - Mis tormentos alli vienen tan ciertos, - y van mis sentimentos tan cargados, - que aun los campos me suelen ser passados, - porque todos no estan secos y muertos. - Si oyo hablar à caso algun ganado, - y la voz d’ el pastor da en mis oydos, - alli se me rebuelve mi cuydado. - Y quedan espantados mis sentidos, - como ha sido no aver desesperado, - despues de tantos llantos doloridos. - -[154] Passages such as the following from the beautiful _Claros y -frescos rios_ of Boscan, after Petrarch’s canzone _Chiare, dolci e -fresche acque_, would be sought for in vain in the writings of Petrarch -himself. - - Las horas estoy viendo - en ella y los momentos, - y cada cosa pongo en su sazon. - Comigo aca la entiendo, - pienso sus pensamientos, - por mi saco los suyos quales son: - dize m’ el coraçon, - y pienso yo que acierta, - ya esta alegre, ya triste, - ya sale, ya se viste, - agora duerme, agora esta despierta: - el seso y el amor, - andan por quien la pintara mejor. - Viene me à la memoria - donde la vi primero, - y aquel lugar do comencè de amalla, - y naceme tal gloria - de ver como la quiero, - que es ya mejor qu’ el vella el contemplalla. - En el contemplar halla - mi alma un gozo estraño, - pienso estalla mirando, - despues en mi tornando, - pesame que dura poco el engaño: - no pido otra alegria, - sino engañar mi triste fantasia. - -[155] The following passage may serve for an example:-- - - No oso pensar el dia y hora quando - mis ojos començaron a mirarte, - su vista poco a poco desmandando: - Entonces comencè a considerarte, - con pensamientos que y van y venian, - y casi no era mas de imaginarte. - Los unos blandamente me dezian, - que con mi coraçon todo te amasse, - los otros se alterava y temian. - Fuerça fue en fin, que poco a poco entrasse - a conocer mi triste entendimiento, - que era bien que tus cosas contemplasse. - Alli se levantò mi pensamiento - haziendo su discurso en mil ojetos, - y todos sobre un mismo fundamento. - -[156] A certain horatian epicurean spirit is recognizable in the view -he takes of the philosophy of life. - - En tierra do los vicios van tan llenos, - aquellos hombres que no son peores, - aquellos passaran luego por buenos. - Yo no ando ya siguiendo à los mejores, - bastame alguna vez dar fruto alguno, - en lo de mas contentome de flores. - No quiero en la virtud ser importuno, - ni pretendo rigor en mis costumbres, - con el gloton no pienso estar ayuno. - La tierra està con llanos y con cumbres, - lo tolerable al tiempo acomodemos, - y à su sazon hagamonos dos lumbres. - -Pictures of domestic happiness, partaking both of the manner of Horace -and Tibullus, form an agreeable addition to Boscan’s moral reflections, -viz. - - Comigo y mi muger sabrosamente - estè, y alguna vez me pida celos, - con tal que me los pida blandamente. - Comamos y bevamos sin recelos, - la mesa de muchachos rodeada; - mochachos que nos hagan ser aguelos. - Passeremos assi neustra jornada, - agora en la ciudad ahora en la aldea, - porque la vida estè mas descansada. - Quando pesada la ciudad nos sea, - yremos al lugar con la compaña, - adonde el importuno no nos vea. - Alli se vivira con menos maña, - y no aura el hombre tanto de guardarse - d’ el malo, o d’ el grossero que os engaña. - Alli podra mejor philosopharse - con los bueyes, y cabras, y ovejas, - que con los que d’ el vulgo han de tratarse. - -[157] The description of Venus appearing, when the star which has -obtained her name rises, is thus given:-- - - Mostrava ya su resplandor la estrella, - Que barre de la sombra neustra suelo, - Y al su venir toda otra cosa bella - Dexava su lugar alla en el cielo: - Quando Venus salio, y al salir d’ ella - Saliò el amor, y junto saliò el zelo, - El zelo que de amor nace en las cosas, - Y mas en las que nacen mas hermosas. - Saliò con sus cabellos esprazidos, - Esta reyna de amor y de hermosura, - Su rostro blanco y blancos sus vestidos, - Con gravedad mezclada con dulçura: - Los ojos entre vivos y caidos, - Divino el ademan y la figura, - Como aquella que Zeuxis trasladó - De las cinco donzellas de Crotò. - -[158] Some stanzas in the speech which the missionary Cupids address -to the ladies of Barcelona, bring to recollection a passage in Tasso’s -Jerusalem, though that poem did not then exist. - - N’ os engañe ni os trayga levantadas, - La mocedad y verde loçania: - Que os hallareys despues peor burladas, - Con el tiempo que burla cada dia. - Y de suerte os vereys desengañadas, - Que engañaros querra la fantasia, - Y n’ os valdra ni maña ni consejo, - Ni miraros mil vezes al espejo. - Guardad que mientras el buen tiempo dura, - No se os pierda la fresca primavera: - Sali à gozar el campo y su verdura, - Antes que todo en el invierno muera: - Reposa y sossega en essa frescura, - Con el ayre que blandamente os hierra, - Y assi falsas podreys estar señoras, - Sobre el correr d’el tiempo y de las horas. - -[159] - - Danubio, rio divino - Que por fieras naciones - Vas con tus claras ondas discurriendo, &c. - -[160] In his elegy on Boscan he thus apostrophizes Mars:-- - - O crudo, o riguroso, o duro Marte, - De tunica cubierto de diamante, - _Y endurecido siempre en toda parte, &c._ - -[161] The edition of the _Obras de Garcilaso de la Vega_, Madrid, 1765, -8vo. published by an anonymous editor, contains impartial and correct -remarks on the beauties and the defects of the author’s poetry. The -preface which is written with a spirit of patriotic frankness is also -worthy of perusal. - -[162] In the following sonnet the dull and affected close forms a -disagreeable contrast to the fine commencement. - - La mar en medio y tierras he dexado - De quanto bien, cuitado, yo tenía: - Y yéndome alejando cada dia, - Gentes, costumbres, lenguas he pasado. - Ya de volver estoy desconfiado; - Pienso remedios en mi fantasía: - Y el que mas cierto espero, es aquel dia - Que acabará la vida y el cuidado. - Do qualquier mal pudiera socorrerme - Con veros yo, señora, ó esperallo, - Si esperallo pudiera sin perdello. - Mas de no veros ya para valerme, - Sino es morir, ningun remedio hallo: - Y si este lo es, tampoco podré habello. - -[163] It is as follows:-- - - O dulces prendas, por mi mal halladas, - Dulces y alegres, quando Dios queria! - Juntas estays en la memoria mia, - Y con ella en mi muerte conjuradas. - Quien me dixera, quando las passadas - Horas en tanto bien por vos me via, - Que me haviais de ser el algun dia - Con tan grave dolor representadas! - Pues en un hora junto me llevastes, - Todo el bien, que por terminos me distes, - Llevadme junto el mal, que me dexastes. - Si no, sospecharè, que me pusistes - En tantos bienes, porque deseastes - Verme morìr entre memorias tristes. - -When stripped, however, of the pleasing versification, the ideas in the -last lines appear somewhat studied and far-fetched. - -[164] The following two strophes are from the lament of Salicio. - - Por ti el silencio de la selva umbrosa, - Por ti la esquividad y apartamiento - Del solitario monte me agradaba: - Por ti la verde hierba, el fresco viento, - El blanco lirio y colorada rosa, - Y dulce primavera deseaba. - Ay! quanto me engañaba, - Ay! quan diferente era, - Y quan de otra manera - Lo que en tu falso pecho se escondía! - Bien claro con su voz me lo decía - La siniestra corneja repitiendo - La desventura mia. - Salid sin duelo lágrimas corriendo. - Quantas veces durmiendo en la floresta - (Reputándolo yo por desvarío) - Vi mi mal entre sueños, desdichado! - Soñaba que en el tiempo del estío - Llevaba, por pasar allí la siesta, - A beber en el Tajo mi ganado: - Y despues de llegado, - Sin saber de qual arte, - Por desusada parte, - Y por nuevo camino el agua se iba: - Ardiendo yo con la calor estiva, - El curso enajenado iba siguiendo - Del agua fugitiva. - Salid sin duelo lágrimas corriendo. - -[165] - - Mas ya que á socorrerme aqui no vienes, - No dexes el lugar que tanto amaste; - Que bien podrás venir de mi segura. - Yo dexaré el lugar do me dexaste: - Ven, si por solo esto te detienes. - Ves aquí un prado lleno de verdura, - Ves aquí una espesura, - Ves aquí una agua clara, - En otro tiempo cara, - A quien de ti con lágrimas me quexo. - Quizá aquí hallarás, pues yo me alejo, - Al que todo mi bien quitarme puede; - Que pues el bien le dexo, - No es mucho que el lugar tambien le puede. - -[166] - - Do están agora aquellos claros ojos, - Que llevaban tras sí como colgada - Mi ánima do quier que se volvian? - Do está la blanca mano delicada - Llena de vencimientos y despojos, - Que de mi mis sentidos le ofrecían? - Los cabellos que vian - Con gran desprecio al oro - Como á menor tesoro, - Adonde están? Adonde el blanco pecho? - Do la coluna que el dorado techo, - Con presuncion graciosa sostenía? - Aquesto todo agora ya se encierra, - Por desventura mia, - En la fria, desierta y dura tierra. - -[167] - - Una parte guardé de tus cabellos, - Eliza, envueltos en un blanco paño, - Que nunca de mi seno se me apartan: - Descójolos, y de un dolor tamaño - Enternecerme siento, que sobre ellos - Nunca mis ojos de llorar se hartan, - Sin que de allí se partan, - Con suspiros calientes, - Mas que la llama ardientes, - Los enxugo del llanto, y de consuno - Casi los paso y cuento uno á uno: - Juntándolos con un cordon los ato: - Tras esto el importuno - Dolor me dexa descansar un rato. - -[168] - - Como acontece al mísero doliente, - Que del un cabo el cierto amigo y sano - Le muestra el duro mal de su acidente, - Y le amonesta que del cuerpo humano - Comience á levantar á mejor parte - El alma suelta con volar liviano; - Mas la tierna muger, de la otra parte, - No se puede entregar al desengaño, - Y encúbrele del mal la mayor parte: - El, abrazado con su dulce engaño, - Vuelve los ojos á la voz piadosa, - Y alégrase muriendo con su daño: - Así los quito yo de toda cosa, - Y póngolos en solo el pensamiento - De la esperanza cierta ó lastimosa. - En este dulce error muero contento; - Porque ver claro, y conocer mi estado - No puede ya curar el mal que siento; - Y acabo como aquel que en un templado - Baño metido sin sentido muere, - Las venas dulcemente desatado. - -[169] In the title of the edition which I have perused of his _Obras_, -(Madrid, 1610, in 4to.) the word “Hurtado” is omitted, and he is -called simply Diego de Mendoza; but the Mendozas are so numerous in -Spanish literature, that it is necessary to pay attention to all the -distinctions in their names. - -[170] - - O embaxadores, puros majaderos, - Que si los reyes quieren engañar, - Comiençan por nosotros los primeros. - Nuestro mayor negocio es, no dañar, - Y jamas hacer cosa, ni dezilla, - Que no corramos riesgo de enseñar. - -The passage is in the epistle commencing: - - Que hace el gran señor de los Romanos. - -[171] They are to be found among his poems with these titles:--“Carta -en redondillas, _estando preso_.”--“Redondillas, _estando preso por una -pendencia que tuvo en palacio_.” - -[172] The best life of Mendoza is that which precedes his _Guerra de -Granada, Valencia_, 1776, in quarto. The notices in the fourth volume -of the _Parnaso_ Español are also copious and useful. - -[173] It commences thus:-- - - El no maravillarse hombre de nada - Me parece, Boscan, ser una cosa, - Que basta a darnos vida descansada; &c. - -[174] The commencement relates to Boscan’s wife:-- - - Tu la veràs Boscan, y yo la veo, - Que los que amamos, vemos mas temprano, - Hela, en cabello negro, y blanco arreo. - Ella te cogera con blanda mano - Las raras ubas, y la fruta cana, - Dulces, y frescos dones del verano. - Mira que diligencia, con que gana - Viene al nuevo servicio, que pomposa - Està con el trabajo, y quan ufana. - En blanca leche colorada rosa - Nunca para su amigo vi al pastor - Mezclar, que pareciesse tan hermosa. - El verde arrayan tuerce en derredor, - De tu sagrada frente, con las flores, - Mezclando oro immortal a la labor. - Por cima van, y vienen los amores, - Con las alas en vino remojadas, - Suenan en el carcax los passadores. - Remedie quien quisiere las pissadas - De los grandes, que el mundo governaron, - Cuyas obras, quiza estan olvidadas. - Desuelese en lo que ellos no alcançaron, - Duerma descolorido sobre el oro, - Que no les quedara mas que llevaron. - Yo Boscan, no procure otro tesoro, - Sino poder vivir medianamente, - Ni escondo la riqueza, ni la adoro. - Si aqui hallas algun inconveniente, - Como discreto, y no como yo soy, - Me desengaña luego incontinente, - Y sino ven conmigo adonde voy. - -[175] - - Quantos ay don Luys, que sobre nada - Haziendo sumtuoso fundamento, - Tienen la buena suerte por llegada. - Cansanse con un vano pensamiento, - Hechan sus conjeturas, y razones, - Hazen torres vazias en el viento. - Ensanchan al pensar los coraçones, - Creen tener en puño la fortuna, - Y toman por el pie las ocasiones. - Como los simples niños que en la cuna, - No saben conocer otro cuydado, - Sino contar las vigas, una a una, - Ansi passan la vida en descuydado, - Y ternan por el mismo, sin mas duda, - El tiempo por venir con el passado: - Mas si el viento delante se les muda, - Y arranca las arenas del profundo, - No por esso harán vida sessuda. - No les podra quitar hombre del mundo - El comer, el dormir, el passear, - El tenerse por solos sin segundo. - -[176] - - Otros ay que rebuelven en el seno, - El tiempo que es passado, y el que tienen, - Consideran lo suyo por lo ageno. - Toman las ocasiones que les vienen, - Y las que no les vienen, van buscando, - Y con qualquier tiempo se entre tienen. - El mundo punto a punto van passando - Los hombres por de dentro, y por defuera - Como en anatomia examinando. - Ponen la diligencia en delantera, - El seso, y la razon por el guarismo, - Quieren que todo venga a su manera. - No tienen otra ley, ni otro bautismo, - Sino lo que les cumple, y por solo esto - Yran hasta el profundo del abismo. - Agudos en el cuerpo, y en el gesto, - Mal ceñidos, las capas arrastradas, - El ojo abierto, y el caminar presto. - Si les suceden cosas desastradas, - Escogen, y proveen lo peor, - Nadie puede topar con sus pisadas. - No toman el camino, que es mejor, - Llano, y trillado, antes al reves, - Engañanse en el arte, y la labor. - -[177] Words on which elisions are permitted in Italian, as for example, -_dar_, _legger_, _amor_, _peggior_, instead of _dare_, _leggere_, -_amore_, _peggiore_, are in Spanish, by an invariable rule of the -language, written _dar_, _leèr_, _amor_, _peòr_; and, on the other -hand, no poet can presume to omit the terminating vowels in Spanish -words. A succession of pure feminine rhymes is, therefore, as unnatural -in the Spanish language as in the German. In the Spanish, however, -the unnatural effect is easily concealed; while in the German, the -incessant recurrence of the semi-mute _e_, in feminine rhymes, is -intolerable. - -[178] The following is characteristic, since it presents in a picture -of the poet’s mode of life, the mingled features of Italian refinement -and the Spanish tone of thinking. - - Aora en la dulce ciencia embevecido, - Ora en el uso de la ardiente espada, - Aora con la mano, y el sentido - Puesto en seguir la plaça levantada, - Ora el pesado cuerpo estè dormido, - Aora el alma atenta, y desvelada, - Siempre en el coraçon tendre esculpido - Tu ser, y hermosura entretallada. - Entre gentes estrañas, do se encierra - El Sol fuera del mundo, y se desvia, - Durarè, y permanecerè deste arte. - En el mar, en el cielo, so la tierra, - Contemplarè la gloria de aquel dia, - Que tu vista figura en toda parte. - -[179] One of those canciones commences in a sententious way in the -horatian manner, but it soon degenerates into an obscurity, very unlike -Horace. - - Tiempo bien empleado, - Y vida descansada, - Bien que á pocos, y tarde se consiente - Olvidar lo passado, - Holgar con lo presente, - Y de lo por venir, no curar nada, - Hora falta, y menguada - La del que nunca olvida - Un cuydado que siempre le da pena. - Cortado à su medida - Tan importuna, y llena, - Que ni otro halla entrada, ni el salida, - Mas tiene por testigo - Su pensamiento, y este es su enemigo. - -[180] See the Introduction, page 20. - -[181] For example:-- - - Hagame lugar - El placer un dia! - Dexame contar - Esta pena mia! - -[182] The following are the first stanzas of a song, which he composed -in prison, after his extraordinary adventure in the court of Madrid:-- - - Triste, y aspera fortuna - Un preso tiene afligido, - Mas no por esso vencido - Con la fuerça de ninguna. - Entre sus cuydados vive, - Ellos mismos le atormentan, - Mil muertes le representan, - Y las mas dellos recibe. - Y aunque no se rinde al peso - De tantas penas, y enojos, - Rinde à Filis los despojos - De sus entrañas, y seso. - Tristezas, y soledades, - Y quexas muy apretadas, - Que sino son declaradas, - A lo menos son verdades. - -[183] In a half comic song, he describes jealousy (in Spanish -_los zelos_, jealous thoughts), in a series of very odd, negative -comparisons;--for example: - - No es padre, suegro, ni yerno, - Ni es hijo, hermano, ni tio, - Ni es mar, arroyo, ni rio, - Ni es verano, ni es invierno, - Ni es otoño, ni es estio. - No es ave, ni es animal, - Ni es Luna, sombra ni Sol, - Vequadrado, ni vemol, - Piedra, planta, ni metal, - Ni pece, ni caracol. - Tampoco es noche, ni dia, - Ni hora, ni mes, ni año, - Ni es lienço, seda, ni paño, - Ni es Latin, ni Algaravia, - Ni es ogaño, ni fue antaño - -[184] The only editions of the _vida de Lazarillo de Tormes_ now in -circulation, are printed after that published at Saragossa, in the year -1652, with de Luna’s corrections and continuation. - -[185] A new edition of this work, which is entitled:--_Guerra de -Granada, que hizo el rey don Felipe II. &c. Escriviòla D. Diego Hurtado -de Mendoza_, has been mentioned in the note, p. 193. It is in fact -the first correct edition, for in it the original text is restored by -collation with the genuine MS. - -[186] This affectation of style is particularly observable in the -Proœmium; and therefore that part of the work does not create a very -favourable prepossession towards the author, in the mind of the -impartial critic:-- - -Bien sè que muchas cosas de las que escriviere pareceràn a algunos -livianas, i menudas para Historia, comparadas a las grandes, que de -España se hallan escritas; Guerras largas de varios sucesos, tomas -i desolaciones de Ciudades populosas, Reyes vencidos i presos, -discordias entre padres i hijos, hermanos i hermanas, suegros i -hiernos, desposeidos, restituidos, i otra vez desposeidos, muertos -a hierro, acabados linages, mudadas successiones de Reinos; libre i -estendido campo, i ancha salida para los Escritores. Yo escogi camino -mas estrecho, trabajoso, esteril, i sin gloria; pero provechoso, i de -fruto para los que adelante vinieren; comienzos bajos, rebelion de -salteadores, junta de esclavos, tumulto de villanos, competencias, -odios, ambiciones, i pretensiones; dilacion de provisiones, falta de -dinero, inconvenientes o no creidos, o tenidos en poco. - -[187] For example: - -Porque la Inquisicion los comenzò a apretar mas de lo ordinario. -El Rei les mandò dejar la habla Morisca, i con ella el comercio i -comunicacion entre si; quitòseles el servicio de los Esclavos negros -a quienes criavan con esperanzas de hijos, el habito Morisco en que -tenian empleado gran caudal; obligaronlos a vestir Castellano con -mucha costa, que las mugeres trugesen los rostros descubiertos, que -las casas acostumbradas a estar cerradas estuviesen abiertas: lo uno -i lo otro tan grave de sufrir entre gente celosa. Huvo fama que les -mandavan tomar los hijos, i pasallos a Castilla. Vedaronles el uso de -los baños, que eran su limpieza i entrenimiento; primero les havian -prohibido la Musica, cantares, fiestas, bodas, conforme a su costumbre, -i qualesquier juntas de pasatiempo. Saliò todo esto junto sin guardia, -ni provision de gente; sin reforzar presidios viejos, o firmar otros -nuevos. - -[188] This speech is forcibly written, and the style is no where -disfigured by rhetorical ornament. The following is one of its most -powerful passages:-- - -Quien quita que el hombre de Lengua Castellana no pueda tener la lei -del Profeta? i el de la lengua Morisca la lei de Jesus? llaman a -nuestros hijos a sus Congregaciones i casas de letras, enseñanles artes -que nuestros mayores prohibieron aprenderse; porque no se confundiese -la puridad, i se hiciese litigiosa la verdad de la lei. Cada hora nos -amenazan quitarlos de los brazos de sus madres, i de la crianza de sus -padres, i pasarlos a tierras agenas; donde olviden nuestra manera de -vida, i aprendan a ser enemigos de los padres que los engendramos, i -de las madres que los parieron. Mandannos dejar nuestro habito, vestir -el Castellano. Vistense entre ellos los Tudescos de una manera, los -Franceses de otra, los Griegos de otra, los Frailes de otra, los mozos -de otra, i de otra los viejos; cada Nacion, cada profesion i cada -estado usa su manera de vestido, i todos son Christianos; i nosotros -Moros, porque vestimos a la Morisca; como si truxesemos la lei en el -vestido, i no en el corazon. - -[189] Demàs desto proveerse de vitualla, eligir lugar en la montaña -donde guardalla, fabricar armas, reparar las que de mucho tiempo tenian -escondidas, comprar nuevas, i avisar de nuevo a los Reyes de Argel, -Fez, Señor de Tituan desta resolucion i preparaciones. - -[190] In the year 1737, that excellent critic Mayans, in allusion to -Diego de Mendoza’s _Guerra de Granada_, observes:--Deve leerse, como el -la escriviò. Quiere Dios que algun dia la publique yo! (_Orig. de la -Lingua Española_, vol. i. p. 205). Thus even at that period a genuine -edition, such as Mayans wished to superintend, could not be published. - -[191] Dieze, it is true, alledges the contrary, in his notes on -Velasquez; but it appears that he was acquainted only with the pastoral -poems, and not with the other works of Saa de Miranda. - -[192] These Spanish pastoral poems are mingled indiscriminately with -the Portuguese poems of the same author, in the neatly printed edition -of the _Obras do Doctor Francisco de Sà de Miranda, Lisboa_, 1784, in 2 -vols. 8vo. No attention has been paid to the correction of the Spanish -poems in this collection, and Portuguese words continually occur in -them; for example, _as_ for _las_, _pensamentos_ for _pensamientos_, -_outro_ for _otro_, &c. The orthography of the title-page is uncommon; -for in other cases the Portuguese spelling is not _doctor_, but -_doutor_, and _Sà_ is a modern substitution for _Saa_. - -[193] The following stanza may certainly claim a place in the best epic -poem. - - Como el pino en el monte combalido - Del impetuoso viento en la tormenta, - A quantos que lo ven pone en recelo, - Los truenos amenazan, arrebienta - El fuego por las nuves, exlo erguido, - Exlo coruo que vâ cayendo al suelo, - Hasta tanto que el Cielo - Se abre en llama ardiendo, - Entre viendo, y no viendo, - El bravo rayo en bueltas mil desciende, - Aquel prostrero mal quien se defiende? - Queda un tronco quemado, y cuento breve, - A quien passa porende, - O busca alli quiça que a casa lleve. - -[194] For example:-- - - Graciosamente estando, - Graciosamente andando, - Blando ayre respirava al prado ameno. - Ella cantava, y juntamente el seno - Inchiendose yva de diversas flores, - En que el prado era lleno - Sobre verde variado en mil colores. - -[195] For instance, the following passage in the second eclogue:-- - - A que parte se es yda esta alma mia? - Quien me la enseñarà? yo que hago aqui? - Sin alguno de dos, que antes tenia? - Que entr’ambas se ajuntáran contra mi? - Solo dexado me han, ciego, y sin guia. - Pareceos esto amor? dexarme ansi? - Consigo no quisieran allà llevarme - Ni buelto me han a ver, ni a consolarme. - Como una llama por el monte ardiente, - Que presto en alto buela, y no parece, - De vista se nos pierde en continente, - Y el humo turbio solo remanece, - Otra tal claridad resplandeciente, - Mientras mirando estava, eis se escurece - Ansi tan presto? triste a donde yrè? - Sin ti y allá sin ti, triste que harè? - -[196] Can any thing be more charming than the following passage from -the seventh eclogue? A nymph gazes on a sleeping shepherd. - - Duerme el hermoso donzel, - No zagal, no pastor, no, - Mientras al sueño se diò, - Mi alma diosele a el. - El Sol es alto, y con el - Del dia, es ido un buen trecho - No sè que de mi se hà hecho, - Serà lo que fuere del. - Loca de mi, que a mirar - Me puse, y dixe tal viendo, - Quien tanto aplaze dormiendo, - Despierto, que es de pensar? - Quiseme luego apartar, - No se quien me buelve aqui. - Ah quan tarde que entendi, - Que peligro es començar. - -[197] For example, the apostrophe to the dead Diego, in the first -eclogue. - - Vete buen Diego en paz, que en esta tierra - El plazer de oy no dura hasta mañana, - Y dura mucho quanto desaplaze. - Allâ aora no ves la vision vana, - Que acá viviendo te hizo tanta guerra, - Ardiendo el cuerpo que ora frio yaze, - Lo que allà satisfaze - A tus ya claros ojos, - No son vanos antojos - De que ay por estos cerros muchedumbre: - Mas siempre una paz buena en clara lumbre: - Contentamiento cierto te acompaña, - No tanta pesadumbre, - Como acà va por esta tierra estraña. - -[198] For example, in the second eclogue:-- - - Aur. Que quiere (ò mi Mauricio) dezir tal - Huviar de perros como a la porfia? - No se que sean cierto, es algun gran mal: - Aves nocturnas buelvan entre dia; - Lobos tan bravos de su natural, - Buscan a la Aldea de la Serrania. - No vees el mal gusano, y que pesares - Se hà hecho de las viñas, y pomares? - Una mula hà parido en nuestra Aldea, - Y las vacas no paren; ayer cayò - Del Cielo un breve que no ay quien lo lea - Son crego, o frayle, que yà Missa cantò, - Con dos cabeças (cosa estraña, y fea) - Un potro, y con seispies (diz) que nascio. - Como Gallos nos cantan las Gallinas, - Y no se vieran ogaño Golondrinas. - -[199] As for example, in the fifth eclogue:-- - - Dime pastor de cabras alquilado, - (Y no te enojes con la tal demanda, - Que me echas un mal ojo atravessado) - A quien embiò Toribia la guirlanda - Que ella traya sobre sus cabellos? - Cantando, con que boz, clara, y quan blanda? - Y a quien embiava juntamente aquellos - Sus ojos que d’Amor son corredores, - Que se yva el mismo Amor embuelto en ellos? - Mañana de San Juan, quando a las flores - Y al agua todos salen, quien tal gala - Viò nunca, y tal donayre entre pastores? - Ora que parecia alli Pascuala? - Y Menga que? Costança, y la Perona? - Aquellas, que a su ver quien las yguala? - Que gracia, que blandura, y que persona, - Que color de una Rosa a la mañana, - Que al despuntar del Sol s’abre y corona? - -[200] The following is a specimen:-- - - Sola me dexaste - En aquel hiermo, - Villano malo Gallego. - Voyme a do te fuyste, - Voyme