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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..88e26fd --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #60831 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60831) diff --git a/old/60831-0.txt b/old/60831-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 34319ba..0000000 --- a/old/60831-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5980 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Between Heathenism and Christianity, by -Charles William Super and Plutarch and Seneca - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll -have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using -this ebook. - - - -Title: Between Heathenism and Christianity - Being a translation of Seneca's De Providentia, and - Plutarch's De sera numinis vindicta, together with notes, - additional extracts from these writers and two essays on - Graeco-Roman life in the first century after Christ. - -Author: Charles William Super - Plutarch - Seneca - -Translator: Charles William Super - -Release Date: December 2, 2019 [EBook #60831] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BETWEEN HEATHENISM AND CHRISTIANITY *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This -book was produced from images made available by the -HathiTrust Digital Library.) - - - - - - - Between Heathenism and Christianity - - Between Heathenism and Christianity: - - Being a Translation of Seneca’s De Providentia, and Plutarch’s - De Sera Numinis Vindicta, together with Notes, Additional - Extracts from these writers and Two - Essays on Graeco-Roman Life in the - First Century after Christ. - - - BY - CHARLES W. SUPER, Ph. D., LL. D., - - Ex-President of the Ohio University, and Professor of Greek, ibidem; - translator - of Weil’s Order of Words, and author of a - History of the German Language. - - “He who distrusts the light of reason will be the first to follow a - more luminous guide; and if with an ardent love for truth he has - sought her in vain through the ways of this life, he will but turn - with the more hope to that better world where all is simple, true, - and everlasting: for there is no parallax at the zenith; it is only - near our troubled horizon that objects deceive us into vague and - erroneous calculations.” - - FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY - Chicago, New York, Toronto - 1899 - - - - -_Copyrighted 1899, by Fleming H. Revell Company_ - - - - - PREFACE. - - -It is admitted by students of history of every shade of belief that the -origin of Christianity and its rapid spread over the ancient world is -the most remarkable fact in the recorded annals of the human race. When -we remember that it was, from the first, more or less closely identified -with the despised religion of the despised Jews; that largely for this -reason it had to make its way against a united front, presented by the -learned and intelligent in the whole gentile world, while the Jews -themselves almost unanimously repudiated it; that the most efficiently -organized government that had existed until then, was indifferent or -hostile; that it set before the heathen world a condition of society in -which all current economic ideas were transformed, and that it demanded -a complete renunciation of its time-honored creeds, we may well ask in -amazement, “How came these things to pass?” - -Second in order among the great facts of ancient history is the growth -of the Roman Empire. Here we see a people at first occupying a few -square miles of territory, compelled for nearly fifteen generations to -exert themselves to the utmost to keep their enemies at bay, suddenly -bursting the barriers that confined them and in less than half this time -bringing under their scepter almost the whole of the then known world. -Rome’s conquests have been exceeded in rapidity, but they have never -been equalled in permanence. - -The triumphs of Christianity and those of Roman arms stand in a certain -relation to each other, notwithstanding the fact that the latter were -gained with material, the former with spiritual, weapons. When the -conquests of the one were ended, the other began. When material forces -had spent themselves, men began to turn, reluctantly indeed, to -spiritual agencies and undertook to subdue the powers of darkness that -had so long held sway in the human breast. While the arms of Rome were -engaged in overcoming the martial opposition of her enemies, Greece was -occupied with the effort to subjugate the passions of men by the weapons -of the intellect. By the time Roman conquests had reached their limits -it had been demonstrated that Greece, too, could go no farther. But -Greece did not fail because there were no more worlds to conquer: it was -because men had learned that her weapons were powerless to compass the -end in view. “He that ruleth his own spirit is mightier than he that -taketh a city,” was the lesson that the best of the Greek philosophers -strove to impress upon men, but strove in vain. - -It will always remain a matter of interest to study the intellectual -sphere in which the old doctrines and the new faith conflict. What was -the best that Greek thought had to offer to the world, and for what -reasons did the world reject it? - -In the following pages I have attempted to put before my readers a -solution of some of the problems to which this question gives rise. No -one will deny that Seneca stood on the threshold of Christianity, while -in the opinion of many he had already passed within; yet all will admit -that, at best, he fell far short of the standard Christianity sets up -for its converts. Plutarch is not claimed by Christians, but he -exemplifies many of their virtues, and commends many of the precepts -they endeavored to put in practice. These two men best represent the -strong and the weak points of characters formed under the stimulus of -earnest effort to lead upright lives and to discharge faithfully their -duties to themselves, their fellow men, and the higher power that -controlled their destinies. I have selected a typical work from the -writings of both as a nucleus around which to group such reflections and -facts as seem best fitted to illustrate the environment in which they -lived and the intellectual inheritance to which they had fallen heir, -while I have allowed each to speak for himself on one of the profoundest -problems that has ever engaged the serious attention of man. - -Surely, it cannot be a merely accidental coincidence that a Greek at -Delphi, a Roman in his adopted city, a Jew in Alexandria, and another -Jew in Palestine, who had been converted to Christianity and had adopted -the profession of a traveling evangelist, should at the same time, yet -almost or quite independently of each other, maintain the doctrine of a -divine Providence or preach a gospel that recognized it as a fundamental -dogma. The treatise of Philo, though no longer extant in the original -Greek, is more extensive than the tracts here brought together. The -three united in a single volume would make a remarkable trinity in the -history of human thought. The feeling was evidently widespread, both -consciously and unconsciously, that God had never before been so near to -men, though but a few had learned that the Word had become flesh and -dwelt among them, full of grace and truth. - -C. W. S. - -_Athens, O., Thanksgiving Day, 1898._ - - - - - CONTENTS. - - -PREFACE 5 - -LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS USED OR CONSULTED ON SENECA 10 - -SENECA: HIS CHARACTER AND ENVIRONMENT 11 - -LIST OF SENECA’S EXTANT WORKS 60 - -SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF SENECA 63 - -CONCERNING PROVIDENCE 78 - -NOTES 104 - -PLUTARCH AND THE GREECE OF HIS AGE 108 - -LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS USED OR CONSULTED IN THE STUDY OF PLUTARCH -160 - -CONCERNING THE DELAY OF THE DEITY IN PUNISHING THE WICKED 162 - -NOTES 214 - -APPENDIX. LIST OF PLUTARCH’S WORKS 218 - - - - - THE PRINCIPAL WORKS USED OR CONSULTED ON SENECA. - - -The following are the principal works used or consulted in preparing the -matter relating to Seneca: - - _Oeuvres complètes de Senèque. Par Charpentier et Lemaistre. 4 - tomes. Paris, 1885._ - - _Oeuvres complètes de Senèque. Publiées sous la direction de M. - Nisard. Paris, 1877._ - - _L. Annaeus Seneca des Philosophen Werke übersetzt von Pauly und - Moser. Stuttgard, 1828-32._ - - _Christliche Klänge aus den griechischen und römischen Klassikern. - Von R. Schneider. Leipzig, 1877._ - - _Lucius Annaeus Seneca und das Christenthum. Von Michael Baumgarten. - Rostock, 1895._ - - _La Religion romaine. Par Gaston Boissier, 2 tomes. Paris. 1892._ - - _History of the Romans under the Empire. By Charles Merivale. 7 - vols. New York, 1863-5._ - - _L. Annaei Senecae opera quae supersunt. Ed. Frid. Haase. Voll. I, - II, III. Lipsiae, 1871-62-53._ - -The two Paris editions have the Latin text and the French translation on -the same page. Both translations are characteristically French, and -consequently very smooth and agreeable to read. But they preserve few of -the salient features of the original, and render the thoughts rather -than the style of Seneca. To the translation is accorded the place of -honor both in type and position. The German version holds very close to -the text and errs, perhaps, somewhat at the other extreme as compared -with the French. The work of Baumgarten is thorough and painstaking. It -is not endorsing all the author’s views to say that it is the best -recent book on Seneca and his times. - - - - - SENECA: HIS CHARACTER AND ENVIRONMENT. - - -Lucius Annaeus Seneca, surnamed the Philosopher to distinguish him from -his father the Rhetorician, was born in Corduba,[1] in Spain, about 4 B. -C.—authorities differ by several years as to the precise date. When -quite young he was brought to Rome by his father. He devoted himself -with great zeal and brilliant success to rhetorical and philosophical -studies. In the reign of Claudius he attained the office of quaestor and -subsequently rose to the rank of senator. In the year 41 he was banished -to the island of Corsica on a charge that is admitted to have been -false, but the nature of which is not clearly understood. - -In this barren and inhospitable island he was compelled to remain eight -years. He was then recalled to Rome and entrusted with the education of -the young Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, who afterwards became emperor of -Rome, and notorious as the monster Nero. For five years after his -accession to the principate, the young emperor treated his former -teacher with much deference, consulted him on all important matters, and -seems to have been largely guided by his advice. He also testified his -regard for him by raising him to the rank of consul. In course of time, -however, the feelings and conduct of the prince underwent a change. The -possession of unlimited power by a character that was both weak and -vain; the adulation of the conscienceless favorites with whom he -surrounded himself; the intrigues or cabals to whom the high morality of -the philosopher was a standing rebuke; and the naturally vicious temper -of Nero, all conspired to prepare the way for the downfall of Seneca. -When the conspiracy of Calpurnius Piso against the monarch was -discovered, the charge of participation, or at least of criminal -knowledge, was brought against Seneca, and he was condemned to die. -Allowed to choose the means of ending his life, he caused a vein to be -opened and thus slowly bled to death. It was his destiny to be compelled -to take his departure from this world in the way he had so often -commended to others; indeed it is probable that his reiterated encomiums -upon suicide as an effectual remedy against the ills of this life, was -not without its influence upon his executioners. They probably wanted to -give him the opportunity to prove by his works the sincerity of his -faith. - -During the closing scene he told his disconsolate friends that the only -bequest he was permitted to leave to them was the example of an -honorable life; and this he besought them to keep in faithful -remembrance. He implored his weeping wife to restrain the expression of -her grief, and bade her seek in the recollection of the life and virtues -of her husband a solace for her loss. - -It was the fortune of Seneca not only to be well born, but also to be -well brought up and carefully educated. That he appreciated the high -worth of his mother is evident from the words, “best of mothers,” with -which he addressed her in the Consolation to Helvia. His father, though -wealthy, was a man of rigid morality, of temperate habits, of great -industry, and possessed very unusual literary attainments. His older -brother, better known as Junius Gallio from the name of the family into -which he was adopted, was for some time proconsul of Achaia, in which -capacity he is mentioned in the Acts, xviii, 12-17. Seneca’s younger -brother was the father of Lucan, the well-known author of the poem, -Pharsalia. Both his mother and his aunt,—he was an especial favorite of -the latter—were not only women of exalted character, but they had -acquired an intellectual culture that was very uncommon for their sex in -their day. - -Our authorities for a life of Seneca and for an estimate of his -character are fairly ample and have been variously interpreted. Nothing -can be gained by taking up the controversy anew. To some of his -contemporaries even, he was more or less of an enigma. Others, again, -regarded him as a time-server, a hypocrite, a man whose professions were -belied by his actions. Still others,—and they are largely in the -majority—are more lenient in their judgment; though they cannot -exculpate him from inconsistencies, they excuse them by pointing to the -extremely difficult position in which he was placed during the greater -part of his life. He has strong partisans who are attracted and charmed -by the sublime sentiments scattered so profusely through his writings; -his enemies, in forming their opinions, lay the chief stress on what -they regard as the inexcusable deeds of his life. It is too late to add -anything to the evidence either pro or contra. All that it is proposed -to do in this essay is to place before the reader a picture of the man, -mainly from his own writings, as the chief exponent of the highest -philosophy reached by the ancient world before this philosophy was -supplanted by the new religion that was destined to take its place in -the thought of mankind. Seneca was next to Cicero, or rather along with -Cicero, the most distinguished Roman philosopher; but as a philosopher -he has received the far greater share of attention. Both were Romans at -heart; both were earnestly engaged in the search for the supreme good; -both were guilty of conduct inconsistent with their professions; both -tried and tried in vain to combine a life devoted to reflection with -with an active career in the service of the state; and both failed. But -Seneca not only had a higher ideal than Cicero; he also came nearer -attaining it. He was less vain, less hungry for public honors and -applause, and attached less importance to mere outward display. As a -thinker Seneca has more originality than Cicero, is less dependent upon -books, knows better the motives that underlie human conduct. Both were -essentially Roman in their views of life, and it is only by keeping this -in mind that we are able to explain, if not to excuse, the lack of -harmony between what they said and what they did; between what they -preached and what they practised. - -Like that of Cicero, Seneca’s was no adamantine soul, no unyielding -barrier against which the vices of his time beat in vain. He had the -Roman liking for what is practical. He tried to be a statesman and was -somewhat of a courtier when to be a courtier and an upright man was -impossible. He was no Socrates to whom virtue, the fundamentally and -intrinsically right, was more important than anything else, than all -else, even abstention from the political turmoil of his time. - -When a long and acrimonious strife is carried on over a man it is -evidence that he is no ordinary person. This has been the fate of Seneca -in an eminent degree. During the Middle Ages, and even after their -close, a great deal of attention was paid to his reputed correspondence -with St. Paul. The National Library in Paris contains more than sixty -MSS. of this pseudo-correspondence. That he was claimed as a Christian -need surprise no one. The poet Virgil shared a similar fate; yet there -is far less in the writings of Virgil to mark him a Christian, or rather -as a writer who was in a sense divinely inspired, than there is in -Seneca to stamp him as a man who had accepted the new faith. The rise -and persistence of such a literature is not an anomaly in the history of -thought. It is not out of harmony with the spirit of an age when the -church was supreme in everything; when all questions were viewed from -the theological standpoint, and when every means were employed to gain -support for the existing ecclesiastical organization. It was honestly -believed that the practice or profession of a high morality, except -under the sanction and guidance of the church, was impossible. It was -taken as a matter of course, that a good man, one who eloquently -preached righteousness, who seemed to be conscious of a struggle within -himself between the flesh[2] and the spirit, must have been enlightened -from on high. Given the internal evidence of Seneca’s own writings, it -was not difficult to supply the complementary external testimony. - -This all-embracing and all-absorbing power of the church lasted about a -thousand years and ended with the Reformation, though it had begun to -decline some two centuries earlier. For this condition of things the -Roman empire had prepared the way. It was the prototype to which, in -part unconsciously and in part consciously, ecclesiastical authority was -made to conform. Notwithstanding the fact that the Gospel was first -widely proclaimed in Greek lands and the body of its doctrine formulated -in the Greek tongue, when the church began to aspire to universal -dominion it naturally assumed the garb of Roman secular authority. The -Eastern Empire was regarded as an offshoot from, rather than as a -continuation of, the empire that had so long ruled the world from the -great city on the banks of the Tiber. The natural consequence was that -the Latin language in time supplanted the Greek, and ecclesiastical -thought flowed in the channels worn by the political thought that had -preceded it. The struggle in later times for the supremacy of the state -as against the church was merely the effort to return to a condition of -things that had existed before the establishment of the church. The -Greeks were not less patriotic than the Romans. The state occupied just -as prominent a place in their minds as it did in the minds of the -Romans. But it was their misfortune to appear upon the scene of history, -broken up into a large number of small polities of nearly equal -strength, and the Greek mind never got beyond the particularism thus -inherited. It was their fundamental concept of government. Rome -represented a more advanced type of political development than Greece, -and if it had been permitted to work out its own salvation without -external interference,—for the city at its worst was hardly more corrupt -than many a modern capital—it might be in existence to-day. The Roman -empire endured so long because it was upheld by the patriotism of its -citizens. This was often narrowly selfish, and frequently grossly unjust -to foreigners, but it was effectual in maintaining the supremacy of Rome -against all attempts from within or without to subvert it. The Romans -that were drawn toward philosophy pursued it in a half-hearted manner -because the state occupied the first place in their minds. To serve the -state was the ultimate goal of their ambition. The emperors, even the -most corrupt, still represented the government and as such received the -homage of good men. If we keep this fact in mind we shall be able to -understand the bravery and devotion to duty of many of the officers and -even soldiers in the imperial forces. More or less out of reach of the -contaminating influences that were so powerful in the capital, they -performed the services expected of them as became Romans. - -Long, long afterward, and when Rome was nominally a Christian city, a -German monk left its walls as he was returning to his northern home, a -far less zealous churchman than he had entered it. Strange coincidence! -The city that had become the head of a spiritual empire was no less -corrupt and corrupting than it had been as the head of a temporal -empire. More than sixteen centuries of experience, some of it of the -bitterest kind, had wrought no perceptible change. The Christian -followed in the footsteps of the heathen. - -For us who have been brought up in the belief that morality and right -and justice have a claim to our services for their own sake, without -accessory support and under all circumstances, the devotion of the Roman -to his government, even the most unworthy, is not easy to understand. -Rome owed her greatness more to the bravery of her citizens in war than -to any other cause. To this virtue they always accorded the foremost -place, and to those who displayed it, the highest honors the state could -bestow. - -But Seneca was a man of peace. This fact had without doubt something to -do in producing the unfavorable estimate some of his contemporaries -formed of him. Tacitus, too, was not a military man; yet he looks with a -certain disdain upon those who devoted themselves to the arts of peace -rather than to the profession of arms. He regards with less favor the -man who has wisely administered a province than him who had extended the -boundaries of the empire. - -We naturally incline to the opinion that no man who respected himself -could accept service under such a ruler as Nero, or Caligula, or -Domitian, unless it were in the hope that he might mitigate a ferocious -temper or avert calamity from personal friends. And yet, many tyrants -since the dissolution of the Roman empire have been served by honorable -men; and they have usually requited their services in the same way, with -exile, or confiscation of goods, or an ignominious death. - -The readiness with which many of the best Romans resorted to -self-destruction as a release from misfortune strikes us with surprise. -Suicide is often mentioned in the writings of Seneca, and always with -approval. It is not hard to understand this attitude of mind if we -recollect the relation the Roman regarded as existing between himself -and the state. The government was in a sense a part of himself, and an -essential part. To the Greek there was still something worth living for -after the loss of country and citizenship. He could devote himself to -literature, or philosophy, or to some more ignoble means of gaining a -livelihood. To the Roman such a thing was well-nigh impossible, -especially if he was a member of one of the ruling families. Exile, -exclusion from service in the state, was to him the end of every thing. -Many Romans of whom one would have expected better things are -inconsolable so long as they are compelled to live away from the capital -with no certain prospect of return. Need we wonder that to many others -life was no longer worth living, and that they freely put an end to it -with their own hand. Often the best men sought surcease of sorrow in -this unnatural way. Those in whom the moral sense was weak, plunged -recklessly into debauchery and sensual gratification. Literature, too, -was corrupted to minister to their corrupt tastes. We know little of the -life of the average Roman citizen; but there is sufficient evidence -within reach of the modern reader to prove that the ruling class had few -redeeming traits. The downward tendency is plainly discernible in the -last days of the Republic. Julius and Augustus Cæsar were men of -depraved appetites and low morals. Their talents as military captains -and administrators, their patronage of letters, and their tastes as -literary men, have somewhat put their moral delinquencies into the -background. There is no doubt that the example of these and such men, -accelerated the evil propensities to which the Roman people were only -too prone. When the lowest depth of moral degradation was reached, as in -the declining years of Seneca, crime and debauchery held high carnival -in the imperial household. There was no wickedness so flagrant, no -species of immorality so bestial, no deed so horrible, that men shrank -from it. For, had they not more than once the example of the prince -himself? It is sometimes charitably said that Nero was insane. There are -men who think it too degrading to human nature to hold it responsible -for his crimes and indecencies. Yet Nero’s excesses were the natural -results of unlimited power in irresponsible hands, when the hands were -servants of a heart that was thoroughly corrupt, and a character that -was weak, and vain as it was weak. The same things have often been -repeated within the last eighteen hundred years; but never was vice so -rampant and so unblushing, on such a large scale, as it was in Rome in -the days of Seneca. - -We must not believe, however, that there was no decency, no regard for -morality, no love of culture, to be found in the Roman empire even in -its worst estate. There were always groups and coteries of noble men and -women who kept themselves free from the prevailing corruption. There was -always a saving remnant that remained uncontaminated. Quintillian was -the center of such a group, and what he was in Rome, Plutarch was in -another part of the empire, for they were almost exactly contemporaries. -The belief in God, in the immortality of the human soul, and in man’s -personal responsibility to a higher power, kept some, perhaps many, who -were not directly under the degrading influence of the court, or who had -the moral strength to resist it, from deviating very far from the path -of rectitude. There were slaves of whom better things could be said than -of their masters. But what were these among so many? - -Seneca and other writers of his time frequently express contempt for -those men who professed to be philosophers, and whose lives brought only -disgrace upon the fair name of philosophy. He does not seem to be aware -that, in a measure at least, he is recording an unfavorable verdict upon -himself. Does he think that his abstemiousness, his untiring industry, -his devotion to study ought to cover his shortcomings? It looks so. He -commends solitude, yet always remained in the noonday of publicity. He -inveighs against riches, yet was the possessor of vast estates, and was -not above lending money at usurious rates of interest. He teaches men to -bear with fortitude the inevitable ills of life, and ends by commending -suicide as a final resort. Compared with Socrates, to cite but a single -name, Seneca was a very unworthy exponent of practical philosophy. The -former took philosophy seriously, so seriously that he not only wanted -to live for it but was willing to die for it. He kept aloof from -politics because he felt that a public career would interfere with a -duty he owed to a higher power. He, too, believed in a Providence, but -with him this belief amounted to a conviction. All his reported words -and deeds testify to this, while Seneca acts and writes as if trying to -convince himself quite as much as others. Socrates had an abiding faith -in a personal God who not only watched over his life, but cared for him -in death. Duty was to him a thing of such supreme importance that he -never hesitated to perform it, no matter what the consequences to -himself might be. Socrates taught nothing he did not himself practice; -Seneca, much. Socrates feared neither God nor man; Seneca was afraid of -both. Socrates expected nothing of others that he did not exact of -himself; Seneca sets up a higher standard of morals than he, under all -circumstances, attained. His precepts are better than his practice. His -fatal mistake lay in trying to do two things that have always been found -incompatible: to be a successful politician and an upright man. There -were others besides Socrates, before the days of Seneca, in whose life -and character philosophy had had more consistent exponents and faithful -devotees than in him. But when they found that philosophy and a career -in the service of the state were incompatible and reciprocally -exclusive, they unhesitatingly gave up the latter. Seneca can always -admire high ideals, but he cannot always imitate them. He is fascinated -when he gazes on the lofty heights to which virtue had sometimes -attained, and he often makes heroic efforts to follow after; but he is -only now and then successful. It is no wonder, then, that Socrates had -even in his lifetime many ardent admirers and enthusiastic disciples -that remained true to his memory, while Seneca had none. - -Canon Farrar is mistaken when he calls Seneca a “seeker after God.” God -was in no man’s thoughts oftener than in his. Nor has any uninspired -writer given utterance to a larger number of noble sentiments and lofty -precepts than he. It is easy to extract from his writings a complete -code of morals, a breviary of human conduct, that would differ but -little from that contained in the New Testament. He is a conspicuous -example of the heathen of whom Paul says, they are without excuse. But -while Seneca is not a seeker after God he can with justice be called a -seeker after Christ. He is an earnest inquirer after the peace that -passeth understanding; after that serene confidence that sustained the -greatest and the least of the Apostles, and the noble army of martyrs no -less. He lacks that Christian enthusiasm that comes only through faith -in a living Christ and in His atonement. - -Seneca now and then caught a glimpse of that universal kingdom which the -company of believers expected would one day be established upon the -earth. He says, “No one can lead a happy life who thinks only of himself -and turns everything to his own use. If you would live for yourself, you -must live for others. This bond of fellowship must be diligently and -sacredly guarded,—the bond that unites us all to all and shows to us -that there is a right common to all nations which ought to be the more -sacredly cherished because it leads to that intimate friendship of which -we were speaking.” - -It is hard to see how he could write the following striking passage -without thinking of himself; for, though guiltless of some of the vices -he condemns, there are others of which he cannot be acquitted. After -defining philosophy as nothing else than the right way of living, or the -science of living honorably, or the art of passing a good life, and -denouncing the fraudulent professors of it, he proceeds: “Many of the -philosophers are of this description, eloquent to their own -condemnation; for if you hear them arguing against avarice, against lust -and ambition, you would think they were making a public disclosure of -their own character, so entirely do the censures which they utter in -public flow back upon themselves; so that it is right to regard them in -no other light than as physicians whose advertisements contain medicine, -but their medicine-chests, poison. Some are not ashamed of their vices; -but they invent defenses for their own baseness, so that they may even -appear to sin with honor.” - -To the same effect is the testimony of Nepos: “So far am I from thinking -that philosophy is the teacher of life and the completer of happiness, -that I consider that none have greater need of teachers of living than -many who are engaged in the discussion of this subject. For I see that a -great part of those who give most elaborate precepts in their school -respecting modesty and self-restraint, live at the same time in the -unrestrained desires of all lusts.” - -Both Seneca and Plutarch are firmly convinced that man is the arbiter of -his own happiness; but the former found great difficulty in making a -practical application of the doctrine to his own case. Notwithstanding -the sorry spectacle presented to the world by many professed -philosophers, neither lost faith in philosophy. It was the court of last -resort. For the man to whom philosophy will not bring happiness there is -no happiness in this world. To the importance and benign influence of -this culture of mind, Seneca reverts again and again. He contends that -“He who frequents the school of a philosopher ought every day to carry -away with him something that will be to his profit: he ought to return -home a wiser man. And he will so return, for such is the power of -philosophy that it not only benefits those who devote themselves to it, -but even those who talk about it.” “You must change yourself, not your -abode. You may cross the sea, or as our Virgil says, ‘Lands and cities -may vanish from sight, yet wherever you go your vices will follow you.’ -When a certain person made the same complaint to Socrates that you make, -he answered, ‘Why are you surprised that your travels do you no good, -when you take yourself with you everywhere?’ If we could look into the -mind of a good man, what a beautiful vision, what purity, we should -behold beaming forth from its placid depths! Here justice, there -fortitude; here self-control, there prudence. Besides these, sobriety, -continence, frankness and kindliness, and (who would believe it?) -humaneness, that rare trait in man, shed their luster over him.” - -Though Seneca’s life was full of contradictions and inconsistencies when -measured by the standard of his own writings, it would be unjust to -charge him with hypocrisy. He was, within certain limits, a man of -moods; a man in whose mind conflicting desires were continually striving -for the mastery. It seems to have been a hard matter for him to attain -settled convictions on a number of important questions. Even the -immortality of the soul, a subject upon which he has much to say, and -which to Plutarch is an incontestable dogma, is to Seneca hardly more -than a hope. His mind matured early and there is almost no evidence of -development or change of views or of style in his writings. He was such -a man as nature made him, and he was on the whole pretty well satisfied -with the product. Though he now and then seems to be conscious of a -certain lack of constancy, and on the point of confessing his sins, he -generally ends by excusing them or by trying to show that they are -venial. Yet the fact that he at times acknowledges a kind of moral -weakness is perhaps the chief reason why Seneca has been so often -claimed as a Christian, while no such claim has ever been made for -Plutarch who sees no defects either in himself or his doctrine. - -The chief problem of philosophy has at all times been, how to make the -judgment supreme in all matters that present themselves before the mind -and how to make the will carry out the decisions of the critical -faculty. When the poet says, “Video meliora proboque, Deteriora sequor,” -he is thinking of this irrepressible conflict. Paul himself was not a -stranger to it, for he exclaims in a moment of self-abasement when -writing to Seneca’s fellow citizens, “The good which I would, I do not; -but the evil which I would not, that I practice.” He, too, finds within -himself a “law,” a fact of human experience, that the flesh wars against -the spirit; that the appetencies are hard to reconcile with the -judgment. Seneca’s own writings furnish abundant evidence that many who -professed to be philosophers used their intellects solely, or chiefly, -in devising means for gratifying their desires. To men of his way of -thinking the Epicureans were a constant object of attack; yet the -Epicureans were generally consistent from their point of view and in -accordance with the postulates of their system. The all-important -question with every man who is in the habit of giving an account to -himself of his life is how to get the most out of it,—how to formulate a -system of complete living. If the individual is the goal, considered -solely from the standpoint of his earthly life, it is evident that he -will act differently in the same circumstances from him whose aim is the -good of society considered as an undying entity, or the happiness of the -individual regarded as an immortal soul. The disagreements of -philosophers have always hinged on these fundamental problems and it is -strange that so little note has been made of them. It is too often taken -for granted that the mere use of the reasoning faculties, that is, -philosophy _per se_, and without reference to the highest good, is able -to make men as nearly perfect as they can become in this life, both as -individuals and as members of the community. It was the conviction that -philosophy had run its course; that it was “played out,”—to use a phrase -more expressive than elegant—that made so many of the best men, in the -first Christian centuries, turn from it and seek refuge in Christianity. -They had become weary of the ceaseless and acrimonious discussions of -the different philosophical schools. Disgusted with contradictions and -inconsistencies, they turned to the Gospel as offering a solution of -problems at which so many acute thinkers had labored for centuries in -vain. - -It has often been remarked that the Roman world had grown old. Every -experiment had been tried, every theory had been suggested that might -lead to complete living; all had ended in failure and disappointment for -those who had the good of their fellow men at heart. He who would -perform a successful experiment in physics or chemistry must see to it -that all the necessary conditions have been provided. If this is not -done, no amount of care in manipulation will bring about the desired -result. The mere presence of the proper ingredients, however pure, will -not insure success. So in society, the existence and vitality of social -forces will avail the reformer in no wise unless he knows how to put a -motive force into men’s minds and hearts that will induce them to aid -him in bringing about the changes he proposes. Some good men have been -made so by a noble system of philosophy, to the practical -exemplification of which they have devoted their lives. Both Greece and -Rome furnished not a few such. On the other hand there have been many -bad men who were made so by following the tenets of a vicious -philosophy. - -There are two reasons why Seneca has, for more than eighteen hundred -years, engaged the attention of thinking men. No doubt the most -important is his extraordinary ability. The world will not willingly -forget the words of a great man, nor suffer his life to pass into -oblivion. It clings to thoughts and deeds that are worthy to survive. -Seneca not only had something to say that men wanted to hear, but he -knew how to say it in such a way that they were glad to listen. Great as -has been the evil in the world at all times it has never lacked many men -who felt that they were made for something better than the daily -concerns that occupied their time and labor. In their better moments -they found pleasure in listening to the voices that spoke to them of -something more abiding than the fleeting affairs of this transitory -life. - -Seneca, too, was intensely human. He frequently furnishes evidence of -extraordinary mental strength while now and then he sinks down in sheer -exhaustion. His mind ranges freely along the whole scale of mental -experiences; and though he dwell, longest on the higher parts, he does -not always do so. The record of such an experience has an attraction for -many men. They see in it a counterpart of their own struggles, and are -rarely without hope that its triumphs may be an earnest of their own. - -The scholar in politics is a character of whom we hear a good deal, but -as a matter of fact, scholarship, in the true sense of the word, and -successful politics, as the world understands success, are a combination -that has rarely been made. Again, an ecclesiastical statesman, strictly -speaking, is an equally rare phenomenon and has been since the days of -the supremacy of the Romish church. The greater the success of the -ecclesiastic in statecraft, the farther he departed from the -prescriptions of the church, or at least of the Gospel. How often has -the experience of Wolsey been anticipated or repeated; and many men, -both laics and priests, have felt the truth of Shakespeare’s thoughts, -if they have not expressed them in his words: - - “Had I but served my God with half the zeal - I served my king, he would not in mine age - Have left me naked to mine enemies.” - -We still hope to find a place for the scholar in politics, but we have -given up the search so far as the ecclesiastic is concerned. Yet in -Seneca we have a man who had mastered all the knowledge of his time; who -was by no means an unsuccessful preacher of righteousness, and who, -nevertheless, was a successful courtier and statesman during part of his -life. He might have been both to the ending of his days in peace, had it -not been his fate to serve one of the worst rulers that ever lived. The -secret of his undying fame then is his ability and his whilom position -at the court that ruled the greatest empire of the world. It is probable -that the cause of his exile, at an age when he had as yet not written -very much, so far as we know, was his prominence in a way that was -distasteful to the emperor Claudius. While there was nothing in his past -life or present conduct to justify putting him to death, his removal -from Rome seemed desirable to the reigning monarch and his most -influential advisers. But even in exile Seneca was not a man calmly to -permit his enemies to forget him; nor would his friends suffer him to be -forgotten. - -Notwithstanding his sudden elevation to a position of great importance -in the empire, he seems never to have lost sight of the fact that he was -standing on the edge of a precipice from which he might be thrust at any -moment, and that he still had need of all the consolation his philosophy -could afford. Boissier rightly says, “Though praetor and consul he -remained not the less a sage who gives instruction to his age; while he -was governing the Romans he preached virtue to them.” And he might have -added, “to himself,” for it is evident from many passages in his works -that he had himself in view no less than others. He strove to fortify -his own soul against temptations by giving expression to the tenets of -his philosophy, just as men find relief in sorrow by recording the -thoughts that pass through their minds. We may be certain, too, that to -his contemporaries his speech often sounded bolder and freer than to us -with our inadequate knowledge of the inner life of the Roman -court-circle, and accustomed as we are to the freedom of criticism to -which all our public characters, not excepting sovereigns, are subject. -They doubtless saw in many of his pithy sayings, allusions, whether -always intentional or not, does not matter, to occurrences to which we -no longer have the key. And we may be sure that he was not without an -abundance of enemies and detractors. A few of these have left themselves -on record for us. There were, doubtless, also many persons who were wont -to sneer at the man who professed to find the highest good in a -contemplative life; in devotion to an ideal that differed so widely from -the reality in which he lived; and who could yet maintain his influence -at a court of which little that was good could be said. Every society -contains a certain number of members who regard all who endeavor to lead -a better life than they themselves do, or whose ideals are higher than -their own, as offering a sort of personal challenge or directing a -rebuke at them which they must needs resent. Seneca was himself -conscious that his life and professions were sometimes irreconcilable. -He says: “To the student who professes his wish and hope to rise to a -loftier grade of virtue, I would answer that this is my wish also, but I -dare not hope it. I am preoccupied with vices. All I require of myself -is, not to be equal to the best, but only to be better than the bad.” - -On the much-debated question of Seneca’s responsibility for the vices of -Nero, Merivale is probably right in saying that he must soon have become -aware that it was impossible to make even a reasonably virtuous man out -of his pupil. Under such circumstances it was natural for him to -conclude that the best thing to be done was to allow the youth to -indulge in private vices in order to keep him from injuring others. The -morality he impressed upon Nero, the modern writer sums up in these -words: “Be courteous and moderate; shun cruelty and rapine; abstain from -blood; compensate yourself with the pleasures of youth without -compunction; amuse yourself, but hurt no man.” This principle was a -dangerous one, as we now know; but it is easy to be wise after the -event. A philosopher ought to have known that it is never safe to make a -compromise with vice. Our philosopher did not know it, or, knowing it, -was willing to take the risk. - -It is doubtless some of his detractors that he has in mind in his -defense of riches. He can see no harm in large possessions when they -have been honestly, or at least lawfully, acquired and are properly -used. It may help us to understand his attitude in this matter if we -compare it with that of some of the ministers of our own day, and with -some of the ecclesiastical dignitaries of the past. Seneca’s philosophy -did not come to him as a divine command. It was the fruit of his own -cogitation in the search for the supreme good. But there are men in our -day, as there have always been, who are not only members of the church -but preachers of the Gospel, who are both rich themselves and apologists -of the rich. Yet they profess to be followers of the Son of God; of Him -who taught that it is exceedingly difficult for a rich man to enter the -kingdom of heaven. Seneca did not profess to seek this kingdom. His -search was after the kingdom of earthly felicity, and he could not see -why riches should be an obstacle to his entering it. - -Seneca was a good exemplar of the truth of a saying quoted by Xenophon -in his Memorabilia of Socrates to the effect that even an upright man is -sometimes good, sometimes bad. His writings convey the impression that -their author is always under stress. The philosophical composure of -which he has much to say, is an aspiration and a hope, not a fruition. -When he speaks of the passions he sees them in their intensity. He seems -to regard all men as either very good or very bad, and finds the latter -class to include the great body of mankind. He fails to realize that the -majority belong to neither extreme. The theater on which he saw the game -of life played probably never had its counterpart in the world. He -stands at one extreme and Plutarch at the other, just as the social -circle in which each moved and knew best is the antipode of the other. -Both looked too intently and exclusively upon the merely external. -Though Plutarch judges the average man more correctly, neither possessed -sufficient penetration of intellect to fathom all the passions that -dominate or agitate the soul. Plutarch was most familiar with the man -who is concerned with the ordinary affairs of life; Seneca knew best the -corrupt crowd that sought to ingratiate itself into the favor of those -who controlled the destinies of all about them, and, in a measure, of -the entire world. Both were much in the public eye, but the public was a -widely different one. Plutarch sought to make an impression by the arts -of persuasion alone; Seneca, by all the arts that are within the power -of a resourceful intellect. How much he was in the public eye is evident -from the statement of Tacitus that his last words were written down and -at once made public. His friends no less than his enemies desired this: -his enemies, because they were eagerly watching for a final opportunity -to prove that this famous preacher of an exalted philosophy would, after -all, prove to be nothing more than a maker of fine phrases when the -crucial test came; his friends, in order to furnish indubitable evidence -that he had been true to his teachings to the end. - -It is a noteworthy fact that should always be kept in mind in the study -of the writings of the ancients, and the career of their statesmen, that -there existed no universal conscience to which men could appeal. Even -the separate states were without any considerable party among their -citizens who shared the conviction that there exist eternal principles -of justice that demand the recognition of rights for all living beings, -for slaves as well as for brutes, whether they are in position to -enforce these rights or not. There was an interminable struggle of class -with class, each striving to wrest from the other the privileges they -withheld as long as they could, and finally granted only so far as they -could no longer be withheld. The political economy of the ancients did -not concern itself with making the public burdens bear as lightly as -possible on each member of the body politic, and compelling even the -most refractory to contribute their share; the problem was almost -invariably how to raise the largest amount of public revenue. Only a -part,—often but a small part, especially under the later republic—found -its way into the imperial fisc. Most of it flowed into the coffers of -the farmers of the revenue, and for this reason their representatives, -the publicans or tax-gatherers, were so thoroughly detested. Their -relation to the citizens was entirely different from the modern officers -of the government who perform the same functions. Every privilege or -alleviation granted by the governing class was usually wrung from it by -force or threats on the part of the subject. Generally speaking, the -empire was more lenient than the republic because the emperors needed -the support of the mass of their subjects against the turbulent and -avaricious nobility. The spirit of altruism that is such a powerful -force in our day is of very modern growth. It was introduced into the -world by Christianity, but its development was not rapid. Sociology as a -scientific term is but little older than the present generation; nor -does the study of political economy as a science extend far into the -last century. That remarkable people, the Jews, have from time -immemorial recognized the claims of a brother in the faith, upon every -other, for aid and sympathy. Their voluntary contributions for the -maintenance of the temple at Jerusalem and its ritual, no matter how -widely scattered they might be, is the earliest indication of a spirit -of altruism, the recognition of an obligation that was coextensive with -the faith. The Jews, however, made but a faint impression upon the -thought of antiquity. This is evident from the way they are treated by -Greek writers without exception. They were perhaps never more numerous -or more influential than during the last two or three centuries B. C. -and the first century after Christ, until the destruction of Jerusalem. -Yet Plutarch, who was the most widely read man of his time, and who -might easily have obtained his knowledge of their doctrines almost at -first hand from the Septuagint, does not show in a single line that he -ever thought this knowledge worth the trouble. When he mentions the Jews -it is only to disparage them, and to betray the grossest ignorance of -their religion and their nationality. The same is true of Seneca and the -other Roman writers. Tacitus, who professes to give an account of their -origin and of some of the tenets of their religion, shamefully -misrepresents both, while he holds the people up to the scorn of his -countrymen. So little are the most intelligent men often aware of the -occult forces at work in the world, and so ready are they to pour -contempt upon everything that does not accord with their preconceived -opinions! - -The early Christians, as is well known, were reluctant to believe that -the new doctrines were intended for Gentiles as well as Jews. Both the -New Testament and some of the church fathers testify to this fact. -Merivale makes it clear that Tertullian believed that Christianity must -always, to some extent, stand apart from the ordinary march of events, -and that the true faith could only be held by a chosen few. He does not -intend his words to be understood in their spiritual significance, that -many are called but few chosen, and he makes this plain by adding that -the Roman emperors might themselves have been Christians, if governments -could become Christian; in other words “mankind in general were equally -incapable of moral renovation and spiritual conversion.” - -Though Seneca was, during almost his whole life in the public eye and -lived amid the toil and turbulence of the busiest city in the world, he -professed a distaste for crowds. He tries to dissuade those who value -their peace of mind, but especially those who are truly devoted to -philosophy, from seeking popular applause. He loves to be the center of -a circle of choice spirits, to associate on intimate terms with men of -like aims and tastes with his own. It is almost exclusively against the -vices of the rich and the great that he declaims. Only in “good society” -is he at home; in fact he seems to know no other, has nothing in common -with any other. He is profoundly ignorant, with Plutarch, of the fact -that society cannot be reformed from the top or from within. Yet the -refinements of luxury are hateful to him, and from boyhood to the end of -his days he lived a frugal life. - -How easy it is for Seneca to talk, to express himself in words whether -with tongue or pen, becomes evident not only from a glance at the -subjects upon which he writes, some of which are of the same tenor with -those discussed by his equally fluent predecessor, Cicero, but from his -own direct testimony. At the beginning of the Fifth Book on Benefits he -tells his readers that he has virtually exhausted the subject. Yet he -runs on through three more Books, apparently for no other reason than -because he finds pleasure in discussing every question that has the -remotest connection with the main theme. The result is that the portion -which he considers irrelevant is almost as long as the treatise proper. - -I have once or twice in the present essay, touched upon the most -prominent feature of the Roman character, but the phenomenon is so -important, contributes so much to a proper estimate of the career of -Seneca, and goes so far toward reconciling the apparent or real -inconsistencies between his life and his doctrines, between his words -and his deeds, that it is necessary to dwell upon the point at greater -length. The Romans were, above everything else, men of the world; men -who laid the greatest possible stress on practical activity in the -service of the state; men who were wholly out of their sphere when this -outlet for their energies was closed to them. Greece gave birth to many -individuals who lived entirely, or at least chiefly, in the realm of -their thoughts; or as Jean Paul says of the Germans, the air was their -domain. The precincts of abstract speculation lay in a region never -entered by a Roman. A few trod the outer courts under the guidance of -Greeks, but not one ever penetrated farther. The Romans had no -literature of their own, no music, no pictorial or plastic arts, no -architecture. Though so long under the intellectual tutelage of Greece, -their taste was not refined, nor was a genuine love of culture inherent -in the nation. It saw no use for these things because they were not -practical; could not be employed in the service of the government. The -occasional efforts of the emperors and of some of the leading families -to elevate the national taste produced but meager results. Such being -the case, what was there for the average Roman to do when he had become -rich, or had no public duty to perform, and wanted to “have a good -time”? There is abundant evidence within our reach to enable us to -answer this question. He plunged headlong into debaucheries so shameful -that the modern pen shrinks from describing them, and the mind from -contemplating them. Fortunes were sometimes spent on a single banquet. -The Roman baths ministered equally to luxury and licentiousness. In -short, it seems as if all the ingenuity of the empire had at times been -exerted to the utmost to devise new methods of sensual gratification. - -But he could not indulge incessantly in bacchanalian orgies; the jaded -body needed some relaxative that could be found neither in sleep nor in -such business that could not be delegated to a subordinate. There he -regaled himself with the sight of blood. The huge structures erected for -the gladiatorial combats testify to the Roman passion for these cruel -sports. Every living creature that could be induced to fight was -exhibited in the arena where men and women took equal delight in the -bloody spectacle. Lecky, in his History of European Morals, sets forth -in graphic colors the pomp and circumstance with which these horrible -exhibitions were given. I cannot do better than to transcribe his words: -“The gladiatorial games form, indeed, the one feature of Roman society -which to a modern mind is almost inconceivable in its atrocity. That not -only men, but women, in an advanced period of civilization—men and women -who not only professed, but very frequently acted upon, a high code of -morals—should have made the carnage of men their habitual amusement; -that all this should have continued for centuries, with scarcely a -protest, is one of the most startling facts in moral history. It is, -however, perfectly normal, and in no degree inconsistent with the -doctrine of natural moral perceptions, while it opens out fields of -ethical enquiry of a very deep, though painful interest.” - -“The mere desire for novelty impelled the people to every excess or -refinement of barbarity. The simple combat became at last insipid, and -every variety of atrocity was devised to stimulate the flagging -interest. At one time a bear and a bull, chained together, rolled in -fierce contest along the sand; at another, criminals dressed in the -skins of wild beasts, were thrown to bulls, which were maddened by -red-hot irons, or by darts tipped with burning pitch. Four hundred bears -were killed in a single day under Caligula; three hundred on another day -under Claudius. Under Nero, four hundred tigers fought with bulls and -elephants; four hundred bears and three hundred lions were slaughtered -by his soldiers. In a single day, at the dedication of the Colosseum by -Titus, five thousand animals perished. Under Trajan, the games continued -for one hundred and twenty-three successive days. Lions, tigers, -elephants, rhinoceroses, hippopotami, giraffes, bulls, stags, even -crocodiles and serpents, were employed to give novelty to the spectacle. -Nor was any form of human suffering wanting. The first Gordian, when -edile, gave twelve spectacles, in each of which from one hundred and -fifty to five hundred pair of gladiators appeared. Eight hundred pair -fought at the triumph of Aurelian. Ten thousand men fought during the -games of Trajan. Nero illumined his gardens during the night by -Christians burning in their pitchy shirts. Under Domitian, an army of -feeble dwarfs was compelled to fight, and more than once female -gladiators descended to perish in the arena.” - -“So intense was the craving for blood, that a prince was less unpopular -if he neglected the distribution of corn than if he neglected the games; -and Nero himself, on account of his munificence in this respect, was -probably the sovereign who was most beloved by the Roman multitude.” - -“It is well for us to look steadily on such facts as these. They display -more vividly than any mere philosophical disquisition the abyss of -depravity into which it is possible for human nature to sink. They -furnish us with striking proofs of the reality of the moral progress we -have attained, and they enable us in some degree to estimate the -regenerating influence that Christianity has exercised in the world. For -the destruction of the gladiatorial games is all its work. Philosophers, -indeed, might deplore them, gentle natures might shrink from their -contagion, but to the multitude they possessed a fascination which -nothing but the new religion could overcome.” - -How deeply the virulent poison of inhumanity and the insatiable thirst -for blood had infected the Roman people is further evident, not only -from the means employed to make these sanguinary spectacles as -fascinating as possible, but also from the impress they made upon the -current phraseology. Lecky says further: “No pageant has ever combined -more powerful elements of attraction. The magnificent circus, the -gorgeous dresses of the assembled court, the contagion of a passionate -enthusiasm thrilling almost visibly through the mighty throng, the -breathless silence of expectation, the wild cheers bursting -simultaneously from eighty thousand tongues, and echoing to the -fartherest outskirts of the city, the rapid alternations of the fray, -the deeds of splendid courage that were manifested, were all well fitted -to entrance the imagination. The crimes and servitude of the gladiator -were for a time forgotten in the blaze of glory that surrounded him. -Representing to the highest degree that courage which the Romans deemed -the first of virtues, the cynosure of countless eyes, the chief object -of conversation in the metropolis of the universe, destined, if -victorious, to be immortalized in the mosaic and the sculpture, he not -unfrequently rose to heroic grandeur.... Beautiful eyes, trembling with -passion, looked down upon the fight, and the noblest ladies of Rome, -even the empress herself, had been known to crave the victor’s love. We -read of gladiators lamenting that the games occurred so seldom, -complaining bitterly if they were not permitted to descend into the -arena, scorning to fight except with the most powerful antagonists, -laughing aloud at their wounds when dressed, and at last, when prostrate -in the dust, calmly turning their throats to the sword of the conqueror. -The enthusiasm that gathered round them was so intense that special laws -were found necessary, and were sometime insufficient, to prevent -patricians from enlisting in their ranks, while the tranquil courage -with which they never failed to die, supplied the philosopher with his -most striking examples. The severe continence that was required before -the combat, contrasting vividly with the licentiousness of Roman life, -had even invested them with something of a moral dignity; and it is a -singularly suggestive fact, that, of all pagan characters, the gladiator -was selected by the fathers as the closest approximation to a Christian -model. St. Augustine tells us how one of his friends, being drawn to the -spectacle, endeavored by closing his eyes to guard against a fascination -that he knew to be sinful. A sudden cry caused him to break his -resolution, and he never could withdraw his gaze again.” - -The Roman people clung with amazing tenacity to this gruesome sport. -Nero instituted, in a private way, games after the Grecian model, and -Hadrian made a similar effort on a larger scale; but the public took -little interest in them while sturdy Romans protested against these -Hellenic corruptions. - -I have dwelt somewhat at length on this singular institution, both -because it was peculiar to ancient Rome and because, above everything -else, it throws light on the character of its populace. It is true that -men of kindly natures like Virgil and Cicero condemned these atrocious -pastimes, or at least took no pleasure in them, but their influence -produced no effect on public opinion. Nothing that Seneca has written is -more to his credit than the vigorous language he employs in denunciation -of the gladiatorial combats. - -A life devoted to study and speculation was to a Roman citizen -impossible. Cicero, who did more than any of his countrymen to -naturalize Greek philosophy on Roman soil through the medium of the -Latin language, was a practical statesman. When forced to retire from -the service of the state he longed to return to its labors, -notwithstanding the dangers to be incurred. Livy and Virgil devoted -their lives almost exclusively to the glorification of the past in -extolling the heroes by whose toil, endurance, and self-sacrifice, the -Rome of their day had become what it was. Though in a sense living in -retirement, their thoughts were none the less upon the state; their time -and talents not the less devoted to its service. To a Roman the state -embodied almost everything worth living for; asceticism was impossible -for him. Even when not actively engaged in public affairs he found -pleasure in observing, at close range, the machinery of government in -action. He longed to live and move in the strife and turmoil of the -capital. We need not wonder that Ovid, in exile, was ready to submit -with cheerful alacrity to any moral indignity, and to humiliate himself -in the dust before his emperor, would he but permit him to return to the -city which his spirit had never left. Seneca’s conduct, when in -banishment, was even less to his credit than that of Ovid, inasmuch as -he professed to be governed by far higher principles. He thought he was -a philosopher, yet when compelled to live in Corsica where he had all -his time to devote to study and meditation, he was wretched in the -extreme; belittled himself by the most degrading exhibition of -servility; did not scruple to stoop to the most shameful falsehoods and -the most disgusting flattery in order to bring about his recall. His -encomium on solitude, and his aversion to crowds, if they are anything -more than mere theory, are the result of larger experience and of deeper -insight into the human heart. Yet it is hardly open to doubt that he -could have gone into voluntary retirement at any period of his life, -except perhaps near its close. - -It has been said of the emperor Marcus Aurelius, that his mind was more -Greek than Roman. While it is true that he loved philosophy, and studied -it daily, he did so in the belief that in this way he could the better -prepare his mind and heart to perform the duties which his exalted -station imposed upon him. He seems never to have seriously entertained -the thought that it was in his power at all times to lay down his -official burdens in order to follow his natural inclinations. His -highest ideal of virtue was to cultivate and strengthen his sense of -duty; but this duty was primarily political. - -There is little doubt that the conspicuous place occupied by the state -in the mind of every Roman citizen prepared the way for the deification -of the emperors, a form of adulation that in the course of time wrought -untold mischief, and led to the most abject servility on the part of men -of whom one would have expected better things. Baumgarten devotes many -pages to a discussion of this curious feature of Roman politics. In the -nature of the case this deification had no regard whatever to the -personal character of the sovereign. It elevated him to the skies, -solely as the personification of the largest possible power entrusted to -a mortal. When in the course of time all the functions of the government -were concentrated in the hands of a single individual, it was natural -that he should become an object of worship, at least in a sense, even -during his lifetime, and as a matter of course placed among the gods at -his death. We shall find this transition easy if we consider further the -character of the gods of antiquity. They were not distinguished from -mortals by higher attributes, but only by the possession of greater -power. A god, in the popular estimation, was not necessarily any better -than a man—he was only stronger. His good-will was to be gained and his -ill-will averted by precisely the same means that were employed in the -case of men. The Roman gods were, in a far larger measure than those of -the Greeks, personifications of abstract qualities. There was thus a -wide scope for projecting into their character the salient traits of the -worshiper. - -The gods, then, being an abstraction, and the state being the mightiest -visible representation of human power, it required no great effort of -the imagination to regard its head as divine, in the sense which the -Romans attached to the term. The unthinking multitude naturally fell in -with the ideas of their leaders, and even the better class of men rarely -protested because they considered the ceremony of little moment, or -because protests would have been unavailing. - -Strangely, too, the belief in fate, in an inevitable destiny, did much -to paralize the free action of many of the bravest men. The fate of the -republic, the destiny of the Roman people, regarded as an immutable law -of nature, the utter insignificance of the individual either expressed -or implied, are ideas that figure prominently in the literature of -ancient Rome. It has been truly said that Rome attained its greatness -without great men. Almost from its remotest beginnings it was like an -organism in which each separate cell, though incapable of life by -itself, performs its function as part of a whole and contributes to its -life and growth. In this case the cell, as we may designate each -individual moral entity, though conscious in a sense of a life apart, -was powerless to modify the whole organism. - -To what extent the Roman emperors took their apotheosis seriously we -have scant means of knowing. It is well established that a few of them -regarded it as a huge joke. But it is beyond question that on the great -mass of the people it had a most deleterious effect. How could it be -otherwise, when some of them reached the lowest depths of degradation to -which human nature could sink? When the monarch in his official capacity -was recognized not only as the political and military head of the -government but also its divine head, it is easy to imagine what the -effect of such a recognition must be upon the average Roman, in -contracting his spiritual outlook. As long as the gods were mere -abstract qualities, or even to some extent personal beings like those of -the Greeks, there was a sort of indistinctness in which they were veiled -that did not invite imitation. But a deified emperor was, or had been, a -creature of flesh and blood; no matter what he might do, there would be -many ready to tread in his footsteps, so far as they could. The -pernicious influence of the ancient mythology engaged the attention of -thoughtful men from the remotest times. How much worse, then, would this -influence be when the vilest that tradition reported of the gods was -actually done by men in flesh and blood. “Like priest, like people,” is -a true saying even when both priest and people are pagans. - -Aside from the restraints of religion, there is, in modern times, in all -civilized countries, a certain restraining influence exercised by public -opinion that keeps the rich, who are inclined to a lax personal -morality, within reasonable bounds. But so far as we can discover, the -inhibitive force of public opinion in Rome upon the individual in the -matter of ethics was very slight, especially under the empire. It is -plain then where a debauched public sentiment placed no check upon any -form of vice from without, and but few individuals yielded to moral -restraints from within, the condition of society was such that it could -hardly have been worse. - -We are sometimes inclined to wonder that so few protests were made by -enlightened Romans against the deification of the emperors. The -explanation may be found in the prevailing rationalism of the age. To -the majority of those men one religion was just as good as another, and -all religions were but forms of superstition. The persecutions directed -against the early Christians were urged on the general ground that the -failure to follow the multitude was a mark of treason against the -government, and for this reason the best men were naturally the -instigators. To perform the religious functions enjoined by the state -was regarded as a mark of loyalty; to refuse, the badge of disloyalty. -It is not necessary to go back to ancient Rome and to heathen religions -to find parallels for treating the externals of worship as matters of -indifference, or for requiring the subject, under penalties, to conform -to the creed of the sovereign. - -When we come to speak of the relation of Seneca to Christianity, but -especially of his conversion by St. Paul, a thesis laboriously defended -by more than one modern writer, we cannot do better than to transcribe a -passage from Merivale setting forth clearly the courses that led men -into a very natural error. After calling attention to the fact that both -Seneca and Paul were moral reformers, he proceeds: “There is so much in -their principles, so much even in their language, which agrees together, -so that one has been thought, though it must be allowed without adequate -reason, to have borrowed directly from the other. But the philosopher, -be it remembered, discoursed to a large and not inattentive audience, -and surely the soil was not all unfruitful on which this seed was -scattered, when he proclaimed that _God dwells not in temples of wood or -stone, nor wants the ministration of human hands; that He has no delight -in the blood of victims; that He is near to all His creatures; that His -spirit resides in men’s hearts; that all men are truly His offspring; -that we are members of one body, which is God or nature; that men must -believe in God before they can approach Him; that the true service of -God is to be like unto Him; that all men have sinned, and none performed -all the works of the law; that God is no respecter of nations, ranks, or -conditions, but all, barbarian and Roman, bond and free, are alike under -His all-seeing providence._ St. Paul enjoined submission and obedience -even to the tyranny of Nero, and Seneca fosters no ideas subversive of -political subjection. Endurance is the paramount virtue of the Stoic. To -forms of government the wise man was wholly indifferent; they were among -the external circumstances above which his spirit soared in serene -self-contemplation. We trace in Seneca no yearning for a restoration of -political freedom, nor does he ever point to the senate, after the -manner of the patriots of the day, as a legitimate check to the -autocracy of the despot. The only mode, in his view, of tempering -tyranny is to educate the tyrant himself in virtue. His was the -self-denial of the Christians, but without their anticipated -compensation. It seems impossible to doubt that in his highest flights -of rhetoric—and no man ever recommended the unattainable with a finer -grace—Seneca must have felt that he was laboring to build up a house -without foundations; that his system, as Caius said of his style, was -sand without lime. He was surely not unconscious of the inconsistency of -his own position, as a public man and a minister, with the theories to -which he had wedded himself; and of the impossibility of preserving in -it the purity of his character as a philosopher or a man. He was aware -that in the existing state of society at Rome, wealth was necessary to -men high in station; wealth alone could retain influence, and a poor -minister became at once contemptible. Both Cicero and Seneca were men of -many weaknesses, and we remark them the more because both were -pretenders to unusual strength of character: but while Cicero lapsed -into political errors, Seneca cannot be absolved of actual crime. -Nevertheless, if we may compare the greatest masters of Roman wisdom -together, the Stoic will appear, I think, the more earnest of the two, -the more anxious to do his duty for its own sake, the more sensible of -the claims of mankind upon him for such precepts of virtuous living as -he had to give. In an age of unbelief and compromise, he taught that -Truth was positive and Virtue objective. He conceived, what never -entered Cicero’s mind, the idea of improving his fellow creatures; he -had, what Cicero had not, a heart for conversion to Christianity.” - -Notwithstanding the many points of contact between the doctrines of the -New Testament and the teachings of Seneca, no competent judge now holds -that he was a Christian. The wonder is that there should ever have -arisen any serious controversy on the subject. The very fact that -Seneca’s faith underwent no change from first to last ought to be -decisive. He did not pass through the experience of conversion; he shows -no vicissitudes of intellectual or moral growth; he never wavered in his -faith in philosophy, and in the power of man to attain the supreme good -by mere force of will. Yet Seneca is, to the Christian, unquestionably, -the most interesting personality that heathen antiquity has produced. -His philosophy and his morality show, in a striking way, that a man may -approach very close to the boundary line of Christianity without -crossing it; without even knowing what is before him. The best thought -of the age clearly proves that Greek philosophy had, in a sense, -prepared a few noble minds for the reception of the ethical and -altruistic precepts of the Gospel; but it was in no sense the harbinger -of its spiritual doctrines. - -It remains yet to consider briefly an institution which, while not -peculiar to Rome, was, nevertheless, here characterized by some features -that were unique in their influences for evil. Slavery rested like a -horrible incubus upon the ancient world, though few persons seem to have -been aware of it. It placed a curse upon labor and almost prevented the -development of the mechanic arts. It seriously impeded the growth of the -moral sentiments by the hindrances it placed in the way of free -discussion, and by the opportunities it afforded the basely inclined for -the gratification of carnal lusts. It placed a large part of the -population virtually beyond the range of human sympathy by branding the -expression of such sympathy as a symptom of treason. While it did these -things everywhere, in Rome it made a people that were naturally coarse -and brutal still more so, by placing within the easy reach of every -slave-owner helpless objects upon which he could vent his rage, and -whose services he could exploit in the most unfeeling manner. A lurid -light is thrown on the barbarity of the Romans toward their slaves by an -occurrence that took place in the later years of Seneca. A plain -statement of the facts is more impressive than many pages of theory. A -prefect of the city, Pedanius Secundus by name, was murdered by one of -his slaves and the criminal could not be apprehended. According to law, -all the bondmen of the murdered man, four hundred in number, were to be -put to death. The populace, to their honor be it said, more humane than -the senators, raised a tumult of protest against the execution of the -sentence. Their sympathy availed nothing; the unhappy victims were led -away to die. One of the senators even proposed a decree that all the -freedmen belonging to the household of the late prefect should be -transported beyond the confines of Italy. But the emperor, and that -emperor was Nero, more humane than the optimates, alleged that the laws -were already severe enough, and that it would be cruel to add to their -severity by fresh enactments. The decree of expulsion was not passed. -Yet Tacitus, from whom this narrative is taken, a writer who never tires -of lamenting the degeneracy of his age, has not a word of compassion for -the unfortunate sufferers, nor a syllable of condemnation for an -atrocious law. - -Still it must be said that some of the Roman philosophers, especially -Cicero and Seneca, lay stress in their writings, upon the universal -brotherhood of man. They have much to say about the intrinsic worth of -the human soul. While these ideas are largely borrowed from the Greeks, -or at least suggested by Greek philosophers, the Romans are singularly -eloquent in proclaiming them. But slavery is never attacked by name. It -is doubtful whether a passage can be found in any Greek or Roman writer -explicitly asserting that it is wrong for one man to hold another in -bondage. This may be due to the conviction that such a doctrine would be -extremely dangerous among a large servile population, even if the -government allowed entire freedom of speech. The New Testament is almost -silent about slavery. Its authors did not wish to give utterance to any -views that could be used by their enemies as the basis for a charge of -disaffection with the “powers that be.” - -Again, slavery in some form was universal. Servitude was held to be the -proper condition of a large part of the human race. No man who lived -during the existence of the Roman empire would have ventured to predict -the ultimate downfall of slavery. It is interesting to note in this -connection that Basil Hall, writing as late as 1828, while admitting -everything that could be alleged on the evils of slavery, thought that -to do away with it seemed “so completely beyond the reach of any human -exertions that I consider the abolition of slavery as one of the most -profitless of all possible subjects of discussion.” - -On the supposition, then, that slavery must continue indefinitely, if it -could ever be abolished, it was the duty of the philanthropist to do -what he could to ameliorate the condition of the servile class by -educating their masters in the principles of a humane philosophy, rather -than to incur the risk of making it worse by the suggestion of -emancipation. If the good man is kind to his beast, he cannot fail to -treat kindly his bondman. It does not seem inconsistent with the general -tenor of Seneca’s writings to assume that he thought the best way to -mitigate the condition of the slaves was to indoctrinate their owners -with a philosophy that would accord to them kind treatment, rather than -to seek to bring about their liberation. - -Besides, the slaves themselves were not often conscious of their -unfortunate legal status. The best they desired for themselves was that -they might fall into the hands of a good master. That such men were not -altogether wanting, even among the Romans, is evident from the many -instances of rare devotion shown by their slaves. - -It is one of the surprising things in the history of mankind that the -progress of the anti-slavery sentiment was so rapid when the cause of -the slave had obtained a hearing before the bar of public conscience. -Slavery had existed from time immemorial. The wrongs it condoned, the -evils entailed upon its victims, attracted but little attention until -the close of the last century. Within less than a hundred years after -the agitation had begun there was not a slave recognized as such by law -in Christendom. The contemplation of this fact may well teach political -prophets to be careful in their predictions as to what will or will not -happen in the future. - - * * * * * - -In the foregoing essay I have, for the most part omitted such -biographical data as may be found in any encyclopedia, and have confined -myself chiefly to a study of the society in which Seneca moved, and to a -consideration of some of the leading characteristics of the age in which -he lived. Every man should be judged by his times, for no man is -uninfluenced by them. It is only men of the strongest character that -rise far above the manners and thoughts of their contemporaries. Seneca -was not one of these. Though endowed with a penetrating intellect and -strong moral convictions he sometimes yielded to temptations against the -protest of his better judgment. He compelled his intellect to sanction -or at least to excuse conduct that he felt to be unworthy of the -philosophy he professed and taught. Yet after making all due allowance -for his shortcomings, I am persuaded that one cannot long study his -writings and his career without reaching the conviction that among the -great men of Rome none towered above him in moral grandeur and but few -surpassed him in intellectual stature. If I may be allowed to express a -personal opinion I do not hesitate to affirm that in the first thousand -years of its history no more interesting and attractive character lived -and died in the City of the Seven Hills than the philosopher Seneca. - -Footnote 1: - - It is a noteworthy fact that many of Rome’s great men were Spaniards, - while many others were not natives of the city. Among the former were - the emperors Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus and Marcus Aurelius. The two - Senecas, Lucan, Martial and Quintillian were also Spaniards. Vespasian - was born at Reate; Livy, in Padua; Horace, at Venusia; Virgil, in - Mantua; Cicero, at Arpinum; the emperor Claudius, at Lugdunum; the two - Plinys, at Comum, etc. - -Footnote 2: - - Seneca is generally regarded as the first Roman writer who used - _caro_, flesh, as distinct from, and opposed to, spirit. - - - - -The following is a list of Seneca’s extant works: - - _De Providentia_, (On Providence). - - _De Constantia Sapientis_, (On the Constancy of the Sage). - - _De Ira_, (On Anger). - - _De Vita beata_, (On a happy life). - - _De Otio_, (On Leisure). - - _De Tranquillitate Animi_, (On Peace of Mind). - - _De Brevitate Vitae_, (On the Shortness of Life). - - _De Beneficiis_, (On Beneficence). - - _De Clementia_, (On Clemency). - - _Ad Marciam de Consolatione_, (A Letter of Condolence to Marcia). - - _Ad Polybium de Consolatione_, (A Letter of Condolence to Polybius). - - _Ad Helviam matrem de Consolatione._ (A Letter of Condolence to his - mother Helvia). - - _Apocolocynthosis_, (Pumpkinfication, as it may be translated by a - parody on Deification; or we may call it Pumpkinosis to correspond - with Apotheosis). - - _Epistolae Morales ad Lucilium_, (Letters to Lucilius on the Conduct - of Life). - - _Quaestiones Naturales_, (Questions relating to Physical Phenomena). - This is the only work of the kind belonging to Latin literature. - During the Middle Ages it was much used as a text-book. - -In the Charpentier-Lemaistre edition the letters to Lucilius fill the -first volume and a little more than half of the second. The first Book -on Beneficence is in the third volume; the remainder with the Problems -in Physics fill the fourth and last. The smaller treatises occupy the -rest of the four volumes. A number of Tragedies with Greek titles are -also attributed to our Seneca, probably with justice. - - Note:—To translate Seneca adequately is not an easy task. While his - meaning is usually plain, the modern reader is not in all cases - certain that he clearly apprehends the exact signification of his - words when taken separately. He is thus in danger of reading into - them ideas that savor more of modern theology than the author - intended,—a common fault of interpreters. It has been demonstrated - that Seneca knew nothing of the Gospels directly, yet he has often - been claimed as a Christian. Evidently, then, there must be a good - deal in his writings that can be used to support such a claim. - Attention has already been called to his use of _caro_. He seems - also to be the first Roman who uses Providentia to designate an - intelligent guide and guardian of the affairs of the world. There - are other terms to which he gives a signification not found in the - profane writers of ancient Rome. - - But the chief obstacle the translator has to contend against is his - diction. This is highly rhetorical and very difficult to transfer - into another language, unless the translator has at command all the - resources of his mother tongue. Such a wealth of resources, I do not - hesitate to confess, is not within my reach. If a translation is to - make the same impression on the reader or hearer that is made by the - original, it is as important to preserve the peculiarities of a - writer’s style as to render accurately the meaning of the separate - words. While I flatter myself that I have been fairly successful in - the interpretation of Seneca’s words, I am not equally sanguine as - to his diction. I believe, however, that I have in no case strayed - very far afield and that the reading of the following pages will - convey not only a fairly correct idea of what Seneca thought on many - important problems, but also of the manner in which he expressed - himself. I hope at some future time, if life and health are - vouchsafed to me, to prepare a complete translation of Seneca’s - moral writings. - - - - - SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF SENECA, TO WHICH PASSAGES MORE OR LESS - CLOSELY AKIN OCCUR IN THE SCRIPTURES. - - - FROM THE LETTERS TO LUCILIUS. - - -A holy spirit dwells within us, the observer and keeper of the evil and -the good; it treats us just as it is treated by us. - -If you do what is right, let all men know it; if what is wrong, does it -matter that no one knows it, since you know it yourself? O what a -wretched man you are if you disregard such a witness! - -The human mind has come down from the spirit that dwells on high. - -Fortune exempts many from punishment; from fear, no one. - -It is natural for those who have done wrong to be afraid. - -The light is irksome to a bad conscience. - -The guilty have sometimes the good fortune not to be found out; never -the certainty of it. - -Good precepts, if you often reflect upon them, will profit you equally -with good examples. - -If thou wouldst gain the favor of the gods, be good. - -He adequately worships the gods who imitates them. - -It suffices God that he be worshiped and loved; love cannot be mixed -with fear. - -What thou hast learned, confirm by doing. - -A great and holy spirit, it is true, holds converse with us, but it -cleaves to its origin. - -Let the young reverence and look up to their teachers. - -How wisely you live is an important matter: not, how long. - -It is not a good thing to live; it is, to live wisely. - -He who would live for himself must live for others. - -He who has much covets more. - -No one is worthy of God save him who contemns riches. - -Dare to contemn riches and thus to make thyself worthy of God. - -The shortest road to riches is to contemn riches. - -Not he who has little but he who covets more is poor. - -Thin is the texture of a lie; it is easily seen through if closely -examined. - -The praise is not in the deed but in the way it is done. - -To be master of one’s self is the greatest mastery. - -One cause of the evils of our time is that we live after the example of -others. We are not guided by reason but led astray by custom. - -Money never made anybody rich. - -Why did God create the world? He is good; a good being feels no aversion -to anything that is good. Therefore He made the world as good as -possible. _Quoted from Plato._ - -Some of our time is filched from us, some is stolen outright, some -passes unnoticed. But most reprehensible of all things is to lose it by -mere negligence; and if you will note carefully, men spend a great part -of life in doing evil, the greatest part in doing nothing the whole of -it doing something else than they ought. Whom will you name that places -any value on time? Who prizes a day? Who realizes that he is dying -daily? For we err when we regard death as something in the future; a -great part of it has already passed; the portion of our life that is -behind us, death holds. Do, therefore, Lucilius, what you write that you -are doing, husband every hour; you will be less dependent upon to-morrow -if you seize to-day. Everything else belongs to others, time only is -ours. - -There is a great difference between not wanting to sin and not knowing -how. - -If thou wouldst get rid of thy vices keep out of bad company. - -He worships God who knows Him. - -No one commits wrongs for himself alone; he communicates them to others -and is in turn led astray by others. - -Our minds are dazzled when they look upon truth. - -No virtue remains hidden, and it suffers no damage by having been -hidden. - -Nature has given to all the fundamental principles and seeds of virtue. - -Nature does not make us virtuous; it is an art to become good. - -If what you are doing is right, all men