no sè a donde. - El valle responde, - Tu no respondiste. - Moça sola ay triste, - Que llorando ciego - Tu passaslo en juego. - Por hiermos agenos - Lloro, y grito en vano. - Gallego, y villano, - Que esperava yo menos? - Ojos de agua llenos, - Vòs pecho de fuego - Quando avreis sossiego? - -[201] The biographical notices of Jorge de Montemayor, prefixed to the -ninth volume of the Parnaso Español, do not exactly correspond with -those by Nicolas Antonio. - -[202] Passages of real delicacy are not, however, wanting; for -example:-- - - No me diste, o crudo amor, - El bien que tuve en presencia, - Sino porque el mal de ausencia - Me parezca muy mayor. - Das descanso, das reposo, - No por dar contentamiento, - Mas porque este el suffrimiento - Algun tiempo ocioso: - Ved que invenciones de Amor, - Darme contento en presencia, - Porque no tenga en ausencia - Reparo contra el dolor. - -[203] The following song, with which the lyric gallery opens, may be -quoted as an instance:-- - - Cabellos, quanta mudança - He visto despues que os vi, - Y quan mal parece ay - Essa color de esperanza. - Bien pensava yo, cabellos, - (Aunque con algun temor) - Que no fuera otro pastor - Digno de verse cabe ellos. - Ay cabellos! quantos dias - La mi Diana mirava, - Si os traya, o si os dexava, - Y otros cien mil niñerias? - Y quantas vezes llorando - Ay lagrimas engañosas - Pedia celos de cosas - De que yo estava burlando. - Los ojos que me matavan, - Dezid, dorados cabellos, - Que culpa tuve en creellos - Pues ellos me asseguravan. - No vistes vos que algun dia - Mil lagrimas derramava - Hasta que yo le jurava - Que sus palabras creya? - Quien vio tanta hermosura - En tan mudable sujeto? - Y en amador tan perfeto - Quien vio tanta desventura? - O cabellos no os correys! - Por venir de a do venistes, - Viendome como me vistes, - En verme como me veys. - Sobre el arena sentada - De aquel rio la vi yo, - Do con el dedo escrivio - _Antes muerta que mudada_. - Mira el Amor que ordena - Que os viene hazer creer - Cosas dichas por muger - Y escritas en el arena. - -[204] For example, the following _Villancico_, which has been -frequently imitated:-- - - Contentamientos de amor - Que tan cansados llegays, - Si venis, paraque os vays? - Aun no acabays de venir - Despues de muy desseados, - Quando estays determinados - De madrugar y partir, - Si tan presto os aveys de yr, - Y tan triste me dexays, - Plazeres no me veays. - Los contentos huyo dellos, - Pues no me vienen à ver, - Mas que por darme à entender - Lo que se pierde en perdellos: - Y pues ya no quiero vellos, - Descontentos no os partays, - Pues bolveys despues que os vays. - -[205] One of the most beautiful lyrical pieces that ever was composed -in any language, is a cancion by Montemayor, of which the following are -the three first stanzas. Diana is supposed to be singing:-- - - Ojos, que ya no veis quien os miraba - quando erades espejo en que se via, - qué cosa podeis ver que os dé contento? - Prado florido y verde, dó algun dia - por él mi dulce amigo yo esperaba, - llorad conmigo el grave mal que siento. - Aqui me declaró su pensamiento, - oile yo cuitáda - mas que serpiente ayrada, - llamandole mil veces atrevido: - y el triste alli rendido: - parece que es ahora, y que le veo, - y aun ese es mi deseo: - ay si ahora le viese! ay tiempo bueno! - Ribera umbrosa, qué es de mi Sireno? - Aquella es la ribera, este es el prado, - de allí parece el soto y valle umbroso - que yo con mi rebaño repastaba: - veis el arroyo dulce y sonoroso - dó pacia la siesta mi ganado, - quando mi dulce amigo aqui moraba, - debajo aquella haya verde estaba; - y veis alli el otero - a dò le ví primero, - y dò me vió, dichoso fue aquel dia, - si la desdicha mia - un tiempo tan dichoso no acabára. - O haya, o fuente clara! - todo está aqui, mas no por quien yo peno. - Ribera umbrosa, qué es de mi Sireno? - Aqui tengo un retrato que me engaña, - pues veo a mi pastor quando lo veo, - aunque en mi alma está mejor sacado: - quando de velle llega el gran deseo, - de quien el tiempo luego desengaña. - A aquella fuente voy que está en el prado, - arrimomele al sauce, y a su lado - me siento, ay amor ciego! - al agua miro luego, - y veo él y a mì como le via - quando él aqui vivia: - esta invencion un rato me sustenta, - despues caygo en la cuenta, - y dice el corazon de ansias lleno: - Ribera umbrosa, qué es de mi Sireno? &c. - -[206] See vol. ii. of my History of Italian Poetry and Eloquence. - -[207] For example:-- - -Considerava que sus servicios eran sin esperança de galardon, cosa que -a quien tuviera menos firmeza pudiera facilmente atajar el camino de -sus amores. Mas era tanta su constancia, que puesta en medio de todas -las causas la que tenia de olvidar a quien no se acordava del, salia -tan a su salvo dellas, y tan sin prejuyzio del amor que a su pastora -tenia, que sin miedo alguno acometia qualquiera imaginacion que en daño -de su fe le sobreviniesse. Pues como vio à Sireno junto à la fuente -quedo muy espantado de verle assi tan triste: no porque el ignorasse la -causa de su tristeza, mas porque le parecio que si el huviera recebido -el mas pequeño favor que Sireno algun tiempo recibio de Diana, aquel -contentamiento bastara para toda la vida tenerle. - -[208] On one occasion, the beautiful Felismene calls love a _devilish_ -passion. Lo que siento desta _endiablada_ passion, she says in the -second book. - -[209] He thus describes the savage robbers by whom the nymphs are -attacked:-- - -Venian armados de cosseletes, y celadas de cuero de tigre:--eran de tan -fea catadura, que ponian espanto los cosseletes. Trayan por braçaletes -unas bocas de serpientes, por donde sacavan los braços, que gruessos -y vellosos parecian: y las celadas venian a hazer encima de la frente -unas espantables cabeças de leones. Lo de mas trayan desnudo, cubierto -de espesso y largo vello, unos bastones herrados de muy agudas puntas -de azero. Trayan al cuello sus arcos y flechas: los escudos eran de -unas conchas de pescado muy fuerte. - -[210] For instance, the sage Felicia thus philosophizes on love and -virtue:-- - -En estos casos de amor tengo yo una regla, que siempre la he hallado -muy verdadera, y es que el animo generoso, y el entendimiento delicado, -en esto del querer bien, lleva grandissima ventaja al que no lo es. -Porque como el amor sea virtud, y la virtud siempre haga assiento en -le mejor lugar, esta claro que las personas de suerte seran muy mejor -enamorades que aquellas à quien esta falta. - -[211] See the notices in Dieze’s remarks on Velasquez, p. 91, in which -the different editions of the Diana are likewise mentioned. - -[212] Even this slender notice of the life of Herrera, which is partly -extracted from Nicolas Antonio, and partly from the seventh volume of -the _Parnaso Español_, seems to be rather matter of conjecture, than -historically authentic. - -[213] He framed the new words, _reluchar_, _ovoso_, _purpurar_, -_ensañarse_, from the Castilian _luchar_, _ova_, _purpura_, and _saña_: -and he derived from the latin the words _beligero_, _flamigero_, -_horrisono_. - -[214] Among the modern admirers of Herrera, Don Ramon Fernandez, in the -preface to the fifth volume of his collection of Spanish poems, speaks -with enthusiasm of the language of that poet. The fifth and sixth -volumes of the collection (Madrid 1786), contain the _Rimas de Fernando -de Herrera_. - -[215] Occasionally his descriptions seem to be imitated from Petrarch, -though the imitation is, in some measure, concealed by the Spanish -style of expression; for example, in the following stanza: - - Ya subo a pena, y nunca descansando, - Por yertos riscos, pasos despeñados, - Ya en hondos valles baxo con presteza, - Lugares de las fieras no tratados, - El pensamiento en ellos variando. - Un frio horror y subita tristeza. - Roba el vigor, y engendra la flaqueza: - Qualquier soplo de viento, que resuena - Entre árboles desnudos quebrantado, - Aqueja la esperanza y el cuidado, - Que piensa ser la causa de su pena: - Pero luego engañado - Hallo el cuidado y la esperanza vana, - Que, como sombra, se me va liviana; - Mas luego en la memoria Amor despierta, - Para cobrar su bien, la gloria muerta. - -[216] The following is the commencement of one of the odes on the -battle of Lepanto, imitated from Horace’s _Descende cælo, Caliope_. - - Desciende de la cumbre de Parnaso, - Cantando dulcemente en noble lira, - O tú, de eterna juventud, Talia, - Y nuevo aliento al corazon me inspira - Aqui, donde el torcido y luengo paso - Betis al hondo mar corriente envia; - Porque de la voz mia - Suene el canto, y florezca la memoria - Hasta el término roxo de oriente, - Y do al Númida ardiente - Abrasa Iperion; y en alta gloria - El nombre de la insigne Esperia planta; - Que de Córdoba y Cerda se levanta, - Aquiste honor; y al zéfiro templado - Ensalce este Lucero venerado. - Los despojos, y en árboles alzados - Los insignes trofeos, el sangriento - Conflicto del feroz dudoso Marte; - Las enseñas, que mueve en torno el viento; - Los presos, y los Reynos conquistados - Con segura prudencia, esfuerzo, y arte; - Que dieron tanta parte - De la rota, y herida, y muerta Francia - Al que fue prez y honor del orbe Hispano; - Que al sobervio Otomano - Quebró en las Jonias ondas la arrogancia, - Y en la Ausonia adquirió el heroyco nombre - Con mas valor, que cabe en mortal hombre; - Con alas de vitoria al fin levantan - Las vitorias, que Europa y Asia cantan. - -[217] In the original, the extravagance of this pompous rodomontade is -still more striking: - - Todo quanto al terrestre el cuerpo alienta, - De la celeste fuerza deducido, - Se halla en vos casi en igual efeto. - De vos el fixo globo, y el tendido - Humor, y el vago cerca se sustenta, - Y el ardor de las llamas inquieto: - Que con vigor secreto - A tierra y agua, al ayre y puro fuego, - Qual eterea virtud, y las estrellas, - Son vuestras obras bellas - La tierra, la agua, el ayre, el puro fuego. - O glorioso cielo en nuestro suelo! - O suelo glorioso con tal cielo! - Quièn podrá celebrar vuestra nobleza? - Quièn osará alabar vuestra belleza? - -[218] In the following, from one of his odes on the battle of Lepanto, -the style of the Hebrew psalms is imitated with happy effect. - - El sobervio Tirano, confiado - En el grande aparato de sus naves, - Que de los nuestros la cerviz cautiva, - Y las manos aviva - Al ministerio injusto de su estado, - Derribò con los brazos suyos graves - Los cedros mas excelsos de la cima; - Y el árbol, que mas yerto se sublima, - Bebiendo agenas aguas, y atrevido - Pisando el vando nuestro y defendido. - Temblaron los pequeños, confundidos - Del impio furor suyo, alzó la frente - Contra tí, Señor Dios; y con semblante - Y con pecho arrogante, - Y los armados brazos estendidos, - Movió el ayrado cuello aquel potente: - Cercó su corazon de ardiente saña - Contra las dos Esperias, que el mar baña; - Porque en tí confiadas le resisten, - Y de armas de tu fe y amor se visten. - Dixo aquel insolente y desdeñoso; - No conocen mis iras estas tierras, - Y de mis padres los ilustres hechos? - O valieron sus pechos - Contra ellos con el Ungaro medroso, - Y de Dalmacia y Rodas en las guerras? - Quién las pudo librar? quien de sus manos - Pudo salvar los de Austria y los Germanos? - Podrá su Dios, podrá por suerte ahora - Guardallas de mi diestra vencedora? - -[219] The whole ode may be transcribed here, as a specimen of Herrera’s -lyric composition in the ode style:-- - - Suave sueño, tú que en tarde buelo - Las alas perezosas blandamente - Bates, de adormideras coronado, - Por el puro, adormido, y vago cielo; - Ven á la última parte de ocidente, - Y de licor sagrado - Baña mis ojos tristes, que cansado, - Y rendido al furor de mi tormento, - No admito algun sosiego, - Y el dolor desconorta al sufrimiento. - Ven à mi humilde ruego, - Ven à mi ruego humilde, ó amor de aquella, - Que Juno te ofreció, tu ninfa bella. - Divino sueño, gloria de mortales, - Regalo dulce al misero afligido, - Sueño amoroso, ven á quien espera - Cesar del exercicio de sus males, - Y al descanso volver todo el sentido. - Cómo sufres, que muera - Lejos de tu poder, quien tuyo era? - No es dureza olvidar un solo pecho - En veladora pena, - Que sin gozar del bien, que al mundo has hecho, - De tu vigor se agena? - Ven, sueño alegre, sueño ven dichoso, - Vuelve à mi alma ya, vuelve el reposo. - Sienta yo en tal estrecha tu grandeza; - Baxa, y esparce liquido el rocio; - Huya la Alva, que en torno resplandece; - Mira mi ardiente llanto y mi tristeza, - Y quánta fuerza tiene el pesar mio, - Y mi frente humedece, - Que ya de fuegos juntos el sol crece. - Torna, sabroso sueño, y tus hermosas - Alas suenen ahora; - Y huya con sus alas presurosas - La desabrida Aurora: - Y lo que en mí faltó la noche fria, - Termine la cercana luz del dia. - Una corona, ó sueño, de tus flores - Ofrezco, tu produce el blando efeto - En los desiertos cercos de mis ojos; - Que el ayre entretexido con olores - Halaga, y ledo mueve en dulce afeto; - Y de estos mis enojos - Destierra, manso sueño, los despojos, - Ven pues, amado sueño, ven liviano, - Que del rico oriente - Despunta el tierno Febo el rayo cano. - Ven ya, sueño clemente, - Y acabará el dolor, a si te vea - En brazos de tu cara Pasitea. - -[220] I have perused two different editions of Herrera’s poems: 1st. -an old one, entitled, _Versos de Fernando de Herrera_, &c. Sevilla, -1619, in quarto; and 2nd. the more modern edition, already mentioned, -published by Ramon Fernandez, which contains some poems not before -printed. - -[221] - - A dó tienes la luz, Espero mio, - La luz, gloria y honor del Ocidente? - Estás puesto en el cielo reluciente - En importuno tiempo, y seco estio? - Lleva tu resplandor al sacro rio, - Que tu belleza espera alegremente, - Y el zéfiro te sea otro oriente, - Hecho lucero, y no Espero tardio. - Merezca Betis fértil tanta gloria, - Que solo el destas luces illustrado - A tierra y cielo lleva la vitoria. - Que tu belleza y resplandor sagrado - Hará perpetuo, de immortal memoria, - Mientras corriere al mar arrebatado. - -[222] - - Yo vì a mi dulce Lumbre, que esparcia - Sus crespas ondas de oro al manso viento. - -[223] It is annexed to Herrera’s edition of the _Obras de Garcilaso de -la Vega_. _Sevilla_, 1580, 4_to._ - -[224] The following is the original Spanish of the passage here cited, -with a part of the continuation, which is all in the same style:-- - -Conviene que la elegia sea candida, blanda, tierna, suave, delienda, -tersa, clara i, si con esto se puede declarar, noble, congoxosa en -los afetos, i que los mueva en toda parte, ni mui hinchada, ni mui -umilde, no oscura con esquisitas sentencias i fabulas mui buscadas; -que tenga frequente comiseracion, quexas, esclamaciones, apostrofos, -prosopopeyas, escursos o parébases, el ornato della à de ser mas -limpio i reluziente, que peinado i compuesto curiosamente i porque -los escritores de versos amorosos o esperan, o desesperan, o deshazen -sus pensamientos, i induzen otros nuevos, i los mudan i pervierten, -o ruegan, o se quexan, o alegran, o alaban la hermosura de su dama, -o esplican su propria vida, i cuentan sus fortunas con los demas -sentimientos del animo, que ellos declaran en varias ocasiones; -conviniendo que este genero de poesia sea misto, que aora habla el -poeta, aora introduze otra persona. - -[225] There is a life of Luis de Leon, prefixed to the latest edition -of his _Obras propias y traducciones_ (Valencia, 1762, 8vo.) by -Mayans y Siscar; it is, however, confusedly and carelessly written. -The biographical memoir prefixed to the sixth volume of the _Parnaso -Español_ is better. - -[226] This statement occurs in the dedication prefixed to his -explanation of the sixty-second Psalm, addressed to the Grand -Inquisitor, Cardinal Don Caspar de Quiroga. - -[227] Apartado no solo de la conversacion y compañia de los hombres, -sino tambien de la vista, por casi cinque años estuve cercado en una -carcel y en tinieblas. Entonces gozava yo de tal quietud y alegria de -animo, que agora muchas vezes echo menos, aviendo sido restituido a la -luz, y gozando del trato de los hombres, que me son amigos. - -[228] See the dedication of his poems to Don Pedro Portocarrero. - -[229] How highly Cervantes esteemed Luis de Leon, may be seen from a -passage in his Galatea, in which one of the characters says:-- - - Fray Luis de Leon es quel que digo, - A quien yo reverencio, _adoro_, y sigo. - -[230] The first ode commences thus:-- - - Que descansada vida - la del que huye el mundanal ruido, - y sigue la escondida - senda, por donde han ido - los pocos sabios que en el mundo han sido. - Que no le enturbia el pecho - de los sobervios grandes el estado, - ni del dorado techo - se admira fabricado - del sabio Moro, en jaspes sustentado. - No cura si la fama - canta con voz su nombre pregonera, - ni cura si encarama - la lengua lisonjera - lo què condena la verdad sincera. - -[231] For example, in the following stanzas from the same ode:-- - - Del monte en la ladera - por mi mano plantado tengo un huerto, - que con la Primavera - de bella flor cubierto - ya muestra en esperança el fruto cierto. - Y como codiciosa, - por ver y acrecentar su hermosura, - desde la cumbre ayrosa - una fontana pura - hasta llegar corriendo se ápresura. - Y luego sossegada, - el passo entre los arboles torciendo, - el suelo de passada - de verdura vistiendo, - y con diversas flores va esparciendo. - -[232] For example in the stanza:-- - - En vano el mar fatiga - La vela _Portuguesa_, que ni _el seno_ - _De Persia_, ni la amiga - _Malacca_ da arbol bueno, - Que pueda hacer un animo sereno. - -[233] The following is the best half:-- - - Quando contemplo el cielo - de innumerables luces adornado, - y miro hazia el suelo - de noche rodeado, - en sueño y en olvido sepultado; - El amor y la pena - despiertan en mi pecho un ansia ardiente, - despide larga vena - los ojos hechos fuente, - Oloarte, y digo al fin con voz doliente: - Morada de grandeza, - templo de claridad y hermosura, - el alma que al tu alteza - naciò, que desventura - la tiene en esta carcel baxa escura? - Que mortal desatino - de la verdad alexa assi el sentido, - que de tu bien divino - olvidado, perdido - sigue la vana sombra, el bien fingido? - -[234] - - Quando serà que pueda - libre desta prision bolar al cielo, - Felipe, y en la rueda, - que huye mas del suelo, - contemplar la verdad pura sin duelo? - Alli à mi vida junto, - en luz resplandeciente convertido, - verè distinto y junto - lo que es, y lo que ha sido, - y su principio propio y ascondido. - Entonces verè como - la soberana mano echò el cimiento - tan à nivel y plomo, - do estable y firme assiento - possee el pesadissimo elemento. - Verè las inmortales - colunas, do la tierra està fondada, - las lindes y señales - con que à la mar hinchada - la providencia tiene aprisionada. - -[235] The whole ode, which breathes a spirit of tender piety according -to allegorical Christian ideas, well deserves to be once more -re-printed:-- - - Alma region luciente, - prado de bien andança, que ni al hielo, - ni con el rayo ardiente - fallece, fertil suelo, - producidor eterno de consuelo. - De purpura y de nieve - florida la cabeça coronado, - à dulces pastos mueve - sin honda ni cayado - el buen pastor en ti su hato amado. - El va, y en pos dichosas - le siguen sus ovejas, do las pace - con inmortales rosas, - con flor que siempre nace, - y quanto mas se goza, mas renace. - Y dentro à la montaña - del alto bien las guia, ya en la vena - del gozo fiel las baña, - y les da mesa llena, - pastor y pasto el solo y suerte buena. - Y de su esfera quando - a cumbre toca altissimo subido - el Sol, el sesteando, - de su hato ceñido, - con dulce son deleyta el santo oido. - Toca el rabel sonoro, - y el inmortal dulçor al alma passa, - con que envilece el oro, - y ardiendo se traspassa, - y lança en aquel bien libre de tassa. - O son, ò voz si quiera - pequeña parte alguna decendiese - en mi sentido, y fuera - de si el alma pusiesse, - y toda en ti, ò amor, la convirtiese. - Conoceria donde - sesteas dulce esposo, y desatada - desta prision adonde - padece, à tu manada - vivirè junta, sin vagar errada. - -[236] These poems, by Luis de Leon, which up to a late period -remained unknown, may be found in the fifth volume of the _Parnaso -Español_. They are all on religious subjects. The longest is entitled, -_Renunciacion al mundo, y conversion de un pecador_: and is probably -one of the earliest fruits of the youthful piety of the poet. - -[237] This observation occurs in the dedication to Pedro Portocarrero, -already mentioned. - -[238] For example, the first eclogue:-- - - M. Tu Tityro à la sombra descansando - desta tendida haya, con la avena - el verso pastoril vas acordando. - Nosotros desterrados, tu sin pena - cantas de tu pastora alegre ocioso, - y tu pastora el valle y monte suena. - - T. Pastor, este descanso tan dichoso - Dios me le concediò, que reputado - serà de mi por Dios aquel piadoso, - Y bañarà con sangre su sagrado - altar muy muchas veces el cordero - tierno, de mis ganados degollado, - Que por su beneficio soy vaquero, - y canto como ves pastorilmente - lo que me da contento, y lo que quiero; &c. - -[239] The ode _Integer vitæ scelerisque purus_ commences as follows in -Luis de Leon’s translation:-- - - El hombre justo y bueno, - el que de culpa està y mancilla puro, - las manos en el seno, - sin dardo, ni zagaya va seguro, - y sin llevar cargada - la aljava de saeta enervolada. - O vaya por la arena - ardiente de la Libia ponçoñosa, - ò vaya por do suena - de Hidaspes la corriente fabulosa, - ò por la tierra cruda - de nieve llena y de piedad desnuda. - De mi se que al encuentro, - mientras por la montaña vagueando - mas de lo justo entro - sin armas, y de Lalage cantando, - me vido, y mas ligero - que rayo huyò un lobo carnicero. - -[240] - - El agua es bien precioso, - y entre el rico tesoro, - como el ardiente fuego en noche escura, - ansi relumbra el oro. - Mas, alma, si es sabroso - cantar de las contiendas la ventura - ansi como en la altura - no ay rayo mas luciente - que el Sol, que Rey del dia - por todo el yermo cielo se demuestra: - ansi es mas excelente - la Olimpica porfia - de todas las que canta la vos nuestra, - materia abundante, - donde todo elegante - ingenio alça la voz ora cantando - de Rea y de Saturno el engendrado, - y juntamente entrando - al techo de Hieron alto preciado. - Hieron el que mantiene - el cetro merecido - del abundoso cielo Siciliano, - y dentro en si cogido - lo bueno y la flor tiene - de quanto valor cabe en pecho humano: - y con maestra mano - discanta señalado - en la mas dulce parte - del canto, la que infunde mas contento, - y en el banquete amado - mayor dulçor reparte. - Mas toma ya el laud, si el sentimiento - con dulces fantasias - te colma y alegrias - la gracia de Phernico, el que en Alfeo - bolando sin espuela en la carrera, - y venciendo el deseo - del amo, le cobró la voz primera, &c. - -[241] These sermons are highly eulogized by Mayans y Siscar in the -_Oracion en que se exhorta a seguir la verdadera idea de la eloquencia -Española_; if indeed Mayans really be the author of that discourse. It -is contained in the first volume of the _Origenes de la lengua Esp._ p. -199. - -[242] There is a copy of the second edition of Luis de Leon’s _Perfecta -Casada_, printed at Salamanca in 1586, in quarto, in the library of the -university of Göttingen. - -[243] Velasquez passes him over in silence. The _Parnaso Español_, tom. -ii. contains some specimens of his poetry, together with a notice of -his life. - -[244] The commencement of one of his elegies may serve as a specimen. - - A la sazon que se nos muestra llena - la tierra de cien mil varias colores, - y comienza su llanto Filomena: - Quando partido Amor en mil amores - produce en todo corazon humano - como en la tierra el tiempo nuevas flores: - Al pie de un monte, en un florido llano, - a sombra de una haya en la verdura, - cataba triste su dolor Silvano: - Y asegundaba voz en su tristura - el agua que bajaba con sonido - de una fuente que nace en el altura: - Pastor en todo el valle conocido, - a quien la Musa pastoral ha dado - un estilo en cantar dulce y subido. &c. - -[245] For example:-- - - Si Apolo tanta gracia - en mi rustica citara pusiese - como en la del de Tracia, - y quando se moviese, - desde el un Polo al otra el són se oyese, - Y a los desiertos frios - pudiese dar calor, y refrenáse - el curso de los rios, - las piedras levantáse, - y tras el dulce canto las lleváse, - Jamás le ocuparia - en claros hechos de la antigua historia, - mas solo cantarìa - para inmortal memoria - el tiempo de mi pena, y de mi gloria. &c. - -[246] Some of Gutierre de Cetina’s poems have been printed from -manuscript by Sedano, in his _Parnaso Español_, vols. vii. viii. and -ix. together with a short biographical notice of the author. - -[247] The following is an anacreontic song by this author:-- - - De tus rubios cabellos, - Dorida ingrata mia, - hizo el amor la cuerda - para el arco homicida. - A hora veras sí burlas - de mi poder, decia: - y tomando un flecha - quiso a mì dirigirla. - Yo le dije: muchacho - arco y harpon retira: - con esas nuevas armas, - quién hay que te resista? - -[248] The following is one of them:-- - - Ojos claros serenos, - si de dulce mirar sois alabados, - por qué si me mirais, mirais ayrados? - Si quanto mas piadosos, - mas bellos pareceis a quien os mira, - por qué a mí solo me mirais con ira? - Ojos claros serenos, - ya que asi me mirais, miradme al menos. - -[249] The following stanza is from a cancione on his mistress’s hair. -The lady’s tresses must have been of a very fiery red. - - En la _esfera del fuego_ - de su calor mas fuerte - de tus cabellos fue el color sacado, - _cuya calidad luego - dió nuevas de mi muerte - al yelo_ que _en tu pecho_ está encerrado; - a si será forzado, - entre contrarios puesto - que mi vivir se acabe, - porque en razon no cabe - sufrir tanta crueldad quien vió tu gesto, - si hay _fuego y hielo_ entre ellos, - quién se guardará de ellos? - -[250] The fourth volume of the _Parnaso Español_ contains a long -eclogue by Pedro de Padilla. - -[251] Bibliographic notices of the works of Padilla, may be found in -Dieze’s Remarks on Velasquez, p. 194. - -[252] Cervantes in the condemnation of the library of Don Quixote, -exempts Gil Polo’s _Diana enamorada_, adding, that the book ought to be -as much respected, “as though Apollo himself had written it.” - -[253] For instance, in the following:-- - - No es ciego Amor, mas yo lo soy, que guio - mi voluntad camino del tormento: - no es niño Amor: mas yo que en un momento - espero y tengo miedo, lloro y rio. - Nombrar llamas de Amor es desvario, - su