may know it. - -The reward of all the virtues is in the virtues themselves. The -recompense of a good deed is to have done it. - -Virtue alone brings lasting and sure happiness. - -He errs who thinks the gods intentionally inflict injuries on any one; -they cannot do so; they can neither receive nor do injury. - -So live with men as if God saw thee; so talk with God as if men heard -thee. - -God has no need of ministering servants: He Himself ministers to men; is -present everywhere and in everything. - -The gods extend a helping hand to those who would rise. Do you wonder -that man goes to the gods? God comes to men, and what is more, He comes -into men. No mind is good without God. - -All men, if they are traced to their first origin, are from the gods. - -Every day, every hour, reminds us of our nothingness and, by some fresh -admonition, warns those of their frailty who are prone to forget it. - -Give heed to each day as if it were your whole life. Nothing will so -much enable you to exercise control over yourself in all things as to -think often of the uncertainty and brevity of life. - -You will grant that the greatest piety toward the gods is a -characteristic of a good man; and so whatever may befall him he will -bear with equanimity, for he will know that it has happened in harmony -with that divine law by which all things are governed. - -No one is strong enough to rise by his own strength; every man needs -some one to extend a hand, some one to lead him. - -So let us live, so let us talk, that our destiny may find us prepared -and ready to follow it. Great is the soul that has yielded itself to -God; on the other hand, that one is cowardly and degenerate that -resists, that finds fault with the order of the world, and is more ready -to set the the gods right than itself. - -We ought to have before our minds some one whom we revere; some one -whose influence makes even our most secret thoughts holier. - -Long is a way by precepts; short and effectual, by examples. - -Weaker minds, however, have need of some one to go before who shall say, -“This avoid, this do.” - -The community of which we form a part is very much like an arch built of -stone; it would at once fall down if one did not support another. - -We are members of an immense body. Nature begat us as kinsmen, since it -formed us of the same elements and for the same end. - -What is it that draws us in one direction when we would go in another, -that urges us on when we want to resist, that strives against our -desires and does not permit us to do what we purpose? - -If thou wishest to be loved, love! - -No one is free that is the slave of his body. - -We ought to live in this thought: I was not born for a corner only; my -country is this entire world. - -The beginning of salvation is the knowledge of sin. _Quoted from -Epicurus._ - -Philosophy sheds its light upon all men. - -It is so difficult for us to get well because we do not know that we are -sick. - -It is the strongest evidence that our mind is directed toward its own -improvement when we see faults that we had not before observed. - -It is an infirmity of mind not to be able to bear riches. - -To live right is in the power of everybody. - -The acknowledgement of a fault is the beginning of a better life. - -He who does not admit his proneness to do wrong has no desire to be -corrected. You must recognize your errors before you can correct them. - -The ancients held the first requisite of repentance to be an examination -of one’s self, especially since without this, life would not be worth -living. - -There is no vice without some excuse. - -You ask me what you should particularly avoid. (I answer,) a crowd. You -cannot with safety to yourself mingle in a large company. I must verily -confess my own weakness. I never bring back the same character that I -took with me; something which I had banished, returns; something else -that I had quieted, is aroused.... But nothing is so damaging to a good -character as to spend much time at public spectacles, for with the -pleasure we receive vices the more easily creep in unawares. - -It is a large part of goodness to desire to become good. - -There is a certain fitness in the feeling of sorrow; this the sage ought -to heed, and just as in everything else so in grief there is a proper -mean. - -What fate did not give it did not take away. - -To obey God is liberty. - -No one is out of the reach of the temptation of vice unless he has -banished it wholly from his breast; and no one has banished it wholly -until he has put wisdom in its stead. - -Great is the praise if man is helpful to man. We admonish you to extend -a hand to the shipwrecked; to point out the way to the lost; to share -your bread with the hungry. - -No one ever renders a service to another without also rendering a -service to himself. - -Often what is given is a small matter; what follows from it, a great -one. - -When we reason upon the immortality of the soul, we do not regard as of -little weight the universal belief of men who either fear or revere the -gods of the lower world. - -That day which thou dreadest as if it were thy last is the day of the -birth into eternity. - -A time will come that shall unite us and bring us into each other’s -company. - -Then shall our soul have reason to rejoice because, freed from this -darkness in which it is involved, it shall see the light, no longer with -feeble vision, but in all the brightness of day, and it will have -returned to its own heaven since it will again occupy the place which -belongs to it by right of birth. Its origin calls it on high. - -Let another begin a quarrel, but let reconciliation begin with thee. - -What else is nature than God and the divine reason that permeates the -whole world and all its parts. Whithersoever thou turnest thou wilt see -Him before thee; there is no place where He is not; He Himself fills all -His work. - -Every crime is committed before the deed is done. - -The human mind has come down from the spirit that dwells on high. - -Believe me, the creator of this vast universe, whoever he may have been, -whether it was a god, master of everything, whether it was an -incorporeal intelligence able to bring forth the most brilliant marvels, -whether it was a divine spirit diffused with equal energy in the -smallest and the largest things, whether it was destiny and an immutable -concatenation of causes linked together: this sovereign potentate did -not wish to leave us dependent upon any one else even in the smallest -matters. - -Stars shall impinge upon stars and all matter that now delights us with -its beautiful order will burn in one huge conflagration. - -How often he who refuses pardon to others begs it for himself! - -It is base to say one thing and mean another; it is baser to write one -thing and mean another. - -A wise man will pardon an injury, though it be great, and if he can do -it without breach of piety and fidelity, that is, if the whole injury -pertains to himself. - -As far as thou canst, accuse thyself, try thyself, discharge the office, -first of a prosecutor, then of a judge, lastly of an intercessor. - -We can never quarrel enough with our vices, which, I beseech thee, -persecute perpetually. Cast from thee everything that corrupts the -heart; and if thou canst not otherwise get rid of it, spare not the -heart itself. - - - - - FROM DE BENEFICIIS. - - -Nature is not without God nor is God without nature. Both are the same -and their functions are the same. So, too, nature, destiny, fortune, are -all the names of the same God. - -It is the mark of a noble and generous soul to be helpful, to do good; -he who confers favors, imitates the gods. - -Beneficence always makes haste; what one does willingly one does -quickly. - -We owe no thanks for a favor that has for a long time adhered to the -hands of the giver, as it were; which he seems to have let go with -reluctance and which one might almost say had been wrested from him. - -Those favors are most gratifying to us that are deliberately and -willingly offered, and in connection with which the only hesitancy is on -the part of the recipient. - -I do not make the favors I confer a matter of public record. - -He who intends to be grateful ought to think about requiting a favor as -soon as he receives it. - -This is the law of beneficence between two persons: the one should -forthwith forget that he has given; the other should never forget that -he has received. - -You buy from the physician a thing that is above price, life and health; -from the teacher of belles-lettres, acquaintance with the liberal arts. -Yet it is not the value of these things that you pay for but their -pains, because when they are serving us they give up their private -business to devote themselves to us. - -The sun rises for the evil also. - -God has given certain benefactions to all men, and from which none are -excluded. - -Who is so wretched, so despised, who born to so hard and sorrowful a -destiny that he has never perceived the munificence of the gods? Seek -out even those who bewail their fate and who are always complaining, you -will not find among the entire number one who has not experienced the -beneficence of heaven; there is not one for whom there has not flowed -something from the most inexhaustible of all fountains. - -Add, now, that external circumstances do not coerce the gods, but their -sempiternal will is their law. They have established an order of events -which they do not change. The gods never repent of their first purpose. - -Beneficence consists not in what is done or given, but in the spirit of -the doer or giver. - -It is a most glorious work to save even the unwilling and refractory. - -The door to virtue is closed to no one; it is open to all, admits all; -virtue invites everybody, free-born, freedmen, slaves, kings and exiles. -It selects neither class nor condition, it seeks the man only. - -Nature directs us to do good to all men whether bond or free, free-born -or emancipated slaves. Wherever there is a human being, there is a place -for beneficence. - -He who reasons thus (like Epicurus), does not hear the voices of -supplicants and the prayers offered everywhere, in public and private, -with hands outstretched toward heaven. This could not be, nor is it -possible that all men should have willingly consented to the folly of -addressing deaf divinities and powerless gods, if they had not -recognized their benefactions, sometimes given spontaneously, sometimes -in answer to prayer, always great, timely, averting by their -intervention impending disasters. - - - FROM VARIOUS SOURCES. - - -It is easy to form the mind while it is still tender; but it is -difficult to root out those vices that have grown up with it. - -It is a great thing to know when to speak and when to be silent. - -The vices of others we have before our eyes; our own, behind our backs. - -Use your ears oftener than your tongue. - -Nothing is more out of place in him who is inflicting punishment than -anger. - -It is not the issue of a thing that ought to be taken into account, but -the purpose. - -Every crime is committed before the deed is done. - -To cupidity nothing is enough; to nature even a little is enough. - -Vice takes possession of us unconsciously; virtue is difficult to find, -and we need a guide and teacher. Vices are learned without a teacher. - -Stars shall impinge upon stars and all matter that now delights us with -its beautiful order shall burn in one huge conflagration. - -All that is best can neither be given to men nor taken from them. - -There are two things, the most precious of all, that attend us -whithersoever we turn our steps: common nature and personal virtue. -These things are so, believe me, because they were so willed by the -creator of the universe, whether it is that God who controls everything, -or incorporeal reason, the artificer of great works, or the divine -spirit that pervades equally the greatest and the smallest things. - -If the dead have any feeling, the soul of my brother, now set free from -a long imprisonment, is at length in the full enjoyment of his freedom -and his majority; he beholds with delight the nature of things and looks -down upon human affairs from his high abode; but things divine, the -causes of which he so long sought out in vain, he now beholds at close -range. Why then do I pine away in sorrow for him who is either blessed -or not all? To mourn for one who is in bliss is envy; for one who is -not, folly. - -Borne on high, he soars among beatified spirits, and a sanctified -company welcomes him—the Scipios, the Catos, released by the beneficence -of death. There thy father devotes himself to his grandson, resplendent -in the new light even though in that place all are known to each. He -explains to him the motions of the stars around him; not from -conjectures, but, versed in the knowledge of all things, he gladly -inducts him into the arcana of nature. - -If you will believe those who have looked more deeply into the truth, -our whole life is a punishment. - -For those who sail this sea so stormy, so exposed to every tempest, -there is no harbor except death. - -He now enjoys a serene and cloudless heaven. From this humble and low -abode, he has sped swiftly into that region, wherever it may be, where -souls, freed from their chains, are received into the abode of the -blest. He now roams about at will, and beholds with supremest delight -all that is good in the universe.... He has not left us; he has gone -before. - - - - - DE PROVIDENTIA SIVE QUARE ALIQUA INCOMMODA BONIS VIRIS ACCIDANTCUM - PROVIDENTIA SIT. - - - NOTE:—This monograph is addressed to the same Lucilius, procurator - of Sicily, to whom Seneca also dedicates his letters and his - Problems in Physics. The date of composition is not known, but it - probably belongs to the later years of the author’s life. The - opening sentences seem to make it a part of a larger work on ethics, - or rather of a theodicy, which was either never completed or has not - come down to us. This is a serious loss both to us and to Seneca: to - us, because such a work would doubtless have placed before us a - complete theory of human conduct as conceived by a man who was - thoroughly conversant with the motives that dominate men; to Seneca, - because it would in all probability have explained if not justified - some of the inconsistencies that have so sadly marred his career. - Indeed the fundamental proposition of the essay is inconsistent, - since the conclusion does not follow from the premises. For if the - patient endurance of tribulation is the supreme test of a good man, - how is he justified in avoiding that test, as our author proposes, - by taking his own life? - - - I. - - -You have asked me, Lucilius, why it is, if the world is governed by a -Providence, that so many misfortunes befall good men. To this an answer -would more properly be given in a work in which I should undertake to -prove that a Providence presides over the affairs of men, and that God -dwells among us. But since you deem it best to take a small portion of -the whole subject, and to settle this single disputed question, the main -proposition meanwhile being left untouched, I shall undertake a case of -little difficulty: I shall plead the cause of the gods. - -2. It is superfluous to show at the present time that so great a work -does not stand fast and firm without an overseer; that the regular -course of the heavenly bodies is not a fortuitous concourse of atoms; -that those objects which chance puts in motion are subject to frequent -disturbances and sudden collisions; that this harmonious velocity is -under the sway of an eternal law governing everything on land and sea, -no less than the brilliant luminaries which shine according to a -prearranged plan; that this order is not the result of elements moving -about at random, neither can fortuitous aggregations of matter cohere -with such art that the immense mass of the earth remains motionless -while beholding the rapid gyrations of the heavenly bodies about itself; -that the seas poured into the valleys to fructify the soil never feel -any increase from rivers; or that enormous vegetation grows from the -minutest seeds. - -3. Not even those things that appear to be uncertain and without -regularity—I mean rains and clouds and the bolts of lightning darting -from the clouds, and fires poured from the cleft summits of mountains, -and the quakings of the tottering ground, and such other disturbances of -the earth about us—are without a rational explanation, unforeseen though -they be. These things, too, have their causes, not less those which, -when they appear in unexpected places, are regarded as prodigies, such -as warm springs among the billows or new insular lands rising up in the -vast expanse of the sea. - -4. Moreover, if one has observed the beach laid bare by the waves of the -retiring sea and covered again within a brief space of time, does he -believe that the waves have been contracted and drawn inward by a kind -of blind restlessness, to burst forth again to seek with a mighty onset -their accustomed seats, especially since the waters increase at regular -intervals and move according to a fixed day and hour just as the lunar -star attracts them more or less, under whose influence the ocean -regulates its ebb and flow? However, these questions had better be -reserved for their proper place, since you do not deny the existence of -a providence, but only bring complaints against it. - -5. I wish to reconcile you with the gods since they regard the best men -with the most favor. For in the nature of things, what is good can never -harm the good. Between good men and the gods a friendship exists, virtue -being the bond of amity. Friendship, do I say? nay, more; it is a near -relationship and likeness, since the good man differs from God only in -time; he is His pupil and imitator, His true offspring, whom his august -father, no lenient trainer in the virtues, brings up somewhat rigorously -after the manner of stern parents. - -6. Accordingly, when you see good men, the favorites of the gods, -toiling, sweating, ascending by hard paths, and the bad living in -licentious indulgence and growing effeminate in luxury, consider that we -too are gratified with the sobriety of our sons, but with the wantonness -of our household slaves; that the former gain greater self-control by -the sterner discipline, the latter are confirmed in their presumption. -The same thing is true in regard to God; He does not support the good -man in enervating ease; He tries him, hardens him, prepares him for -Himself. - - - II. - - -“Why do the good meet with so many adversities?” (you ask). No evil -thing can befall a good man; things in their nature contradictory may -not be commingled. Just as so many rivers, so much water falling from -the clouds above, so great a number of springs impregnated with mineral -substances, do not change the saltness of the sea, do not even dilute -it; so the assaults of adversity produce no change in the spirit of a -brave man. He remains steadfast, and whatever betides he gains for his -colors, for he is stronger than all external circumstances. I do not, it -is true, say, that he is insensible to them, but that he triumphs over -them, and, moreover, remains calm and serene in spite of obstacles. All -untoward events he regards as so much drill. Besides, is there any man -who is only an admirer of noble deeds, that is not eager for honest -toil, or ready to do his duty with alacrity even in the face of danger? -To what industrious man is not inactivity a punishment? We see athletes, -whose purpose is to develop their bodily strength, matching themselves -with the most doughty antagonists, and requiring those who prepare them -for a contest to use all their strength against their pupils; they allow -themselves to be smitten and buffeted, and if they do not find suitable -single antagonists they pit themselves against several at the same time. - -3. When virtue has no antagonist it becomes enervated; then only does it -appear what its true character is, how strong, how virile it is when -patient endurance shows what it can accomplish. You surely know that -good men must do the same thing, to the end that they may not fear what -is hard or formidable, nor complain about fate. Whatever happens, let -the good bear it patiently and turn it to good uses. Not what we bear -but how we bear it, is the important thing. Do you not see how -differently fathers and mothers show their love for their children? The -former want their sons to be aroused early in order that they may betake -themselves to their studies; their vacations even they would not have -them pass in idleness, and they draw sweat and sometimes even tears from -the youths; but mothers want to fondle them on their bosom, keep them in -the shade; they would never have them weep, never be sad, never undergo -toil. - -4. God has a father’s feelings toward good men and ardently loves them, -and says: “By labors, sorrows, privations, let them be tried in order -that they may gain real strength.” Animals that are being fattened grow -languid by their inactivity, and by the weight of their own bodies -become incapable not only of work, but of movement. Unalloyed felicity -cannot withstand any shock, but a constant struggle against obstacles -hardens a man against injuries, and he does not succumb to any disaster, -for even if he falls, he fights on his knees. - -5. Are you surprised if God, who is a most devoted friend of the good, -and who wishes them to attain the highest degree of perfection, assigns -them a place in which they are to be disciplined? Verily, I am not -surprised that sometimes a desire seizes the the gods to behold great -men struggling against some misfortune. To us mortals it at times -affords pleasure to see a courageous youth await with the hunting spear, -the onset of some wild beast, or if with unblanched cheek he thrusts -back the attack of a lion; and the spectacle is agreeable in proportion -to the rank of him who exhibits it. - -6. These are not the sights that attract the attention of the gods, but -childish pastimes and the pleasures of men who have no serious aims. -Behold a spectacle worthy of a god who is intensely interested in his -work; behold a pair of champions worthy of god, a brave man pitted -against adverse fortune, especially if he himself be the challenging -party. I do not see, I say, what more agreeable sight on earth Jupiter -can look upon, if he turns his attention thither, than to behold Cato, -after his party had been more than once defeated, standing erect, -nevertheless, amid the ruins of the republic. - -7. Said he, “Though everything has yielded to the behests of one man; -though the lands be guarded by legions and the seas by fleets and the -soldiers of Caesar keep watch at our gates, there is a way of escape for -Cato. Single-handed will he make a broad way for liberty; this sword, -pure and untarnished even in civil strife, shall at length perform a -worthy and noble deed; the liberty it could not give to his country, it -shall give to Cato. Perform my soul, a deed long meditated, free thyself -from earthly concerns! - -8. Already Petreius and Juba have turned their swords against each other -and lie dead, slain with mutual hands. A brave and glorious covenant to -die was that, but one that was unworthy of my greatness; it is as -ignoble for Cato to beg for death at the hands of another as (to beg -for) life.” I am sure the gods looked with keen satisfaction when that -hero, the intrepid liberator of himself, takes counsel for the safety of -others and provides a way of escape for the fugitives; when he pursues -his studies far even into that final night; when he thrusts the sword -into his own sacred breast; when he disembowels himself and sets free -with his own hand that purest spirit unworthy to be contaminated with a -sword. - -9. Hence I would fain believe that the thrust was badly directed and the -wound not fatal; it was not enough for the immortal gods to have beheld -Cato once only; his courage was restrained and called back that it might -show itself in a more difficult part. For death may be said not so much -to have come upon so great a soul as to have been sought by it. Why -should they not rejoice to see their favorite pass from life in a way so -glorious and memorable? Death deifies those whose departure fills with -admiration even those who stand aghast at the manner of it. - - - III. - - -But as I proceed with my discourse, I shall show that not all those -things which seem to be evils are such. For the present, I affirm that -the conditions you call hard, adverse, and terrible, are in the first -place best for those very persons whom they befall; and in the second, -for all men, since the gods are more concerned for mankind as a whole -than for the individual; and lastly; that they happen either with their -approval, or to men who are worthy of them, if without their approval. -To these propositions I shall add that such things take place in the -fixed order of the world and rightly happen to the good, in virtue of -the same law which makes them good. From this point of view I shall then -convince you that you never need feel pity for the good man; for though -he may be called unfortunate, he never is so. - -2. The most difficult of the affirmations I have made seems to be the -first, to wit, that it is for our own good these very things happen -which we dread and shudder at. Is it good for anybody, you say, to be -driven into exile, to see his children reduced to want, to bear a wife -to the grave, to be disgraced, maimed? If you are surprised that this -should result in good to any one, then you will be surprised that -persons are sometimes cured by cutting and burning not the less than by -hunger and thirst. But if you will reflect that as remedial measures, -the bones have to be laid bare or taken out, veins to be extracted, and -even members to be amputated, because they cannot be allowed to remain -attached to it without detriment to the whole body; you will also admit -that some unpleasant things are an advantage to those whom they befall, -no less than that some things which are accounted good and are sought -after, are an injury to those who find pleasure in them, such as eating -and drinking to excess and other things that kill by the gratification -they afford. - -3. Among the many noteworthy sayings of our friend Demetrius there is -one that is fresh in my mind and keeps sounding and ringing in my ears. -“There is no being,” says he, “more unfortunate than the man who never -felt adversity.” For he has never had an opportunity to test himself. -Though everything may have come to him when he wished it or even before -he wished it, the gods have nevertheless not thought well of him. They -have adjudged him unworthy of a struggle with adversity lest he be -overcome by it, for it avoids all cowards as if saying, Why should I -choose such an antagonist? he lays down his arms forthwith; there is no -need of all my strength against him; he is beaten by a feeble onset; he -cannot bear even a look. - -4. Let another be selected for the struggle. It is a shame to fight with -a man who wants to be beaten. A gladiator regards it as a disgrace to be -pitted against an inferior antagonist for he knows there is no glory in -overcoming one who is vanquished without danger. Adversity does -likewise; it seeks out foemen worthy of their antagonist and passes by -some with disdain. It always attacks the doughtiest and boldest for a -trial of its strength. - -5. It tries Mucius with fire, Fabricius with poverty, Regulus with -torture, Socrates with poison, Cato with death. It is misfortune alone -that finds noble examples. Is Mucius to be commiserated because he put -his hand into an enemy’s fire and punished himself for his mistake? -because he vanquished with a burned hand a king whom he could not -vanquish with it armed? Would he have been happier if he had warmed it -in the bosom of a mistress? - -6. Is Fabricius to be pitied because he tilled his own field when not -engaged in public duties? because he waged war against riches as well as -against Pyrrhus? because he ate, by his own fireside, the same roots and -herbs that his triumphant old age pulled up on his farm? Can we say that -he would have been happier if he had filled his stomach with fish from a -far off strand and with exotic birds? or if he had stimulated his jaded -and nauseated stomach with oysters from the Upper and the Lower sea? or -if he had encircled with a huge pile of different fruits, the finest -game captured at the cost of many a huntsman’s life? - -7. Is Rutilius unfortunate because those who condemned him decided a -case against themselves for all time to come? because he was more -willing to be deprived of his country than to be recalled from exile? -because he alone dared to deny anything to the dictator Sulla, and when -invited to return, not only refused, but fled farther? “Let those manage -affairs,” said he, “whom thy good fortune keeps in Rome! Let them look -upon the pool of blood in the Forum and the heads of senators floating -on the Servilian lake,—for that was the field of carnage of those -proscribed by Sulla—and the bands of assassins roaming through the city, -and the many thousands of Roman citizens slain in one place after -pledges of immunity had been given, yes, because of those very pledges! -Let those look upon these things who are not able to endure exile.” - -8. Shall we say that Sulla is to be congratulated because, when he -descends to the Forum, a way is opened for him with the sword? because -he allows the heads of men of consular rank to be shown him in public, -and paid the price of their slaughter by the hand of the quaestor and -from the fisc? And he who did these things is the same man that enacted -the Cornelian law! Let us return to Regulus. What injury did his destiny -do him by making him, the well-known exemplar of good faith, an exemplar -of patient endurance? Nails pierce his skin, and whatever way he lays -down his weary body he lies on a wound, while his open eyes doom him to -perpetual wakefulness. - -9. The greater the anguish, the greater will be the glory. Wouldst thou -know how little he regretted the high value he set on fortitude? Heal -his wounds and send him back to the senate—he will give the same advice -(as before). Dost thou think Maecenas happier when a prey to the -torments of love and when grieving over the daily repulses of a wayward -wife, he courts sleep amid the sound of symphonies softly sounding in -the distance? Though he stupify himself with wine, and seek diversion in -the murmur of waters, or trick his troubled mind with a thousand -pastimes, he lies awake on his bed of down no less than the other on his -bed of torture. But for the former there is the solace that he