fuego es el ardiente y vivo intento, - sus alas son mi altivo pensamiento, - y la esperanza vana en que mi fio. - No tiene Amor cadenas, ni saëtas, - para prender y herir libres y sanos, - que en él no hay mas poder del que le damos. - Porque es Amor mentira de poetas, - sueño de locos, idolo de vanos: - mirad qué negro Dios el que adoramos. - -[254] The following stanzas will afford an adequate idea of the -colloquial song to which they belong, and which presents equal beauty -throughout:-- - - _Alcida._ - Mientras el Sol sus rayos muy ardientes - con tal furia y rigor al mundo envia, - que de Nymphas la casta compañia - por los sombrios mora, y por las fuentes: - Y la cigarra el canto replicando, - se està quejando, - pastora canta, - con gracia tanta, - que enternescido - de haverte oído, - al poderoso cielo de su grado - fresco liquor envie al seco prado. - _Diana._ - Mientras está el mayor de los planetas - en medio del oriente y del ocaso, - y al labrador en descubierto raso - mas rigurosas tira sus saëtas: - Al dulce murmurar de la corriente - de aquesta fuente - mueve tal canto, - que cause espanto, - y de contentos - los bravos vientos - el impetu furioso refrenando, - vengan con manso espiritu soplando. - -[255] The following is a specimen of _rimas Franceses_ by Gil Polo:-- - - De flores matizadas se vista el verde prado, - retumbe el hueco bosque de voces deleytosas, - olor tengan mas fino las coloradas rosas, - floridos ramos mueva el viento sossegado. - El rio apressurado - sus aguas acresciente, - y pues tan libre queda la fatigada gente - del congojoso llanto, - moved, hermosas Nymphas, regocijado canto. - -[256] The following is by no means the worst of these enigmas. - - Vide un soto levantado - sobre los aynes un dia, - el qual con sangre regado, - con gran ansia cultivado, - Muchas hierbas producia. - De alli un manojo arrancando, - y solo con él tocando - una sàbia y cuerda gente, - la dejé cabe una puente - sin dolores lamentando. - -Who would guess that the object alluded to is a _horse’s tail_? - -[257] A new and elegant edition of Gaspar Gil Polo’s _Diana enamorada_, -enriched with a copious Commentary on the _Canto de Turia_, appeared at -Madrid in 1778. - -[258] See Dieze’s edition of Velasquez, p. 419. The chapter on the -idyl is totally distinct from that which treats of the eclogues of the -Spaniards. - -[259] See my History of Italian Literature, vol. ii. - -[260] Dieze in his Remarks on Velasquez, p. 381, gives bibliographic -notices of these, and of other epic productions of the Spaniards. - -[261] The title is rather curious:--_Del Metamorphoseos de Ovidio, -otava rima, traducido por Felipe Mey, &c. Con otras cosas del mesmo._ -Tarragona, 1586, in 8vo. - -[262] Further particulars relative to the history of these -translations, may be found in Dieze’s Remarks on Velasquez, p. 198, &c. - -[263] Among others Velasquez. - -[264] For example:-- - - Pues la santa Inquisicion - suele ser tan diligente, - en castigar con razon - qualquier secta y opinion - levantada nuevamente; - Resucitese luzero, - a castigar en España - una muy nueva y estraña, - como aquella de Lutero - en las partes de Alemaña. - Bien se pueden castigar - a cuenta de Anabaptistas, - pues por ley particular - se tornan a baptizar, - y se llaman Petrarquistas. - Han renegado la fè - de las trobas Castellanas, - y tras las Italianas - se pierden, diziendo, que - son mas ricas y galanas. - -[265] On this subject he says:-- - - Coplas dulces plazenteras, - no pecan en liviandad, - pero pierde autoridad, - quien las escrive de veras. - Y entremete, - el seso por alcahuete, - en los mysterios de amor - quanto mas si el trobador, - passa ya del cavallete. - Y algunos ay, yo lo se, - que hazen obras fundadas - de coplas enamoradas, - sin tener causa porque. - Y esto està - en costumbre tanto ya, - que muchos escriven penas, - por remedas las agenas, - sin saber quien se las da. - -[266] The following, which is one of his most successful productions, -must be transcribed at length, since the beauty of any detached passage -would suffer from want of connection. - - Por unas huertas hermosas, - vagando muy linda Lida - texio de lyrios y rosas - blancas, frescas, y olorosas, - una guirnalda florida. - Y andando en esta labor, - viendo a deshora al Amor - en las rosas escondido, - con las que ella avia texido, - le prendio como a traydor. - El muchacho no domado - que nunca penso prenderse, - viendose preso y atado, - al principio muy ayrado, - pugnava por defenderse. - Y en sus alas estrivando - forcejava peleando, - y tentava (aunque desnudo,) - de desatarse del ñudo - para valerse bolando. - Pero viendo la blancura - que sus tetas descubrian, - como leche fresca y pura, - que a su madre en hermosura - ventaja no conocian, - y su rostro, que encender - era bastante, y mover - (con su mucha loçania) - los mismos Dioses; pedia - para dexarse vencer. - Buelto a Venus, a la hora - hablandole desde alli, - dixo, madre, Emperadora, - desde oy mas, busca señora - un nuevo Amor para ti. - Y esta nueva, con oylla, - no te mueva, o de manzilla, - que aviendo yo de reynar, - este es el proprio lugar, - en que se ponga mi silla. - -[267] I have before me the same copy of which Dieze in his Remarks on -Velasquez, p. 197, gives a bibliographic description. This copy, which -did not pass the censorship of the Inquisition, is remarkable for a -trick of the bookseller, who has affixed to it a title-page without a -date, and at the end two leaves with a false privilege. - -[268] For instance, one to Doña Ana de Xomburg begins thus:-- - - Vuestros lindos ojos Ana - quien me dexasse gozallos, - y tantas vezes besallos - quantas me pide la gana, - con que vivo de mirallos; - Darles ìa - cien mil besos cada dia, - y aunque fuessen un millon, - mi penado coraçon - nunca harto se veria. - O quan bien aventurado - es aquel que puede estar, - do os pueda ver y hablar - sin perderse de turbado, - como yo suelo quedar. - Ay de mi, - que ante vos despues que os ví, - y quedè de vos herido, - no ay en mi ningun sentido - que sepa parte de si. - -[269] The song addressed to Ana de Xomburg, quoted above, ends with a -burlesque joke:-- - - Si segun lo que padezco - pudiendolo yo dezir, - merced os he de pedir, - mucho mayor la merezo, - que la puedo recebir. - Mas no pido - pago tan descomedido, - que es demandar gollorias, - porquè no dire en mis dias - lo que esta noche he sufrido. - No quiero que hagays nada, - sino que solo querays; - que si vos aqui llegays, - yo doy fin a la jornada - donde vos la començays. - Y os espero, - porque llegando primero - de vos aveys de llegar, - vamos despues a la par, - que es trabajo plazentero. - -[270] The following is on the indisposition of a mistress:-- - - Ese mal que da tormento - a vuessa merced señora - en vos tiene el aposento, - mas yo soy el que lo siento, - y mi alma quien lo llora. - Y de pura compassion - de veros sin alegria, - se me quiebra el coraçon, - vos sentis vuestra passion, - mas yo la vuestra y la mia. - -[271] In the original this Spanish Ranz de Vache is uncommonly simple -and pretty:-- - - Guardame las vacas, - Carillejo, y besarte he; - Sino, besame tu a mi, - Que yo te las guardarè. - -[272] A predisposition to yield to temptation, is thus attributed to -Eve:-- - - _Alle._ Ella fue consentidora, - y cobrò subitamente - mal siniestro, - para mal y daño nuestro: - y pues fraude entre ellos uvo, - que se espera de quien tuvo - al diablo por maestro. - - _Fil._ Si el callara - ella nunca le buscara. - - _Alle._ Puede ser, mas si el no viera - primero quien ella era, - por dicha no la tentara - para mal. - Y pues era el principal - Adam en aquel vergel, - porque no le tentò a el? - sino por verle leal - y constante. - -[273] The following lines afford a fair specimen of the style of the -whole dialogue. - - _Fil._ Quando Dios lo criò todo, - y formò el hombre primero, - ya veys que como a grossero - lo hizo de puro lodo. - Mas a Eva, - para testimonio y prueva, - que devemos preferilla, - sacola de la costilla - por obra sutil y nueva. - Y mandò - que el hombre que assi criò, - padre y madre dexasse, - y a la muger se juntasse, - que por consorte le dio - singular, - mandandosela guardar - como a su propria persona, - por espejo y por corona - en que se deve mirar. - -[274] The following passage from a satire on _Court Life_, is tolerably -characteristic of Castillejo’s whole course of thought in works of this -kind:-- - - La quarta gente granada - que navegan con buen norte, - a quien es licencia dada - de la vivienda en la Corte. - Son aquellos - que la mandan, y en pos de ellos - se va la gente goloca, - y algunos por los cabellos, - aunque muestran otra cosa. - Estos son, - los que en la governacion - tienen poder, y con ello - harto cuydado y passion, - pero al fin, con padecello - se enriquecen: - estos son los que parecen - al mundo cosa divina, - y les sirven y obedecen, - con diligencia contina, - muy crecida. - -[275] See page 131. - -[276] The only unadulterated source from which all authors have -hitherto derived their information relative to the earliest history -of the Spanish drama, is Cervantes’s well known preface to his _Ocho -Comedias y Entremeses_, an edition of which was published in two vols. -quarto, by Blas Nasarre, at Madrid, in 1749. To this may be added the -preface of the editor, Blas Nasarre, though it is but of secondary -value, and has given occasion to singular mistakes. The article -_Comödie_, in Blankenburg’s appendix to Sulzer’s dictionary, though -rather obscure, communicates some useful facts. - -[277] Velasquez, in his History of Spanish Poetry, alludes but very -distantly to the heterogeneous nature of the Spanish dramas; and Dieze -is not more satisfactory in his Remarks. What is contained in Flögel’s -History of Comic Literature, vol. iv. respecting the origin of the -Spanish drama, is copied from Velasquez and other modern writers. -Signorelli has more novelty of information in his _Storia Critica de -Teatri_, vol. iv. but he confounds the notices one with another, and -reasons on the Spanish drama merely as a moral critic. - -[278] This translation, which is only remarkable on account of the -reputation of its author, may be found in the _Obras del Maestro Perez -de Oliva_, Cordova, 1586, in 4to. - -[279] Velasquez and Dieze, p. 315, give further notices of these -translations. - -[280] See page 132. - -[281] _Tragedia Policiana, en que se tratan los amores--executadas -por la industria de la diabolica Vieja Claudina, &c._ The title is a -sufficient specimen of the work. See Velasquez and Dieze, p. 312. - -[282] Dieze in his Remarks on Velasquez, gives a further account of -these works. He also notices a second Cœlestina, (_Segunda Comedia de -Celestina_.) - -[283] These writers are Nicolas Antonio, and Blas Nasarre, the editor -of the comedies of Cervantes. - -[284] This collection of the plays and other poems of Naharro is -mentioned by Nicolas Antonio, and also by Dieze. I have never seen it: -and in the numerous collections of Spanish dramas by various authors, -with which I am acquainted, I have sought in vain for the productions -of Naharro. Blankenburg speaks of them as if he had read them; and -Signorelli expressly says, that he has perused them all. Among the -passages quoted by the latter, in order to justify the contemptuous -tone in which he criticises the writings of Naharro, is a line of -corrupt Portuguese. May not this be Galician? The modern comic writers -of Spain occasionally make their clowns converse in the Galician -dialect. - -[285] Cervantes attributes to himself the invention of dividing a drama -into three _jornadas_. How happens this? Cervantes was a vain man, -but not an empty boaster. He seems to have been totally unacquainted -with the dramas of Naharro, but he might have heard of the division of -plays into three _jornadas_, without retaining a distinct recollection -of the fact. In this way his memory may have deceived him, when he -supposed that the division originated with himself. And yet it is -singular enough that in his Galathea, he mentions, among other poets, -the _artificioso Torres Naharro_. - -[286] Concerning these collections, see Dieze’s Remarks on Velasquez, -p. 316. I am acquainted with only two:--one is entitled, _Los Coloquios -Pastoriles de muy agraziada y apacible prosa, &c. por el excellente -poeta, y gracioso representante Lope de Rueda, sacados a luz por Juan -Timoneda; Sevilla_ 1576, in small octavo, printed in gothic characters. -The other is entitled: _Las segundas dos Comedias de Rueda_, without -date, but printed in the same type and form as the first mentioned -collection. - -[287] The following specimen of the dialogue of these comedies is from -a scene in which a clown quarrels with his wife:-- - - _Gine._ Aun teneis lengua para hablar, anima de cantaro? - - _Pablo._ Dote al diabro muger, no ternas un poco de miramiento. - Si quiera por las barbas de la merced que esta delante. - - _Gine._ He callad anima de campana. - - _Pab._ Que es anima de campana, muger? - - _Gine._ Que? badajo como vos. - - _Pab._ Badajo a vuestro marido? deme essegar rote vuessa merced. - - _Gine._ Assi, garrote para mi, al fin no seriades vos hijo de - Guarniço el enxalmador, cura bestias. - - _Pab._ Y parescete a ti mal, porque sea hijo de bendicion. - - _Camilo._ Ay amarga, y como hijo de bendicion? &c. - -[288] The emphatic praises of the publisher of the _Parnaso Español_, -represent Juan de la Cueva as a poet of the first rank. See the -literary notices prefixed to the eighth volume of that collection. The -works of Cueva are there mentioned with the dates of their various -editions. See also Dieze’s Remarks on Velasquez, p. 202. - -[289] It may be found in the eighth vol. of the _Parnaso Español_ as it -was first printed. - -[290] He thus expresses himself relative to the changes which the drama -has undergone:-- - - Este mudanza fue de _hombres prudentes_ - Aplicando a las nuevas condiciones - Nuevas cosas, que son las convenientes. - -[291] - - Mas _la invencion, la gracia y traza es propia - A la ingeniousa fabula de España_, - No qual dicen sus emulos impropia. - Scenas y actos suple la _maraña_ - Tan intricada, y la soltera de ella, - _Inimitable de ningun estraña_. - -[292] - - A mi me culpan ... - Que el un acto de cinco le he quitado, - _Que reduci los actos en jornadas_, - Qual vemos que _es en nuestro tiempo usado_. - -[293] See the preface of Blas Nasarre, the latest editor of the plays -of Cervantes. - -[294] This at least is stated by Nasarre. - -[295] See the account prefixed to the sixth vol. of the Parnaso -Español, and Dieze’s Remarks on Velasquez, p. 200. - -[296] _Primeras tragedias Españoles, de Antonio de Silva_, is the title -of the edition which I have now before me, published at Madrid, in -1577, in 8vo. - -[297] This piece of silly adulation, is entitled _Hesperodia_; that is -to say, evening song or morning song. The former, however, appears to -be the more appropriate title, since the author doubtless wrote it in -his old age. It has been drawn from the obscurity in which it ought to -have remained, and printed in the eighth vol. of the Parnaso Español. -Bermudez, in an affected strain of language, and with true Dominican -fanaticism, extols the monstrous barbarity with which the great Duke -of Alba persecuted the heretics of the Netherlands, and made “the cold -northern waters flow the more fiercely from the infusion of warm blood.” - -[298] Under these titles they are reprinted in the _Parnaso Español_, -vol. vi. - -[299] It commences in the following manner:-- - - Otro cielo, otro sol, me parece este, - del que gozava yo sereno, y claro, - alla de donde vengo, ay triste cielo, - como en ti veo el tranze de mis hados. - Ay que donde no veo aquellos ojos, - que alumbran estos mios, quanto veo - me pone horror, y grima, y se me antoja. - Mas triste que la noche, y mas escuro, - alla (ay dolor) los dexo alla en Coymbra - tierra donde parò la hedad dorada, - ò que no es tierra aquella, parayso - la llamo de deleytes y frescuras. - Alli tan claro es todo que aun la noche - mas dia me parescè que de dia, - alli es esmalte del florido suelo, - mas que estrellado cielo representa; - alli el concento de las avezillas, - es un reclame dulze de las almas. - -[300] A few lines of this scene will serve to shew how Bermudez has -imitated the dialogic antitheses of the Greek tragedy. - - _In._ Adonde huyre porque me dexen? - - _Se._ Huyr auras de ti por tu remedio. - - _In._ Ya no me vale hazer lo que no puedo. - - _Se._ Tu mismo te pusiste en tal flaqueza. - - _In._ No puedo, ni querria arrepentirme. - - _Se._ Con essa voluntad el yerro cresce. - - _In._ Si es yerro como dizes, otros uvo. - - _Se._ Uno, mas toda via fueron yerros. - -[301] Here the chorus, like the other characters of the play, speaks in -iambics; for example:-- - - _Doña Ines._ Que dizes? Habla! - - _Cho._ No puedo; lloro. - - _Do._ De que lloras? - - _Cho._ Veo, esse rostro, y sos ojos, esa. - - _D._ trista: - triste de mi que mal, que mal tamaño, - es ese que me traes. - - _Cho._ Mal de muerte: - - _D._ Mal grande. - - _C._ todo tuyo. - - _D._ que me dizes - es muerto mi Señor, infante mio? - - _Cho._ Los dos morireys presto. - - _D._ ò nuevas tristes! - Como, porque razon, que me le matan? &c. - -[302] Only the latter part of this scene can conveniently be -transcribed here. Ines speaks:-- - - Tapiceria triste, - yrase donde yo me paseava, - no me vera, no me hallara en el campo, - no en el jardin, ni camara; hele muerto. - Ay veote morir mi bien por mi, - mi bien ya que yo muero vive tu, - esto te pido y ruego, vive, vive, - ampara estos tus hijos tan queridos, - y esta mi muerte pague los desastres - que a ellos esperavan. Rey señor, - pues puedes socorrer a males tantos - socorreme, perdoname. No puedo, - no puedo mas dezirte: - Señor por que me matas? - en que te lo merezco? - ay, no me mates, ay! - Jesus, Maria! - -[303] _Libro de caballeria celestial del pie de la rosa fragrante, -&c. por D. Geronymo de Sanpedro. Anvers, 1554, in 8vo._ The Gottingen -university possesses a copy of this book. - -[304] This phrase occurs in a preface which Venegas wrote to a moral -allegorical novel by Luis Mexia, which will hereafter be noticed. - -[305] I have seen only the _Primera_ parte de las Patrañas de Juan -Timoneda, Sevilla, 1583, in 8vo. - -[306] See Nicolas Antonio, article Alfonso de Ulloa. - -[307] Nicolas Antonio does not mention the date of either his birth -or death. More precise information respecting him may be found in the -sixth vol. of the _Parnaso Español_. - -[308] See p. 280. - -[309] This dialogue, with the continuation by Ambrosio de Morales, and -other works of a similar kind, have been elegantly printed under the -general title of _Obras, que Cervantes de Salazar ha hecho, glosado y -traducido_, &c. Madrid, 1772, in 4to. - -[310] For example:-- - -_Aur._ Bien veo, Antonio, que ai essos provechos que dices de la -soledad: pero yo tengo creido, que otra causa mayor ai. _Ant._ Que -causa puede aver mayor? _Aur._ El aborrecimento, que cada hombre tiene -al genero humano, por el qual somos inclinados a apartarnos unos de -otros. _Ant._ Tan aborrecibles te parecen los hombres, que aun ellos -mesmos por huir de sì, busquen la soledad? _Aur._ Pareceme tanto, que -cada vez que me acuerdo, que soi hombre, querria, o no aver sido, -o no tener sentimiento dello. _Ant._ Maravillome, Aurelio, que los -autores excelentes, que acostumbras a leer, i los sabios hombres, que -conversas, no te ayan quitado de esse error. - -[311] As for instance in the annexed passage:-- - -Assi que todos estos i los demas estados de los hombres no son sino -diversos modos de penar, do ningun descanso tienen, ni seguridad en -alguno dellos: porque la fortuna todos los confunde, i los revuelve con -vanas esperanzas i vanos semblantes de honras i riquezas, en las quales -cosas mostrando quan facil es i quan incierta, a todos mete en desseos -de valer, tan desordenados, que no ai lugar tan alto, do los queramos -dejar. Con estos escarnios de fortuna cada uno aborrece su estado con -codicia de los otros; do si llega, no halla aquel reposo que pensaba. -Porque todos los bienes de fortuna al dessear parecen hermosos, i al -gozar llenos de pena. - -[312] For example the conclusion of the discourse of Aurelio, who, -it is true, describes rather than censures the dark side of human -society:-- - -Todo esto se va en humo, hasta que tornan los hombres a estar en tanto -olvido, como antes que naciessen: i la misma vanidad se sigue despues, -que primero avia. Hasta aquí, Dinarco, me ha parecido decir del hombre: -agora yo lo dejo él i su fama enterrados en olvido perdurable: i no -sé con que razones tu, Antonio, podrás resucitarlo. Dale vida, si -pudieres, i consuelo contra tantos males, como has oido: que si tu assi -lo hicieres, yo seré vencido de buena gana, pues tu vitoria será gloria -para mi, que me veré constituido en mas excelente estado, que pensava. - -[313] Only this treatise of Morales _Sobre la lengua Castellana_, is -reprinted in the collection mentioned in note, page 309. - -[314] The following passage from the treatise on the Spanish language, -forms an addition to the history of rhetorical cultivation of prose -rhetoric among the Spaniards in the age of Morales:-- - -Para que pues era este cuidado? de que servia esta diligencia entre -gente tan prudente i de tanto miramiento, si naturaleza lo suplia, i -avia ella de hazerlo mejor? Veían sin duda, como sin tales exemplos no -se podia perfeccionar el uso della lengua en aquella parte, i que a -faltar lo que proveian, faltaria el bien que deseavan: i lo mismo es -en las formas i maneras particulares de hablar, que llaman _phrasis_, -i en todas las otras partes del lenguage, donde ayudada naturaleza -con el mejor uso, saca mas ventaja i perfeccion. Pues qué los otros, -que todo lo tienen en Castellano por afectado? estos quieren condenar -nuestra lengua a un estraño abatimiento, i como enterrarla viva, donde -miserablemente se corrompa i pierda todo su lustre, su lindeza i -hermosura: o desconfian, que no es para parecer, i esta es ignorancia; -o no la quieren adornar como deven, i esta es maldad. _Yo no digo que -afeites nuestra lengua Castellana, sino que le laves la cara._ No le -pintes el rostro, mas quitale la suciedad: no la vistas de bordados, -recamos, mas no le niegues un buen atavio de vestido, que aderece con -gravedad. - -[315] Fourteen of the discourses of Morales, form an appendix to his -edition of the Obras de Perez de Oliva, already mentioned. - -[316] This treatise also forms an appendix to the collection -before-mentioned. - -[317] Hence the title: _Obras_ que Francisco Cervantes de Salazar ha -_hecho_, _glosado_, y _traducido_. See note, p. 309. - -[318] As a useful moral book, this romance is, perhaps, worthy of being -translated or new modelled. Tasteless morality is, to be sure, no more -commendable in literature than tasteful immorality; and any attempt to -revive the fashion of moral allegories would deserve condemnation. But -a work like the allegorical romance of Mexia, might probably possess -more value than many of our modern tales for youth. - -[319] Los cinco libro primeros de la Coronica General de España, -recopilava el Maestro Florian de Ocampo, &c. Alcalà, 1578, in folio. -This is the first, and, perhaps, the only edition of the work. - -[320] Mi principal intencion, he says, ha seido, contar la verdad -entera y sencilla, _sin que en ella aya engaño ni cosa que le -adorne_--sin envolver en ella las _rhetoricas y vanidades, que por -otros libros deste nuestro tiempo se ponen_. - -[321] This is the Coronica General de España por Don Ambrosio de -Morales; Alcalà de Henàres, 1574, in folio. - -[322] See my History of Italian Literature, vol. ii. - -[323] _Anales de la corona de Aragon, Caragoça_, 1616, six vols. small -folio. This work was not printed till after the death of Philip II. The -two last volumes contain the history of foreign affairs in the reign of -Ferdinand and Isabella. - -[324] He says:-- - -Esta fue muy acatada entre todas gentes, porque siempre convino tener -presente lo passado, y considerar con quanta constancia se deve -fundar una perpetua paz y concordia civil, pues _no se puede ofrecer -mayor peligro, que la mudança de los estados en la declinacion de -los tiempos_. Teniendo cuenta con esto, siendo todos los sucesos tan -inciertos a todos, y sabiendo quan pequeñas ocasiones suelen ser -causa de grandes mudanças, el conocimiento de _las cosas passadas nos -enseñara, que tengamos por mas dichoso y bienaventurado el estado -presente_: y que estemos siempre con recelo del que està por venir. - -[325] The following observations, concerning the conduct of professors -of moral philosophy, may serve as a specimen of Pedro de Oliva’s -eloquence:-- - -Yo en contrario dello no dire de mi lastimas ningunas, porque no lo -acostumbro en tales casos. Pero si la cathedra de philosophia moral -supiesse hablar, que lastimas piensan vuestras mercedes que diria? Ella -por si diria, que miren quan olvidada ha estado, y quan escureceda, -muchas vezes por passiones de los que la han proveydo, y que miren, que -agora la demandan unos llorando, y otros no se en que confiando; y que -unos la quieren, para cumplir sus necessidades, y otros para cumplir -las agenas: no siendo aquesto lo que ella ha menester. Porque ella -demanda hombre, que en las adversidades no gima, ni en los casos de -justicia solicite. - -[326] As Philip II. is but little known in the character of a letter -writer, it may not be improper to quote a passage which reflects honour -on him as a man:-- - -La verdad, i cumplimiento de lo que se dice, i promete, es el -fundamento del credito, i estimacion de los hombres, i sobre que -estriva, i se funda el trato comun, i confianza. Esto se requiere, i es -mucho mas necessario en los mui principales, i que tienen grandes, i -publicos cargos; porque de su verdad, i cumplimiento depende la Fé, i -seguridad publica. Encargoos mucho, que tengais en esto gran cuenta, i -cuidado; i se entienda, i conozca en Vos en todas partes, i ocasiones, -el credito, que pueden, i deven tener de lo que digeredes: que demàs -de lo que toca a las cosas publicas, i de vuestro cargo, importa èsto -mucho a vuestro particular honor i estimacion. - -[327] This collection is entitled: _Cartas morales, militares, civiles -y literarias de varios autores Españoles, recogidos, &c. por D. -Gregorio Mayans y Siscar_, 1734, in 8vo. Most of these letters are -productions of the sixteenth century. - -[328] See page 265. The title-page of this book, which runs as -follows--_Philosophia Antigua Poetica, del Doctor Alonzo Lopez -Pinciano, Medico Cesareo, dirigida al Conde Joannes Kevenhiler_ -(Khevenhüller), &c.--also contains a full detail of the titles of the -Count to whom it is dedicated. It was printed at Madrid, 1596, in -quarto. - -[329] Velasquez and Dieze, p. 505, furnish bibliographic notices of the -works of these authors. See also Blankenburgh on the same subject. - -[330] Cervantes spent that portion of his life, during which his name -is particularly conspicuous, among Spanish poets, so remote from -literary society, that at his death sufficient notices did not exist -to form a complete narrative of his life. The well known biography by -Mayans y Siscar, which was not written till the eighteenth century, -deserved to be valued only for want of a better. It is prefixed to many -editions of Don Quixote. The preference, however, must be given to the -more recent life of Cervantes, by Don Vicente de los Rios, which is -prefixed to the splendid edition of Don Quixote, published at Madrid, -1781, in royal quarto. - -[331] In his Viage al Parnaso, chap. iv. he says:-- - - Yo he compuesto _Romances infinitos_ - Y el de los Zelos es aquel que estimo - Entre _otros, que los tengo par mal ditos_. - * * * * * * * * * * - _Mi Filena_ * * * * * * * * - Resonò _por las selvas_, &c. - -[332] Don Vicente de los Rios entertains so little doubt of the reality -of the romantic events, recorded in the Captive, that he has interwoven -them in his account of the life of Cervantes. - -[333] These dramas must not be confounded with the eight well known -comedies which Cervantes subsequently wrote. His tragedy of Numantia, -and his comedy of Life in Algiers, (_Trato de Argel_) appear to have -been written at an earlier period. - -[334] For example, when Don Quixote speaks of the achievements of the -old knights, he always uses the antiquated expression:--Las _fazañas_ -que han _fecho_, instead of _hazañas_ que han _hecho_. - -[335] In the original Spanish, the term _insula_ is uniformly employed -instead of the common word _isla_. Sancho probably understood what an -_isla_ signified; but an _insula_ was a word which conveyed to his mind -the idea of something magical and extraordinary. He accordingly takes -a great pleasure in emphatically repeating it. - -[336] As one specimen out of many, it will be sufficient to quote the -speech of the shepherdess Marcella. It is in the true prose style -of Cicero, and it is altogether a composition which has seldom been -equalled in any modern language:-- - -Hizome el Cielo, segun vosotros dezis, hermosa, y de tal manera, que -sin ser poderosos à otra cosa, à que me ameys os mueve mi hermosura. Y -por al amor que me mostràys, dezis, y aun quereys que estè yo obligada -à amaros. Yo conozco con el natural entendimiento, que Dios me ha dado, -que todo lo hermoso es amable, mas no alcanço, que por razon de ser -amado, esté obligado lo que es amado por hermoso, à amar à quien le -ama. Y mas que podria acontecer, que el amador de lo hermoso fuèsse -feo; y siendo lo feo digno de ser aborrecido, càe muy mal el dezir: -Quièrote por hermosa, hasme de amar, aunque sea feo. Pero puesto -caso que corran igualmente las hermosuras, no por esso han de correr -iguales los desseos; que no todas las hermosùras enamòran, que algunas -alegran la vista, y no riuden la voluntad: que si todas las bellezas -enamorassèn, y rindiessèn: serià un andar las voluntades confusas, y -descaminadas, sin saber en qual avian de parar; porque siendo infinitos -los Sujetos hermosos, infinitos avian de ser los dessèos: y segun yo he -oydo dezir, el verdadero Amor no se divide, y ha de ser voluntario, y -no forçoso. - -[337] From _rincon_ (a corner), and _cortar_ (to shorten or cut). They -are merely two humorous names for pick-pockets or purse-cutters. To -those who wish to become acquainted with the _Novelas Exemplares_, I -would recommend the edition published at Madrid in 1783, by Antonio -Sancha, which as far as I know is the latest. - -[338] A new and elegant edition of the Galatea was printed at Madrid in -1784, by Antonio Sancha. - -[339] The following is a specimen of Cervantes’s _Versos de Arte -Mayor_:-- - - Salid de lo hondo pecho cuitado - Palabras sangrientas con muerte mezcladas, - Y si los suspiros os tienen atadas, - Abrid y romped el siniestro costado: - El aire os empide que está ya inflamado - Del fiero veneno de vuestros acentos, - Salid, y si quiera os lleven los vientos, - Que todo mi bien tambien han llevado. - -[340] The subjoined extract will shew that Cervantes endeavoured to -combine in his sonnets the old Spanish style with that of Petrarch. - - Ligeras horas del ligero tiempo - Para mí perezosas y cansadas, - Si no estais en mi daño conjuradas, - Parezcaos ya que es de acabarme tiempo. - Si agora me acabais, hareislo á tiempo - Que estan mis desventuras mas colmadas, - Mirad que menguarán, si sois pesadas, - Que el mal se acaba, si da tiempo al tiempo. - No os pido que vengais dulces sabrosas, - Pues no hallareis camino, senda, ó paso - De reducerme al ser que ya he perdido. - Horas á qualquier otro venturosas, - Aquella dulce del mortal traspaso, - Aquella de mi muerte sola os pido. - -[341] It commences with the following sonorous stanzas:-- - - Al dulce son de mi templada lira - Prestad, pastores, el oido atento. - Oireis como en mi voz y en él respira - De mis hermanas el sagrado aliento: - Vereis como os suspende y os admira, - Y colma vuestras almas de contento, - Quando os dé relacion aqui en el suelo - De los ingenios que ya son del cielo. - Pienso canta de aquellos solamente - Aquien la parca el hilo aun no ha cortado. - De aquellos que son dignos justamente - De en tal lugar tenerle señalado: - Donde á pesar del tiempo diligente, - Por el laudable oficio acustumbrado - Vuestro vivan mil siglos sus renombres, - Sus claras obras, sus famosos nombres. - -[342] For example:-- - - O alma venturosa, - Que del humano velo - Libre al alta region viva volaste, - Dexando en tenebrosa - Carcel de desconsuelo - Mi vida, aunque contigo la llevaste! - Sin tí, escura dexaste - La luz clara del dia, - Por tierra derribada - La esperanza fundada - En al mas firme asiento de alegria: - En fin con tu partida - Quedó vivo el dolor, muerta la vida. - -[343] - - Agora que calla el viento, - Y el soseogar està en calma, - No se calle mi tormento, - Salga con la voz el alma - Para mayor sentimiento; - Que para contar mis males, - Mostrando en parte que son - Por fuerza, han de dar señales - El alma, y el corazon - De vivas ansias mortales. - -[344] For example:-- - - Con tantas _firmas afirmas_ - El amor que està en tu pecho, &c. - -And these antiquated expressions are sometimes combined with -fantastical ideas. - -[345] For example:--Mastines _fieles_, guardadores de las _simples_ -ovejuelas, que debaxo de su amparo estan seguras de los _carniceros_ -dientes de los _hambrientos_ lobos. - -[346] Mercury thus accosts him:-- - - O Adan de poetas, o Cervantes! - Que alforjas y que trage es este, o amigo? - -[347] - - De la quilla à la gavia, ó estraña cosa! - Toda de versos era fabricada, - Sin que se entremetiesa alguna prosa, - Las ballesteras eran de ensalada - De glosas, todas hechas á la boda - De la que se llamó Malmaridada. - Era la chusma de romances toda, - Gente atrevida, empero necesaria, - Pues à todas acciones se acomoda. - La popa de materia extraordinaria, - Bastarda, y de legitimos sonetos, - De labor peregrina en todo y varia. - Eran dos valentisimos tercetos - Los espaldares de la izquierda y diestra, - Para dar boga larga muy perfetos. - Hecha ser la crugia se me muestra - De una luenga y tristisima elegia, - Que no en cantar, sino en llorar es diestra. - -[348] A portion of this masterly description may be quoted here. - - Bien asi semejaba, que se ofrece - Entre liquidas perlas y entre rosas - La aurora que despunta y amanece. - La rica vestidura, las preciosas - Joyyas que la adornaban, competian - Con las que suelen ser mirabillosas. - Las ninfas que al querer suyo asistian - En el gallardo brio y bello aspecto, - Las artes liberales parecian. - Todas con amoroso y tierno afecto, - Con las ciencias mas claras y escogidas, - Le guardaban santisimo respeto. - Mostraban que en servirla eran servidas, - Y que por su ocasion de todas gentes - En mas veneracion eran tenidas. - Su influjo y su reflujo las corrientes - Del mar y su profundo le mostraban, - Y el ser padre de rios y de fuentes. - Las yerbas su virtud la presentaban, - Los arboles sus frutos y sus flores, - Las piedras el valor que en sì encerraban. - -[349] The following is a passage from the description of _Vanagloria_. - - En un trono del suelo levantado, - (Do el arte à la materia se adelanta - Puesto que de oro y de marfil labrado) - Una doncella vì desde la planta - Del pie hasta la cabeza asi adornada, - Que el verla admira, y el oirla encanta. - Estaba en él con magestad sentada, - Giganta al parecer en la estatura, - Pero aunque grande, bien proporcionada. - Parecia mayor su hermosura - Mirada desde lejos, y no tanto - Si de cerca se ve su compostura, &c. - -[350] - - Turbóse en esto el liquido elemento, - De nuevo renovóse la tormenta, - Sopló mas vivo y mas apriesa el viento. - La hambrienta mesnada, y no sedienta, - Se rinde al uracan recien venido, - Y por mas no penar muere contenta. - O raro caso y por jamas oido, - Ni visto! ó nuevas y admirables trazas - De la gran reina obedecida en Guido! - En un instante el mar de calabazas - Se vió quajado, algunas tan potentes, - Que pasaban de dos, y aun de tres brazas. - Tambien hinchados odres y valientes, - Sin deshacer del mar la blanca espuma, - Nadaban de mil talles diferentes, &c. - -[351] These two dramas, the tragedy of Numancia and the comedy of El -Trato de Argel, were first printed in an appendix to the new edition of -the _Viage al Parnaso_, published at Madrid by Don Antonio Sancha, in -the year 1784. - -[352] In the supplement to the _Viage al Parnaso_, Cervantes -particularly mentions his nine dramas in terms of the most decided -self-satisfaction. “If they were not my own, (he says) I should declare -that they merit all the praise they have obtained.” He alludes with -particular complacency to his comedy, entitled, _La Confusa_, which -he styles a _good one among the best_. But _La Confusa_, as well as -the others which Cervantes praises, is lost. Among the eight which are -known, _La Gran Sultana_ seems to be that which Cervantes mentions -under the title of _La Gran Turquesca_. - -[353] See the first preface to the _Comedias y Entremeses de Miguel de -Cervantes_, published by Blas Nasarre, Madrid, 1749, 2 vols. 4to. - -[354] The departed spirit which is conjured back to the dead body, -delivers the following terrific address:-- - - Cese la furia del rigor violento, - Tuyo, Marquino, baste, triste, baste - La que yo paso en la region escura, - Sin que tu crezcas mas mi desventura. - Engañaste, si piensas que recibo - Contento de volver á esta penosa, - Misera y corta vida, que aora vivo, - Que yo me va faltando presurosa; - Antes me causas un dolor esquivo, - Pues otra vez la muerte rigurosa - Triunfará de mi vida y de mi alma, - Mi enemigo tendrá doblada palma; &c. - -[355] One of the Numantian women, for example, addresses the following -speech to the senators:-- - - Basta que la hambre insana - Os acabe con dolor, - Sin esperar el rigor - De la aspereza Romana. - Decildes que os engendraron - Libres, y libres nacistes, - Y que vuestras madres tristes - Tambien libres os criaron. - Decildes que pues la suerte - Nuestra va tan de caida, - Que como os dieron la vida, - Ansi mismo os den la muerte. - O muros desta ciudad, - Si podeis hablad, decid, - Y mil veces repetid: - Numantinos, libertad! - -[356] A mother enters with her two starving children. She carries one -at the breast, and the other whom she leads by the hand, thus addresses -her:-- - - _Hijo._ Madre, por ventura habriar - nos diese pan por esto? - - _Madre._ Pan, hijo, ni aun otra cosa - Que semeje de comer! - - _Hijo._ Pues tengo de parecer - De dura hambre rabiosa? - Con poco pan que me deis, - Madre, no os pediré mas. - - _Madre._ Hijo, qué penas me das! - - _Hijo._ Pues qué, madre, no quereis? &c. - -[357] - - _Morandro._ Ves aqui, Lira, cumplida - Mi palabra y mis porfias - De que tú no moririas - Mientras yo tuviese vida. - Y aun podré mejor decir - Que presto vendrás á ver - Que á ti sobrará el comer, - Y á mi faltará el vivir. - - _Lira._ Qué dices, Morandro amado? - - _Morandro._ Lira, que acortes la hambre, - Entretanto que la estambre - De mi vida corta el hado. - Pero mi sangre vertida - Y con este pan mezclada, - Te ha de dar, mi dulce amada, - Triste y amarga comida. - -[358] A new and elegant edition of the _Trabajos de Persiles y -Sigismunda_, was published at Madrid in 1781, by Don Antonio de Sancha, -in 2 vols. - -[359] The biographer who wishes to compile in a perfect and authentic -way, the life of Lope de Vega, already so often related, must not -neglect the collection of elegies and epitaphs, which have been lately -printed, along with the hitherto scattered works of the great Spanish -dramatist, (_Obras Sueltas de Lope de Vega_; Madrid, 1776, &c. 21 vols. -4to.) Even Nicolas Antonio, whose manner is so jejune, and who usually -dismisses poets with very little ceremony, bestows a long eulogium on -Lope de Vega. - -[360] In the prelude to the Auto _El Nombre de Jesus_ (the Name of -Jesus). See the _Obras Sueltas de Lope de Vega_, vol. xviii. The -countrywoman asks:-- - - Y que son Autos? - -And the husband replies:-- - - _Comedias a gloria y honor del pan_ - Que tan devota celebra - Esta coronada villa. - -[361] Lope de Vega, in his dramas, employs the terms _actos_ and -_jornadas_ indiscriminately. - -[362] From the very commencement of the scene, it is obvious how well -Lope de Vega understood the art of composing spirited dialogue. - - _D. San._ A mi me cierra la puerta? - - _Ançu._ Tiene muy justo temor. - - _Cid._ Con ser muger se concierta. - - _An._ De que te espantas señor - que no te la tenga abierta? - Dizen que en el Dios que adoro - juraste quitar agora - sin guardarles el decoro - a doña Urraca a Zamora, - y a Elvira su hermana a Toro. - Pues si muerto el Rey Fernando, - el primero de Castilla - que esta en el cielo reynando - por eterno cetro y silla, - la silla mortal dexando, - eres quien has de amparallas, - pues otro padre no tienen, - y quieres desheredallas. - Que mucho si se previenen - a defender sus murallas? - - _D. San._ Conde Ançures, si jurè, - gusto de mi padre fue, - guardè respeto a su muerte, &c. - -[363] Ordonez is exhibited in rather a ludicrous light:-- - - _Cid._ No os prevengais que no quiero - reñir con vos. - - _D. Bic._ Porque no? - - _Cid._ Porque nunca en quien temio - manchè mi gallardo azero. - - _D. B._ A quien yo he temido, es hombre - que a vos os hara temblar. - - _Cid._ Si es el Invierno, en lugar - frio temblar hazer a un hombre. - - _D. B._ No es sino el Cid. - - _Cid._ Pues si vos - temeys solo al Cid, oyd, - que a mi me temeys, - que el Cid soy. - - _D. B._ El Cid vos? - - _Cid._ Si por Dios. - - _D. B._ Ya que os he dicho en la cara, - invicto Cid, mi temor, - sabed, que yo soy señor, - don Diego Ordoñez de Lara. - -[364] He thus apostrophizes his rural retreat in the idyl style:-- - - _Vel._ Montes que el Duero vaña, - y en cadenas de yelo - os tiene por los verdes pies atados - desde que nuestra España - Pelayo (o fuesse el cielo) - os restauró del barbaro habitados; - de mis nobles passados, - vega de Toro hermosa, - que hazes competencia, - no solo con Plasencia, - y a la orilla del Betis generosa, - de fertiles trofeos, - mas a los campos celebres Hibleos. - Aqui donde esta casa - solar de mis abuelos - las jambas cubre de despojos Moros, - por donde alegre passa - Duero que quiebra yelos, - y cuyas Ninfas van cantando a coros, - haziendo que los poros - de la hermosa ribera, - broten las altas cañas, - anchas como espadañas, - de trigo fertil la mançana y pera; - y el razimo pessado - con verdes hilos al sarmiento atado. - -[365] What might not this scene have been rendered by a poet of a more -regular imagination! There is, however, a certain degree of dignity -in the commencement, with which the close forms a contrast the more -discordant:-- - - _D. S._ Dexa las armas Elvira, - mira hermana que me corro - de sacarlas contra ti. - - _Elv._ Pues vete hermano piadoso, - y dexame en mis almenas. - - _D. S._ Si al assalto me dispongo, - como no vees, que este muro - quedarà de sangre rojo? - - _Elv._ Si quedarà, mas serà - de la vuestra. - - _D. S._ Pues yo rompo - la obligacion de sangre. - - _Elv._ Y yo la defensa tomò, - que si fueras el Gigante - que tuvo el cielo en los ombros, - no pusieras pie en el muro. - - _D. S. Mira hermana que eres monstruo_ - porque con tanta hermosura - _tienes pensamientos locos_. - - _Elv. El loco, el monstruo, eres tu_, - pues que tu, hermano alevoso, - me quieres quitar la herencia. - -[366] The following metaphorical sonnet is declaimed by Sancha:-- - - El agua que corrio de clara fuente - por cristalino surco al verdo prado, - detiene al labrador, porque al sembrado - acuda con mas prospera corriente. - No sale el agua, que los muros siente - del cesped, que por uno, y otro lado - cercan su arroyo, que en la presa atado - hazen, que a ser estan que el curso aumente. - Ansi sucede amor en sus antojos, - quando el honor del resistirse vale, - callando penas, y sufriendo enojos. - Dexale el al almo, que la presa yguale, - y brota por los cercos de los ojos, - ò rompe la pared, y junto sale. - -[367] Among other things she says:-- - - Como he dado en no casarme, - leo por entretenerme, - no por Bachillera hazerme - y de aguda graduarme. - Que a quien su buena opinion - encierra en silencio tal, - no halla en los libros mal, - gustosa conversacion. - Es qualquier libro discreto - que si causa de hablar dexa, - es amigo que aconseja - y reprehende en secreto. - Al fin despues que los leo - y trato de devocion - de alguna imaginacion - voy castigando el desseo. - - _Ju._ Y en que materia leias? - - _Leo._ De oracion. - - _Ju._ Quien no se goza - de ver que tan bella moça - tan santas custumbres crias. - -[368] - - _Leo._ Juzgaras a liviandad - hallarme con el espejo, - Que suele ser conocida - la mucha de una muger - en yrse, y venirse a ver - despues de una vez vestida. - Y yo conforme a mi estado - hago en esso mas delito. - - _Lu._ A enojo siempre me incito - con tu melindre estremado. - Es mucho que una muger - que ha de estar un dia compuesta, - vaya a ver si està bien puesta - la toca o el alfiler? - Quien se lo dira mejor - si esta bien, o si està mal - que esso palmo de cristal? - - _Leo._ Como disculpas mi error. - -[369] This sketch is well worth transcribing:-- - - No sino venga un mancebo - destos de aora de alcorça - con el sombrerito a horza, - pluma corta, cordon nuevo, - cuello abierto muy parejo, - puños a lo Veneciano, - lo de fuera limpio, y sano, - lo de dentro suzio y viejo, - botas justas sin podellas - descalçar en todo un mes, - las calças hasta los pies, - el vigote a las estrellas; - xabonzillos, y copete, - cadena falsa que assombre - guantes de ambar, y grande hombre - de un soneto, y un villete; - y con sus manos lavadas - los tres mil de renta pesque - con que un poco se refresque - entre savanas delgadas: - y passados ocho dias - se vaya a ver forasteras, - o en amistades primeras, - buelva a deshazer las mias. - -[370] This whimsical adventure is thus described:-- - - Yo que estava en un esquina - mirandolo desde lexos, - apresurè luego el passo. - llevandome el ayre en peso. - Llegando a la amada puerta - vi un bulto a mis ojos negro, - con su capa, y con su espada, - mirando, y hablando a dentro. - Llegueme a el, y metime - hasta la harba el sombrero, - y dixele: a gentilhombre! - terciando el corto herreruelo. - Como no me respondia, - saco la daga de presto, - y por el pecho a mi gusto - hasta la cruz se la meto. - Diome la sangre en el mio, - y bueto mi casa huyendo - miro a una luz la ropilla, - y olia como un incienso. - Tomo una linterna, y parto, - y quando a mirar le buelvo, - hallo derramado el vino, - y el cuero midiendo el suelo. - -[371] Those who are unacquainted with the Spanish language, must not -suppose that the term _gracioso_, as applied to this kind of character, -is an extraordinary instance of that figure of speech called euphemism. -In Spanish, _gracioso_ more frequently signifies comic and ludicrous, -than graceful. - -[372] - - _Ju._ La colacion viene. - - _C._ En vano, - viene, a fe de gentilhombre - que no tengo de comer. - - _Leo._ A lo manos el provar - no lo podeys escusar, - que soy honrada muger. - - _Cam._ Es lo del veneno? - - _Leo._ Si, - por mi vida que proveys. - - _Cam._ Si ese juramento hazeys - aya mil muertes aqui. - Quiero tomar el veneno - que Alexandro del Doctor, - que donde la fe es mayor, - no le haze el daño ageno. - - _Urb._ O lo que sabe de historia. - - _Ju._ En verdad que es muy leydo. - _Urb._ No lo tomeys tan polido, - que en verdad que es çanahoria - Entro, y la bevida saco. - -[373] St. Nicolas de Tolentino is a saint of modern creation. - -[374] The sonnet by which St. Nicolas performs this miracle, is the -most beautiful in this sacred farce. - - Virgen, Paloma candida, que al suelo - Traxo la verde paz; arco divino, - Que con las tres colores a dar vino - Fe del concierto entre la tierra, y cielo; - Dadme remedio, pues sabeys mi zelo! - No coma carne yo, porque imagino, - Que solo he de comer, puesto que indigno - La de mi dulce amor en blanco velo. - No me dexeys, Christifera Maria, - Y vos mi Padre amado, Agustin Santo, - Y mas si llega de mi muerte el dia. - Dadme los dos favor, pues podeys tanto, - Si mereciere la esperança mia, - Que del Sol que pisays pase mi llanto. - -[375] The following is the edifying scene. _Dem._ is a contraction for -Demonio, the devil. _Rup._ stands for Ruperto, the monk, who attacks -and subdues him with the broom. _Pri._ signifies prior. - - _Rup._ Aqui Padres aqui, mueran los perros. - - _Pri._ Que visiones estrañas? - - _Rup._ Sombras vanas, - Ruperto soy: figuras Antonianas, - dexad mi Santo. - - _Dem._ Infame tu te pones - con nosotros a manos, y razones? - - _Rup._ Fuera digo, bellacos. - - _Dem._ Pues infame - concorrion assi te atreves? - - _Rup._ Bestia, - sal de la celda. - - _Dem._ O vil espuma ollas. - - _Rup._ Hago muy bien, vos espumays calderas. - Llegue Padre Prior. - - _Pri._ Aqui a este lado - digo los exorcismos de la Iglesia. - - _Dem._ O perro motilon. - - _Rup._ A fuera. - - _Dem._ O pesia. - -[376] Care announces Man. - - _Cuidad._ El Hombre está aqui. - - _Homb._ Dame essos pies. - - _Principe._ Ya te doy - el corazon. - - _Homb._ Luz mas pura - que el sol, imagen divina - de tu Padre; que diré - de tu piedad? que daré - a tu amor! - - _Principe._ La vista inclina - al supremo tribunal: - sabe conmigo y haremos - esta escritura. - - _Homb._ Qué extremos - de amor, piedad celestial! - - _Principe._ Sube tú como deudor - a los estrados que ves, - amigo, que yo despues - bajaré como fiador. - -[377] Reflection disputes with the devil on this point. - - _Demon._ Mienten, que un hora segura - aun no logré mi ventura, - pues de qué logrero soy, - si ha tantos años que estoy - sin Dios en carcel tan dura? - Qué es lo que estan escribiendo? - - _Cuidad._ La fianza. - - _Demon._ Quién le fia? - - _Cuidad._ Dios, que Dios solo podia. - - _Demon._ Dios fia? - - _Cuidad._ Ya están leyendo. - - _Justic._ Oid. - - _Princ._ Ya estoy oyendo. - - _Justic._ Que os obligais, gran Señor, - como principal deudor - a padecerlo y servir. - - _Demon._ Ha se visto tanto amor! - -[378] A list of the dramas contained in these twenty-five volumes -is given by Nicolas Antonio, who likewise communicates information -concerning Lope’s other works. A gleaning of some pieces may be found -in the _Obras Sueltas_; see note, p. 363. I have never yet seen all -the twenty-five volumes together. Even in Spain a complete collection -is but rarely to be met with. Single dramas by Lope are to be found -in most of the numerous collections of Spanish comedies by various -authors. La Huerta in his collection has not included a single play of -Lope de Vega, doubtless for reasons which will hereafter be noticed. - -[379] The twelve collected by Ortiz de Villena, together with the Loas -and Entremeses belonging to them, are newly printed in the _Obras -Sueltas_, vol. xviii. - -[380] For example, _El Castigo sin Venganza_, (The Punishment without -Revenge) in the _Obras Sueltas_, vol. viii. - -[381] The _Obras Sueltas_ contain abundant materials for such a work. - -[382] See the _Obras Sueltas_, vols. xv. and xvi. - -[383] Vol. ii. - -[384] See the _Obras Sueltas_, vol iv. - -[385] Vol. iii. - -[386] Vol. vi. - -[387] Vol. iv. - -[388] Vol. xvii. - -[389] Vol. i. and the succeeding volumes. - -[390] Vol. i. - -[391] Vol. xix. and likewise in the _Parnaso Español_. - -[392] See the _Obras Sueltas_, vol. xix. - -[393] Vols. v. & vi. - -[394] Vol. vii. - -[395] Vol. viii.