is -enduring hardness for a noble purpose, and he can look away from his -pain to its cause; the latter, surfeited with pleasures, weighed down by -an excess of good fortune, is more tormented by the cause of his -sufferings than by the sufferings themselves. - -10. Not yet has vice so completely taken possession of the human race as -to make it doubtful that the majority, if they had the choice of their -lot, would prefer that of Regulus to that of Maecenas. Or, if there -should be anybody who had presumption enough to say that he had rather -be born a Maecenas than a Regulus, the same person, even though he might -not openly admit it, would also rather be born a Terentia. Do you -pronounce Socrates unfortunate because he drained the executioner’s cup -as if it had been the draught of immortality, and discoursed about death -up to the moment it overtook him? Was his lot an unhappy one because his -blood congealed and his vital force stopped by the gradually advancing -rigor of death? - -11. How much more is he to be envied than those who are served from -goblets studded with gems, for whom a male prostitute, accustomed to -submit to every kind of abuse, whose virility is gone or at least -doubtful, dissolves the snow that floats in a golden chalice? Whatever -they drink they vomit up, to their chagrin, and taste again mixed with -bile; but he willingly and with joy drains the poisonous draught. For -Cato it is sufficient that the unanimous verdict of mankind has raised -him to the pinnacle of felicity; him destiny selected as one who was -fitted to contend against everything that is to be dreaded. - -12. Is the enmity of the powers that be a serious matter? let him be -opposed at the same time by Pompey, Caesar, Crassus. Is it hard to bear -when one is less honored than worse men? let him be sacrificed for -Vatinius. Is it a hard thing to be involved in civil wars? throughout -the whole world let him fight for the good cause, equally renowned for -his misfortunes as for his bravery. Is it hard to take one’s own life? -let him do it. What do I wish to prove by these things? I would have all -men know that those vicissitudes of which Cato was deemed worthy, cannot -be regarded as evils. - - - IV. - - -Prosperity comes to ordinary people and to men of mean abilities, but it -is the prerogative of a great man to overcome the calamities and terrors -that frighten mortals. In truth, to be always happy and to pass one’s -life without mental anxiety, is to be ignorant of half of man’s destiny. -Thou art a great man; yet how am I to know it unless fate gives thee an -opportunity to show thy worth? - -2. Thou didst enter the Olympian games as a contestant; if there was -none beside thyself, thou hast the crown, thou hast not the victory. I -congratulate thee, not as a brave man, but as one who has gained the -consulship or the praetorship: thou hast won political honors. I can say -the same thing to a good man, unless some more than ordinary emergency -has given him an opportunity to show his strength of soul. - -3. Unhappy do I adjudge thee, if thou hast never been unhappy; thou hast -passed thy life without an adversary. No one knows what thou mightest -have done; thou dost not even know it thyself. We need to be tried that -we may find out what we are; what a man can do can be ascertained only -by trial. For this reason men have sometimes voluntarily encountered -obstacles that seemed to evade them and sought an opportunity for -demonstrating to others the virtue that was passing into oblivion. - -4. I assert that great men sometimes rejoice in tribulation like valiant -soldiers in battles. I heard Triumphus, a gladiator under Caius Caesar -(Caligula) complain because he had so little to do. “How my best days -are speeding away,” said he! Courage is eager for danger and looks to -the end in view, not at what it is likely to encounter, for the reason -that what it encounters is part of the glory. Warriors are proud of -their wounds; joyfully they point to the blood it was their good fortune -to shed. Those who return from the combat unscathed may have been just -as brave—it is the wounded man that is the observed of all eyes. - -God shows his good will to those whom he would have attain the highest -excellence every time he gives them an opportunity to display courage -and endurance; this is possible only in some contingency beset with -difficulties. You form your opinion of a pilot in a storm; of a soldier, -in battle. By what test am I to know how thou wilt bear up against -poverty, if thou aboundest in wealth? By what test am I to know how thou -wilt bear up under ignominy and disgrace and popular hatred, if thou -growest old amid public applause? if a strong and unswerving popular -partiality supports thee in all thou doest? - -6. How am I to know with what equanimity thou wilt bear the loss of -children, if thou seest about thee all those thou hast begotten? I have -listened to thee when thou wert offering consolation to others; then -should I have seen thee when thou wert thyself in need of consolation; -when thou wert trying to restrain thyself from sorrowing. Do not, I -beseech thee, shrink from these things which the immortal gods send upon -thee as stimuli to thy courage. A disaster is an occasion of virtue. -Those persons one can rightly call wretched who grow effeminate in -superabounding prosperity; whom a dead calm bears along, as it were, in -a motionless sea. - -7. No matter what befalls them, they are unprepared for it. Hardships -bear heaviest on those who have never known them; heavy lies the yoke on -the neck that has not felt it. The mere thought of a wound makes the raw -recruit turn pale; the veteran looks without blanching upon his own -blood because he knows that he has often gained a victory at the price -of it. Then it is that God trains and hardens those whom he has chosen, -whom he loves and wishes well to; but those whom he seems to treat with -indulgence, whom he spares, he keeps tender for the evils to come. For -you are mistaken if you conclude that any one is exempt; he who has long -basked in the sunshine of fortune will have his turn. - -Every one that thinks he is discharged has been placed among the -reserves. (You ask) why does God afflict every good man with ill health -or sorrow or other misfortune? Because in camp-life the most perilous -duties are also laid on the bravest; the commander sends picked men to -fall upon the enemy from a nocturnal ambuscade, or to explore a route, -or to carry by assault an outpost. No one of those who go forth says, -“The general has a poor opinion of me,” but, “He has judged wisely and -well,” And so let all say who are ordered to undergo what to the coward -and the slothful seem to be painful experiences: God has accounted us -worthy to be used as examples by which to show how much human nature can -endure. Flee from pleasure, from that unmanly felicity in which the -active powers of the mind grow torpid, unless something intervenes to -recall man’s lot, by a sort of perpetual intoxication. - -9. Him whom glass windows protect against every breath of air; whose -feet are kept warm by fomentations periodically renewed; whose -dining-rooms are made always comfortable by heat within the walls and -under the floor—such a person, not even a gentle breeze passes over -without danger. Though everything that transcends the bounds of -moderation is hurtful, the most perilous intemperance is that of good -fortune. It excites the brain, awakens idle fancies in the mind, puts -dense darkness between the false and the true. - -10. Which is better, to bear up under continuous misfortune that incites -us to do our best, or to be crushed under unbounded and inexhaustible -riches? Death comes gently when the stomach is empty; it is from -repletion that men die like beasts. Accordingly the gods follow the same -method with good men that teachers follow with good pupils—they require -the hardest labor from those of whom they cherish the highest hopes. -Dost thou believe that it is out of hatred for their children that the -Lacedaemonians try, by public scourgings, what stuff they are made of? -Their own fathers exhort them to bear bravely their flagellations, and -ask them, when bleeding and half dead, to proffer unflinchingly their -wounds for fresh wounds. - -11. Why is it strange if God sends severe trials upon noble spirits? a -test of one’s courage is never an easy matter. Is it destiny that -scourges and lacerates us? let us endure it; ’tis not wanton cruelty, it -is a contest; the oftener we enter it, the stronger we shall become. The -solidest part of the body, frequent use has made so. We must be -subjected to the buffetings of fortune in order that in this way we may -become callous to it. Little by little, fortune makes us a match for -itself; contempt of dangers results from often braving them. In this way -sailors inure their bodies to the sea; the hands of the husbandman are -calloused; the arms of the soldier are strong from hurling javelins; the -limbs of runners are agile. That part of everybody is the strongest that -has exercised the most. - -12. The soul acquires the strength to brave misfortune by patient -endurance; what it can effect in us thou mayst know, if thou dost but -consider what hardship does for those peoples that go about without -clothing and are strong by their very indigence. Consider all the -nations over whom the sway of Rome does not extend, I mean the Germans -and every nomad tribe along the Danube. Perpetual winter, a severe -climate, bear hard upon them, a sterile soil grudgingly supports them, a -hut or branches of trees protect them against the rain, they roam over -marshes hardened by frost, for food they capture wild beasts. - -13. Dost thou think them wretched? No one is wretched when he performs -what habit has made second nature to him; for by degrees we find -pleasure in doing what we began to do from necessity. These peoples have -no houses and no resting place except as weariness finds them from day -to day; their food is cheap and obtained only as wanted; their naked -bodies are exposed to the terrible extremes of a horrid climate; what -thou regardest as a frightful calamity is the whole life of many -peoples. - -14. Why dost thou wonder that good men are called upon to undergo -violent shocks to the end that they may stand the more firmly? A tree -does not take deep root, or grow strong, unless it is frequently shaken -by the wind; for as a result of violent agitation its fiber is toughened -and its roots more firmly set. Those are fragile that grow up in -sheltered valleys. It is therefore a boon to good men, as it makes them -fearless amid danger, to become familiar with hardships and to bear with -equanimity those things that are not ills, except when they are borne -with an ill grace. - - - V. - - -Add, now, that it is best for all that every good man should, so to -speak, be always under arms and in action. It is the purpose of God, -just as if He were a wise man, to demonstrate that those things which -the average man longs for, which he fears, are neither good nor evil; -but it will be evident that those things are good that are sent upon -good men, and those evil, that fall upon the bad. Blindness would be -dreadful, if nobody had lost his sight except those who deserved to have -their eyes put out. Accordingly, let Appius and Metellus be deprived of -eyesight. Riches are not a good. - -2. And so even the procurer Elius is rich in order that money to which -men have given a sacred character in temples may also be found in a -brothel. In no way is God better able to expose to contempt those things -that men covet than by bestowing them upon the vilest and taking them -from the worthiest. “But,” sayst thou, “it is unjust that a good man -should suffer mutilation, or be crucified, or be bound in fetters, while -the bad strut proudly at large and live in luxury.” - -3. What then? is it not also unjust when brave men are required to take -up arms, to pass the night in camps and to defend the outposts, though -the bandages are still on their wounds, while in the city, eunuchs and -debauchees by profession go about in security. What further? is it not -unjust that the noblest virgins should be aroused at night to perform -their sacred duties while impure women are enjoying sound sleep? Toil -claims the best men. The senate is often in session during the entire -day, when at the same time all the vilest men are either taking their -ease in the Campus Martius, or loitering in eating-houses, or wasting -their time in idle gossip. It is just so in the world at large—good men -toil, sacrifice themselves or are sacrificed, and willingly at that. -They are not dragged along by destiny, they follow it and keep pace with -it; had they known whither it would lead them, they would have preceded -it. - -4. I remember also to have heard these encouraging words from that -noblest of men, Demetrius. “This one complaint,” said he, “I have to -make against you, ye immortal gods: it is that ye did not sooner make -known to me your will; for of my own accord I would have come to those -things to which I am now summoned. Do you wish to take away my children? -For you I have brought them up. Do you wish any portion of my body? Take -it. No great thing it is that I am offering you; soon I shall resign it -entirely to you. Do you wish my life? Why not? I shall not be slow to -give back to you what ye have entrusted to my keeping; ye shall find me -willing to give up anything ye ask. Still I should rather have proferred -it to you than given it up. What need was there to take what you could -have had as a gift. Yet not even now do ye need to constrain me, since -that is not taken from a man which he does not try to retain. I am in no -sense the victim of constraint or violence, nor am I God’s slave, but I -am in accord with Him, and this all the more cheerfully because I know -that everything takes its course in accordance with an immutable law -established from all eternity.” - -5. The fates lead us, and our lot is assigned to us from the very hour -of our birth. Cause depends upon cause; an unbroken chain of events -links together public and private affairs. We ought therefore to bear -with fortitude whatever befalls us because everything takes place, not -as we think, by chance, but in its due order. A long time in advance, -all our pleasures and our pains have been determined, and although in -the great diversity of individual lives, one life may seem to stand -apart, it all comes to this: transitory beings ourselves we have entered -into a transitory inheritance. - -6. Why then does this disquiet us? Why indulge in complaints? it is the -law of our existence. Let nature use our bodies, which are its own, as -it wishes; let us cheerfully and bravely meet whatever comes, bearing in -mind that what we lose is not our property. What is the duty of a good -man? To resign himself to his destiny. It is a great consolation to -share the fate of the universe. Whatever it be that decrees how we are -to live, how to die, it binds even the gods by the same inexorable law; -an irresistible current bears along terrestrial and celestial things. - -The creator and governor of the universe has indeed prescribed the -course of events, but He Himself follows them; He obeys always, He -commanded but once. - -7. “But why was God so unjust in the destinies he prescribed for -mortals, as to send upon good men poverty, wounds, and cruel deaths”? -The artisan cannot change matter; it is passive. There are some things -that cannot be separated from others; they are bound together and -indivisible. Sluggish natures and such as are prone to sink into slumber -or into a state closely akin to slumber, are conjoined of inert -elements; to form a man who is really worthy of the name a more heroic -destiny is needed. His path will not be smooth; he must go up-hill and -down-hill, be tossed on the waves, and guide his bark through turbid -waters; in spite of changing fortune, he must hold on his way. - -8. He will meet many obstacles hard to remove or surmount, but he will -himself remove them and smooth his path. Gold is tried by fire; brave -men by misfortune. Behold to what heights virtue may climb; thou -shouldst know that it cannot go by ways that are free from dangers. - - Hard is the way at first: though drawn by prancing steeds, - Slow, up the sky, the shining car proceeds;— - On land and sea I gaze from heaven’s high crest; - Fear and emotion fill my heaving breast. - Steep is the downward way, and with tight rein - I must the ardor of my steeds restrain; - E’en Tethys, wont to greet me ’neath the waves, - Fears lest we plunge headlong to wat’ry graves. - -9. When the high-spirited youth heard these words he said, “I like the -way; I shall ascend it even though I fall forthwith in so doing.” The -sun-god still tries to dissuade him from his rash purpose by exciting -his fears: - - Hold straight thy course nor turn for aught aside, - Through Taurus’ horns adverse thy coursers guide, - And Haemon’s bow and Leo’s searching face. - -To this he replied, “Yoke the steeds to the chariot; by the very words -which you seek to deter me, you incite me. I long to stand where Sol -himself quakes with fear; it is only ignoble and weak souls that journey -on safe roads; courage ventures on giddy heights.” - - - VI. - - -“But why does God suffer any evil to befall the good”? Verily, He does -not suffer it. He wards off from them all evils, crimes and misdeeds and -impure thoughts and avaricious designs and unbridled passions and lust -after other men’s property; He watches over and protects them. Will any -one in addition to this demand of God that He shall also bear the -luggage of good men (as if He were a slave)! They themselves cast this -burden upon God; mere externals they make light of. Democritus threw -away his riches, thinking them a fardel upon his noble soul. Why do you -wonder that God sometimes suffers that to come upon a good man which he -himself desires? - -2. “Good men sometimes lose their children.” Why not, when they -sometimes even put them to death? “They are sent into exile.” Why not, -when they sometimes leave their country, voluntarily, never to return? -“They are put to death.” Why not, when they sometimes lay violent hands -on themselves? “Why do they suffer many hardships?” That they may teach -others to suffer patiently; they are born to be examples. - -3. Think of God as speaking to them thus: “What right have ye to -complain of me, ye who take pleasure in doing right? Other men I have -encompassed with seductive pleasures and their torpid souls I have -lulled into a long and delusive sleep; gold, silver and ivory I have -lavished upon them; yet at heart they are good for nothing. Those men -whom you look upon as fortunate, if you regard them, not with respect to -what is external but what is concealed, are wretched, unclean, deformed, -adorned on the outside after the similitude of their own walls. Their -good fortune is not substantial and unalloyed; it is a mere crust and a -thin one at that. - -4. Accordingly, as long as they are allowed to stand and to show -themselves as they wish to appear, they make a brilliant and imposing -display; but when something occurs that disarranges their plans and -discloses their true character, then it becomes apparent how real and -deep their foulness. To you I have given a genuine, an abiding good; the -more one turns it about and looks at it from every side, the greater and -better it appears. I have given you the strength to contemn what other -men fear; to make of little account what others long for. You do not -shine because of externals; it is the kingdom within you that is your -highest good. Thus does the world disdain what is on the outside because -happy in the contemplation of itself; within you have I placed all real -good; not to need happiness is your happiness.” - -5. “But many sad occurrences take place, things from which we shrink in -terror, and which are hard to bear.” “Because I am not able to ward them -off from you, I have armed you against all changes of fortune. Endure -bravely; in this you may surpass God: He is exempt from suffering, you -are superior to it. Contemn poverty; no one lives so poor as he is born. -Contemn pain; either it will end or you. Contemn fortune; I have given -to it no weapon with which to wound the soul. Contemn death; it either -ends your existence or transfers it. - -6. Before all things, I took care that no one should keep you here -against your will; the way for your departure is open. If you do not -want to fight, you can run away. Therefore, with all the restrictions I -have placed upon you, I have made nothing easier for you than death. -Only look and you will see how short and easy is the way to liberty. I -have made the way shorter for those who wish to go out of the world than -for those who are entering it; besides, destiny would have had great -power over you, if it were as hard for a man to die as to be born. - -7. Every moment of time, every place, can teach you how easy it is to -quit nature’s service and to return to her her gift. At the very foot of -the altar and amid the solemnities of those who are offering sacrifices -for the preservation of life, learn to know death. The huge bodies of -bulls drop from the effects of a little wound, and beasts of enormous -strength are felled by a blow from a human hand; with a little piece of -iron the jointures of the vertabrae are severed, and when the ligature -that binds the head and neck is cut asunder, the huge mass falls dead to -the ground. - -8. The breath does not lurk in some secret hiding place, nor must it -necessarily be sought out with the sword; there is no need of piercing -the vitals with a deep wound; death is close at hand. I have not -designated any particular place for the fatal thrust, it may enter -anywhere. What is called death, that time in which the spirit leaves the -body, is so brief that its fleetness cannot be perceived. Whether it be -a noose that strangles you, or water that suffocates you, or a fall upon -the hard earth that dashes the life out of you, or fire drawn in with -the breath that cuts off its return—whatever it be, its effect is -speedy. Are you not ashamed to fear so long what may be done so -quickly?” - - -NOTES. - - -A few notes have been added to the translation. They bear chiefly on -obscure allusions in Seneca’s treatise, as the necessary biographical -data may be found in almost any encyclopedia. The notes are placed by -themselves so as not to interrupt the reader, who may omit them, if he -chooses. - - - I. - - - 2. It was held by some of the Greek philosophers, notably Epicurus, - that the universe was built up by a fortuitous concourse of atoms. - - 4. Some texts have _quaeris_, you are seeking information. - - 6. _Vernae_ were slaves born in the household of their masters, - sometimes his own children by a female slave. The _licentia - vernularum_ was proverbial in Rome. The _vernae_ and _vernulae_ were - allowed privileges not accorded to slaves obtained by purchase. - - - II. - - - _In suum colorem_, to its colors. The parties represented in the - race-course were distinguished by different colors. The significance - of the expression is therefore evident. Another less probable - explanation of the passage is that the author has reference to the - effect of red wine when mixed with liquids of another color. - - 3. As the holidays in Rome were very numerous much time was lost by - those who spent all of them in idleness. - - 7. Cato, surnamed Uticensis, is here meant. He was the patron saint - of the Roman Stoics. - - 9. The sentence here translated, “For death,” etc., may also mean, - “For it requires less courage to meet death (once) than to seek it a - second time.” - - - III. - - - 6. The wild boar roasted whole was generally placed on the center of - the table. Around it were piled fruits, vegetables, etc. - - 7. _Tua felicitas._ Sulla called himself FELIX, and in the next - section we find this epithet applied to him. The atrocities he - committed are familiar to every reader of Roman history. - - 8. The Cornelian law. The Roman Legal Code was greatly modified - under the inspiration of Sulla. The statute here referred to, fixed - the penalty for homicide and similar crimes. It bore its author’s - gentile name. - - The familiar story of Regulus was accepted as true by the Romans, - and, in fact, by the world generally, until recent times. It is - interesting as showing the high estimate placed upon patriotism by - the Romans from their point of view. Though narrow it was intense - and played a conspicuous part in the growth of the Roman state. - - 9. Maecenas the well-known Premier of the emperor Augustus was - passionately attached to his wife Terentia; but her fidelity was - more than suspected, a condition of things that led to many quarrels - with her husband. - - 11. The writer refers here to the disgusting practice of the Romans, - who, at their feasts, frequently ate and drank to excess, then - produced vomiting in order to be able to begin eating and drinking - over again. - - 12. Vatinius was a worthless fellow who defeated Cato in the contest - for the praetorship. - - - IV. - - - 12. The Romans were wilfully blind as to the climate and soil of - Germany. It was a case of “sour grapes.” After vainly endeavoring to - conquer its inhabitants, they decided that they were not worth the - trouble of conquest. - - - V. - - - 6. “Whatever it be” etc. The First Cause, about which Seneca is in - some doubt, whether it is personal or impersonal, material or - immaterial; whether matter exists of necessity or is created. In 4 - he uses _mundus_ in a personal sense. He is also inconsistent in his - attitude toward suicide; for after assuring us in the strongest - language, that it is every man’s duty to endure whatever Providence - or Fate or Destiny or Chance sends upon him, he ends by telling him - that if the service is too hard he is at perfect liberty to run away - from it. Gréard rightly says, “He confuses God with the world, - Providence with destiny; he admits and does not admit the - immortality of the soul; he proclaims the freedom of the will, and - denies it.” - - 8. 