--It is presumed that these bibliographic notices -will not be unacceptable to those who wish to become acquainted with -individual works of Lope de Vega. - -[396] An account of the life of these brothers is prefixed to their -works in the _Parnaso Español_, vols. iii. and vi.; and also to the -new edition of their _Rimas_, by Don Ramon Fernandez, Madrid, 1786, 3 -volumes 8vo. - -[397] They are printed in the sixth volume of the _Parnaso Español_. - -[398] The king shews to his faithless consort, Alexandra, the body of -her murdered lover. - - Cómo, Alejandra, no miras - este noble corazon, - dó se forjó la traycion, - cubierto de mil mentiras? - Y pues el tuyo, cruel, - te bolvió conmigo dura, - miralo, que por ventura - está tu retrato en él. - Esos son aquellos brazos, - por los quales me aborreces, - que ciñeron tantas veces - tu cuello con torpes lazos. - Estos son contra mi honra - aquellos brazos valientes, - y estos los pies diligentes - en procurar mi deshonra. - Mira tambien la cabeza, - la boca, los claros ojos: - huelga con tales despojos: - miralos pieza por pieza; - que por quererlos tú tanto, - los he mandado guardar. - Piensasle resuscitar - aora con ese llanto? - -After a pause of horror and grief, Alexandra breaks forth in the -following monologue:-- - - No puedo triste vengarme. - O vosotros, soberranos! - ya que me faltan las manos, - dadme voz para quejarme. - Cielos, justicia venganza! - No os atapeis los oidos - dioses sordos adormidos, - si algo con ruegos se alcanza. - Y pues que los celestiales - niegan tambien su favor, - salid del eterno horror, - negros dioses infernales. - Por qué no temblaste, suelo? - por qué las piedras no saltan? - Qué es esto, que todos faltan, - y no llueve sangre el cielo? - -[399] For example, the following:-- - - Bramando el mar hinchado - Con las nubes procura - Mezclar sus olas, y apagar la lumbre - Del concavo estrellado, - Y de la horrible hondura - Trasladar sus arenas à la cumbre; - Pero con la costumbre - De estos trabajos graves, - El hijo de Laertes - Rompe con brazos fuertes, - Lo que apénas pudieran altas naves - Con las proas ferradas, - Por otro Palinuro gobernadas. - Mas Ino, inmortal Diosa, - Viendo al prudente Griego - En tan grande peligro de la vida, - Benigna y amorosa - Buscó remedio luego - Para facilitalle la salida; - Y de piedad movida - Le dió el divino velo, - Con que cubrir solia - El cabello, que hacia - Escurecer al Dios nacido en Delo; - Y en virtud de esta toca - El mar se allana, y el la tierra toca. - -[400] As in the following:-- - - Imagen espantosa de la muerte, - Sueño cruel, no turbes mas mi pecho, - Mostrándome cortado el nudo estrecho, - Consuelo solo de mi adversa suerte. - Busca de algun tirano el muro fuerte, - De jaspe paredes, de oro el techo; - O el rico avara en el angosto lecho - Haz que temblando con sudor despierte, - El uno vea el popular tumulto - Romper con furia las herredas puertas, - O al sobornado siervo el hierro oculto. - El otro sus riquezas descubiertas - Con llave falsa, o con violento insulto; - Y dexale al amor sus glorias ciertas. - -[401] The following satirical passage occurs in his longest epistle, -which is addressed to a friend, and in which he has developed his whole -turn of temper and thought:-- - - Aunque el pintado pabo y la gallina - De l’Africa jamás como á los Grandes, - Ni un Mase Jaques honre mi cocina: - Ni lo traiga pagado desde Flandes, - Porque sabe á la hambre hacer cosquillas, - Y entretenerla todo lo que mandes. - Ni me alegren los ojos las boxillas, - Que lo ménos que tengan sea el ser oro, - Tanto el Arte estremo sus maravillas. - Que si en mi casa, como digo, móro, - No trocaré mi vida con sosiego - Por el Romano, ni el Imperio Moro. - Ni Mercurio jamas oirà mi ruego - Un Cielo mas arriba de la Luna, - Ni en su Altar por mis manos verá fuego. - Ni yo diré mas mal de la fortuna - Que de una viuda santa y recogida, - (Si santa y recogida se halla alguna). - -[402] The irony might be more delicate; but it is, nevertheless, well -expressed:-- - - Escríbate pues sátiras quien quiera, - Que yo al banzas solas quiero darte, - Hasta que tú te canses, ó yo muera. - Ya, ya me tienes, Flora, de tu parte, - Que, como tus costumbres amo tanto, - Mudable soy tambien por imitarte. - Quiero dexar la pluma, que me espanto - De ver ese furor tras ordinario, - Y dar de contricion señal con llanto. - Pero tengo conmigo un tu contrario, - Que tiene prometido defenderme - Contra el poder de Xerxes, y de Dario: - Y no me dá lugar de recogerme, - Antes con amenazas me provoca: - Dios sabe si ofenderte es ofenderme. - -[403] For example:-- - - Ni à Italia has de pasar por Beneficios, - Para darles asalto con la capa - De que son subrepticios, ó obrepticios. - Para engañarlo no verás al Papa, - Aunque te llame el golfo de Narbona - Tan pacífico en sí, como en el mapa: - Que si Micer Pandolfo trae corona, - Y prebendado ha vuelto ya, Dios sabe - Quál Simon le ayudo, Mago, ó Barjona. - Ya ni en sí mismo, ni en su Patria cabe, - Ni de su loba pródiga las baras - De gorgarán en su espaciosa nave. - Si tú por estos términos medráras, - Qué bascas, qué visages y figuras - De puro escrupoloso nos mostráras! - -[404] The following passage occurs in an epistle to a friend who wished -to send his son to court while very young, in order that he might -become early acquainted with the great world:-- - - Mirando estoy, que te santiguas desto, - Y que enojado quedas, ó risueño, - Llamándome Filósofo molesto. - Pues enfrena la risa, ò templa el ceño, - Y en mi defensa escuchame entretanto, - Que estas proposiciones desempeño. - Si está en verdad, que no nos mueve tanto - Docta declamacion, Griega, ó Latina, - Como el exemplo vivo, ó torpe, ó santo: - Del padre, que á sus hijas disciplina - Con mal exemplo, quién dirá que es prueba - De la águila, que al sol los exâmina - Pues dar rienda á la edad ferviente y nueva, - No es culpa de indiscreto amor paterno, - Que á manifiesta perdicion la lleva? - El diestro agricultor al arbol tierno, - De recientes raices, no lo expone - Luego á las inclemencias del inbierno. - -[405] The following sonnet, addressed to an old coquette, may serve as -an example:-- - - Pon, Lice, tus cabellos con legias - De venerables, si no rubios, rojos, - Que el tiempo vengador busca despojos, - Y no para volver huyen los dias. - Ya las mexillas, que avultar porfias, - Cierra en perfiles lánguidos, y flojos: - Su hermosa atrocidad nobó á los ojos, - Y apriesa te desarma las encías. - Pero tú acude por socorro al arte, - Que, aun con sus fraudes, quiero que defiendas - Al desengaño descortés la entrada. - Con pacto (y por tu bien) que no pretendas - Reducida á ruïnas, ser amada, - Sino es de tí, si puedes engañarte. - -[406] For example, the first stanzas of an ode on the immaculate -conception of the holy virgin:-- - - A todos los espíritus amantes, - Que en círculo de luz inaccesible - Forman amphiteatros celestiales, - Dixo el Padre comun, ya no terrible - Bibrando rayos vengativos, antes - Con manso aspecto, grato á los mortales: - Ya es tiempo de admitir á los umbrales - Del Reyno eterno los del baxo mundo, - Que su gemido, y su miseria vence. - Y porque la gran obra se comience, - Muestre la idea del saber profundo - Su concepto fecundo, - La preservada esposa: que en saliendo, - El pacífico cetro de oro estiendo. - -[407] On one occasion Argensola thus apostrophizes Mary Magdalen:-- - - O tu siempre dichosa pecadora, - La que fuiste por tal con grande espanto - Del vulgo con el dedo señalada! - Tus lagrimas con Christo pueden tanto, - Que la menor lo enciende y enamora, - Y á la culpa mayor dexa anegada. - Tu quedas en Apostol transformada, - Y de ignorante y mala, santa y sabia. - No es mucho que la zarza en flor se mude, - Y que el álamo sude - En competencia de la mirra Arabia; - Y que quando de yerba al campo priva, - La mies en abundancia se recoja. - Venid á ver de rosas y azucenas - Las montañas estériles mas llenas, - Y un arbol seco revestido de hoja. - La planta antes inutil Dios cultiva: - Regada en su jardin con agua viva, - Es fructífera ya, y sus ramas bellas - Tocan continuamente en las estrellas. - -[408] _Conquista de las Islas Molucas, al Rey Felipe III. &c._ (written -at an earlier period than the Annals of Arragon), _por el Licenciado -Bartholemè Leonardo de Argensola._ Madrid, 1609, in folio. The library -of the University of Gottingen contains this work, and also that next -noticed. - -[409] _Primera parte_, (a second part was intended to follow), _de los -Anales de Aragon que prosigue los de G. Zurita_, &c. por el Dr. Barth. -Leon. de Argensola. Zaragoza, 1630, one vol. thick fol. - -[410] The poetical registers in Lope de Vega’s _Laurel de Apolo_, in -Cervantes’s _Viage al Parnaso_, and in other laudatory or ironical -poems, are in no way available either for the historian or the critic. -Accident and caprice has introduced many obscure names into these -poems, and many of poetic merit are not mentioned. - -[411] The poetic narrative extends to thirty-seven cantos. - -[412] This description of the garden and palace of a magician in the -wilds of America, oversteps the bounds of consistency as well as -probability. The description of the magic palace deserves, however, to -be quoted:-- - - Tenia el suelo por orden ladrillado - de cristalinas losas trasparentes, - que el color contrapuesto y variado - hacía labor y visos diferentes: - el cielo alto diáfano estrellado - de inumerables piedras relucientes, - que toda la gran cámara alegraba - la vária luz que dellas revocaba. - Sobre colunas de oro sustentadas - cien figuras de bulto entórno estaban, - por arte tan al vivo trasladadas, - que un sordo bien pensára que hablaban: - y dellas las hazañas figuradas - por las anchas paredes se mostraban, - donde se vía el extremo y excelencia - de armas, letras, virtud, y continencia. - En medio desta cámara espaciosa, - que media milla en quadro contenia, - estaba una gran ponia milagrosa, - que una luciente esfera la ceñia, - que por arte y labor maravillosa - en el ayre por sí se sostenia - que el gran círculo y máquina de dentro - parece que estrivaban en su centro. - -[413] Glaura thus speaks of the dangers to which her virtue was exposed -through the ardour of her lover’s tenderness:-- - - Visto yo que por muestras y rodeo - muchas veces su pena descubria, - conocé que su intento y mal deseo - de los honestos limites salia: - mas ay! que en lo que yo padezco veo - lo que el misero entonces padecia, - que a término he llegado al pie del palo, - que aun no puedo decir mal de lo malo. - Hallábale mil veces suspirando - en mí los engañados ojos puestos, - otros andaba tímido tentando - entrada a sus osados presupuestos: - yo la ocasion dañosa desviando, - con gravedad y términos honestos - (que es lo que mas refrena la osadia) - sus erradas quimeras deshacia. - Estando sola en mi aposento un dia - temerosa de algun atrevimiento, - ante mí de rodillas se ponia - con grande turbacion, y desatiento: - diciendome temblando: o Glaura mia, - ya no basta razon, ni sufrimiento, - ni de fuerza una mínima me queda, - que a la del fuerte amor resistir pueda. &c. - -[414] Even Voltaire bears testimony to the excellence of this speech; -and Voltaire was certainly a judge of rhetorical excellence, though not -of poetical. The address commences thus:-- - - Caciques del Estado defendores, - codicia del mandar no me convida - a pesarme de versos pretensores - de cosa que a mí tanto era debida; - porque segun mi edad, yá veis, señores, - que estoy al otro mundo de partida; - mas el amor que siempre os he mostrado, - a bien aconsejaros me ha incitado. - Por qué cargos honrosos pretendemos, - Y ser en opinion grande tenidos, - pues que negar al mundo no podemos - haber sido sujetos y vencidos? - y en esto averiguarnos no queremos - estando aun de Españoles oprimidos: - mejor fuera esta furia egecutalla - contra el fiero enemigo en la batalla, &c. - -[415] Velasquez and Dieze, p. 383, give numerous bibliographical -notices of these works. - -[416] For example, in the following description of rural tranquillity:-- - - Ay apacible y sosegada vida, - de vulgar sujecion libre y esenta, - dó el alma se sustenta - con blanda soledad entretenida; - dó nunca tuvo la malicia entrada, - ni desagrada - mansa pobreza: - todo es llaneza - sincéra y pura - dó nunca dura - el fingido doblez qué al alma gasta; - ni al humílde espíritu contrasta! - Aqui sustenta el mísero villano, - sin artificio ó cautelosa mañana, - la bellota ó castaña, - apedreada de la simple mano. - Dale del agua pura y trasparente - la clara fuente - no le molesta - calor de siesta; - y si le ofende - luego se tiende - bajo de un estendido sauce ó robre, - contento, sin mirar si es rico ó pobre, &c. - -[417] Several of Espinel’s prose works are inserted in the third volume -of the _Parnaso Español_; and the translation of the Epistle to the -Pisones, forms the commencement of the first volume of that collection. - -[418] For example, the following. The prevailing idea is not new; but -it is followed up in the genuine spirit of sonnet composition. - - Jamas el cielo vio llegar Piloto - Al desseado puerto tan contento - De las furiosas olas y del viento - La nave sin timon, y el arbol roto, - Y tomando la tierra tan devoto - Correr al templo con piadoso intento, - Y en el por verse puesto en salvamento - Colgar las ropas, y cumplir el voto: - Qual yo escape del mar del llanto mio, - Passada la borrasca de mi pena, - Y en el puerto surgi del desengaño, - Cuyo templo adorne de mi navio, - Colge mis esperanças y cadena, - Por ser mi bien el fruto de mi daño. - -[419] The following is the first stanza of his cancion on the ascension -of the Holy Virgin:-- - - Angelicas esquadras que en las salas - Llenas de olor de gloria, con inmenso - Gozo, de que llenays el claro Cielo, - Andays batiendo las doradas alas, - Y al eterno Regente days encienso, - Que olor espira de inmortal consuelo, - Torced el blando buelo, - Y recebid en vuestras bellas plumas - A la que encierra en si las gracias sumas, - Pues que rompiendo la fulgente massa - Del Cielo cristalina - Que a la tierra e sirve de cortina, - Veys que el un firmamento y otro passa - Hasta llegar al trono do reside - El que del Cielo el movimiento mide. - -[420] His epistles in the satirical style are, however, so full of -allusions to particular circumstances which occurred during the life of -the author, that they are not easily understood. The following passage -is from an epistle on the Spanish comedy. - - Si quando Rey, como Señor se sienta - si cobra quando Cid tantos aceros, - que al parecer emprenderá a cinquenta, - Es a dicha Morales, o Cisneros? - o es la triste Belerma Mariflores, - quando a llanto y pasion puede moveros? - Claro es que no son ellos pues, Señores, - qué importa a la Comedia que sean malos, - si para recitar son los mejores? - Los palos, que se dán alli son palos - a los que como simples los reciben. - El entremés fingido afrentarálos? - A dicha los que mueren no reviven? - y si es que lo requiere la maraña, - los que lo fingen paren, o conciben? - Sola la vista y opinion se engaña, - y asi el vicio y virtud de ellos no ofende, - ni a la Comedia en un cabello daña. - -[421] The following colloquial sonnet may serve as an example:-- - - _A._ Quién vive aqui? - - _C._ Un pobre peregrino. - - _A._ Pues peregrino con hogar y casa? - - _C._ No la veis toda ya desierta y rasa, - que solo este sobrado quedó en pino? - - _A._ Quién os retrajo a tal lugar? - - _C._ Mi sino. - - _A._ Quién sois? - - _C._ Soy viento que no vuelve, y pasa: - tuve favor del mundo, fuí del asa; - pasó el buen tiempo, y el adverso vino. - - _A._ Qué haceis aqui? - - _C._ Un cesto, una canasta, - tal vez de mimbre, tal de seco esparto, - con que gano el sustento que me basta. - Y no me vi (os prometo) jamás harto - de pretensiones militares hasta - que el desengaño me alquiló este cuarto. - -[422] For example:-- - - Quién se fuera a la Zono inhabitable - por no perder del todo la paciencia, - que quieren que lo sufra, y que no hable! - Tubieron Persio y Juvenal licencia - de corregir las faltas del Imperio; - y no he de hacer yo escrúpulo y conciencia, - Viendo en una ventana una Glicerio, - una segunda Venus, que la ocupa, - donde pensaste que era un Monasterio, - Y que a la mar se arroje la chalupa, - como la galeaza, y tienda velas, - y tanto aquesta, como aquella chupa? - Mas quién no ha de calzarsa las espuelas, - por no ver afeitada, como guinda, - la que ha perdido en navegar las muelas? - -[423] One of these compositions commences in the following way:-- - - Qual llena de rocio - suele salir, los campos alegrando, - la clara Aurora con el rostro helado, - sutil aura soplando, - tal por el verde prado - salío mi pastorcilla al llanto mio, - dejando alegre el suelo, - y de sus gracias embidioso el cielo. - Esparcese sin arte - sobre la nieve del marmoreo cuello, - tirada en hebras larga vena de oro; - y para euriquecello - en dos madejas varias se reparte, - con bien mayor tesoro, - descubriendo la cara - mas que la luna y las estrellas clara. - La tierna yerva crece, - donde la planta sienta, y eria olores, - y el arbol que desgaja con su mano - pimpollos brota y flores, - y el ayre fresco y vano, - hablando con olores lo enriquece, - y lleno de alegria - promete al mundo venturoso dia. - -[424] The curate in Don Quixote, during the examination of the knight’s -library, says, that if these Tears had been doomed to be burnt, he -himself should have shed tears. I have not seen the book in any -collection. - -[425] For example:-- - - Ya en sus troncos nativos - temerosa la sombra se recoge, - y deja la floresta - por bien pasar la fatigada siesta: - ya el zefiro ligero, que despliega - sus alas al nacer del Sol dorado, - con arrullos lascivos - al vendor de los hojas las entrega, - y al blanco lirio en el sediento prado - sobre los hombros de la flor vecina - el cuello enfermo del calor inclina: - Marcelo, al Olmo erguido, si te place, - los pasos encamina, - que al baño de las Náyades cortina - entretegido con la yedra hace: - sonará tu zampoña dulcemente, - suave tu zampoña, - con quien las duras sierpes su ponzoña, - los vientos su braveza, - y las fieras suspenden su aspereza. - -[426] One of Martin’s most charming madrigals may be transcribed here:-- - - Iba cogiendo flores, - y guardando en la falda - mi Ninfa, para hacer una guirlanda; - mas primero las toca - a las rosados labio de su boca, - y les dá de su aliento los olores; - y estaba (por su bien) entre una rosa - una abeja éscondida, - su dulce humor hurtando; - y como en la hermosa - flor de los labios se halló, atrevida, - la picó, sacó miel, fuese volando. - -[427] The following seems to have been vastly admired by some critics, -since it has found its way into various collections:-- - - Revelome ayer Luysa - Un caso bien de reyr, - Quierotelo, Ines, dezir, - Porque de caygas de risa. - Has de saber que su tia, - No puedo de risa, Ynes - Quiero reyrme, y despues - Lo dire quando no ria. - -[428] For example, the following trifle:-- - - Madalena me picò - Con un alfiler el dedo, - Dixele: Picado quedo, - Pero ya lo estava yo. - Riose, y con su cordura - Acudio al remedio presto, - Chupòme el dedo, y con esto - Sanè de la picadura. - -[429] For example:-- - - Suelta la venda, sucio y asqueroso: - laba los ojos llenos de legañas: - cubre las carnes y lugares feos, - hijo de Venus. - Deja las alas, las doradas flechas, - arco, y aljaba, y el ardiente fuego, - para que en falta tuya lo gobierne - hombre de seso. - -[430] See page 37. - -[431] One of his canciones addressed to his country, commences in the -following manner:-- - - Levante noble España - tu coronada frente, - y alégrate de verre renascida - por todo quanto baña - en torno la corriente - del uno y otro mar con mejor vida, - qual Fenix encendida - en gloriosa llama - de ingenio soberano - muy alto y muy humano, - que á tí y á sí dió vida y inmortal fama, - que durará en el suelo - quanto la inmortal obra de Marcelo. - Dejaron muy escura - las importunas guerras - de Vándalos y Godos generosos - la antigua hermosura - de tus felices tierras - y sitios de tus pueblos glorïosos: - y al fin mas invidiosos - dé tu belleza ilustre - los fieros Africanos - con muy profanas manos - estragaron del todo el sacro lustre - del terreno mas lindo - que hay desde el mar Atlantico hasta el Indo. - -[432] For instance, the following sonnet:-- - - Yace tendido en la desierta arena, - Que quasi siempre el mar baña y esconde, - De Tirsi el cuerpo; el alma alverga donde - Sembrò Amor la simiente de su pena: - Alli miéntras su llanto amargo suena - Entre las peñas, Eco le responde: - Tirsi cuitado, donde estas? Por donde - Saldràs á ver tu luz pura e serena? - Aqui el cielo nubloso, el viento ayrado - Mantienen con el mar perpetua guerra, - Y él con estas montañas que rodea. - Ay de ti, Tirsi, de dolor cercado, - Mas que de mar, quando será que lea - Fili en tu frente lo que el pecho encierra. - -[433] A new edition of the best poems of Francisco de Figueroa was -published by Ramon Fernandez at Madrid, in 1785, in 8vo. - -[434] One of his Endechas commences thus:-- - - Bella Zagleja - del color moreno, - blanco milagroso - de mi pensamiento: - Gallarda trigueña, - de belleza extremo, - ardor de las almas, - y de amor troféo: - Suave Sirena, - que con tus acentos - detienes el curso - de los pasageros: - Desde que te ví - tal estoy que siento - preso el alvedrío, - y abrasado el pecho. - -[435] For example:-- - - De las Damas fantásticas, - mas que la caña móviles, - presos de amor en esta red amplífica, - seglares y monásticas - de baja suerte ignóbiles, - de muy oscura fama y muy clarífica, - que lengua tan manífica - dirá los echos frívolos, - vanidades gentílicas, - pues templos y Basílicas - pretenden como dioses estos ídolos, - Lucrecias y Cleópatras, - que hacen á los necios ser idólatras? - -[436] The following is one of his sonnets:-- - - Si pudo de Anfion el dulce canto - Juntar las piedras del Troyano muro, - Si con suave lira, oso seguro - Baxar el Tracio al Reyno del espanto; - Si la voz regalada pudo tanto, - Que abrio las puertas de diamante duro, - Y un rato suspendio de aquel escuro - Lugar la pena y miserable llanto; - Y si del canto la admirable fuerça - Domestica los fieros animales, - Y enfrena la corriente de los rios. - Que nueva pena en mi pesar se esfuerza, - Pues con lo que descrecen otros males, - Se van acrecentando mas los mios. - -[437] The collection is entitled--_Flores de Poetas ilustres de España, -&c. ordenada por Pedro Espinosa_. _Valladolid_, 1605, in quarto. From -this anthology has been partly selected the specimens of the works of -those poets who have just been noticed. The rest of the examples are -scattered through the _Parnaso Español_. - -[438] His Castilian and Portuguese poems are published under the -title:--_Fuente de Aganippe, o Rimas varias de Manuel de Faria y -Sousa_, &c. Madrid 1656, 4 vols. octavo. They are also included in his -_Divinas y Humanas Flores_, Madrid 1624, in octavo. - -[439] This absurdity occurs in a gloss on an old couplet. - - Ojos, en cuya hermosura - cifrò mi suerte el Amor, - grandes como mi dolor, - negros como mi ventura. - En una hermosura de ojos - dixo Amor que me daria - a padecer sus enojos, - donde el Alma dexaria, - de su incendio, por despojos. - Pues si en la belleza pura - de ojos, mi muerte procura; - si en vos mis ojos no fue, - que soys de Albania, no se, - ojos, en cuya hermosura. - Quiso amor mostrarme ardiente - mi suerte en cifras algunas, - y vio de negro luziente - rayadas _dos medias lunas - en el papel de la frente_: - Y abaxo visto el valor, - ojos, de vuestro esplendor, - por ceros vino a teneros, - que en dos animados zeros - cifró mi suerte el Amor. - -[440] In the original this odd conceit runs in the following way:-- - - Flechando de sus manos peregrinas, - de cristal diez luzientes passadores, - _de rubi_ fue _el efeto_ en mis dolores, - si de Albania las _causas cristalinas_. - Mas ya que, _humanas, quando no divinas_, - en _sangrienta ofension_ forman amores, - de tantos _deificados esplendores_ - desmentidos en nieve, y clavellinas. - Amor en mis heridas reparando, - _de flechas con dulcissimo decoro_, - a mi noble aficion la vá inclinando. - Yo de nuevo, aunque herido, me enamoro - de verle hermosamente estar flechando - _en blancos de diamante empleos deoro_. - -[441] His _Europa Portuguesa_, (a bombastic title for _Portugal -Europeano_) is a work which contains considerable information on the -statistics of Portugal. - -[442] The following, which is a description of Life in Madrid, may -serve as a specimen of these satirical sonnets:-- - - Una vida bestial de encantamiento, - Harpias contra bolsas conjuradas, - Mil vanas pretensiones engañadas, - Por hablar un oidor, mover el viento; - Carrozas y lacayos, pages ciento, - Hábitos mil con virgenes espadas, - Damas parleras, cambios, embaxadas, - Caras posadas, trato fraudulento; - Mentiras arbitreras, Abogados, - Clerigos sobre mulas, como mulos, - Embustes, calles sucias, lodo eterno; - Hombres de guerra medio estropeados, - Titulos y lisonjas, disimulos, - Esto es Madrid, mejor dixera Infierno. - -[443] The following _Letrilla_ may be taken as a specimen of Gongora’s -artificial style:-- - - Da bienes fortuna - Que no están escritos, - Quando pitos flautas, - Quando flautas pitos. - Quan diversas sendas - Se suelen seguir - En el repartir - Las honras y haciendas. - A unos dá encomiendas, - A otros sambenitos, - Quando pitos: &c. - A veces despoja - De choza y apero - Al mayor cabrero, - Y á quien se le antoja, - La cabra mas coja - Parió dos cabritos, - Quando pitos, &c. - Porque en una aldea - Un pobre mancebo - Hurtó solo un huebo, - A sol bambonea, - Y otro se pasea - Con cien mil delitos, - Quando, &c. - -[444] A charming little song by Gongora commences in the following -manner:-- - - Las flores del romero, - Niña Isabel, - Hoy son flores azules, - Mañana serán miel. - Zelosa estás la niña, - Zelosa estás de aquel, - Dichoso pues lo buscas, - Ciego, pues no te vé. - Ingrato pues te enoja, - Y confiado, pues - No se disculpa hoy - De lo que hizo ayer. - Enjugen esperanzas - Lo que lloras por él, - Que zelos entre aquellos - Que se han querido bien, - Hoy son flores azules, &c. - -[445] The poem commences as follows:-- - - Era del Año la Estacion florida, - En que el mentido Robador de Europa - (Media Luna las Armas de su Frente, - Y el Sol todos los Rayos de su Pelo) - Luciente honor del Cielo - En campos de Zafiro pace Estrellas - Quando el que ministrar podia la Copa - A Jupiter mejor, que el Garçon de Ida - Naufragò, y desdeñado sobre ausente, - Lagrimosas de Amor, dulzes Querellas - Dá al Mar, que condolido - Fue à las Hondas, que al Viento - El misero Gemido, - Segundo, de Arion, dulze Instrumento, &c. - -The above is only about the half of the first period. - -[446] The singularity of the language must be perceptible even to -those who possess only a slight knowledge of Spanish. The dedication -commences as follows:-- - - Passos de un Peregrino, son, errante, - Quantos me dictó Versos, dulze Musa, - En Soledad confusa, - Perdidos unos y otros Inspirados, - O tu, que de venablos impedido, - Muros de Abeto, Almenas de Diamante, - Bates los Montes, que de Nieve armados - Gigantes de Cristal los teme el Cielo, - Donde el Cuerno del Eco repetido, - Fieras te expone, que al teñido Suelo - Muertas pidiendo Terminos disformes; - Espumoso Coral le dan al Tormes. - -[447] The two concluding stanzas of Gongora’s _Polyphemus_ are worthy -to be transcribed as literary curiosities:-- - - Con Violencia desgajo infinita - La maior Punta de la excelsa Roca, - Que al Joven, sobre quien la precipita, - Urna es mucho, Piramide no poca: - Con lagrimas la Ninfa solicita - Las Diedades del Mar, que Acis invoca, - Concurren todas, y el Peñasco duro, - La Sangre que exprimiò Cristal fue puro. - Sus Miembros lastimosamente opresos, - Del Escollo fatal fueron apenas, - Que los Pies de los Arboles mas gruessos - Calçò el liquido Aljofar de sus Venas: - Corriente Plata al fin sus blancos Huesos, - Lamiendo Flores, y argentando Arenas, - A Doris llega, que con Llanto pio - Yerno lo saludò lo aclamò Rio. - -[448] Notices concerning the various editions of the works of Gongora, -may be found in Dieze’s Remarks on Velasquez, p. 251. A selection from -the works of this unsuccessful genius, whose real merit some critics -have attempted to deny, was published by Don Ramon Fernandez, under the -title of _Poesias de D. Luis Gongora_, Madrid 1787. The selection forms -a small octavo volume. - -[449] Dieze calls the _estilo culto_ the Spanish ornamental style; but -this term is incorrect when employed to designate the particular style -of Gongora’s school. - -[450] Among these illustrative works, are Salcedo Coronel’s diffuse -Commentaries on Gongora’s _Polyphemus y Soledades_, printed in 1629 and -1636; and also the _Lecciones solennes a las Obras de Luis de Gongora_, -by Joseph Pellicer de Salas, which appeared in 1630. See also Dieze’s -Notes. - -[451] The fifth volume of the _Parnaso Español_ is disfigured by a -considerable number of Ladesma’s poems. - -[452] How pompously this poem commences in the original!--And yet how -much in the romance style! - - Sale la estrella de Oriente - al tiempo que Dios dispone - que el enemigo del dia - pierda la presa que coge, - Y con ella la esperanza - de sus falsas pretensiones, - tomando Dios carne humana, - para que el hombre le goce: - Por donde Santa Maria - recibe el famoso nombre - de ser Madre, siendo virgen, - de quien siendo Dios, es hombre. - Muy pobremente camina - con ser tan rico y tan noble, - que amores de cierta Dama - le traen en hábito de pobre; &c. - -[453] This rhapsody cannot be read without exciting astonishment. - - Los _milagros de Amarilis_, - aquel _Angel superior_, - a quien dan nombre de _Fenix, - la verdad, y la passion_. - Mirava a su puerta un dia, - en la Corte un labrador, - que _si adorar no merece, - padecer si, mereciò. - Una tarde, que es mañana_, - pues _el Alva se riò_, - y entre carmin encendido, - candidas perlas mostró. - Divirtiose en abrasar - a los mismos que alumbrò, - y _del cielo de si misma - el Angel bello cayò, &c._ - -[454] The _Gridonia_ is included in the _Obras Posthumas Divinas y -Humanas de Don Felix de Arteaga_, Madrid 1641, 1 vol. octavo. - -[455] The collection which I have now before me, and which is entitled -_Varios y Honestos Entretenimientos_, by Castillo Solorzano, (Mexico, -1625, in octavo), was, apparently, not the only publication of the kind -which appeared in Mexico. - -[456] Velasquez has occasioned no small degree of confusion in this -portion of the history of Spanish poetry. He first, according to the -principles of French criticism, confounds all the dramatic writers of -Spain in one class, and afterwards draws wide distinctions between them. - -[457] _Obras Tragicas y Lyricas del Capitan Christoval de Virues_, -Madrid 1609, in octavo. It does not appear that they have ever been -re-printed. - -[458] The following monologue, in which Semiramis wavers between the -conflicting passions of love and ambition, will afford a specimen of -the tragic style of Virues:-- - - Pero mis pensamientos amorosos - dexadme aora en paz, mientras la guerra - di mis altos desseos valerosos - hace temblar y estremecer la tierra. - Los filos azerados rigurosos - que en la baina mil años á que encierra - mi coraçon, dexad que aora corten, - que tiempo avra despues que se reporten. - Tiempo despues avra para gozarme - no con un Nino torpe i asqueroso, - tiempo tendre despues para emplearme - en un Zopiro dulce i amoroso, - tiempo tendre para desencerrarme - de un cautiverio infame i afrentoso - que à ya diez i seis años que en mi Reina - con titulo de Reina sin ser Reina. - Aora lo sere, no ai duda en ello, - aunque la tierra se rebuelva i hunda, - avra sacare del yugo el cuello - aunque Amon con sus rayos me confunda, - avra a mis desseos pondre el sello, - destas traças mi gozo i bien redunda, - de aqui sucederá, i sino sucede - cosa no avra que no intentada quede. - -[459] He says in his prologue:-- - - Yo creo que el mas alto i cierto amparo - que en todo el suelo tiene, está sin duda - aquí donde oi se aguarda la Tragedia - de la cruel Casandra, ya famosa - la cual tambien cortada a la medida - de exemplos de virtud (aunque mostrados - tal vez por su contrario el vicio) viene - acompañada con el dulce gusto, - _siguiendo en esto la mayor fineza - del arte antigo i del moderno uso_, - que jamas en Teatros Españoles - visto se aya, sin que a nadie agravie. - -[460] For example in the following scene. The prince is surprised by -his beloved Fulgencia, against whom he has been prepossessed by the -treacherous hypocrisy of Casandra:-- - - _Fulgenc._ La que sin ti Señor no quiere vida, - no es mucha que no huya de la muerte - que tu saña le tiene prometida - osando, como ves, bolver a verte. - Aqui me tienes a tus pies rendida. - Si verme en tu presencia es ofenderte - tanto que en mi executes lo jurado - é aqui mi cuello al hierro aparejado. - - _Princip._ Es ilusion, es sueño lo que veo - i lo que oyo? que dezis Fulgencia? - que novedad es esta a devaneo? - tentaisme por ventura de paciencia? - de vuestra muerte tengo yo desseo? - - _Casand._ i a mi me à de ofender vuestra presencia? - i yo é jurado cosa en vuestro daño? - venis dezi con algun nuevo engaño? - Basta pues el passado con que el Conde - quisistes poner mal comigo tanto, - la verdad es un Sol que no de esconde. - De vuestro aviso y discrecion me espanto, &c. - -[461] _Para Todos, Exemplos morales, humanos y divinos, en que se -tratan diversas Ciencias, &c. por el Doctor Juan Perez de Montalvan_, -in quarto. In the copy which I have seen, the date of the year on the -title-page is obliterated. - -[462] The historical drama, in which Montalvan has drawn the character -of Philip II. bears the affected title of _El segundo Seneca de -España_. The second Seneca, here alluded to, is no other than Philip -himself. Montalvan has, on the contrary, described the Infant Don -Carlos as a noisy blusterer. Philip summons Carlos to his presence in -order to correct him:-- - - _Rey._ Yo tengo pocas razones, - pero tengo muchos manos, - y al passo que sé quereros - sabre tambien castigaros. - Vuestras locas travesuras - me secaron de mi passo, - que aun una cuerda torcida, - si la tiran mucho al arco, - parece que se querella, - y se buelve contra el braço. - Entendeisme? - - _Pr._ Si Señor. - - _R._ Pues procurad de enmendaros, - que os pesarâ de no hazerlo, - si, por la vida de entrambos. - -(_Levantase furioso, y quierese ir._) - - _Pr._ Fuego por los ojos echa. - Vive Dios que le he temblado, - pero no importa. Señor! - - _Rey._ Que quereis? - - _Pr._ A no enojaros - el escucharme, yo os diera - por mi parte tal descargo, - que con vos quedara bien, - puesto que estais enojado. - - _R._ Antes me hareis un gran gusto, - por disculparme en amaros. - -Philip then continues to admonish Don Carlos in a pompous tone of -suppressed ill humour. - -[463] The comedy in which the character of Henry IV. appears, is -entitled _El Mariscalo de Viron_. Henry and Marshal de Biron are -rivals in a love affair. The Marshal, with the frankness of a soldier, -confesses his attachment for the lady, and Henry relinquishes his suit. -“And did this give you so much concern?” says Henry to the Marshal. - - _Marisc._ Esta es mi confusion. - - _Rey._ Y esso os tenia afligido? - - _Mar._ Claro esta porque naci - inferior y vos aqui - sois mi Rey. - - _Rey._ Vos los aveis sido - para mi en mí voluntad, - como aora lo vereis: - ya, Blanca, dueño teneis. - - _Blan._ De que manera? - - _Rey._ Escuchad - Carlos, quanto a lo primero - os aviso, que no es ley, - que un vasallo con su Rey - hable nunca tan entero. - Porque se deve advertir, - que el Rey se puede enojar, - y enojada, hazer baxar - al mismo que hizo subir. - Vos aqui me aveis hablado - con alguna sequedad: - pero mi gran voluntad - el yerro os ha perdonado. - Que nunca para consigo - amigo se ha de dezir - al que no sabe sufrir - alguna falta a su amigo: - yo lo soy vuestro, y ansi - (aunque à Blanca amando estoy) - licencia de amarla os doy, - y servirla desde aqui. - -[464] But these autos are included in the _Para Todos_. See note, page -447. - -[465] _Relaciones de la vida del escudero Marcos de Obregon, &c. por el -Maestro Vicente Espinel_; Barcelona, 1618, in octavo. - -[466] See page 414. - -[467] _Primera parte de la vida del Picaro Guzman de Alfarache, -compuesta por Mattheo Aleman. Brussel._ 1604, in 8vo. is the title of -the oldest edition that I have seen. The words _Primera parte_ have -reference to the Continuation, which is the production of another -author. - -[468] Besides those which are included in his _Para todas_, a separate -collection was published under the title of _Succesos y prodigios -de Amor, en ocho novelas exemplares, por el Doctor Juan Perez de -Montalvan_. The sixth edition (that with which I am acquainted), was -published at Seville in 1633, in 4to. - -[469] Those who wish to find a catalogue of Spanish novels and romances -of middling and inferior merit, must turn to Blankenburg, who, in -his appendix to Sulzer’s article _Erzählung_, enumerates them at -considerable length. The list might be augmented by an examination of -the collection of novels and romances in the library of the University -of Göttingen. - -[470] A new edition of the _Novelas entretenidas, compuestas por Doña -Mariana de Caravajal y Saavedra_, was published at Madrid so late as -the year 1728. - -[471] In Spanish this phrase has a comical effect:--_Entretenimientos -en que divertas las perezosas noches del erizado invierno_. - -[472] She says:--Admitas mi voluntad, perdonando los defectos de -una _tan mal cortada pluma_, en la qual hallaras mayores _deseos de -servirte con doze comedias_, en que _conoscas lo affectuoso de mi -deseo_. - -[473] Mariana wrote as early as the reign of Charles V. and he died in -the year 1623, in the ninetieth year of his age. - -[474] The title is:--_Joannis Marianæ Historiæ, de rebus Hispaniæ, -libri triginta_. It has been frequently printed; and there is one very -elegant edition in large folio, _Hagae Comitum_ 1731. The Spanish -names of persons and places are, however, latinized in a manner so -artificial, as to render them no less unintelligible than the names in -Cardinal Bembo’s History. - -[475] There is a beautiful edition of this historical work, published -by patriotic subscription, in a series of small folio volumes, under -the following title:--_Historia general de España, que escribiò el P. -Juan de Mariana, &c._ Valencia, 1785. - -[476] The subjoined extract, which affords a specimen of Mariana’s -historical style, is the commencement of his description of the battle, -which was lost by King Roderick in conflict with the Arabs, and which -was followed by the overthrow of the gothic monarchy:-- - -El movido del peligro y daño, y encendido en deseo de tomar emienda -de lo pasado y de vengarse, apellidó todo el reyno. Mandó que todos -los que fuesen de edad, acudiesen á las banderas. Amenazó con graves -castigos á los que lo contrario hiciesen. Juntóse á este llamamiento -gran número de gente: los que menos cuentan, dicen fueron pasados -de cien mil combatientes. Pero con la larga paz, como acontece, -mostrábanse ellos alegres y bravos, blasonaban y aun renegaban; -mas eran cobardes á maravilla, sin esfuerzo y aun sin fuerzas para -sufrir los trabajos y incomodidades de la guerra. La mayor parte iban -desarmados, con hondas solamente ó bastones. Este fue el exército con -que el Rey marchó la vuelta del Andalucía. Llegó por sus jornadas -cerca de Xerez, donde el enemigo estaba alojado. Asentó sus reales y -fortificólos en un llano por la parte que pasa el rio Guadalete. Los -unos y los otros deseaban grandemente venir á las manos; los Moros -orgullosos con la victoria; los Godos por vengarse, por su patria, -hijos, mugeres y libertad no dudaban poner á riesgo las vidas, sin -embargo que gran parte dellos sentian en sus corazones una tristeza -extraordinaria, y un silencio qual suele caer á las veces como presagio -del mal que ha de venir sobre algunos. _Lib._ vi. _cap._ 23. - -[477] The surname Villegas has given rise to many blunders respecting -Quevedo and the celebrated Estèban Manuel de Villegas. A good abstract -of the various biographical notices of Quevedo is prefixed to the -fourth volume of the _Parnaso Español_. - -[478] - - Verdades diré en camisa, - Poco menos que desnudas. - -[479] These canciones and romances are contained in the great -collection of the poems of Quevedo, published by the Gongorist Gonzales -de Salas, under the Gongoristic title of _El Parnaso Español, Monte en -dos cumbres dividido_, (that is to say, in two volumes.) A new, but -very far from elegant, edition of this collection of Quevedo’s poems -appeared at Madrid, in 1729, in quarto. It is divided into books, each -of which bears the name of one of the muses. - -[480] For example, in the following song to a linnet, which is -described as a singing and flying flower:-- - - _Flor que cantas, flor que buelas_ - Y tienes por _facistol_ - _El laurel_, para que al Sol, - Con tan _sonoras cautelas_, - Le madrugas, y desuelas, - Digas mè, - Dulce Gilguero, por què? - Dime, _Cantor Ramillete, - Lyra de pluma volante, - Silvo alado_, y elegante, - Que en el rizado copete - Luces flor, suenas falsete, - Porque _cantas_ con porfia - _Embidias, que llora el dia_, - Con lagrimas de la Aurora - Si en la risa de Lidora - Su amanecer desconsuelas, - Flor que cantas, flor que buelas, &c. - -[481] For example, in the following song, which passes from one style -to another:-- - - Pero siendo tu en la Villa - Dama, de demanda, y trote, - Bien puede ser que del mote, - No ayas visto la cartilla. - Vá de el estilo que brilla - _En la Culterana Prosa, - Grecizante, y Latinosa_: - Mucho serà si me entiendes, - Yo vacio pyras, y asciendes, - Culto và Señora hermosa. - Si bien _el palor ligustre - Desfallece los candores_, - Quando muchos esplendores - Conduce à poco _palustre, - Construye al aroma ilustre_ - Victima de tanto culto, - Presentiendo de tu vulto, - Que rayos fulmina horrendo; - _Ni me entiendes, ni te entiendo, - Pues catate, que soy culto_. - -[482] A specimen of this gypsey gibberish may be curious to those who -are not acquainted with it:-- - - Ya està guardando en la trena - Tu querido Escarraman, - Que unos alfileres vivos, - Me prendieron sin pensar. - Andaba à caza de gangas, - Y grillos vine à cazar, - Que en mi cantan como enhaza, - Las noches de por San Juan. - Entrandome en la bayuca, - Llegandome à remojar - Cierta pendencia mosquito, - Que se ahogò en vino, y pan. - -[483] A new collection of this kind of gypsey romances, was published -at Madrid in 1779, in octavo, under the title of Romances de -_Germania_. _Germania_ is the Spanish name for the gypsey race. - -[484] For example, one in which a young married man, on the third day -after his nuptials, asks his spouse, how many years a man daily grows -older in the matrimonial state? - - Antiyer nos casamos, oy querria, - Doña Perez, saber ciertas verdades; - Decidme, quanto numero de edades - Enfunda el matrimonio en solo un dia? - Un antiyer soltero ser solia, - Y oy casado un sin fin de Navidades - Han puesto dos marchitas voluntaries - Y mas de mil antaños en la mia. - Esto de ser marido un año arreo, - Aun à los azacanes empalaga; - Todo lo cotidiano es mucho, y feo. - -[485] See the collection of Salas, Musa II. &c. - -[486] This appears in the commencement of the following extract. - - No he de callar, por mas que con el dedo, - Yà tocando la boca, ò y á la frente, - Silencio, avises, ò amenaces miedo. - No ha de aver un espiritu valiente? - Siempre se ha de sentir, lo que se dice? - Nunca se ha de decir, lo que se siente? - Oy sin miedo, que libre escandalice, - Puede hablar al ingenio, assegurado - De que mayor poder le atemorice. - En otros siglos pudo ser pecado - Severo estudio, y la verdad desnuda, - Y romper el silencio el bien hablado. - Pues sepa quien lo niega, y quien lo duda, - Que es lengua la Verdad de Dios severo, - Y la lengua de Dios nunca fue muda. - Son la verdad, y Dios, Dios verdadero. - Ni eternidad divina los separa, - Ni de los dos alguno fue primero. - Si Dios à la verdad se adelantàra, - Siendo verdad, implicacion huviera - En ser, y en que verdad de ser dexàra. - -[487] He earnestly condemns the Spanish imitation of the Arabian -tournaments with pointed canes. - - Quexosa es vèr un Infazon de España, - Abreviado en la silla à la gineta, - Y gastar un cavallo en una caña? - Que la niñez al gollo le acometa - Con semejante municion, apruebo; - Mas no la edad madura, la perfeta. - Exercite sus fuercas el mancebo - Enfrentes de esquadrones; no en la frente - De el util bruto el hasta de el acebo. - El trompete le llama diligente, - Dando fuerza de ley el viento vano, - Y al son estè el exercito obediente. - Con quanta magestad llena la mano - La pica, y el mosquete carga el ombro, - De el que se atreve á ser buen Castellano. - -[488] Quevedo’s _Sueños_, or Visions, which are now translated into -almost every cultivated language in Europe, were shortly after their -appearance, introduced into German literature by Moscherosch von -Wilstedt, under the title of _Gesichte Philanders von Sittewald_. The -romance of the Great Tacaño has also been translated into various -languages. - -[489] Pero lo que mas me espantò, fue de ver los cuerpos de dos o tres -mercadores, que se havian vestido las almas de revès, y tenian todos -los cinco sentidos en las uñas de la mana derecha. _Sueño del Juizio -final, o de las Calaveras._ - -[490] An elegant edition of these poems was published by Luis Joseph -Velasquez, the author of the History of Spanish Poetry, under the title -of--_Poesias que publicò Dr. Francisco de Quevedo Villegas con el -nombre de Bachiller Franc. de la Torre_, &c. Madrid, 1753, in quarto. -Velasquez has proved Quevedo to be the author of these compositions. - -[491] For example:-- - - Bella es mi Ninfa, si los lazos de oro - al apacible viento desordena: - bella si de sus ojos enagena - el altivo desdèn que siempre lloro. - Bella, si con la luz que sola adoro - la tempestad del viento, y mar serena: - bella, si à la dureza de mi pena - buelve las gracias del celeste Coro. - Bella, si mansa, bella si terrible, - bella si cruda, bella esquiva, y bella - si buelve grave aquella luz del Cielo. - Cuya beldad humana, y apacible, - ni se puede saber lo que es sin vella, - ni vista entenderà la que es el suelo. - -[492] The commencement of one of these Endechas may be transcribed as -a specimen:-- - - Corona del Cielo, - Ariadna bella, - conocida estrella - del nocturno velo, - Tù sola del coro - de las lumbres bellas, - oye mis querellas, - pues tus males lloro. - Tù fuiste querida, - y olvidada fuiste, - yo querido, y triste, - quien me amò, me olvida. - -[493] The style of the following appears unobjectionable:-- - - Esta por ser, ò Lisi, la primera - Flor, que ha ossado fiar de los calores, - Recien nacïdas joyas, y colores, - Aventurando el precio à la ribera: - Esta, que estudio fue à la Primavera, - Y en quien se anticiparon esplendores. - De el Sol, será primicia de las flores, - Y culto, con que la alma te venera. - A corta vida nace destinada, - Sus edades son horas: en un dia - Su parto, y muerte el Cielo rie, y llora. - Logrese en tu cabello respetada - De el año, no malogre lo que cria, - Aqueta en larga vida, eterna Aurora. - -[494] The following is on modern Rome:-- - - Buscas en Roma à Roma, ó Peregrino, - Y en Roma misma à Roma no la hallas. - Cadaver son, las que ostentò murallas, - Y Tumba de sì proprio el Aventino. - Yaze donde reynaba el Palatino, - Y limadas del tiempo las medallas, - Mas se muestran destrozo á las batallas - De las edades, que Blason Latino. - Solo el Tiber quedò, cuya corriente, - Si ciudad la regò, yà sepoltura - La llora con funesto son doliente. - O Roma, en tu grandeza, en tu hermosura - Huyò lo que era firme, y solamente - Lo fugitive permanece, y dura. - -[495] For example, the following, which is addressed to Astræa:-- - - Arroja las balanzas, sacra Astrea, - Pues que tienen tu mano embarazada; - Y si se mueven, tiemblan de tu espada, - Que el peso, y la igualdad no las menea. - No estàs justificada, sino fea; - Y en vez de estàr igual, estàs armada; - Feroz te vé la gente, no ajustada; - Quieres que el tribunal batalla sea? - Yà militan las Leyes, y el Derecho, - Y te sirven de textos las heridas, - Que escrive nuestra sangre en nuestro pecho. - La parca eres fatal para las vidas, - Pues lo que hilaron otras, has deshecho, - Y has buelto las balanzas homicidas. - -[496] This may probably account for its insertion in the second volume -of the _Parnaso Español_. - -[497] The third book of the first division of these poems, is dedicated -to Fernandez de Velasco, the constable of Castile. In the dedicatory -verses Villegas says:-- - - Mis dulces cantilenas, - Mis suaves delicias, - _A los viente limadas, - A los cotorce escritas, &c._ - -[498] The edition which I have seen, is entitled, _Amatorias de D. -Esteban Manuel de Villegas_. It is printed at Naxera, and on the -title-page bears the date of 1620, and on the final page 1617. - -[499] - - Assi las hebras, que en el alma adoro, - Del Zefiro movidas, - Daran mil muertes, venceran mil vidas. - -[500] - - Ni el mismo Sol resplandecer pudiera, - Si de tu roja frente - No hurtara rayos, para darle al Oriente. - -[501] In this ode Villegas says:-- - - No aspiro a mas laureles que a mi llama: - que offende a sus deseos, quien bien ama: - siga el joven valiente - en polverosa meta carro ardiente, - i el, de todos servido, - feliz privado, a rei agradecido; - siga de noche, i dia - por la campaña umbria - el caçador ligero - al xavalì cerdoso, - ya siendo monteado, ya montero. - Siga por mar i tierra el belicoso - varon, la dura guerra, - i en mar sea delfin, i tigre en tierra. - Que yo, de alagos tiernos persuadido, - seguir tengo las llamas de Cupido, - seguir tengo los fuegos, - adestrado de locos, i de ciegos. - -[502] For example, the following stanzas:-- - - O quan dulce, i suave - es ver al campo, quando mas recrea: - en el se quexa el ave, - el viento el spira, agua lisongea, - i las pintadas flores - crian mil vìsos, paren mil olores. - El alamo, i el pino - sirven de estorbos a la luz de Febo. - Brinda el baso contino - del claro arroyo con aljofar nuevo, - i la tendida grama - mesa a la gula es, i al sueño cama. - Tu solamente bella - nos haces falta, Tyndarias graciosa, - i si tu blanca hicella - no te nos presta como el alva hermosa, - lo dulce i lo suave - quan amargo sera, quan duro, i grave, &c. - -[503] One of these odes commences in the following comic style:-- - - Entanto pues, hermosa casadilla, - que los dos al pavon i tortolilla - imitamos fielmente, - tu con belleça, i yo con voz doliente: - mi voz de tu belleça - cante, qual cisne en su mayor tristeça: - pues por ti mi deseo - es musico suave mas que Orfeo. - Cante el heroico al son de la trompeta - el subito rumor de la escopeta, - i el tragico celêbre - calçado de Cothurno, accion funêbre: - que yo de ti, casada, - lyrico siendo, en cythara templada - cantarê solamente - tu voca, i ojos, tu mexilla, i frente, &c. - -[504] For example in the song (for an ode it is not) in which the -concluding line of each stanza is repeated as a burthen. - - Jurò, que me seria - en amarme tan firme como roca, - o como robre essento: - i que atras volveria - este arroyuelo, que estas hayas toca, - antes que el juramento: - pero ya la perjura - cortar el arbol de mi fè procura. - Este diran los vientos, - que dieron a su jura las orejas: - esto diran los rios, - que por estar atentos - el susurro enfrenaron a sus quexas: - pero los llantos mios - diran, que la perjura - cortar el arbol de mi fè procura. - -[505] One commences thus:-- - - Luego que por oriente - muestra su blanca frente - el alba, que aporfia - sano nos muestra el dia, - i a la tarde doliente: - veras salir las aves, - ya ligeras, ya graves, - i ya libres del sueño - esclavas a su dueño - dar canticos suaves: - las Auras distraìdas, - que soplan esparcìdas - por selvas no plantadas, - o se mueven paradas, - o se paran movìdas, &c. - -[506] The following contains an exquisite picture of the grief of a -bird for the loss of her young:-- - - Yo vi sobre un tomillo - quexarse un paxarillo - viendo su nido amado, - de quien era caudillo, - de un labrador robado. - Vìle tan congojado - por tal atrevimiento - dar mil quexas al viento - para que al cielo santo - lleve su tierno llanto, - lleve su triste acento, - yà con triste harmonia - esforçando al intento - mil quexas repitia: - ya cansando callava: - y al nuevo sentimiento - ya sonòro volvia. - Ya circular volaba: - ya rastrero corria: - ya pues de rama en rama - al rùstico seguia, - i saltando en la grama, - parece que decia: - dame, rùstico fiero, - mi dulce compañìa! - Yoì qué respondia - el rùstico: _No quiero_. - -[507] The subjoined passage presents a specimen of the affectation of -the Estilo Culto:-- - - Los ciento, que dio passòs, bella dama, - los mil, que dio suspiros, tierno rio, - siendo ella esquiva, mas que al Sol su rama, - i el, mas que el Sol, amante a su desvio: - yo cantarè, que amor mi pecho inflama, - i no de Marte el plomo, cuyo brio - en el vaciado bronce, resonante - vengança es ya de Jupiter tonante. - -[508] See the first volume of the History of Italian Poetry and -Eloquence, p. 50. - -[509] Villegas has thus translated one of Virgil’s idyls into Spanish -hexameters:-- - - Lycidas, Corydon, i Corydon el amante de Philis, - Pastor el uno de cabras, el otro de blancas ovejas, - ambos a dos tiernos, moços ambos, Arcades ambos, - viendo que los rayos del sol fatigaban el orbe, - i que bibrando fuego feroz la canicula ladra, - al puro christal, que cria la fuente sonóra, - llevados del son alegre de su blando susurro, - las plantas veloces mueven, los passos animan, - i al tronce de un verde enebro se sientan amigos, &c. - -[510] The following are intended for hexameters and pentameters:-- - - Como el monte sigues a Diana, dixo Cytherea, - Dictyna hermosa, siendo la caça fea? - No me la desprecias Cyprida, responde Diana, - Tu tambien fuiste caça, la red lo diga. - -[511] It is an ode to Zephyr:-- - - Dulce vecino de la verde selva, - huesped eterno del Abril florido, - vital aliento de la madre Venus, - Zephyro blando, - Si de mis ansias el amor supiste, - tù, que las quejas de mi voz llevaste, - oye, no temas, i a mi Nympha dile, - dile que muero. - Philis un tiempo mi dolor sabia, - Philis un tiempo mi dolor lloraba, - quisome un tiempo, mas agora temo, - temo sus iras; &c. - -[512] The stanzas, in which the arrival of Orpheus at the Acheron -is related, may serve as a specimen of Jauregui’s talent for poetic -description:-- - - Llega á Aqueronte, y en su orilla espera, - Las cuerdas requiriendo y consultando: - Vè la grosera barca, à la ribera - Opuesta