9. Dr. Lodge, (1614) translates the two extracts from Ovid’s - Metamorphoses as follows: - - “The first which with unwearied steeds I clime, - Is such a iourney that their ceaseless toyle - Can scarcily reach before the morrowes prime; - The next is highest heau’n from whence the soyle - And spacious seas, I see with dreadfull eye - And fearfull heart; the next whereto I hie - Is steep and prone and craues a cunning guide; - And then dothe Thetis shake herselfe for dread, - Lest headlong I should fall and downward glide, - And burie in her waues my golden head.” - - “And that thou mayst continue in the way, - Be carefull lest thy posting steeds doe stray; - Yet shalt thou pass by Taurus, who will bend - His hornes to cross thee, whither thou dost tend; - Th’ Aemonian Archer and the Lion fell - Shall stay thy course and fright thee where they dwell.” - - See also the classical dictionary under Phaethon. - - - VI. - - - 6. An inclined plane down which an object may be easily started to - roll. - - 8. The final sentence more literally translated would read, Are you - not ashamed? what is so quickly done you fear so long? - - - - - PLUTARCH AND THE GREECE OF HIS AGE. - - -Ever since I have known enough about Greek literature to form an opinion -of my own on its merits, it has been a matter of surprise to me that the -authors who flourished in the century or two immediately preceding and -succeeding the Christian era, are treated with so much neglect. The -histories of Greek literature, whose name is legion, frequently end with -Grecian independence; or if they continue the subject some centuries -longer, treat the later periods in a half-hearted and perfunctory -manner, as if they were deserving of nothing better. While it is true, -that in some departments the field is relatively infertile, there are -many writers well worth a careful study, and several eminently so. The -storm and stress period is over; the centuries of vigorous productions -well-nigh past; yet the Greek mind is not dead; the field of authorship -still bears many fine ears and occasionally a large sheaf for the -careful gleaner. The times that could produce a Polybius, a Plutarch, an -Epictetus, an Arrian, a Dion Chrysostomus, a Lucian, to say nothing of -Josephus and Philo, together with others, a score or more in number, -cannot justly be charged with intellectual stagnation. If the form in -which the later writers express their thoughts has no longer the -elegance, nor the thoughts themselves the profundity, of their -predecessors, they are far from being unworthy of painstaking study. If -men reflected less, they did more, or were at least active in a larger -sphere. Greeks were now to be found in all parts of the civilized world; -they still provided its intellectual nourishment; Athens was still its -university and it is of the Greeks of these centuries more than of the -earlier that Horace could say, - - Graeca capta ferum victorem cepit et artes - Intulit agresti Latio. - -Greek culture had become so widespread that a sojourn in Athens was no -longer necessary for those who were ambitious to learn the language in -its purest form. Though this city was still looked upon with a certain -filial regard, half a score of rivals had sprung up in three continents -that at times seriously threatened its prestige. The centuries that meet -at the birth of Christ are the link that unites the golden age of Greek -literature with the Renaissance. In them was coined much of the small -change of Greek thought, which was by reason of its form the more widely -circulated. That much of it was silver, so to speak, only made it the -more generally available. - -But while the writings of these three or four centuries have suffered -greatly from neglect at the hands of the moderns, the language in its -narrower sense, except that of the New Testament, has been almost wholly -ignored. It needs but a brief examination of the current Greek -dictionaries to convince the student that here is an ample field for -profitable work. Even the great Thesaurus of Stephanus often leaves one -sadly in the lurch; besides, it is both too extensive and too expensive -for general use. What we need is a careful lexicographical and -grammatical study of the individual authors and the presentation of the -results in as succinct a form as possible. - -It is a pleasure to note the signs of a revival in this quarter—for that -it is not a misnomer to speak of a revival will be evident to those who -know that the reader of some of the authors above named, together with -others, is largely compelled to rely on texts that are more than half a -century old, in some cases much more. In this laudable work of -rediscovery, Professor Mahaffy in Great Britain, and Professor -Krumbacher in Germany, may be regarded as the leaders. The former, by -his various works upon the Greeks under Roman sway, and the latter by -his masterly _Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur_ and his -_Byzantinische Zeitschrift_ have done more than any two writers in the -present century to awaken an interest in a subject that has long been in -a comatose condition. The present volume, though bearing upon the -general theme, is concerned with but a small portion of it. I have tried -to throw a little light upon two authors, in whose writings are many -passages that put them in some sort of relation to nascent Christianity. -While it is almost absolutely certain that neither Seneca nor Plutarch -had any knowledge of the new doctrines first preached in their time, it -ought surely to be a matter of interest to every thinking man to note -how closely the best that is in the old philosophy approached the new -religion; or, to state the case somewhat differently, that the old -philosophy and the new religion are in many points identical. - -The French have, almost from the beginning of their national literature, -been ardent admirers of Plutarch. Amyot reduced some of his precepts to -rhyme in order that they might the more readily be taught to children, -and regarded his writings as more profitable than any other except the -Scriptures. Gui-Patin makes Pliny, Aristotle, Plutarch, and Seneca -constitute an entire family,—father, mother, older and younger -brother—and thus in a sense represent the whole circle of literature. -Rollin copies his Parallel Lives almost literally into his Ancient -History. Rousseau cites him among the few authors that he read in his -old age. He is the last consolation of St. Pierre. Laharpe regards him -as by nature the most moral man that ever lived; and Joubert calls him -the Herodotus of Philosophy, and deems his Lives the wisdom of antiquity -in its entirety. Montaigne says, “I never settled myself to the reading -of any authors but Plutarch and Seneca.” Again, “Plutarch had rather we -should applaud his judgment than commend his knowledge, and had rather -leave us with an appetite to read more, than glutted with that we have -already read. He knew very well that a man may say too much even upon -the best subjects, and that Alexandrides did justly reproach him who -made very elegant but too long speeches to the Ephori, when he said: ‘O -stranger, thou speakest the things thou oughtest to speak, but not after -the manner thou shouldst speak them.’” Elsewhere he recurs to the -subject with these words, “As to what concerns my other reading that -mixes a little more profit with the pleasure and whence I learn how to -marshal my opinions, the books that serve me to this purpose are -Plutarch and Seneca. Both of them have this great convenience suited to -my humor, that the knowledge I there seek is discoursed in some pieces -that do not require any great trouble of reading long, of which I am -incapable.” In his Essays, Montaigne refers to or quotes Plutarch more -than two hundred times, and Seneca almost as often. So far as Plutarch’s -Lives are concerned, the translation published by Jacques Amyot, bishop -of Auxerre, in 1559, is still regarded as a masterpiece. This version is -of special interest to English-speaking people, because from it Sir -Thomas North made his translation, published some twenty years later, -and Shakespeare, in turn, took the material for his plays dealing with -antique life. Of later English translations, that of the Langhorne is -undoubtedly the most popular, though the one known as Dryden’s, albeit -he had little to do with it, as revised by A. H. Clough, is much read. -That of Stewart and Long is not generally known. There seems to be no -English translation of Plutarch’s Moral Writings except that made by a -number of Oxford scholars some two centuries since and edited by -Professor Goodwin. The German version made by Kaltwasser just one -hundred years ago, is an excellent piece of work. The Lives have been -frequently translated. - -About sixty miles northwest of the city of Athens near the road leading -from Delphi to Lebadeia, midway between the gulf of Corinth and the -northern end of the Euripus, lies to-day the town of Chaeroneia, or -rather its modern representative, Capraena. Though never a municipality -of much importance, its inhabitants, before the time of Plutarch, had -been the spectators of many stirring events. Epaminondas called the -plain near it the dancing-plot of Ares, an epithet that was abundantly -justified by preceding and succeeding occurrences. Lying in a measure -between northern and southern Greece it was rich in historical -reminiscences and in traditions. Already known to Homer as Arne, it -subsequently witnessed the countless hosts of Dareius and Xerxes pass -beneath its walls. Near it Philip of Macedon completely overthrew the -allied Thebans and Athenians, B. C. 338. In Plutarch’s time the mound -erected in honor of the king’s soldiers who lost their lives here, was -still in a fair state of preservation, and the oak under which Alexander -had erected his tent was yet standing. In 279 the Gauls passed over the -plain of Chaeroneia leaving desolation in their track. Twenty-eight -years later the Boeotians were defeated near the town in a battle with -the Aetolians. Still later, by a century and a half, Sulla inflicted a -crushing blow on his enemies, for the most part Greeks, under the -command of Archelaus, the lieutenant of Mithridates. It was two citizens -of Chaeroneia who performed for the Roman general a service similar to -that rendered to Xerxes by Ephialtes. In order to leave a memorial of -his success he erected a trophy on the summit of an adjacent hill. -Another trophy, dating from this time and of special significance to the -Chaeroneans, was the statue of Lucius Lucullus, a Roman commander, that -stood in their marketplace. They had become involved in a quarrel with -their old enemies, the Orchomenians, on the charge of having caused the -death of a Roman officer and several of his attendants; but through the -interposition of Lucullus had obtained a verdict from the home -government in their favor. - -But the pen is mightier than the sword. Posterity is not greatly -interested in wars and battles in which no great principles are -involved; besides, all sanguinary conflicts are of more or less local -significance. Hence it is that Chaeroneia is chiefly known, not because -of the two hundred thousand men who lost their lives or limbs near it, -but as the birthplace and lifelong residence of one of the best-known -characters in the literary history of the world. About half a score of -years after the crucifixion, this august yet kindly personage, first saw -the light in what was, even for Greece, an obscure town, but which he -never left for any considerable time, until the day of his death, at a -ripe old age. The visible remains of the first great battle fought here -in historic times are the fragments of a colossal lion erected to -commemorate, not a victory, but the valor of those who fell fighting for -their country and for what they believed to be its freedom. There is -also a village of some fifty houses, a church, a schoolhouse and a stone -seat which its inhabitants fondly imagine to have been the property of -their illustrious fellow townsman, and which they eagerly show as such, -to the traveler. Small as the village is to-day, it can never have been -a place of much importance, a fact that is attested by the scant remains -of its ancient theater, one of the smallest in Greece. - -In Plutarch’s time the chief industry of his native town consisted in -its trade in oil and the manufacture of perfumes and unguents from the -numerous flowers and herbs that grew in the vicinity. In conformity to -ancient usage, this business was chiefly carried on by slaves, while its -citizens, having no political affairs to engage their attention, and but -little interest in philosophical discussion, gave themselves up largely -to gossip and other equally profitless ways of passing time. - -Plutarch was descended from one of the most prominent families of his -native town. He received an excellent education, according to the -standard of his day. He also seems to have given instruction informally -and without pay, as he shared the prejudices of his countrymen against -receiving compensation for such service. We do not know much of his -private life or of his family connections. Living as he did the quiet -life of a peaceable man, absorbed in his books and his studies and only -appearing in public when his duties as a good citizen called him forth, -there was little in his career to attract the attention of a biographer. -Almost all that we know about him has to be gleaned from occasional -references in his own writings. It has been aptly said of him that the -prince of biographers is himself without a biographer. His father’s name -is not recorded. That of his grandfather was Lamprias. We do not know -how many brothers and sisters he had, though he speaks of two brothers -with whom he lived on the most amicable terms. Of these, Timon is an -interlocutor in the dialogue De Sera. His wife’s name was Timoxena. By -her he had four sons and one daughter. The latter and the oldest son -died when quite young. - -Plutarch’s wife seems to have been an excellent woman and to have shared -her husband’s views as to the proper conduct of life. She was plain in -dress and appearance, averse to show and parade, devoted to her husband, -her children, and her household affairs. - -Plutarch made some journeys beyond the bounds of his native land; one at -least as far as Alexandria in Egypt. He spent some time in Rome where he -gave lectures in Greek; for as he himself tells us he never learned the -Latin language well. He went thither on public business, and is thought -to have visited other parts of Italy on a similar errand. His fame had -preceded him to the imperial city where he was already known by -reputation to some of the literati, and he embraced the opportunity to -enlarge the circle of his acquaintances. Athens he visited a number of -times, and Sparta at least once. Yet, notwithstanding his celebrity in -his lifetime, and in striking contrast to his fame in modern times, he -is not quoted by any extant Roman writer, and but rarely by his own -countrymen. - -As a patriotic citizen and an admirer of all that was venerable and -worthy of preservation in the history no less than in the traditions of -Greece, Plutarch felt it incumbent upon him to discharge both civil and -religious duties as occasion called him. He was a priest of Apollo to -whose worship he was ardently devoted and to whom he frequently refers -in his works, among others in the De Sera. As a consequence he -interested himself greatly in the religious festivals that occurred so -frequently in Delphi near by. It is also plain from his writings that he -kept open house. People who desired to learn, and all who took life -seriously, were always welcome. In some of the young men who came to him -for enlightenment, whom, nevertheless, we cannot regard as his pupils -except in the Socratic sense, he took a lifelong interest. The choice of -many of the subjects discussed in his lectures was probably accidental. -They were proposed by persons who visited him, talked over at the time, -but afterwards more fully investigated and the results written out. It -this way light was thrown upon them both by the oral contributions of an -intelligent company and also by the aid of books, of which he had a -large collection.[3] - -Plutarch was a man who strove not only to make others wiser, but also to -become wiser himself. His aim was to be a living exemplar of the -doctrines he professed and taught. He was a firm believer in plain -living and high thinking. He disliked as strongly as he disliked -anything the costly and luxurious banquets so much affected by the rich -Romans of his day. The little company that so frequently came together -under his hospitable roof met, not to eat and drink, but to engage in -serious and profitable conversation. The viands were plain—a secondary -matter; the chief thing was the discussion. This often turned on the -most trivial subjects, for the host seems to have thought with Terence: - - “Homo sum, et nihil humani a me alienum puto.” - -Practical politics for a Greek of Plutarch’s day did not mean serious -business, especially for the citizen of a small municipality like -Chaeroneia. He had therefore ample time for studying, lecturing and -formulating his numerous writings. He was not only so fortunate as to -have a good memory, but he began at an early age to take notes on what -he read; in this way he accumulated the large stock of quotations so -profusely scattered through his writings. In fact this practice of -depending upon others for his information must have done a good deal -toward weakening his power of original thought, and he usually enforces -a precept by an apt quotation rather than by arguments that he has -himself elaborated. On the other hand, his frequent reference to older -authors has given a special value to his writings in the eyes of the -moderns. Though not quoted by any extant Roman writer and rarely by a -Greek he must have been much read soon after his death, and at no time -was he wholly forgotten. His early and continued popularity doubtless -contributed not a little to the preservation of so large a portion of -his writings; but it also put into circulation under his name a number -of spurious works—just how many cannot be determined. Yet it is certain -that some genuine writings have been lost. Among the earliest printed -books were portions of Plutarch. - -Plutarch is a prolix but not a pedantic nor a tedious writer. Though he -displays immense erudition he does so without effort. An apt quotation -from one of the poets, a telling anecdote of some celebrated man or -woman, or historical incident seems always ready to his hand, and -waiting for a suitable place to be used. He is completely master of the -extensive stock of knowledge stored up in his mind or his notes. He is a -capital story-teller. He knows how to seize the salient features of a -situation, and can place them before the reader in the most effective -light. A large proportion of the anecdotes of illustrious men, belonging -to a remoter antiquity, current in modern literature, have found their -way into it through the medium of his writings. He often reminds one of -Herodotus notwithstanding his antipathy to this author, and whose -veracity he vigorously impeaches in one of his essays—assuming, of -course, that De Malignitate is really the work of Plutarch. Like -Herodotus, he often wanders from the main theme of his narrative, but -never loses sight of it, and always returns to it without unduly -distracting the reader’s attention. Like Herodotus, he is often reminded -of a “little story” that he forthwith proceeds to tell; and, as in the -case of Herodotus, the reader feels that something of value has been -added to the narrative by the story. Like Herodotus, too, he exhibits a -strange mixture of credulity with sterling good sense. So it happens -that the Father of History and the man whom Jean Paul Richter calls the -Biographical Shakespeare of Universal History often meet on common -ground, in spite of the aversion of the one to the other. Of course the -canvas on which the historian paints is much larger; the interests he -discusses are much more momentous; but he does not treat them with -greater seriousness than does the biographer and moralist. - -Perhaps the most succinct statement of Plutarch’s creed is a passage in -Isis and Osiris. He says: “For God is not a being that is without -intelligence, without a soul, and subject to men, but we regard these as -gods who constantly and in sufficient measure furnish us these fruits, -and there are neither different gods among different peoples, some -barbarian some Greek, some northern, some southern; but just as the sun -and moon, heaven and earth and sea are common to all, but are -differently designated by different peoples, so there is but one -intelligence that arranges all those things about us in order and one -Providence to which other powers that direct all things are made -subordinate, some of which have, by custom, received different honors -and appellations among different peoples. The initiates also employ -different symbols, some clearer, others more obscure, that lead the mind -to what is divine, though not without risk (of being misunderstood). For -some, being altogether led astray, fall into superstition; others again, -having steered clear of superstition, as if it were a bog, fall into -atheism as from a precipice. On this account it is especially important -to take reason that is born of philosophy, as a guide through these -mysteries, in order that we may comprehend rightly everything that is -said and done, in its true significance.” - -Plutarch is a philosopher in the sense that every man of sound mind may -be a philosopher; but he is not, strictly speaking, a philosophical -thinker. He does not hold to any carefully elaborated and consistent -system. While he has much to say about character and conduct, he rarely -attempts to fathom the motives that underlie and influence conduct. He -is at times inconsistent with himself because his views on -transcendental problems have not been systematically wrought out and -firmly fixed. If he can quote the authority of some great name in -support of a position he takes, it generally suffices him. Not -unfrequently he cites contradictory authorities both for facts and -opinions, then declares which he prefers without giving a reason for his -preference. - -Plutarch’s Moralia or Moral Writings are so called for the reason that -they are more or less concerned with ethical problems. But they also -treat incidentally of matters religious, political, literary, -psychological, physical and metaphysical or philosophical. Many of his -treatises are in the form of dialogues, in which he doubtless had before -his mind’s eye his great prototype Plato, little as he is able to fathom -his speculative profundity. Sometimes his discussions are addressed to a -real or imaginary interlocutor, who has, however, little to say. His -discourses may be regarded as sermons or lectures addressed to a small -circle of interested listeners, or even to a single person, though in -reality intended for a larger public. The homiletic character of many of -Plutarch’s discourses is also attested by the fact that he regards -morals as closely connected with religion. He is the bitter enemy of -atheism, because, as he maintains, it leads to a dissolute and aimless -life. He was, however, in no sense an innovator, but ardently attached -to the traditions of his countrymen. He seeks to discover a hidden -meaning in the popular myths and cults, and to explain them on -philosophical grounds. His attitude in this respect has contributed a -good deal to the popular interest in the man. He is a self-consecrated -priest of the established religion which he defended, not because it was -to his personal profit to do so, but from conviction. As he will not or -can not discard the cults of his day, or treat them as founded on mere -figments of the imagination, it is incumbent upon him to explain them as -best he can. And he seems to be convinced that he has been entirely -successful. - -Not only is he an avowed foe of atheism, but he is an equally vigorous -opponent of superstition. Yet it is often impossible to see where he -draws the line between what he regards as rational faith and mere -credulity; between his own creed and that of the populace. In truth, the -task is not an easy one for anybody. The German nicely designates the -close proximity of faith and credulity by the two terms _Glaube_ and -_Aberglaube_. There was hardly a man in the ancient world of whom we -have any considerable knowledge, even though he may have been an avowed -atheist, who was wholly without superstition. The destiny of individuals -and nations was so often decided by influences so mysterious and -inscrutable that it might well be attributed to the miraculous -interposition of the gods. Even in our day, when the laws of nature are -better understood than ever before, men still feel themselves the sport -of unseen forces and powers that often seem to be malevolent or -benevolent for no discoverable reason, and which, it is hard to believe, -are not controlled by a supernal will. - -Plutarch’s merits as a historical writer are seriously impaired by his -readiness to believe everything that comes to him through tradition or -record. Still one ought not to blame him for not being what he does not -profess to be. His main purpose is not to attain historical truth, but -to discover what will “point a moral, or adorn a tale.” Had he been -other than he was he would never have been so assiduously read. - -Plutarch fully recognized the importance of the family in the social -fabric. This is the more to his credit for the reason that the trend of -public opinion was against him in this respect. All the evidence we have -goes to show that he was a judicious father, a loving husband, a dutiful -son, and an affectionate brother. He is thus a zealous defender of the -virtues he himself exemplified. A knowledge of his character, as shown -by his conduct, contributes not a little to the pleasure the modern -reader finds in the perusal of his pages. How often, alas! do we -discover on closer examination a great gulf between what men write and -what they do! How often does a knowledge of the private life of a great -writer mar the interest we take in what he writes! - -Though a man of kind heart and polished manners, judged by the standard -of his time, Plutarch was no reformer. Indeed, no reform was possible by -means of his didactic method. He does not denounce vigourously the -corruptions of his time. He is far from employing the drastic speech of -his Roman contemporaries. It is probable that in his secluded home he -did not know or even suspect the moral degradation of the world around -him; it is certain he had not fathomed it. He knows something of the -Jewish religion, and might have known more, had he cared to inform -himself. He might have heard Paul’s preaching; and Christianity had -gained a firm foothold in Greece before Plutarch’s death. But he was too -much of a Greek to take any interest in what had no relation either to -Greek religion or tradition. The new faith in virtue of its origin, was -foolishness to him. He considered the Hellenic religion good enough for -anybody and everybody. It might indeed need purification from some of -its grosser elements and exotic excrescences; but more than this was -wholly unnecessary. - -Nothing that Plutarch says exhibits in a more striking light the -humaneness of his disposition than his exhortations to the kind -treatment of brutes. He believes that the good man is kind to his beast. -He regards it a duty to care for the horse and the dog that have served -him well, when they become old and useless. He seems to think that -animals are not without a measure of reason and that they have to a -limited extent, the power to decide between right and wrong. Though -possessed of only a modicum of intelligence, this at least cannot be -entirely denied to them, any more than it can be denied to a bad man. A -certain measure of reason is the gift of nature; perfect and virtuous -reason is the result of practice and instruction. The reasoning powers -of many animals are, to an extent, on a level with those of man; they -differ not so much in quality as in quantity. It is right, therefore, to -use but not to abuse them. Cruelty to animals is evidence of a base -heart. Those who treat them harshly usually accentuate their bad traits -in their dealings with men. Our treatment of animals is, therefore, in -some sort and often to a considerable extent, an index of how we treat -our fellow beings. Plutarch finds the lower animals in some respects -more rational than men. They never eat or drink more than enough to -satisfy hunger and thirst; nor do they give way to any unnatural or -excessive appetites. He is somewhat inclined to condemn the use of -animal food; but, at any rate, animals must not be cruelly dealt with to -make them more palatable, nor put to death by lingering and inhuman -methods. He had in view more particularly some of the practices -prevalent in Rome in his day,—practices that were, in truth, horrible in -the extreme. It is no wonder that he names them only to condemn them. -The extreme modernness of Plutarch in this matter becomes the more -strikingly evident when we remember that classical antiquity not only -very seldom has a kind word for irrational creatures, but was wont to -treat them with extreme harshness. This was particularly the case among -the Romans. - -Plutarch regards the soul as composed of two parts. One part seeks after -truth and light; the other is under the influence of the passions, and -liable to error. The first is divine, the second carnal. In so far as a -man heeds the monitions of the former he will follow the path of virtue. -Practical virtue, virtue in action, is wisdom; vice is error. In order -to be virtuous it is only necessary to listen to the voice of reason. -Plutarch does not doubt that virtue can be taught. To teach virtue -consists largely in making it attractive to the young. Reason does not -annihilate the passions; it merely directs them toward a goal that it -has marked out. Virtue consists in “the golden mean”—μηδὲν ἄγαν—in doing -neither too much nor too little. Bravery is a virtue whose place is -between cowardice and rashness. Mildness or kindness is a virtue: its -place is between stolidity and cruelty, just as the place of liberality -is midway between the extremes, stinginess and prodigality. He adduces a -number of proofs to establish the position that the passions are -corporeal and the reason supersensuous; in a correct system of pedagogy -a proper use is to be made of the latter for controlling and wisely -directing the former toward rational ends. It is in every man’s power to -be virtuous under all circumstances, but happiness, or rather good -fortune, is dependent upon many things. A virtuous man may enjoy peace -of mind at all times, while the largest possessions are of no real value -to a bad man. Vice is an anomaly in the constitution of society. -Tranquillity of mind, calmness of soul, are not to be sought in a state -of inactivity and in retirement. The affirmative of this proposition has -led many people into error. Disgusted with the world, they seek peace by -withdrawing from its turmoil and hurly-burly, too often only to meet -with disappointment. There is not a condition in life from which no -consolation can be extracted, and it is the province of reason to -discover how this may be done. In what way this is possible he shows by -a number of examples from biography. What many persons at first looked -upon as misfortunes not unfrequently turned out to be a blessing to -themselves and to the world. On the other hand, many persons who were -regarded by almost every one as among the most fortunate, were found to -have a skeleton in their closet. When the sage suffers a loss, he does -not grieve over it, but places a higher value on what is left to him. No -man is so poor, no man has lost so much, but that there remains in his -possession something for which he can felicitate himself. Neither is any -one so destitute but that he might be still worse off, and the most -wretched are certain to meet with others more needy than themselves. On -the physical side of our nature we are all subject to what, for want of -a better name, may be called _chance_; but this is not true of our moral -and intellectual side. It is therefore within our power to secure -indestructible and inalienable possessions: insight, love of knowledge, -virtue, the consciousness of being and doing right. Not even the fear of -death disquiets the good man, for he knows that after his dissolution he -shall enter into a better state of existence than this life; the bad man -clings to life because of the dread uncertainty before him after death. -As a last resource, if a man’s sufferings become too great to be -endured, he can make an end of them with his own hand. - -To Plutarch, no riches, no purely external possessions, are so conducive -to peace of mind and cheerfulness of heart, as a soul that has kept -itself free from evil thoughts and acts. For a soul that has held itself -aloof from contamination every day is a festival; the world, a temple in -which God dwells and which he has adapted to the fulfilment of man’s -wants. By the proper use of reason men may control their passions and -find satisfaction in the enjoyment of what is within their reach. They -may reflect with complacency on the past and look forward to the future -with hope. A man’s unhappiness is caused rather by the pains of the soul -than those of the body. Diseases of the body are due to its nature, but -disease of the soul is man’s own work. Moreover the maladies of the soul -are curable, a condition of things that ought to afford us much -consolation. Though the sufferings and diseases to which the body is -subject take many forms, those that a corrupt heart and a debased soul -send forth, as from a perennial fountain, are much more numerous. Again, -corporal diseases may be detected by their external symptoms; the -maladies of the soul are hidden. They are the more dangerous from the -fact that, in most instances, the patient himself is not aware of them. -The greatest malady of the soul is the want of reason and good sense, -because they disqualify men from recognizing their own baseness and the -remedies necessary for a cure. Few persons who are guilty of wrong-doing -realize that they have committed transgressions; oftentimes they even -think they have acted wisely and judiciously. They call their anger, -bravery; their envy and jealousy, emulation; their cowardice, prudence; -while it never occurs to them to seek the aid of a philosopher for the -diseases of the soul until they are incurable and have become so -virulent that they drive the patient to the commission of the most -diabolical crimes. - -From these premises there follows the inevitable conclusion that the -chief end of man is progress in virtue, or, we might better say, in all -the virtues, though virtue in reality is but one. Our progress in -philosophy is the result of constant and uninterrupted effort. Parallel -to this is our progress in virtue; if we relax our efforts for a moment -we incur the danger of letting vice get a hold upon us. He who is always -in