conducir copioso bando: - Del instrumento, y de la voz esmera - De nuevo entonces el acento blando; - Gime la cuerda al rebatir del arco, - Y su gemido es remora del barco. - Resonò en la ribera tiempo escaso - El canto que humanar las piedras suele; - Quando atrás vuelve, y obedece el vaso - Mas á la voz, que al remo que le impele; - La conducida turba, al nuevo caso, - Se admira, se regala, se conduele, - Y las réprobas almas, con aliento, - Se juzgan revocadas del tormento. - - _Orfeo_, Cant. II. - -[513] The following is a sonnet of Jauregui addressed to the rising -sun:-- - - Rubio Planeta, cuya lumbre pura - del tiempo mide cada punto, i ora, - si el bello objeto, que mi pecho adora - solo le gozo entre la noche oscura; - Por què ya se adelanta, i se apresura - tu luz injusta, i el Oriente dora? - las sonbras alexando de la Aurora, - i con las sonbras mi feliz ventura? - Diràs que el dulce espacio defraudado - ya de la noche, me daràs el dia, - tal que de vida un punto no me devas. - Sì deves (causa del ausencia mia) - que es vida solo el tiempo que me llevas; - i el que me ofreces un mortal cuidado. - -[514] Jauregui’s translation of Lucan was published, together with his -_Orfeo_, under the title of _Pharsalia de D. Juan de Jauregui, por D. -Ramon Fernandez, Madrid_, 1789, in 2 vols. 8vo. The other poetic works -of this author, including his translation of the Amynta, are collected -in the _Rimas de D. Juan de Jauregui, Sevilla, 1618, in quarto_. - -[515] The name of this poet is of Italian origin. He was descended from -a branch of the Italian house of _Borgia_, and married the heiress of -the principality of _Squillace_ in Naples. Both names were, according -to Spanish custom, hispanized, first in the pronunciation, and -subsequently in the orthography. - -[516] I have seen only the second edition of the _Obras in verso de D. -Francisco de Borja, Principe de Esquillache, Amberes_, 1654, 692 pages, -quarto. Some of his poems are contained in the _Parnaso Español_. - -[517] He thus addresses his poems:-- - - A manos de muchos vais, - Versos mios, sin defensa, - Y sujetos a la ofensa - De quien menos la esperais. - Y si en tal peligro estais, - Injustamente me animan - Los que piden que os impriman; - _Pues quando luzir pretenden, - Si oscuros son, no se entienden, - Y si claros, no se estiman_. - El que sabe, estimarà, - Si algun estudio teneis: - A mas gloria no aspireis; - Ni mas el tiempo os darà. - _Quien defenderos podrà, - Serà quando mas, alguno; - Y si es Platon, basta èl uno._ - Que en las frases y en los modos - Querer contentar a todos, - Es no agradar a ninguno. - -[518] He characterizes his own style as follows:-- - - _Sigo un medio en la jornada, - Y de mis versos despido, - O palabras de ruido, - O llaneza demasiada; - Y oscuridad afectada._ - Es camino de atajar - No saberse declarar; - Ya quien se deve admitir, - Estudie para escrivir, - No escrive para estudiar. - -[519] For example, the following, which may be styled the -Disenchantment, (_Desengaño_.) - - Dichosa soledad, mudo silencio, - Secretos passos de dormidas fuentes, - Que por el verde prado sus corrientes, - Jamas, si van ò vienen diferencio: - Vuestra quietud estimo, y reverencio - Con ojos, y deseos diferentes; - Pues ya, ni el ciego aplauso de las gentes - Con ambiciosa pluma diligencio. - Desde la luz, que viste la mañana, - Los passos cuento al trabajado dia, - Hasta que pisa el Sol la espuma cana. - De quanto fue mi engaño, y compañia, - De quanto amè, con ignorancia vana, - En vuestra soledad perdì la mia. - -[520] Even the commencement of this poem, except in so far as regards -the diction, encourages no favourable expectation:-- - - Canto a Jacob, y de su Esposa canto - La peregrina angelica hermosura: - Siete años de fineza, amor y llanto, - Sin premio, sin verdad, y sin ventura: - El engañoso Suegro, que entretanto - Con fingida esperanza le assegura, - Y al burlado pastor, que le servia, - Promesas de Raquel cumple con Lia. - Tu, Musa celestial, que en las estrellas - Segura pones invisibles plantas, - Y en dulce paz de sus legiones bellas, - Sobre las altas fuentes te lebantas: - Si es tuyo el mando, si obedecen ellas - De essas puras esquadras sacrosantas, - Presto descienda de su rayo ardiente - Fuego, que el pecho y su temor aliente. - -[521] Part of one of these poems may be transcribed here:-- - - Llamavan los pajarillos - Con dulces voces al Sol, - Que por aver quien le llama, - Mal dormido recordò. - Escuchava entre las aves - De un arroyuelo la voz, - Que agradecido a su lumbre, - La bien venida le diò. - Entre las ramas de un olmo - Le acompaña un ruiseñor, - Enamorado testigo - De quantas vezes saliò. - _Yo sola triste al son - De todos lloro soledad, y amor._ - En el valle de mi aldea - Zelosa aguardando estoy, - Que salga un Sol a mis ojos, - Que en otros braços dormiò. - Montes dezidle, que siento - De los males el mayor, - Si como al padra del dia - Le veis primero que yo; &c. - -[522] It is only necessary to refer to Velasquez and Dieze. - -[523] It is not now necessary to refer to the old and desultory -collections of the works of Count Rebolledo. They may be found -collected altogether under their respective titles in the edition of -the _Obras Poeticas de Conde Bernardino de Rebolledo, Madrid_, 1778, -in 4 vols. octavo. In this collection the interesting letter in prose, -(Part I. in the _Ocios_ p. 261), in which Rebolledo gives a detailed -account of his residence in Copenhagen, is deserving of particular -attention. - -[524] The three following afford fair specimens of his talent in this -species of composition:-- - -I. - - Dichoso quien te mira - y mas dichoso quien por tì suspira, - y en extremo dichoso, - quien un suspiro te debió amoroso. - -II. - - Lisi, yo te vì en sueños tan piadosa, - como despierta el alma le desea, - pero menos hermosa. - Quién habrá que tal crea? - dos imposibles me fingió la idéa, - y con ser su ilusion tan engañosa - la temo misteriosa, - y que inmortal en mì el tormento sea, - si no has de ser piadosa hasta ser fea. - -III. - - Lisis, este diamante - de mi firmeza simbolo brillante - en que quiso incluir naturaleza - un rayo de la luz de tu belleza, - bien constante, y helado, - a nuestros corazones retratado, - mas puede la experiencia persuadirme, - que es el tuyo mas duro, el mio mas firme. - -[525] See vol. 2. of the _Obras_. - -[526] For example:-- - - Los Estados, de aquel vinculo libres, - eligieron concordes a Christiano, - hijo de Teodorico - de Oldemburg y Delmenhorste Conde - (progenio del famoso Witekindo, - sucesor de los Reyes de Saxonia, - con titulo de Duque) - casó con Dorotéa, - viuda de Christoval, - y coronóse luego en Copenhaguen. - En tanto los Suecos eligieron - a Carlos, y tuvieron - los dos dudosa guerra; - pero siendo vencido y desterrado, - y Christiano en Suecia coronado, - llevó a Dania el tesoro de aquel Reyno: - a que añadió la herencia - de Sleswic y de Holsacia, - por la muerte de Adolfo, - su director y tio. - - _Selvas Danicas_ 1. cap. ii. - -[527] The commencement, for instance:-- - - La selva mas pomposa, - que a su deidad consagra Dinamarca, - tiene por centro un christalino lago, - que de un ameno isleo, - que visten flores y coronan plantas, - es fragrante y lucida competencia, - es hundosa tambien circumferencia: - y él a las bellas Ninfas, - de la deidad al culto dedicadas, - apacible teatro, - donde lazos y redes - suelen tender en las estivas calmas, - a los peces, las fieras y las almas. - Aqui yo fatigado - de un infinito número de penas, - de procelosas iras agitado, - del destino arrastrando las cadenas, - cierto de sus injurias, - y del progreso de mi vida incierto, - no esperado tomé traquilo puerto; - y entre sus verdes y floridas greñas - de la deidad reverencié las señas. - -[528] For example:-- - - Hasta el cordon vestido de ladrillo - de tierra solo el parapeto aprueba, - a quantos en su fábrica molestan - pagan con lo que duran lo que cuestan: - la linea de defensa - al tiro de mosquete no aventage, - ni excedan de noventa, - ni tengan menos de sesenta grados - los ángulos franqueados; - capaces los traveses, - y las golas no estrechas, - entre sí guarden proporciones tales, - que por perfecionar algunas cosas - no queden las demás defectuosas. - - _Selva militar y polit. Distincion_, - (that is to say, _Section_,) vi. § 2. - -[529] For example:-- - - La antigüedad llamó advertidamiente - los consejeros ojos, - son del cuerpo politico y humano - adalides forzosos, - que han de haber visto mucho, - verlo de lejos y de cerca todo, - y recibir especies diferentes, - y por los nervios opticos - comunicarlas al comun sentido, - representando fieles los obgetos, - sin ocultar virtudes ni defetos; - el Reyno que no admite compañia - anda a ciegas sin ellos, - la prudencia Real está librada - en saber escogellos, - y a cuidadoso examen obligada. - - 1. c. _Distincion_ xxiii. § 2. - -[530] The Duke of Veragua’s letter, together with Calderon’s answer, -and the catalogue to which the correspondence bears reference, are -printed in La Huerta’s _Teatro Hespañol_, vol. iii. part ii. - -[531] Satisfactory accounts of the various collections and editions of -the dramas, and other less important works of Calderon, are contained -in Dieze’s Remarks on Velasquez, p. 242 and p. 341. The dramas of -Calderon, which La Huerta has published in his _Teatro Hespañol_, -afford but a partial idea of the poet’s talent; for those he has -selected are all _Comedias de Capa y Espada_, two only excepted; and -of these two, one, which is styled a _Comedia heroyca_, belongs to the -mythological class. - -[532] See the definition of the various classes of the Spanish comedy, -p. 364, 5, 6, 7. - -[533] According to the testimony of travellers, even the most -unlettered Spaniard is so accustomed to follow without effort a -complicated dramatic plot, that after witnessing the representation of -a piece, he will describe all the minute details of the romantic story, -while a well informed foreigner, familiar with the Spanish language, -can with difficulty comprehend a few of the scenes. - -[534] A very superficial criticism on Calderon’s dramatic works, -written by Blas Nasarre, who was prepossessed in favour of French -literature, is contained in the History of Spanish Poetry, by -Velasquez. See Dieze’s edition, p. 341. - -[535] - - _Ines._ Qué ayrosa te has levantado? - Esta vez sola, señora, - no hiciera falta la aurora, - quando en su cristal nevado - dormida hubiera quedado; - pues tu luz correr pudiera - la cortina lisonjera - al sol, siendo sumillér - de uno y otro rosiclér, - deydad de una y otra esfera. - Bien _el concepto Hespañol - dixera_, viendote ahora.... - - _D. Ana._ Qué? - - _Ines._ Que en tus ojos, señora, - madrugaba el claro sol: - dixera, al ver tu arreból - quien à tu rigor se ofrece, - quien sus desdenas padece, - Don Luis.... - - _Bien vengas Mal si vengas Solo. Jorn._ i. - -[536] For example, in a tender conversation which occurs in the comedy, -entitled, “A House with two Doors is ill to Watch.” - - _Lisardo._ Dificilmente pudiera - conseguir, señora, el Sol, - que la flor de girasol - su resplandor seguiera. - Dificilmente quisiera - el Norte, fixa luz clara, - que el Imán no le mirára; - y el Imán deficilmente - intentára, que obediente - el acero le dexára. - Si Sol es vuestro explendor, - girasol la dicha mia: - si Norte vuestra porfia, - piedra Imán es mi dolor: - si es Imán vuestro rigor, - acero mi ardor severo; - pues cómo quedarme espero; - quando veo, que se ván, - mi Sol, mi Norte, y mi Imán, - siendo flor, piedra y acero? - - _Casa con dos Puertas, mala - es de Guardar. Jorn._ i. - -The lady replies to this compliment in a similar strain. - -[537] In the _Casa con dos Puertas, &c._ the valet thus jokes with the -lady’s maid, who is on the stage with her mistress, but both veiled:-- - - _Calabazas._ Mui malditísimas caras - debeis de tener las dos. - - _Silvia._ Mucho mejores, que vos. - - _Calabaz._ Y està bien encarecido; - porque yo soy un _Cupido_. - - _Silvia._ _Cupido_ somos yo y tú. - - _Calabaz._ Cómo? - - _Silvia._ Yo el _pido_, y tù el _cu_. - - _Calabaz._ No me estâ bien el partido. - -[538] An incident of this occurs in the first scene of the piece, -entitled, _Dar Tiempo al Tiempo_, (Give Time to Time). - - _Voz._ Agua va! - - _Chacon._ Mientas, picaña; - que esto no es agua. - - _D. Juan._ Que ha sido? - - _Chacon._ Que ha de ser, pese oi mi alma; - cosas de Madrid precisas, - que antes fueron necessarias. - Vive Christo.... - - _D. Juan._ No des voces. - - _Chacon._ Cómo no! Puerca, berganta, - si eres hombre, sal aqui. - - _D. Juan._ No el barrio alborotes: calla. - - _Chacon._ Calle un limpio. - - _Dar Tiempo al Tiempo. Jorn._ i. - -[539] These stories are sometimes related in the most elegant octaves; -for example, in the play, entitled, _Con quien Vengo, Vengo_, (I Come -with whom I Come), there is one which commences in the following way:-- - - Yo vì en Milan una mujer tan bella. - No digo bien mujer. Yo vì una Diosa, - en los cielos de Abril fragante estrella, - en los campos del sol luciente rosa - tan entendida, tan sagaz, que en ella, - como demas estaba, el ser hermosa, - que parece formó naturaleza - Tal fue, que habiendo, á mi desvelo dado - mas de alguna ocasion, y habiendo sido - agradecido iman de mi cuidado - y no ingrata prision de mi sentido: - habiendo pues á mi temor librado - necios favores, que borró el olbido, - con nueva voluntad, con nuevo empeño, - mudable me dexó por otro dueño. - - _Con quien Vengo, Vengo. Jorn._ ii. - -[540] For example, in the play, entitled, _Bien vengas Mal, si vengas -Solo_, (Misfortune comes Well, if it comes Alone), a lady resolutely -refuses to betray a secret, which her lover endeavours to extort from -her. - - _D. Diego._ Mujer eres: poco importa, - que descubras un secreto. - No aspires, Doña Ana, à ser - el prodigio de estos tiempos. - - _D. Ana._ Quien fue prodigio de amor, - sabrá, serlo del silencio. - - _D. Diego._ No quiere, la que à su amante - no descubre todo el pecho. - - _D. Ana._ No es noble, quien le descubre, - quando vá una vida en ello. - - _D. Diego._ En fin no lo has de decir? - - _D. Ana._ No. - - _D. Diego._ Pues en nada te creo. - - _D. Ana._ Valgate Dios por retrato, - en qué confusion me has puesto. - - _Bien vengas Mal, si vengas Solo. Jorn._ i. - -[541] In _Los Empeños de un Acaso_, (the Consequences of an Accident), -a lover resolves, for his mistress’s sake, to assist his rival in a -case of difficulty:-- - - Qué noble, honrado y valiente, - viendo humilde á su enemigo, - no le ampara y favorece? - No solo pues la licencia - que me pide, le concede - mi valor; mas la palabra, - de ayudarle, y de valerle, - hasta que á su dama libre. - El caso, Don Diego, es este. - Mirad, como faltar puedo - á su amparo, quando tiene - privelegios de enemigo, - y de amigo en mì Don Felix? - - _Los Empeños de un Acaso. Jorn._ iii. - -[542] Thus, a father points out the levity of another lady, as an -example for his daughter to avoid:-- - - Ya ves, hija, lo que pasa, - á quien dá necios oidos - á pensamientos perdidos. - Mira fuera de su casa - una mujer, que ha venido - buscandonos por sagrado. - Mira un amante empeñado, - mira un hermano ofendido, - y mirala à ella en efecto - á riesgo, por un error, - de perder vida y honor. - - _Dar Tiempo al Tiempo. Jorn._ i. - -[543] The piece, entitled, _Tambien hay duelo en las Damas_, (Ladies -also have their Troubles), terminates in the following manner:-- - - Con cuyo raro suceso, - sacando la moraleja, - quede al mundo por exemplo, - que hubo una vez en el mundo - mujer, amor y secreto, - _porque hubo duelo en las damas_. - Perdonad sus muchos yerros. - -[544] For example, the double soliloquies, which run in concert, and of -which the following is a specimen:-- - - _D. Diego._ Habrá hombre mas infeliz! - - _D. Pedro._ Habrá hombre mas desdichado! - - _D. Diego._ Qué no haya una ingrata hallado! - - _D. Pedro._ Que no haya hallado à Beatriz! - - _D. Diego._ Sin duda que la siguió, - el que su vida guardaba. - - _D. Pedro._ Sin duda en la calla estaba, - él que á su rexa llamó. - - _Dar Tiempo al Tiempo. Jorn._ ii. - -[545] The Spanish title which Calderon has given to this comedy, is, -_Darlo todo, y no dar Nada_, (To give all, and give Nothing). - -[546] Called by Calderon, _Las Armas de la Hermosura_, (The Arms of -Beauty.) - -[547] The effect cannot be conceived without the necessary connection; -but the words spoken by the ghost of the prince, when about to head the -army, may be quoted here:-- - - _Alf._ Pues a embestir Enrique, que no hay duda - que el cielo nos ayuda. - - _F._ Si os ayuda - -_Sale Don Fernando._ - - porque obligando al cielo, - que vió tu Fe, tu Religion, tu zelo, - oy tu causa defiende, - librarme a mi esclavitud pretende, - porque por raro exemplo - por tantos Templos, Dios me ofrece un Templo, - antorcha desafida del Oriente, - tu exercito arrogante - alumbrando he de ir siempre delante; - para que oy en trofeos, - iguales, gran Alfonso, en tu deseos, - llegues a Fez, no a coronarte agora - sino a librar mi Ocaso en el Aurora. - - _Jornada_ iii. - -[548] Comparisons of heaven with the earth, and of water with the -earth, through the idea of a flower, were dwelt on with a particular -fondness by other Spanish poets of Calderon’s age. The following is a -conversation between the Moorish Princess Phœnix, (Fenix was formerly a -name for women in Spain), and her female slaves in a garden on the sea -shore:-- - - _Zar._ Pues puedente divertir - tu tristeza estos jardines, - qual la primavera hermosa - labra en estatuas de rosa - sobre temples de jazmines, - hazle al már, un barco sea - dorado carro del Sol. - - _Ros._ Y quando tanto arrebol - errar por sus ondas vea, - con grande melancolia - el jardin al már dirà: - ya el Sol en su centro està, - muy breve ha sido este dia. - - _Fen._ Pues no me puedo alegrar, - formando sombras y lexos - la emulacion que en reflexos - tienen la tierra, y el már, - quando con grandezas sumas - compiten entre esplandores - las espumas a las flores, - las flores a las espumas. - -[549] With all their faults these two sonnets are so beautiful and so -perfectly in Calderon’s style, that they may properly be included in -the collection of examples quoted here.--Prince Fernando brings flowers -to the Princess Phœnix. After all sorts of handsome things have been -uttered, Fernando says:-- - - Estas que fueron pompa, y alegria, - despertando al Albor de la mañana, - a la tarde seràn lastima vana, - durmiendo en braços de la noche fria. - Este matiz, que al cielo desafia, - Iris listado de oro, nieve y grana, - serà escarmiento de la vida humana, - tanto se emprende en termino de un dia. - A florecer las rosas madrugaron, - y para envejecerse florecieron, - cuna, y sepulcro en un boton hallaron. - Tales los hombres sus fortunas vieron, - en un dia nacieron, y espiraron, - que passados los siglos horas fueron. - -To this Phœnix replies in a strain somewhat over poetic even for a -Moorish Princess:-- - - _Fen._ Essos rasgos de luz, essas centellas, - que cobran con amagos superiores - alimentos del Sol en resplandores, - aquello viven que se duelen dellas. - Flores nocturnas son, aunque tan bellas, - efimeras padecen sus ardores; - pues si un dia es el siglo de las flores, - una noche es la edad de las estrellas. - De essa pues Primavera fugitiva, - ya nuestro mal, ya nuestro bien se infiere, - registro es nuestro, ò muera el Sol, ò viva. - Que duracion avrá que el hombre espere, - ò que mudança avrá que no reciba - de Astro, que cada noche nace, y muere? - -[550] - - _Fer._ Valiente Moro, y galan, - si adoras como refieres, - si idolatras como dizes, - si amas como encareces, - si zelas como suspiras, - si como rezelas temes, - y si como sientes amas, - dichosamente padeces, - no quiero por tu rescate - más precio, de que le acetes. - Buelvete, y dile a tu dama, - que por su esclavo te ofrece - un Portugues Cavallero, - i si obligada pretendo - pagarme el precio por ti; - yo de doy lo que me deves, - cobra la deuda en amor, - y logra tus interesses. - -[551] The list is given in the appendix to his _Theatro Hespañol_, -under the title:--_Catalogo Alphabetico de las Comedias Tragedias_, &c. -Madrid, 1785. - -[552] The _Alcazar del Secreto_, and the _Gitanilla de Madrid_, and -several other pieces of merit, by Antonio de Solis, may be found in La -Huerta’s _Theatro Hespañol_. Accounts of the editions of the dramas and -other works of this ingenious writer, are given by Dieze in his edition -of Velasquez. - -[553] This piece is printed with several others by Moreto, in the -_Theatro Hespañol_. - -[554] It belongs to the class of _comedias de figuron_. (See p. 367.) -La Huerta places this comedy at the commencement of his _Theatro -Hespañol_. - -[555] Blankenburg, in his literary appendix to Sulzer’s Dictionary, -expresses a doubt whether there ever was a particular collection of the -comedies of Maestro Tirso de Molina. I can at least state that I have -seen a fifth volume of his comedies, (Madrid, 1636, in quarto), which -contains eleven dramas, chiefly historical and spiritual. - -[556] This is the only drama by Rojas given in La Huerta’s Theatre; and -in the older collections the works of Rojas seldom appear. - -[557] Many of his dramas may be found in various collections. They are -included along with his other poems in the _Cithara de Apolo by D. -Agust. de Salazar y Torres, Madrid_, 1692, in two volumes, published by -one of the author’s friends, who on his part was a perfect Gongorist, -as the title of the collection sufficiently proves. - -[558] Nicolas Antonio, a very incompetent judge in matters of taste, -lauds Antonio de Mescua to the skies. But he is seldom mentioned by -other authors. - -[559] A historical comedy by Guillen de Castro, entitled, _Las -Mocedades del Cid_, furnished Corneille with the idea of his tragedy of -the Cid. - -[560] An elegant edition of the _Historia de la Conquista de Mexico, -por D. Antonio de Solis_, in 2 vols. quarto, was published at Madrid in -1776. - -[561] The following are the historiographic rules of Antonio de Solis, -in his own words:-- - -_Los Adornos de la Eloquencia son accidentes en la Historia_, cuya -substancia _es la Verdad_, que _dicha como fue, se dize bien_: siendo -la puntualidad de la noticia la mejor elegancia de la Narracion. Con -este conocimiento he puesto en la certidumbre de lo que refiero, mi -principal cuydado. Examen, que algunas vezes me bolviò à la tarea -de los Libros, y Papeles: porque hallando en los Sucessos, ò en sus -circunstancias, discordantes, con notable oposicion, à nuestros mismos -Escritores, me ha sido necessario buscar la Verdad con poca luz, ò -congeturarla de lo mas verisimil; pero digo entonces mi reparo: y si -llego á formar opinion, conozco la flaqueza de mi dictamen, y dexo, lo -que afirmo, al arbitrio de la razon.--_Prologo._ - -[562] They are all collected under the title of _Obras de Lorenzo -Gracian, &c. Amberes_, 1725, in 2 vols. quarto. - -[563] Of this the following fragment of a conversation between Fortune -and a dissatisfied person, affords a specimen:-- - -Tampoco será el llamarte hijo de tu madre. Menos, antes me glorio yo -de esso, que ni yo sin ella, ni ella sin mi: ni Venus sin Cupido, ni -Cupido sin Venus. Ya se lo que es, dixo la Fortuna. Que? Que sientes -mucho el hazerte heredero de tu abuelo el mar, en la inconstancia, -y engaños? No por cierto, que essas son niñerias; pues si estas son -burlas, que seràn las veras? Lo que à mi me irrita, es, que me levanten -testimonies. Aguarda, que ya te entiendo, sin duda es aquello que -dizen, que trocaste el arco con la muerte, y que desde entonces no te -llaman ya amor de amar, sino de morir, amor á muerte; de modo, que -amor, y muerte todo es uno. _Crisi_ iv. - -[564] He reduces all mental talents and faculties to two kinds, _Genio_ -and _Ingenio_. But the distinctions he draws between them, are as -difficult to translate as the different applications of the French word -_Esprit_. On this subject he says, among other things:-- - -Estos dos son _los dos Exes del lucimiento discreto_, la naturaleza los -alterna, y el arte los realça. Es el hombre aquel celebre Microcosmos, -y el Alma su firmamento. Hermanados el Genio, y el Ingenio, en -verificacion de Athlante, y de Alcides; asseguran el brillar, por lo -dichoso, y lo lucido, á todo el resto de prendas. - -El uno sin el otro, fue en muchos felicidad à medias, acusando la -embidia, ò el descuido de la suerte. - - _El discreto, Opp._ T. i. p. 389. - -[565] For example, in the treatise last quoted, he says:-- - -Ay hombres tan desiguales en las materias, tan diferentes de si mismos -en las ocasiones, que desmienten su propio credito, y deslumbran -nuestro concepto; en unos puntos discurren, que buelan, en otros, ni -perciben, ni se mueven. Oy todo les sale bien, mañana todo mal, que aun -el entendimiento, y la ventura tienen desiguales. Donde no ay disculpa, -es en la voluntad, que es crimen del alvedrio, y su variar no està -lexos del desvariar. Lo que oy ponen sobre su cabeça, mañana lo llevan -entre pies, por no tener pies, ni cabeça. - -[566] The Spanish title of this work is, _Agudeza y Arte de Ingenio_. - -[567] Si el percibir la agudeza acredita de Aguila, el produzirla -empeñara en Angel: empleo de Cherubines y elevacion de hombres, que nos -remonta à extravagante Gerarquia. - -[568] Es este ser uno de aquellos, que son mas conocidos à bulto y -menos à precision: dexase percibir, no definir, y en tan remoto assunto -estimese qualquiera descripcion, lo que es para los ojos la hermosura, -y para los oidos la consonancia, esso es para el entendimiento el -concepto. - - _Agudeza y Arte de Ingenio. Discurso_ ii. - -[569] These letters are contained in the collection of Mayans y Siscar. - -[570] The _Real Academia Española_, founded on the plan of the -_Académie Française_. - -[571] It is singular that over all Europe, the Portuguese phrase, _Auto -da Fe_, has become current in preference to the Spanish _Auto de Fe_. - -[572] La Huerta includes this play among the four _Comedias Heroycas_ -of his _Theatro Hespañol_, probably for the sake of its elegant -language; for in other respects it would not have been difficult to -have selected a better drama in the class to which it belongs. - -[573] This comedy, which may be found in many collections, is also -included in La Huerta’s _Theatro Hespañol_. - -[574] This piece is also contained in the _Theatro Hespañol_. - -[575] For example, the word _Madamisela_ from the French -_Mademoiselle_. In like manner Cervantes introduced the word _Madama_, -but it is employed only in a comic sense. - -[576] I have seen the third edition of the poetic writings of this -lady. The following is the title:--_Poemas de la unica poetisa -Americana, Musa decima, Soror Juana Inez de la Cruz, &c. Sacolas a luz -D. Juan Camacho Gayna, Cavallero del orden de Santiago, &c. Barcelona_ -1691, in quarto.