conflict with vice, with his evil passions, may rest assured that he -is making progress in virtue. But our love for virtue must partake of -the nature of a passion; in it we ought to find our highest -gratification, so that if we are interrupted in our pursuit we shall -long to return to it. The aim and purpose of our philosophy must be -practical, and it is chiefly in our activity as a citizen and a man in -all the multiplex relations of life, that we may test our love for it. -Yet, the true philosopher is not ostentatious, and it makes little -difference to him whether the world recognizes him as such or not. He -ought to seek internal satisfaction, not public acknowledgement. Herein -Plutarch takes his stand in opposition to many of his countrymen who -aspired to the name and title of philosophers, but did little to deserve -them. How men of sense regarded them has been pointed out elsewhere. - -We may also measure our progress in philosophy, that is, in virtue, by -our love of the beautiful and the good; by our attitude towards praise -and blame. We ought neither to seek the one nor avoid the other. If we -really desire to correct our faults and shortcomings, we will be ready -at all times to listen to advice and to heed criticism; nor will we -conceal any part of our nature or cover up any of our acts in order to -seem what we are not. Nevertheless, when we are firmly convinced that we -are in the right, it is our duty to go forward in the course we have -marked out for ourselves, no matter what others may think or say. - -There is no stronger incentive to noble deeds and an upright life than -the lives of the great and the good of all ages. It was mainly under the -impulse of this belief that Plutarch compiled his parallel biographies. -In the nature of the case their value as truthful records is greatly -impaired by the standpoint from which they were written; but it is this -fact that has given them an attractiveness and a currency such as no -other works of their kind have equalled. Plutarch’s Lives have for -centuries been the monitors of youth and the solace of the aged. They -have been read and admired wherever men have honored courage, fortitude, -intrepidity, self-control, patriotism, humaneness—in short, every trait -of character that can be classed among the virtues. Greeks and Romans, -ancients and moderns, learned and illiterate, rich and poor, have been -fascinated by them, and it is on them that their author’s fame chiefly -rests. To many persons, in fact to the great majority of readers, -Plutarch is known only as the writer of charming biographies; yet these -constitute a good deal less than half his extant works. - -Plutarch holds that men find the path of virtue and continue to walk in -it, by reflection, deliberation, introspection; by a systematic, rigid -and continued self-examination—in other words, by a practical -application of the methods that philosophy points out. Man is sane and -sound only so long as he puts into practice the principles of virtue. So -long as he is the slave of his passions he is in need of a physician. -Philosophy is the sanitation of the soul; the genuine philosopher is the -real physician of the soul. In pursuance of his chosen vocation, -Plutarch wrote a number of essays for the purpose of giving instruction -upon the best methods of controlling the different passions to which men -are subject. Their purport easily becomes evident from a glance at their -titles. They show that he has carefully observed and studied men, at -least those that constitute the various higher classes and give the -prevailing tone to society. Many of these essays are still of interest -and well repay perusal. They contain many acute observations and piquant -remarks. - -For Plutarch the old mythology is sufficient as a basis for a religious -belief. Like most of the Greek philosophers who incline toward theism, -he maintains that myths are, to a greater or less extent, corruptions of -primitive verities. These originated in the popular mind and received -artistic form at the hands of the poets. Underlying them all there is -truth enough and beauty enough to show the aspiration of the soul after -higher things, and they form the basis of a purely theistic belief. -Plutarch’s unbounded faith in human reason leads him to believe that it -alone is entirely sufficient to enable any and every man to lead a -virtuous life. His advice to every one is, in substance: get all the -light you can; use the reason you are endowed with by the creator; -acquire additional knowledge and wisdom every day; make your inward life -an object of daily study and reflection,—if you do these things you will -lead a virtuous life. Those persons who have no love for the beautiful -and the good, no desire to become virtuous, fail because they neglect to -cultivate the reason with which every man is originally endowed. They -grope in the darkness cast about them by their own passions, and refuse -to follow the lamp that reason holds up before them. Plutarch’s -optimism; his faith in the power of the intellect to make the world -better, is especially remarkable in view of the fact that his -countrymen, notwithstanding their general intelligence, notwithstanding -the large number of great men in almost every department of knowledge -born in Greek lands, in spite of the fact that Greece was the native -hearth of philosophy, had for centuries been retrograding morally, -intellectually and politically. So hard is it to divorce most men from a -theory to which they have attached themselves. His mistake arose from -his seeing all men in the mirror of his own thoughts. He believed that -the whole human race could be influenced by the motives that influenced -himself, and that all could, if they wished, be constantly engaged in -the search for light and wisdom in the way he sought them. This radical -error he inherited from his master, Plato, and it is strange that he did -not detect it. He seems never to have suspected that he might be -mistaken. - -Plutarch’s religion is wholly without enthusiasm and his morality has in -it not a tinge of emotion. Do right always, because by such a course of -life you will enjoy the largest measure of mundane happiness that can -fall to the lot of a mortal, and be a benefactor to all who come within -the circle of your influence. Make the best of every situation in which -you may be placed. Do not take too seriously the hindrances to a -virtuous life that you may find in your way, because you can remove them -if you will. No matter what your station in life, do not expect your -path to be always a smooth one. If you keep these things in mind you -will probably live long,—you are sure to live happily. - -Plutarch’s views regarding the education of women are far in advance of -his age. He follows his master, Plato, in vindicating for them the same -virtues that belong to men. His treatise often designated The Virtues of -Women is chiefly a record of heroic deeds that have been performed by -the so-called weaker sex. He admits that the worth or efficiency of -women is not necessarily of the same quality as that of men, but he -contends that its ethical value is equal and its intrinsic merit in no -wise inferior. The woman who has performed a noble deed is entitled to -just as much credit as a a man. He takes issue with Thucydides for -saying that the best woman is the one of whom least is said either for -good or evil. He also takes issue with the thoroughly Greek sentiment, -though perhaps more pronounced in Athens than elsewhere, that woman is -at most little else than a plaything and a convenience for man; and that -her highest function is to bear legitimate male children. According to -Plutarch the wife is to be the equal partner in the management of the -household. When it is well conducted she deserves equal commendation -with the husband. He would open a wider sphere for women; train them -intellectually, and awaken in them an interest in the larger affairs of -life. Consistently with these views, Plutarch assigned to his wife an -honorable place in his household. She received guests in her husband’s -absence; sat at table with him and interested herself in public as well -as private affairs. While this was in contravention of the custom of his -day, it was in harmony with a faintly discernible trend of public -opinion, probably the result of Roman influence. That the innovation -made slow progress is plain not only from the later history of Greece -but also from Greek social usages in our own day. When we take -cognizance of the unhappy state of his country we are inclined to wonder -at Plutarch’s uniform serenity of mind. He never indulges in satire or -sneer, while many of his contemporaries did both. But we must remember -that his philosophy had, above and beyond everything else, a practical -purpose, and that in a rather material sense. Men’s misfortunes are -their own fault and therefore preventible; or they are not their own -fault and therefore unavoidable. In either case nothing is gained by -grieving over them. - -It will be evident from a perusal of the De Sera that optimism is the -basis of Plutarch’s philosophy. Men can do right if they will, and if -they do right they can not fail to be happy. There is a superintending -Providence that in the end rectifies all wrong and injustice. He seems -to hold with Goethe that “Every sin is punished here below,” though the -punishment does not end in this life. Retribution is not delayed until -after death; it visits the sinner in this world. Or if he is so -fortunate as to end his days in peace, so far as mortals can see, he -entails a curse upon his descendants. The iniquities of the fathers are -visited upon the children unto the third and fourth generation. But the -punishment of the wicked does not end with this life. The soul bears the -imprint of its crimes after it has left the body. That God sometimes -permits a wicked man to end his days in peace but that He has fastened a -curse on his offspring, is a prominent article in the creed of many of -the older Greek writers. It is often referred to by Herodotus. So firmly -convinced is he that all wrong-doing must be atoned for that when he -finds an instance where the law does not appear to hold good he -confesses himself at a loss to account for the failure of its operation. -Not only individuals but nations as well must expiate crimes committed -and wrongs done by their representatives in an official capacity. And -there is no doubt that the influence of this belief was most wholesome. -Much of what Plutarch says on this point is probably fanciful, -especially when he appeals to the testimony of history; but what he -records is in keeping with his philosophy and has therefore a strong -personal interest. Moreover, he furnishes us with some interesting -testimony as to the prevalence of a belief in rewards and punishments -among men outside the pale of Christianity. - -Plutarch’s ideal of duty is a high one. The fulfilment of some duty is -incumbent upon every man so long as he lives. It is as imperative in old -age as in early life. When a man is quit of his obligations to his -children, he owes a service to his country and to his fellow citizens in -a narrower sense. From this service, only the impairment of his -facilities or death may release him. As every man is born into the -state, and as, in a certain sense, he is a man only in so far as he -discharges his obligations to the state, he has no choice in the matter. -Herein lies a duty from which there is no possible escape. But the mere -holding of an office is not the only or even the chief test of the good -citizen. His duties in a private capacity are no less important, and if -less conspicuous are equally far reaching. The good citizen is the -philosopher in his true sphere: good citizenship is philosophy in -action—applied philosophy. It is only in actual life that the -philosopher can put his theories to the test. The form of government is -a matter of minor importance. Plutarch regards monarchy, as on the -whole, the best, but he is not radical. In this he agrees with the -majority of Greek philosophers, most of whom were generally more or less -dissatisfied with the turbulent Athenian democracy. That monarchy is -best where the head of the state is what Plutarch would have him be, a -philosopher. But even the most absolute monarch should not regard -himself above law; he is to be its executor. Moreover, it is his duty -not only to obey cheerfully the written law that binds prince and people -alike, but also that unwritten law that reason has implanted in the soul -of every man of sound mind. Rulers are in a sense the servants of God -whose duty it is to apportion rewards and punishments according to their -deserts, to all that are under their authority. - -After all, man’s first and chief duty is to himself. His quest for -light, for knowledge, for truth is never to be intermitted. He is to -take his bearings, as it were, frequently, in order to see what progress -he is making. If his aims are noble, his purposes right, and his motives -pure, he will not only make daily progress in virtue, but when he is -called to leave this world he can depart in peace because he will have -the consciousness that it is the better for his having lived in it. - -Having thus given a short sketch of Plutarch as a man and a citizen let -us proceed to examine briefly the times in which he lived as -supplementary to what has already been said under this general head in -treating of Seneca. What had Roman rule done for his country? What was -the social and economic condition of Greece and Greek lands in the first -century of the Christian era? Unfortunately our information on these -points is exceedingly scanty. In fact, political economy is a recent -science; in ancient times the lot of the poor was little taken note of. -It was everywhere a hard one, and the care of the indigent, so much -insisted on in the New Testament, is almost the first sign of an -awakening in this respect. But it did not originate with the government; -that had other ends in view. That the Roman policy toward the -proletariat in the imperial capital only made matters worse, is well -known. When we remember how much has been done in recent years by -legislation in every civilized country for the amelioration of the -condition of the lowest classes and how much still remains to be done, -we can picture to ourselves the state of society where all this was -omitted. - -When we remember further that up to a comparatively recent period -commerce, trade and manufactures flourished, in so far as they can be -said to have flourished, not because they were fostered by governments, -but almost in spite of them, it is not surprising that they received -little attention at the hands of the Greeks and Romans, either -individually or collectively. It has already been stated that the sole -object of the ruling powers was to raise the largest amount of revenue, -not to equalize the burdens on all the subjects. On no question is -ancient thought so crude as upon economics. The blight of slavery that -made free labor to a certain extent disgraceful, and a condition of -things that hindered the establishment of manufacturies on a large -scale, tells the sorrowful story. - -In his attitude toward slavery, Plutarch does not seem to hold as -advanced views as Seneca and some of the better men of his age and -preceding times. Yet he did not endorse the prevalent opinion, embodied -in legislation, that a slave is a soulless thing, though the justice of -emancipation occupied his attention but little. Here again we find his -practical ideas in the foreground. He is concerned to make the best of -the situation as he finds it. Slavery exists, is an ineradicable element -of organized society and is coextensive with the human race. The best -that the philosopher can do is to make sages of slave-holders, to the -end that they treat their bondmen with justice and humaneness. Compare -the anecdotes of Plato and Archytas in De Sera, Chap. 5. According to -Plutarch slaves have souls like other human beings, and are capable of -mental and moral improvement; consequently masters have duties to -perform toward them that are just as plain and just as imperative as -those due to persons on the same social level with themselves. - -The prosperity of nations rests mainly upon the numbers and intelligence -of its middle classes. It can everywhere be measured by the rise of this -class. What wonder then that the nations were poor among whom it -scarcely existed? Rome could not go on plundering interminably, and the -riches of its provinces in time became exhausted because not -replenished. All that the ancient world has left upon record for us, -proceeds upon the assumption of a large body of slaves and a small body -of free citizens, and breathes a contempt for labor and trade. In most -of the Greek states the commercial and manufacturing class consisted -chiefly of resident aliens who were also slave-holders, and no citizen -was so poor that he did not own at least one slave. To be a slave-owner -was a badge of respectability even for those who were not citizens. In -the Greek states, so long as they were free polities, war and religion -occupied all the time and attention of the citizens, except that small -body that were interested in philosophical pursuits. When they were no -longer free and no longer had serious affairs in which to employ their -time, they spent most of it in idle gossip or as the Acts tell us, “in -hearing or telling some new thing.” What legislation they were still -permitted to engage in never concerned matters of grave import. They -decreed crowns and statues to real or supposed benefactors, only to -annul their decrees when those whom they were intended to honor happened -to incur the displeasure of the legislators or to fall into disgrace -with the higher powers. Then there were deputations between different -states about boundary disputes, about festivals, about claims and -counter claims of all sorts, the sending of which was often debated with -a solemnity that makes us wonder how the participants could themselves -fail to see their farcical character. Generally the game at stake was -the favor of the emperor, each party striving to outbid the other in -professions of loyalty or to outvie it in the length of its bill for -services rendered. When, as was frequently the case, these delegations -did not find the emperor in Rome, they had, of course, to follow him -into provinces or to await his return. This required time that, we may -be sure, was in most cases ungrudgingly given. Instead of directing -their energies into channels of activity and trying by honest work to -better their worldly condition it was talk, talk with the Greeks, and -talk without end. - -There is no stronger evidence of their fondness for discussion and for -listening to the spoken word than Greek literature itself. The -historians are in the habit of stating the case of opposing parties by -harangues which they put into the mouth of a representative of each. -Greek poetry consists in a great measure of dialogue. Philosophy was -chiefly developed by means of oral discussion. Comedy, even after it was -no longer represented on the stage, still appears as dialogue and not in -the usual form of the satire. Among its richest legacies to posterity is -its oratory, and in it we have the spoken word in its most effective -form; but it still represents words rather than deeds, and belongs for -the most part to the declining age of Greece. A solitary thinker like -Kant was wholly foreign to Greek ideas. So persistently has this trait -remained a characteristic of the Hellenes that many of their best -friends deplore their fondness for petty politics; their sleepless -anxiety to assist in the management of the government instead of turning -their attention to bettering their material condition by a steady -devotion to private business. Many of the rich and well-to-do Greeks -live outside the kingdom of Greece where their lingual activity is -circumscribed and they are compelled by circumstances to turn their -energies into more profitable channels. Rarely has a man, distinguished -for eloquence alone, profoundly influenced the course of human events. -Contemporaries are unanimous in ascribing to Julius Caesar oratorical -gifts of the highest order; but he preferred to make his mark as a doer -of deeds rather than as a maker of phrases. - -In Rome the economic conditions were somewhat different from those -prevailing in Greece and the East, yet Rome was not a commercial state. -It was founded on military power, extended by valor and endurance in -war, and when there were no more worlds to conquer, the forces that had -been turned against external enemies began to be turned against herself. -Rome was rich while she had other countries to plunder; when this was no -longer possible her decay began. And these countries, by which we mean -all the provinces outside of the city, were rich so long as the -fertility of their soil continued and their mines were productive. That -Rome’s moral decline antedated her economic retrogression by centuries -is familiar to every reader of ancient history, but it is only the -latter that we are concerned with here. - -Money was not used for purposes of production, but for the purchase of -articles of luxury and display. Much of what had been accumulated in the -capital flowed eastward and disappeared. Italy gradually passed into the -hands of a small number of largelanded proprietors, whose vast estates -were cultivated by persons who had no interest in maintaining their -fertility. Great numbers of free citizens flocked to Rome to enjoy the -doles distributed to the populace at stated intervals; to feast their -eyes on the bloody spectacles, so frequently and so magnificently given; -and to die, only to leave room to be filled by the constantly inflowing -stream. The empire existed for the City, its capital. We have already -spoken of the strange fascination it exercised over all who had once -been under its spell. We may safely assume that of the eighty thousand -Romans put to death by Mithridates in his dominions, a considerable -portion had gone abroad in the hope of enriching themselves in order to -spend their gains in the capital. Doubtless, too, so far afield, trade -was less despised than at the seat of government. The empire built, and -for a time kept in repair, those magnificent highways that are still the -admiration of all who see them. But they served military purposes almost -exclusively. When no longer needed they were suffered to fall into -decay. They were not constructed to facilitate commercial intercourse, -and contributed little to the economic welfare of the empire. When the -lack of local improvements was sufficiently felt and the people were not -too much impoverished, which was seldom the case, to bear the necessary -financial burdens these were undertaken by the local authorities. But -there is reason to believe that some of the provinces, notably the -Grecian, became poorer and poorer from year to year. The capital drained -the province; the people lost heart, and gave themselves up to the -apathy of indifference or despair. - -It was the evil destiny of the Greek polities that they could never be -brought to act together for any length of time; nor did all of them ever -act together in any common enterprise. And they learned nothing from -experience. The misfortunes resulting from this centripetal tendency -were pointed out time and again by writers and orators, but to no -purpose. Local pride always outweighed the dictates of reason or even of -common prudence. Had Greece presented a united front, under competent -leadership, it would have been a hard task for even Rome to subdue it. -But it was impossible for the different states to forget their -reciprocal animosities: the increasing prosperity of one was usually the -signal for others to turn their arms against it. In this way all of them -were gradually weakened and thus became a comparatively easy prey to any -strong foreign foe that might choose to attack them. Their subjugation -by Rome was by far the greatest misfortune that ever befell them. Philip -of Macedon and his successors were at least more than half Greeks, and -had a good deal of sympathy with Greek ideas. The Romans had none -whatever. Still, cruelly as they carried out the work of subjugation in -certain localities, when their first animosity was appeased they seem -not to have interfered systematically with existing municipal -administrations. Yet the financial pressure became harder as the people -grew poorer, and matters went from bad to worse. The wickedness of -Corinth, the most Roman of Greek cities after it had been rebuilt under -imperial auspices, affords striking evidence of what Roman influence -meant on the morals of a Greek polity. - -It is a matter of common knowledge what Roman internecine war brought -upon Italy. To a certain extent the same evils were shared by Greece. -Three of the fiercest battles between the contestants for the principate -were fought in or near Greece. The Greeks were always on the losing -side, though her soldiers were not numerously represented in the Roman -armies. These battles did but accelerate a retrograde movement that had -been quite marked at least since the Mithridatic war, though it did not -begin then. The population was rapidly decreasing. Plutarch says that in -his time all Greece could not furnish three thousand heavy-armed -soldiers. This statement must not be taken too literally; it can hardly -mean that there were not this number of able-bodied men in the whole of -Greece; it must mean that it did not contain three thousand citizens -sufficiently well-to-do to enable them to support themselves in the -field. In the days of their glory some of the smallest Greek states were -better off than this would indicate. It is certainly proof positive of -poverty, if not of a very sparse population. But this, too, had greatly -decreased in some places. In the time of Augustus, Thebes had ceased to -be anything more than a large village—the same Thebes that had played so -prominent a part in legend and history. With a few exceptions, the -larger Boeotian towns were in the same sad plight. Cities without -inhabitants, or only a few; cattle grazing in the deserted streets, and -even in the market-place, seem to have been a common sight. What had -become of the inhabitants? We only know that they were gone, most of -them, doubtless, to their graves. - -In Greece, Sparta excepted, slavery was of a rather mild type, and it -was unusual for a Greek to sell a slave to a foreigner. Neither did -gladiatorial combats flourish among the Greeks. Even Corinth, that in -later times contained a large admixture of Romans, could not acclimate -them. While it is true that the Greeks made light of human life and took -it upon the slightest pretext, it was rarely done by the cruel methods -of the Romans. With all their faults and frailties they belonged to a -distinctly higher type of men, and their civilization at a very early -period began to move along lines afterward followed by the progressive -nations of the world. How infinitely better were their peaceful contests -than the bloody spectacles that were the delight of Rome! - -Just as the Greeks were reluctant to admit foreigners to citizenship, -they were also reluctant to admit exotic gods into their pantheon. In -both, their policy was diametrically opposed to that of Rome. Their -exclusiveness in the former regard was due to their belief in their own -superiority; in the latter, to the conviction that their national gods -were sufficient for all human needs. Friedlaender is probably right in -his contention that the period here under consideration shows no decay -in what we may call religion, either in Greece or Rome. Its external -forms and traditional rites were sedulously kept up and scrupulously -maintained. Plutarch likewise bears testimony to this condition of -things. Scoffers and infidels had become more numerous, mainly because -the Romans were more tolerant in such matters than the Greeks. To the -ruling class all cults were alike; consequently they made no objections -to anything that was spoken or written, so long as their authority was -not directly or indirectly attacked. In the various controversies about -religion mentioned in the New Testament, the attitude of the government -is always one of indifference except as to the maintenance of public -order. - -The Greeks, generally speaking, preferred, like Plutarch, the limited -sphere of local political activity to the larger one offered at Rome. -The provincials who came to honor on the other side of the Adriatic were -few in number. - -In the main the provinces fared better under the imperial government -than under the republic. There was a higher degree of probability that -wrongs would be redressed. A case in point is that of the apostle Paul -who appealed to Caesar even when the Caesar was Nero. - -It is a well-known fact of ancient history that property in transit, -either by land or sea, was at no time particularly safe at a distance -from the centers of population. The thief and the robber are familiar -figures in both sacred and profane writings. Pompey’s extensive crusade -against the pirates that infested all parts of the Mediterranean forms -an important episode in the records of the Roman navy. Even in the -cities, the unlighted streets afforded frequent opportunities for -plunder and murder to those who had no scruples about taking life or -property. As domestic affairs from time to time engrossed the attention -of the imperial administration, the outlying provinces were not -carefully looked after; roads were neglected and became insecure; the -police force lacked efficiency, and commercial intercourse between the -different parts of the empire was reduced to a minimum. The people were -driven to agriculture as their only means of support, which, in Greece -particularly, was never a profitable industry. Nothing affords a more -striking contrast between the police system of ancient and modern times -than the frequency with which robberies are mentioned in the former and -their rarity in the other. Paul tells us that he had been in peril by -robbers; we know, too, from the writings of Josephus and others that the -conflicts between this class of outlaws and the Roman government were by -no means infrequent. Those who had been engaged in rebellion, or who -were among the vanquished in battle, or who had become voluntary or -compulsory exiles, often felt that they had a right to prey on orderly -society. - -It is a recognized fact that the monarchical system of the East tended -to encourage immorality, a condition of things that usually exists where -there is no strong and wholesome public