--It certainly would not be fair to pass by unnoticed -a book of this kind which went through three editions. - -[577] The following is one of three sonnets, in which the authoress -rings changes on the theme, “whether it is better to be beloved without -loving, or to love without being beloved.” - - Feliciano me adora, y le aborrezco; - Lisardo me aborrece, y le adoro; - por quien no me apetece ingrato, lloro; - y al que me llora tierno, no apetezco: - A quien mas me desdora, el alma ofrezco, - à quien me ofrece victimas, desdoro; - desprecio al que enrriqueze mi decoro; - y al que le haze desprecios, enrriquezco: - Si con mi ofensa al uno reconvengo, - me reconviene el otro à mi ofendido - y à padecer de todos modos vengo; - Pues ambos atormentan mi sentido; - aqueste con pedir lo que no tengo, - y aqueste con no tener lo que le pido. - -[578] For example, the following, in which, however, the play of the -Antitheses becomes at last frigid. - - En persiguirme, Mundo, que interessas? - en que te ofendo? quando solo intento - poner bellezas en mi entendimiento, - y no mi entendimiento en las bellezas? - Yo no estimo thesoros, ni riquezas; - y assi, siempre me causa mas contento, - poner riquezas en mi entendimiento; - que no mi entendimiento en las riquezas. - Y no estimo hermosura, que vencida, - es despojo civil de las Edades; - ni riqueza me agrada fementida: - Teniendo por mejor en mis Verdades, - consumir vanidades de la Vida, - que consumir la Vida en vanidades. - -[579] One of these lyric romances begins in the following manner:-- - - Finjamos, que soy feliz, - triste pensamiento, un rato; - quizà podreis persuadirme, - aunque yo sè lo contrario. - Que, pues solo en la aprehension - dizen, que estrivan los daños; - si os imaginais dichoso, - no sereis tan desdichado. - Sirvame el entendimiento - alguna vez de descanso; - y no siempre estè el ingenio - con el provecho encontrado. - Todo el mundo es opiniones, - de pareceres tan varios; - que lo que el uno, que es negro, - el otro prueba, que es blanco. - -[580] It commences thus:-- - - _Nar._ De buscar à Narciso fatigada, - sin permitir sossiego à mi pie errante, - ni à mi planta cansada, - que tantos ha yá dias, que vagante - examina las breñas - sin poder encontrar mas que las señas: - A este Bosque he llegado, donde espero - tener noticias de mi Bien perdido, - que si señas confiero, - diziendo està del Prado lo florido, - que producir amenidàdes tantas, - es por aver besado yà sus Plantas. - O quantos dias ha, que he examinado - la Selva flor à flor, y planta à planta - gastando congoxado - mi triste coraçon en pena tanta, - y mi pie fatigando vagamundo - tiempo, que siglos son, selva, que es Mundo. - -[581] The new edition which I have now before me, entitled, _Obras -poeticas del Excellmo. Señor Don Eugenio Gerardo Lobo, Madrid_, 1758, -in 2 vols. quarto, is printed in a style of elegance by no means common -in Spanish books of that period. - -[582] The title is:--_La Poetica, ò Reglas de la poesia en general, -y de sus principales especies, por D. Ignacio de Luzan Claramunt de -Suelves, y Gurrea_, Zaragoza, 1737. - -[583] He says:--Yo sè, que estas cosas, donde la critica tiene alguna -parte, se suelen bautizar de algunos con el nombre de _bachillerias_. - -[584] See page 323. - -[585] Thus, he says, Homer intended his Iliad, as a book of moral and -political instruction, suited to the most vulgar understanding:-- - -Con este intento escribiò _Homero_ sus Poemas, explicando en ellos -_à los entendimientos mas bassos_ las verdades de _la Moral_, de _la -Politica_, y tambien (como muchos sientan) de la Philosophia natural, -y de la Theologia. Pues en la Iliada debaxo de la Imagen de la Guerra -Troyana, y de las disensiones de los Capitanes Griegos, propuso à la -Grecia entonces dividida en vandos _un exemplo en que aprendiesse_ à -apaciguar sus discordias, conociendo quan graves daños causaban al -publico, y quan necessaria para el sucesso en las empressas era la -union, y concordia de los Gefes de un Exercito.--Book I. - -[586] The following passage will afford a specimen of Luzan’s didactic -style:-- - -Y estos con el vano, inutil _aparato de agudezas, y conceptos -afectados, de metaphoras extravagantes, de expressiones hinchadas, y de -terminos cultos, y nuevos_, embelesaron el Vulgo, y aplaudidos de la -ignorancia comun, se usurparon la gloria debida à los buenos Poetas. -Fuè creciendo este desorden sin que nadie intentasse oponersele. Los -ignorantes, no teniendo quien les abriesse los ojos, seguian aciegas la -voceria de los aplausos populares, y alababan lo que no entendian, sin -mas razon que la de el exemplo ajeno.--Book I. - -[587] He says:--Digo, que se podrà _definir_ la Poesia, imitacion de -la naturaleza o en lo universal, o en lo particular, hecha en versos, -o para utilidad, o para deleite de los hombres, o para uno y otro -juntamente.--Lib. I. cap. 5. - -[588] The following are his own words:-- - -Estos dos diversos assuntos, y fines hacen tambien diversa la Fabula -Tragica de la Comica, y à entrambas de la Fabula en general: à -todas tres es comun el ser un _discurso inventado_, ò una _ficcion -de un hecho_: pero con esta diferencia, que la Fabula Tragica ha -de ser _imitacion de un hecho en modo apto para corregir el temor, -y la compassion, y otras passiones_: y la Fabula Comica ha de ser -_imitacion, ò ficcion de un hecho en modo apto para inspirar el amor -de alguna virtud, ò el desprecio, y aborrecimiento de algun vicio, ú -defecto._--_Lib. III._ - -[589] He says:-- - -Y en fè de que en mi no falta tan debida equidad no pudiendo referir -aqui distintamente, y por menudo los muchos aciertos de nuestros -Comicos, porque para esso seria menester escribir un gran volumen à -parte; me contentarè con decir por mayor, y en general, que en todos -comunmente hallo rara ingeniosidad, singular agudeza, y discrecion, -prendas mui essenciales para formar grandes poetas, y dignas de -admiracion; y añado que en particular alabarè siempre en _Lope de Vega_ -la natural facilidad de su estylo, y la suma destreza, con que en -muchas de sus Comedias se ven pintadas las costumbres, y el _character_ -de algunas personas: en _Calderòn_ admiro la nobleza de su locucion, -que sin ser jamàs obscura, ni afectada, es siempre elegante; &c.--Lib. -III. - -[590] Velasquèz, under the conviction that nothing could be more -correct and striking than Luzan’s judgment on the Spanish drama, has -quoted his opinions at length, and incorporated them in his History of -Spanish Poetry. - -[591] The two opening stanzas of this poem, will afford a sufficient -specimen of the poetic diction of the ingenious author:-- - - Ahora es tiempo, Euterpe, que templemos - el arco y cuerdas, y de nuestro canto - se oyga la voz por todo el emisferio. - Las vencedoras sienes coronemos - del sagrado laurel al que es espanto - del infiel Mauritano al Marte Ibero. - Ya para quàndo quiero - los himnos de alegria y las canciones, - premio no vil que el coro de las nueve - à las fatigas debe, - y al valor de esforzados corazones? - Para quando estará, Musas, guardado - aquel furor que bebe - con las hondas suavisimas mezclando - de la Castalia fuente al labio solo - de quien tuvo al nacer propicio Apolo? - Una selva de pinos y de abetes - cubriò la mar, angusta à tanta quilla: - para henchir tanta vela faltó el viento. - De flamulas el ayre y gallardetes - poblado divisò desde la orilla - pálido el Africano y sin aliento: - del húmedo elemento - dividiendo los liquidos cristales, - y blandiendo Neptuno el gran Tridente, - alzò ayrado la frente, - de ovas coronado y de corales. - Quién me agovia con tanta pesadumbre - la espalda? Hay quién intente - poner tal vez en nueva servidumbre - mi libre imperio? o por ventura alguno - me la quiere usurpar? No soy Neptuno? - -[592] The following three stanzas from this poem will serve to shew -the manner in which Luzan combined his poetic subject with the -peculiarities requisite in a poem written on a particular occasion:-- - - Qual fabulosa antiguedad pintaba - al padre libre, ò al Dardano Xanto, - quando sobre las ondas se asomaba - à oir de algun mortal queja ò quebranto; - ò como al dios Neptuno figuraba - Musa gentil en su fingido canto, - quando iba por el mar con Deyopéa, - Cimodoce, Nerine, y Galatéa. - Tal Manzanares à mi vista ofrece - espectáculo nuevo y agradable: - crece mi suspension, mi pasmo crece - al ver que aquel anciano venerable - conmigo desde el agua à hablar empieze - con apacible voz y rostro afable: - fielmente su discurso no prolijo - conserva la memoria; asi me dijo: - Estrangero pastor, que en mi ribera - buscas tranquilidad à tus fatigas, - vète otra vez, no es este la primera, - y sè tu nombre yà, sin que lo digas: - las bellas Ninfas de esta undosa esfera - únicas son de tu zampoña amigas: - zampoña y voz antes de ahora oyeron; - antes tambien à entrambas aplaudieron. - -[593] These, and the other _inedita_ of Luzan, are included in the -second and fourth volumes of the _Parnaso Español_. - -[594] _Oracion en que se exhorta à seguir la verdadera idea de la -eloquencia Española._ It is contained in the first volume of the ten -quoted _Origenes_ of this meritorious author. - -[595] _Rhetorica de Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar._ Valencia, 1757, 2 -volumes, 8vo. - -[596] See page 351. - -[597] See Dieze on Velasquez p. 265. Lessing has made the Germans -acquainted with Montiano’s Virginia. Though Lessing knew little of -Spanish dramatic literature, even at second hand, he at that time -took an interest in every tragic Virginia, because he was engaged in -a Virginia of his own, which he ultimately converted into his Emilia -Galotti. - -[598] In the fifth act, when the catastrophe is near its developement, -Virginia discourses in the following manner with Icilius, her betrothed -bridegroom:-- - - _Virg._ Casi, Señor, mi gratitud quisiera - no haberte yà elegido por mi dueño; - porque fina lo hiciesse el alma ahora. - Tode el honor, la libertad me vale, - que aùn es mas beneficio que la vida. - Por tu esfuerzo lo gozo, y voluntaria - de tu dominio la declaro sierva: - serà la possession con que te brindo - legitima, Señor, si la acetares. - - _Icìl._ Què corazon, Señora, habra tan duro, - que à ser feliz con tigo se resista? - Assi hubiesse logrado mi fortuna, - con la ruina total de tu enemigo, - librarte de una vez del triste ahogo. - Pero ni puede unir à mis parciales, - sino es à los que vès que me acompañan. - Ni de Valerio sè, ni sé de Horacio, - tal vez por ignorar nuestro conflicto, - ò por la angustia, y brevedad del tiempo. - -[599] _Discurso sobre las tragedias Españolas, de D. Agustin de -Montiano y Luyando, &c._ Madrid 1750, in 8vo. published along with -Virginia. - -[600] The following are his own words:-- - -Por mi ofrezco al publico _La Virginia_; Tragedia que he procurado -trabajar con algun estudio, y desuelo: y si logro que no se desprecie, -serà quanta ventaja puedo proponerme, y esperar por _galardon de mi -fatiga_: mas el _inducir à mis compatriotas, à que imiten este rumbo_, -y à que le mejoren (como le serà mas facil que à mi à qualquiera -_regular ingenio_) cabe unicamente en las facultades de la providencia, -segun la obstinacion de los muchos que permanecen alistados en las -_centurias del ignorante vulgo_. - -[601] _El ignorante vulgo_, is the favourite expression of all the -Spanish Gallicists, whenever they speak of the Spanish public. - -[602] The beautiful commencement of this _Egloga piscatoria_ may be -transcribed here:-- - - Bramaba el ronco viento, - y de nubes el sol obscurecido - horror al mar indómito añadia: - el liquido elemento - de rayos y relampagos herido - contra su proprio natural ardia. - Huye la luz del dia - que el fuego interrumpido sostituye. - De sus cabañas huye - el Pescador al monte mas vecino; - y solo en tan violento torbellino - rotas quedan del mar en las orillas - jarcias, entenas, arboles y quillas. - Objeto son funesto - y embarazo tambien de las arenas - naufragos leños y humedo velamen; - y en elemento opuesto - truecan los hombres aguas de horror llenas, - y las Focas la seca arena lamen. - Con pavoroso examen - advierte, destrozado su barquilla - en la trágica orilla - ALCION; y en el monte, aun mal seguro - recela GLAUCO; porque el golfo duro - abandonar su antiguo seno quiere, - y huir del Cielo, que le azota y hiere. - -[603] The commencement of this romance calls to mind the compositions -of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries:-- - - El Africano alarido - y el ronco son de las armas - en los valles de Gumiel - era saludos del Alba: - Que a ser testigo salia - de las victorias, que alcanzan - contra los infieles lunas - las cuchillas Castellanas: - Quando el valeroso Hizán - sobre una fogosa alfana, - regalo de Hacén, Alcaide - de Font-Hacén y la Adrada: - Desnudo el nervioso brazo, - y el albornóz a la espalda, - esgrime lo muerte en una - Tunecina cimitarra. - Crece la sangrienta lid, - y el suelo de sangre empapan - las azagayas Moriscas - y las Españolas lanzas. - -[604] These and the other poems extant by La Huerta, are included in -the _Obras poeticas de D. Vicente Garcia de la Huerta_, &c. Madrid, -1779, in 2 volumes octavo. - -[605] See the preface to the before-mentioned _Obras_. - -[606] For example, in the following speech of Rachel. The king has left -her; and she meditates on the probable consequences of his absence:-- - - El cielo os guarde. - Quanto, ay de mi, que os ausenteis, me pesa! - Qué es esto, congojado pecho mio? - Corazon, que temor te desalienta? - Qué sustos te atribulan? Ya Castilla, - a mi arbitrio no rinde la obediencia? - Pues, corazon, qué graves sobresaltos - son los que te combaten, y te aquejan? - Sin duda debe ser, que como el cielo - no te crió para tan alta esfera, - como es el Solio regio, mal se halla - tu natural humilde en su grandeza. - Tomen exemplo en mí los ambiciosos, - y en mis temores el sobervio advierta, - que quien se eleva sobre su fortuna, - por su desdicha, y por su mal se eleva. - Mas cómo asi me agravio neciamente? - Mi valor, mi hermosura, las estrellas, - el cielo mismo, que dotò mi alma - de tan noble ambicion, y la fomenta, - no confirman mi merito? &c. - -[607] He utters the following exclamations, while, at the same time, he -endeavours to escape from the perils by which he is surrounded:-- - - O horror! o muerte! o tierra! - cómo a este desdichado no sepultas? - Tus profundas entrañas manifiesta, - y esconde en ellas mi cansada vida: - librame de los riesgos, que me cercan. - Qué susto! que pesar! Nadie se duele - de mi? - -[608] In one of the first scenes, Garcia de Castro avows his sentiments -to the king with the spirit of a true knight and the fidelity of a -subject:-- - - Esa voz, que de escandalo y desorden - el viento puebla, o noble Alfonso Octavo, - Monarca de Castilla, quien por siglos - cuente el tiempo feliz de tu Reynado: - esa voz, que en el Templo originada - profanó del lugar los fueros santos, - y de la Magestad los privilegios - tan injuriosamente ha vulnerado; - si el fin, si los intentos se examinan, - y el zelo que la anima contemplamos, - aliento es del amor mas encendido, - voz del afecto mas acrisolado. - Voz es de tus Vasallos, que de serlo - testimonio jamás dieron mas claro, - que quando mas traydores te parecen, - que quanto los estás mas infamando, &c. - -[609] See page 308. - -[610] The narrative passages in octaves are excellent. For example:-- - - Los jovenes de Crisa valerosos, - con la paz de la Grecia mal contentos, - pues Troya ya rendida, a sus fogosos - espiritus faltaban los fomentos, - para ejercer sus brios generosos, - y noble alarde hacer de sus alientos, - disponen una fiesta, en que se encierra - retrato vivo de mentida guerra. - Previenense caballos y libreas, - ajustanse divisas y colores: - a aquel adornan joyas y preseas, - este copia al escudo sus amores, - Quanto oro dan las minas Européas, - y quantos brotan en Oriente olores, - eran a la lucida compañia - adorno, gusto, brillo y bizarria, &c. - -[611] This collection which has been so frequently alluded to in the -course of the present work, is entitled:--_Theatro Hespañol, por Don -Vicente Garcia de la Huerta_, Madrid, 1785, sq. in 16 volumes, small -octavo. The 16th volume, which contains some critical notices in the -form of an appendix, was published very lately. The 15th volume, which -bears the title of _Suplemento_, comprises the tragic dramas of La -Huerta himself; and the 14th volume presents a choice selection of -burlesque interludes. The work also contains an alphabetic list of most -of the dramas in the Spanish language, which is extremely useful. The -title is characteristic from the substitution of the word _Hespañol_ -for _Español_, according to its derivation from _Hispanus_. - -[612] These expressions are collected from the prefaces to some of the -volumes of La Huerta’s _Theatro Hespañol_. It is not necessary to give -precise references to passages. - -[613] They are included in the first volume of the _Coleccion de Obras -en verso y prosa de D. Tomàs de Yriarte_, Madrid, 1787, 8vo. - -[614] Fables cannot be judged of from fragments; therefore the -subjoined, which is in the popular song form, is transcribed at length. - - Este fabulilla, - Salga bien, ò mal, - Me ha occurrido ahora - Por casualidad - Cerca de unos prados - Que hai en mi Lugar - Pasaba un Borrico - Por casualidad. - Una flauta en ellos - Halló, que un Zagal, - Se dexó olvidada - For casualidad. - Acercósé á olerla - El dicho animal; - Y dió un resoplido - Por casualidad. - En la flauta el aire - Se hubo de colar; - Y sonó la flauta - Por casualidad. - Oh! dixo el Borrico: - Qué bien sé tocar! - Y dirán que es mala - La música asnal. - Sin reglas del arte - Borriquitos hai - Que una vez aciertan - Por casualidad. - -[615] This fable may likewise be inserted here. It is particularly -remarkable for the happy employment of the redondillas. - - Un oso con que la vida - Ganaba un Piamontes - La no mui bien aprendida - Danza ensayaba en dos pies. - Queriendo hacer de persona, - Dixo á una Mona: Que tal? - Era perita la Mona, - Y respondióle: Mui mal. - Yo creo, replicó el Oso, - Que me haces poco favor. - Pues qué? mi aire no es garboso? - No hago el paso con primor? - Estaba el Cerdo presente, - Y dixo: Bravo! bien va! - Bailarin mas excelente - No se ha visto, ni verá. - Echó el Oso, al oir esto, - Sus cuentas allá entre si, - Y con ademan modesto - Hubo de exclamar así: - Quando me desaprobaba - La Mona, llegué á dudar: - Mas ya que el Cerdo me alaba, - Mui mal debo de bailar. - Guarde para su regalo - Esta sentencia un Autor: - Si el sabio no aprueba, malo! - Si el necio aplaude, peor! - -[616] La musica, poema. It has been several times printed. In the -_Obras de D. Tomas Yriarte_ it occupies one half of the first volume. - -[617] For example, the following lines, which occur at the commencement -of the second canto of the poem, and which relates to the invention and -progress of Music. - - En la mas deliciosa - Y mas poblada aldéa - De la feliz Arcadia residia - La Zagala Criséa, - Que asi como de hermosa - Se llevaba entre mil la primacía, - Tambien por desdeñosa - Ganó justa opinion y nombradía. - Con tal delicadeza - De vido la criò Naturaleza, - Y alma la diò tan docil, é inclinada - A sentir de la Música el encanto, - Que en toda aquella rústica morada - Sólo algunos Pastores - Diestros en el tañido y en el canto - Osaban aspirar à sus favores, &c. - -[618] The following passage, which is mere prose, immediately succeeds -the invocation to Nature at the commencement of the poem. - - Las varias sensaciones corporales, - Del corazon humano los afectos, - Y aun las mismas nociones ideales, - En diversos dialectos - Se expresan por los órganos vocales, - Pero si, estando el ánimo tranquilo, - Inspira simples y uniformes sones; - Quando se halla agitado de pasiones, - Nueva inflexion de acentos da al estilo: - El tono de la voz, alza y sostiene; - Tan pronto le retarda, ó le acelera; - Tan pronto le suaviza, ò le exâspera; - Con enérgicas pausas le detiene; - Le da compas y afinacion sonora, - Y à su arbitrio le aumenta, ó le minora. - -[619] The _Bibliotheca Española de los mejores escritores del reynado -de Carlos III; por D. Juan Sempère y Guarinos, &c._ Madrid 1789, in -6 volumes, 8vo. may be consulted with advantage. Useful particulars -respecting the latest Spanish productions in polite literature may also -be found in the publications of some recent travellers. - -[620] _Las Odas de D. Leon de Arroyal._ Madrid 1784, in 8vo. - -[621] For example, the commencement of the ode to Field Marshal -Navahermosa. - - Precioso es el diamante, - y esmeralda de Oriente, - y el oro mas que todo apetecido, - y cada qual bastante - á saciar de la gente - vulgar el vil espiritu abatido, - que nunca ha conocido - el precio que se encierra - en los claros honores de la guerra. - Una verde corona - de laurel, ú de oliva, - á un espiritu humilde es despreciable; - pero no al que á Belona - sigue, para que viva - su nombre entre los hombres admirable. - Nada hay tan codiciable - como la heroyca fama - al que de sí lo mas precioso ama. - -[622] Particularly in the verse which the Spaniards call _Rimas -Provenzales_, viz:-- - - Ay, verde bosque! ay, soledad amada! - ay del manso arroyuelo amena orilla, - do la simple avecilla - con trinos al Pastor humilde agrada! - do la blanca y pintada mariposa - besa la rosa, - y el gilguerillo - en el palillo - de la alta encina - amante trina, - miéntras favonio y céfiro soplando, - el prado van de flores esmaltando. - -[623] The following song will afford a specimen of the poetic talent of -this unknown authoress:-- - - Por Endimion la Luna - desde los cielos baxa, - dexando el blanco carro - por una cueba parda. - Por Adonis Citeres - à pie corre y descalza, - colorando las rosas - con sangre de sus plantas. - Pues si hasta las Deidades - sienten de amor la llama, - y por amar descienden - de divinas á humanas: - Que harè yo estando herida - de la amorosa llaga, - si no darle à mi dueño - corazon, vida y alma? - -[624] I have seen only the first volume of the _Poesias de D. Juan -Melendez Valdès_, Madrid, 1785, in 8vo. The contents of the second -volume are specified in a preliminary notice to the _Bibliotheca -Española_ of Don Juan Sempere. See note p. 593. - -[625] This will be obvious even from a fragment; as, for instance, the -following passage, which occurs in the description of a rustic dance:-- - - Ay! que voluptuosos - Sus pasos! como animan - Al mas cobarde amante, - Y al mas helado irritan! - Al premio, al dulce premio - Parece que le brindan - De amor, quando le ostentan - Un seno que palpita. - Quan dócil es su planta! - Que acorde á la medida - Va del compas! las Gracias - Parece que la guian. - Y ella de frescas rosas - La blanca sien ceñida - Su ropa libra al viento, - Que un manso soplo agita, - Con timidez donosa - De Clöe simplecilla - Por los floridos labios - Vaga una afable risa. - A su zagal incauta - Con blandas carrerillas - Se llega, y vergonzosa - Al punto se retira; &c. - -[626] For example, the following short idyl, as it may properly be -denominated:-- - - Siendo yo niño tierno - Con la niña Dorila - Me andaba por la selva - Cogiendo florecillas, - De que alegres guirnaldas - Con gracia peregrina, - Para ambos coronarnos, - Su mano disponia. - Asi en niñeces tales - De juegas y delicias - Pasábamos felices - Las horas y los dias. - Con ellos poco á poco - La edad corrió de prisa, - Y fué de la inocencia - Saltando la malicia. - Yo no sé: mas al verme - Dorila se reia, - Y á mi de solo hablarla - Tambien me daba risa. - Luego al darle las floras - El pecho me latia, - Y al ella coronarme - Quedábase embebida, - Una tarde tras esto - Vimos dos tortolillas, - Que con tremulos picos - Se halagaban amigas. - Alentónos su exemplo, - Y entre honestas caricias - Nos contamos turbados - Nuestras dulces fatigas. - Y en un punto, qual sombra - Voló de nuestra vista - La niñez; mas en torno - Nos dió el Amor sus dichas. - -[627] As a specimen of the Spanish sonnets of this latter period, one -from the pen of Melendez may with propriety be chosen in preference to -many others:-- - - Qual suele abeja inquieta revolando - Por florido pensil entre mil rosas - Hasta venir á hallar las mas hermosas - Andar con dulce trompa susurrando. - Mas luego que las ve con vuelo blando - Baxa y bate las alas vagarosas, - Y en medio de sus venas olorosas - El delicado aroma está gozando. - Asi, mi bien, el pensamiento mio - Con dichosa zozobra por hallarte - Vagaba de amor libre por el suelo: - Pero te vi, rendime, y mi albedrio - Abrasado en tu luz goza al mirarte - Gracias que envidia de tu rostro el cielo. - -[628] The numerous collection of specimens in this volume, shall close -with a fragment of this epistle, which deserves to rank among the -productions that reflect honour on Spanish literature:-- - - ----Oh que de veces - Mi blando corazon has encendido, - Jovino, con él, y en làgrimas de gozo - Nuestras pláticas dulces fenecieron! - Que de veces tambien en el retiro - Pacifico las horas del silencio - A Minerva ofrecimos, y la Diosa - Nuestra vos escuchó! Las fugitivas - Horas se deslizaban, y embebidos - El Alba con el libro aun nos hallaba. - Pues que, si huyendo del bullicio insano - En el real jardin.... Adónde, adónde - Habeis ido momentos deliciosos! - Disputas agradables, dó habeis ido! - Tu me llevaste de Minerva al templo: - Tu me llevaste, y mi pensar, mis luces, - Mi entusiasmo, mi lira, todo es tuyo. - -[629] _Filosofia de la Eloquencia, por Don Antonio de Capmany_, Madrid -1777, in 8vo. - -[630] He employs, without hesitation, the words _detalle_ (from -the French _détail_,) and _interesante_ in the sense of the French -_intéressant_, &c. - - -[Transcriber's Note: - -Errata on page 610 has been incorporated into original. - -Obvious printer errors corrected silently. - -Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.] - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of Spanish and Portuguese -Literature (Vol 1 of 2), by Friedrich Bouterwek - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE LITERATURE *** - -***** This file should be named 55829-0.txt or 55829-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/8/2/55829/ - -Produced by Anita Hammond, Wayne Hammond, Josep Cols Canals -and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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