opinion. The usurpers in the -Greek cities, and later, the Roman provincial governors, were, with rare -exceptions, men of loose morals if not worse. The private life of its -representatives was a matter with which the home government did not -concern itself, and the subjects were constrained to be dumb. Now and -then one of these petty sovereigns ruled wisely according to the -standards of the time, and the public was satisfied, especially if they -knew how to maintain brilliant courts, and to adorn their capitals with -imposing structures. It was so easy to trump up the charge of sedition -against persons who refused to be servile flatterers, that only the most -courageous dared to stand aloof. Finlay, though somewhat given to -painting in strong colors, is probably not far wrong when he says: “It -is difficult to imagine a society more completely destitute of moral -restraint than that in which the Asiatic Greeks lived. Public opinion -was powerless to enforce even an outward respect for virtue; military -accomplishments, talents for civil administration, literary eminence and -devotion to the power of an arbitrary sovereign, were the direct roads -to distinction and wealth; honesty and virtue were very secondary -qualities. In old countries or societies where a class becomes -predominant, a conventional character is formed, according to the -exigencies of the case, as the standard of an honorable man; and it is -usually very different indeed from what is really necessary to -constitute a virtuous or even an honest citizen.” - -The student of Greek history is often inclined to believe that the bane -of Hellenic statesmanship was the bitter rivalry that always existed -between the different polities. From the standpoint of the philosopher -this view is correct. If the energies devoted to the means and methods -of mutual destruction had been expended on the arts of peace, not only -Greece, but the entire world would, to-day, present a widely different -aspect. However much the moralist may deplore the existing conditions, -the man who takes the world as it is cannot fail to see that the utmost -strength of a nation is always put forth in war and for warlike -purposes. It was so with the Greeks. Political rivalry was the strongest -stimulus under which they acted. It was their life and growth, and to a -large extent the measure of their prosperity. When political rivalries -were extinguished by Alexander, and more effectually by the Romans, the -spirit of Greece, too, died out. The Romans, especially in their first -contact with Greece, were too much barbarians to have any sympathy with -the best that Greece had to offer. A genius for government is not -necessarily a mark of advanced civilization. It is true there were at -all times men among the Romans able to appreciate the proud preeminence -of the Greeks in arts and letters, but their numbers were too few to -make any general impression. The leading families, including most of the -emperors, were familiar with the Greek language and used it with ease; -but there were few Romans who did not despise the Greeks and regard them -as inferiors. Nations, like individuals, feel more or less contempt for -those whose tastes are different from their own; and in the case before -us, the Greeks being the weaker, were the chief sufferers. But just as -rich men sometimes buy books and statuary of which they do not know the -value, and collect libraries which they cannot read, because intelligent -people take pleasure in these things, so a certain class of Romans -affected a fondness for Greek art and literature and philosophy. An -enormous quantity of works of Greek art was transported across the -Adriatic by the Romans with small advantage to the pillagers or to the -nation. Notwithstanding the predilection of some of the leading families -for Greek culture, their influence made no deep and lasting impression -on Roman thought, in the better sense. Rome always showed itself much -more receptive toward what is debasing than for what was ennobling. - -After this hasty survey of the condition of Plutarch’s countrymen we are -more than ever inclined to be surprised at his optimism. Yet the -explanation is not far to seek, and is consistent with his philosophy. -He had an abiding faith in a divine Providence who orders all things for -the best. He holds that men are free and therefore responsible. The ills -that afflict them are chiefly of their own making; why then should a -wise man grieve over them? It is man’s chief business to free himself -from unholy desires; to control the volcanic and perturbing impulses of -his nature by means of philosophy, which when rightly apprehended is -divine. As man is in the last analysis an ethical being, the fundamental -problem of philosophy is how to carry out in practice those ethical -principles in the observance of which man only can be truly happy. If, -then, men’s misfortunes are the natural consequence and result of their -own perverseness, there is no reason why we should grieve over them. So -far as political conditions are concerned, he doubtless felt that the -rule of the Roman emperors had at last given peace to his long -distracted country, on as favorable terms as could be expected. - -It has been said of Plutarch that there is not a new thought in all his -writings,—and this by way of disparagement. The charge is probably true. -The men who have put new ideas into the world are few indeed. The world -is far less in need of instruction than of reminding. Besides, there is -no reason why an artist should not deal with a familiar subject in his -own way. If he can tell an old story so as to give it a new interest, or -treat a well-worn theme so as to make it seem fresh, he is not the least -among his brethren. It is especially writers upon ethics that are apt to -be tedious. The more honor to him who can make his preaching attractive -and interesting. - -Perhaps the chief charm of Plutarch’s writings is the assumption on his -part that he is a reasonable man himself and is talking to reasonable -men; for as we have already seen, he has always hearers in mind rather -than readers. We can imagine him ever and anon saying, You either know -what is right, what your duty is, or you want to know. The rules of -conduct are plain and simple; you have but to obey them and you will be -happy. Perform the duties incumbent upon you, to the gods, to your -fellow citizens, to the members of your family, to yourself, and you -will be content with the present order of things, and your fellow men -with you. If you want to lead a moral life, be humane, be truthful, be -sympathetic, be chaste, deal honestly with your fellow men, follow your -rational nature rather than your emotions, and you will have no reason -to regret that you have lived; your fellow men will be glad that you -have for a time sojourned among them, and have left behind you the light -of your example to shine for those who come after you. - -Lecky in his History of European Morals, already cited, has some -interesting passages on the relation of Seneca and Plutarch to certain -phases of the thought of their time, a few of which may properly find a -place here. He says: “A class of writers began to arise, who, like the -Stoics, believed virtue rather than enjoyment, to be the supreme good, -and who acknowledged that virtue consisted solely of the control which -the enlightened will exercises over the desires, but who at the same -time gave free scope to the benevolent affections, and a more religious -and mystical tone to the whole scheme of morals.” - -“Plutarch, whose fame as a biographer has, I think, unduly eclipsed his -reputation as a moralist, may be justly regarded as the leader of this -movement, and his moral writings may be profitably compared with those -of Seneca, the most ample exponent of the sterner school. Seneca is not -unfrequently self-conscious, theatrical, and over-strained. His precepts -have something of the affected ring of a popular preacher. The imperfect -fusion of his short sentences gives his style a disjointed and, so to -speak, granulated character, which the emperor Caligula happily -expressed when he compared it to sand without cement; yet he often rises -to a majesty of eloquence, a grandeur both of thought and expression, -that few moralists have ever rivaled. Plutarch, though far less sublime, -is more sustained, equable and uniformly pleasing. The Montaigne of -antiquity, his genius coruscates playfully and gracefully around his -subject; he delights in illustrations which are often singularly vivid -and original, but which by their excessive multiplication appear -sometimes rather the texture than the ornament of his discourse. A -gentle, tender spirit, and a judgment equally free from paradox, -exaggeration, and excessive subtilty, are characteristics of all he -wrote. Plutarch excels most in collecting motives of consolation; Seneca -in forming characters that need no consolation. There is something of -the woman in Plutarch; Seneca is all man.[4] The writings of the first -resemble the strains of the flute, to which the ancients attributed the -power of calming the possessions and chasing away the clouds of sorrow, -and drawing men by gentle suasion into the paths of virtue; the writings -of the other are like the trumpet blast which kindles the soul with -heroic courage. The first is more fitted to console a mother sorrowing -over her dead child; the second to nerve a brave man, without flinching -and without illusion, to grapple with an inevitable fate. The elaborate -letters which Seneca has left us on distinctive tenets of the Stoical -school, such as the equality of the vices, or the evil of the -affections, have now little more than an historic interest; but the -general tone of his writings gives them a permanent importance, for they -reflect and foster a certain type of excellence which, since the -extinction of Stoicism, has had no adequate expression in literature. -The prevailing moral tone of Plutarch, on the other hand, being formed -mainly on the prominence of the amiable virtues has been eclipsed or -transcended by the Christian writers, but his definite contribution to -philosophy and morals are more important than those of Seneca. He has -left us one of the best works on Superstition, and one of the most -ingenious on Providence, we possess. He was probably the first writer -who advocated very strongly humanity to animals on the broad ground of -universal benevolence, as distinguished from the Pythagorean doctrine of -transmigration, as he was also remarkable, beyond all his contemporaries -for his high sense of female excellence, and of the sanctity of female -love.” - -Seneca, Plutarch, and the Apostle Paul were in a sense contemporaries. -All three did what they could to make the world better in their time and -after them. All three were preachers of righteousness, each in his way. -All three wrote much that has engaged the attention of the world, and -stimulated its thought. But how great the contrast between the projects -of these men, especially the two last! Plutarch was wholly lacking in -Paul’s devotion to an idea. He would have scouted the suggestion that a -man should give up friends, social position, country, kindred, -everything, to go forth to preach a new doctrine. How widely apart, how -almost diametrically opposite the methods of two men who are in a sense -seeking the same end! The thoughts of the philosopher, his intellectual -vision, was turned toward the setting sun. At most he could only hope, -as we now see, to prolong the dim twilight that still hovered over the -earth. The world had well-nigh lost faith in the power of human reason -to regenerate mankind. The spiritual eyes of the Christian were on the -rising sun. Though he saw that it was as yet shining but dimly, he had -no doubt that in time it would rise to noonday splendor. The pillar of -fire that led and lighted the way for the saint; the beatific vision -that always stood before his enraptured gaze; the world-embracing -panorama that kept growing larger and larger as the little Christian -colonies were planted one after another in Asia Minor, in Greece, in -Rome, had no existence for the philosopher. He has, it is true, a belief -in an overruling Providence, but it lacks clearness, because weakened by -a polytheistic creed, or at least by the remnants of such a creed. To it -he still tenaciously clings, though it may be half unconsciously. He too -had a belief in an existence after death; but it was not of the sort -that made him feel that all the tribulations of this world which were -but for a moment were not to be compared with the glory that should -follow. - -If we would personify Christianity and Philosophy as they met each other -at the close of the first century of our era, we may designate the one -as the young man, who, though poor in this world’s goods, is strong in -hope, in faith, in himself and in his cause. His superb physique, his -capital digestion, make him ready for any enterprise, any sacrifice that -shall promise success. Any field in which he may display his splendid -energies is welcome to him, for he lives not in the past, but in the -future. The other is the old man who has, in the main, lived a useful -and honorable life, who has performed some noble deeds, and whose chief -anxiety is to give the rising generation the benefit of the wisdom that -has come to him in a life of study and observation. But, as is usually -the case with the aged, his advice has become commonplace and the rising -generation passes him by almost unheeded. Few have now any confidence in -his teachings, while many of his former disciples have deserted him. It -is his sad fate, to see himself jostled at first and finally thrust -aside by the passing stream of humanity. - -Footnote 3: - - Students of German literature are reminded of a certain moral and - intellectual similarity between Plutarch and Gellert. The latter, - though a man of much less natural ability, had all of Plutarch’s - kindliness, moral and religious earnestness, sympathy for those in - distress, and the same popularity among all classes from prince to - peasant. Both were equally religious, though one was a heathen and the - other a Christian; both preserved the same serenity of mind and - cheerfulness of heart in a time of national degradation and - immorality. - -Footnote 4: - - “When Plutarch, after the death of his daughter; was writing a letter - of consolation to his wife, we find him turning away from all the - commonplaces of the stoics as the recollection of one simple trait of - his little child rushed upon his mind:—‘She desired her nurse to press - even her dolls to her breast. She was so loving that she wished - everything that gave her pleasure to share in the best she had.’” The - statement that Seneca is all man will be questioned by those who know - that two of his Letters of Condolence are addressed to women. These - are almost the only writings in Roman literature so addressed. - - * * * * * - - -The principal works used in the study of Plutarch here placed before the -reader are the following: - - _Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia. Edidit Daniel Wyttenbach. 8 voll. - Oxonii, 1795-1821._ - - _R. Volkmann. Leben und Schriften des Plutarch von Chaeronea. - Berlin, 1869._ - - _O. Grèard. De la Morale de Plutarque. Cinquiéme edition. Paris, - 1892._ - - _Plutarch’s Werke übersetzt von Klaiber, Bähr, u. A. Stuttgart, - 1837-57._ - - _Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia. Recognovit Gregorius N. - Bernardakis. Lipsiae, 1888-96. 7 voll._ - -The last named contains a revised text only; from it my translation of -the De Sera was made. The German translation of Bähr, the well-known -Heidelberg professor, in the collection above cited, follows the -original very closely and has been of much service to me by its -interpretation of obscure passages. - -A complete catalogue of Plutarch’s Moralia is given in the appendix. The -list is borrowed from the edition of Bernardakis and the question of -authenticity is not taken into account. - - NOTE:—To translate Plutarch is a very different task from that of - translating Seneca. The style of the latter is terse and - epigrammatic; clauses and sentences often follow each other without - connectives, and are in the main short. That of the former is the - reverse. Most of his sentences are long, many of them very long. - These, as well as clauses and words, are often strung together with - the participles καὶ and γὰρ, or other connectives, until the reader - sometimes wonders whether they will ever end. Seneca is full of - pithy sayings well suited for quotation; in Plutarch they are rare. - The style of both writers is highly rhetorical, but, if we except - the evident striving after effect, they have little else in common. - - As in the case of Seneca, it has been my aim to preserve for the - English reader the peculiarities of the Greek, so far as possible. - There is much to be said in favor of making a translation, above - everything else, readable; but in the effort to do so, the - translator is constantly exposed to the danger of displacing the - style of the original with his own. I hope I have in a measure, at - least, succeeded in putting before the English reader, not only what - Plutarch said in the following Tract, but also how he said it. - - “Because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily, - therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do - evil.” - - - - - CONCERNING THE DELAY OF THE DEITY IN PUNISHING THE WICKED. - - -DRAMATIS PERSONAE. - -PLUTARCH. PATROCLEAS, his son-in-law. TIMON, his brother. OLYMPICHUS. - - The scene is the portico of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. The - tract is dedicated to a certain Quintus, whose name seems to - indicate that he was a Roman, but of whom nothing definite is known. - -When Epicurus had thus spoken, O Quintus, and before any one had -replied, he went hurriedly away, as we were now at the end of the porch. -We stood for some time in speechless wonder at the strange conduct of -the man and looking at one another, then turned back to resume our walk. -Thereupon Patrocleas first broke the silence: “Pray, what shall we do?” -said he, “Shall we drop the inquiry, or shall we answer the arguments of -the speaker who is not present as if he were?” “It would not be fitting -to leave the dart he discharged, as he departed, sticking in the wound. -Brasidas, as we are told, drew the shaft from his body, and with the -same weapon slew the man who had hit him. It is not worth our while, of -course, to defend ourselves against all those who assail us with -ill-grounded or fallacious arguments, but it will suffice us if we cast -them from us before they become firmly fixed in our minds.” “What was -there then,” said I, “in what he said that most impressed you? For many -things and without any order, one here, another there, the man kept -charging against Providence, with anger and vituperation at the same -time.” - -2. Hereupon Patrocleas said: “The tardiness and delay of the Deity in -punishing the wicked seems to me a matter of special importance; and -now, by the arguments that have been advanced, I have been led anew and, -as it were, a stranger, to the question; but long ago I was offended -when I read in Euripides, - -‘He procrastinates, and this is the manner of the Deity.’ Yet God ought, -least of all things, to be slack towards the wicked, as they are neither -slack nor dilatory about doing evil, but are impelled by their -unrestrained passions to acts of injustice. And in truth, the -retribution, which Thucydides says follows close upon the commission of -a crime, forthwith bars the way for those who usually prosper in -successful villainy. For there is no debt like overdue justice that -makes him who has been wronged so faint-hearted and discouraged, while -it emboldens the wicked man in his audacity and violence; but the -punishments that follow close upon the commission of crimes are -restraints upon those who are meditating wrongs against others, and -there is the greatest consolation in this for those who have suffered -injustice. So, then, the remark of Bias often troubles me when I reflect -upon it; for he said, according to report, to a certain reprobate, that -he did not fear lest he might not suffer the punishment of his misdeeds, -but only that he might not himself (Bias) live to see it. What profit -was it to the Messenians, who were long since dead, that Aristokrates -was punished for betraying them at the battle of Taphros, when the -matter remained undiscovered for more than twenty years, during which -time he had been king of the Arcadians, though he was finally detected -and punished, when they were no longer alive? Or what consolation was it -to the Orchomenians who had lost children and friends and kinsmen -through the treason of Lykiscus, that he was seized a long time -afterwards by a disease which gradually ate up his body?—this man who -was always dipping his feet into the river to wet them and calling down -a curse upon himself, praying that he might rot if he had betrayed and -wronged them. And the casting forth of the bodies of the accursed from -Athens and their transportation beyond the boundaries was an act that -not even the children of those who had been slain were permitted to -behold. Wherefore, Euripides inappropriately uses these lines to deter -men from the commission of crime, ‘Fear not lest injustice overtake thee -and smite thee down, unjust man; but in silence and with slow step it -will overtake the wicked when the time is ripe.’ For verily, no other -consideration but just such as these, the bad will naturally use to -encourage themselves and take as pledges of security in villainy, on the -ground that wrong-doing brings forth early and evident fruit, while the -penalty comes late, and long after the satisfaction (that arises from -success in crime).” - -3. When Patrocleas had concluded his remarks, Olympichus spoke up and -said, “To what great absurdities do the delays and postponements of the -Deity in such matters lead! Because this tardiness destroys faith in -Providence, and the fact that retribution does not closely follow each -particular act of wrong-doing but is later, thus making room for chance, -men, by calling it a misfortune, not a penalty, are they in any wise -bettered? Even though they may be grieved at what has befallen them, do -they feel regret at what they have done? For just as the immediate -stroke of the whip or the spur laid quickly to the horse that makes a -false step or stumbles brings it to a sense of duty, but all the -subsequent jerking and tugging at the reins and shouting seem rather to -be done for some other reason than correction, because they produce pain -but not betterment; so vice, if lashed and beaten for each act of -villainy committed, would speedily become repentant and humble and -fearful of God who beholds men’s acts and sufferings, if He did not -postpone justice. And justice that according to Euripides procrastinates -and with slow pace overtakes the wicked, seems more like an affair of -chance than of Providence, because there is about it so much -uncertainty, delay and lack of system. The result is that I do not see -what use there is in the saying that the mills of the gods grind late, -both because they obscure justice and take away the fear of evil-doing.” - -4. Thereupon in reply to these remarks and while I was still absorbed in -reflection, Timon said: “Shall I now add to the discussion the climax of -my own perplexity or shall I pass it over until after the disposal of -the main argument?” “What is the use,” said I, “of sending along a third -wave to wash away the subject-matter, if it be found impossible to -refute and invalidate the first objection? First, then, beginning, as we -say, at the ingle-side and with the caution of the philosophers of the -Academy in regard to the divinity, let us beware of assuming that we -know just what to say on this subject. In truth, an affair of more -serious moment is the consideration of supernal and divine things, for -us who are human beings, than when one who has no ear for music -discusses this art, or when one who has never served in the army -discourses on military affairs; because, though ignorant of the plan of -the artificer, we assume to be able to fathom his designs from what we -suppose to be probable and fitting. It is not hard for one unacquainted -with the healing art to comprehend the reasoning of a physician as to -why he did not sooner perform a certain amputation rather than later, or -why he ordered a bath yesterday and not to-day; in respect to God, on -the other hand, it is not easy for a mortal to say any thing positive -except that, knowing best the proper occasion for curing a man of his -vices, He administers to each person chastisements as medicaments, but -not equally severe in all cases nor at one and the same time. For that -the healing art when applied to the soul is called right and -righteousness and is the greatest of all arts, Pindar in addition to -thousands of others, affirms, when he calls God the ruler and custodian -of the whole universe, the ‘master builder,’ for the reason that He is -the guardian of justice according to which it shall be determined when -and how and to what degree every wicked man is to be punished. And of -this art Plato says that Minos the son of Jove was a student, as it is -not possible to properly dispense justice, or to recognize what is just -unless one has learned and acquired a knowledge of the same. Not even -the laws that men enact have always their clear and plain justification -and some enactments even seem at first sight ridiculous. For instance, -in Lacedaemon, the ephors, immediately upon taking office, issue an -edict that no one is to wear a mustache and that the laws are to be -obeyed in order that none may feel their severity. The Romans inflict a -slight blow with a twig upon those whom they intend to emancipate; and -when they make a will they bequeath their property to some persons as -their heirs, but sell it to others,—which seems to be absurd. But most -absurd one would think the law of Solon to be to the effect that he -shall be deprived of civil rights, who, when there are parties and -factions in the state, take sides with neither. In short, one could name -many anomalies in law, if he did not know the intentions of the -law-maker, and did not understand the reason for every single part of -the decrees that have been issued. What wonder is it then, if, when it -is so hard to see through human purposes, that it is not easy to say -with respect to the gods for what reason they punish some transgressors -later, others sooner. - -5. These things are no excuse for shunning an investigation, but a plea -for indulgence, so that the discussion, looking as it were, toward a -harbor and port of refuge, may move forward with the greater confidence, -in the midst of perplexities. Then consider first this fact, that -according to Plato, God having placed Himself in the midst of all that -is enchantingly fair, as a sort of model, gives to human worth, which is -in some measure an image of Himself, an exemplar which all are to follow -so far as they are able. For the universe, being in its natural state -devoid of order, began to change and to be transformed into a cosmos -when it participated in, and became assimilated to, the divine idea and -virtue. This same man also says that nature kindles in us the germ of -vision so that by beholding the heavenly bodies borne along in their -courses, and by admiration of the same, the soul becomes habituated to -take pleasure in and to love what is orderly and systematically -arranged, but that it hates all disorderly and uncontrolled passion, and -shuns the purposeless and hit-or-miss as being the origin of all vice -and discord. It is impossible for man, by his very nature, to have a -completer enjoyment of God than when seeking and earnestly striving -after virtue by imitating everything that is good and noble. For this -reason also God punishes the wicked in due time and with deliberation; -not because He is Himself afraid of making a mistake by chastising any -one too soon or because He might repent of it, but in order to remove -from us what is brutal and hasty in the infliction of punishment, and to -teach us not to chastise in anger nor when greatly excited and -indignant, ‘rage o’erleaps the bounds of reason’; as if, in order to -satisfy our hunger or quench our thirst we rushed upon those who have -done us an injury, but imitating His goodness and long-suffering and -taking time as our adviser, that gives least room for repentance, we -should proceed to inflict punishments in accordance with justice. For, -as Socrates said, it is less mischievous to drink murky water, -heedlessly, than when one is in a perturbed state of mind and under the -influence of anger and has lost the power of self-control before the -mind has become calm and clear, to vent one’s wrath on the person of a -kinsman or friend. For vengeance does not belong close upon the inquiry, -as Thucydides says, but is most in place when as far from it as -possible. Since anger, according to Melanthius ‘commits terrible deeds -when it has displaced self-control’; so, likewise, reason does what is -just and fitting when it has put aside anger and excitement. Further -also, men are made humane by the example of others when they learn, for -instance, that Plato, after raising his staff to strike his slave, -remained standing for a long time, as he himself says, in this way -chastening his anger. And Archytas, on learning that his servants were -negligent and disorderly in his fields, but noticing that he was greatly -angered and incensed at them, did nothing but remark as he walked away, -‘You are lucky that I am very wroth at you.’ If, therefore, the reported -sayings of men, treasured up for us, deter us from harshness and the -violence resulting from passion; much more does it become us, as we look -upon God who lacks nothing and who knows no repentance for any deed, yet -postpones punishment to the future and bides His time, to be on our -guard in such matters. We ought also to look upon mildness and -long-suffering as the divine part of the virtue which God Himself -exemplifies (in His dealings with men), and to remember that few are -made better by swift chastisement, but that many are profited and -admonished by tardiness in punishing. - -6. In the second place, let us remember that punishments among men, -having regard solely to the infliction of injuries to others, cease with -the malefactor and go no further; therefore, like a barking dog they -(the penalties) cling to the heels of the transgression and follow up -actions closely. But God, as seems reasonable, discerns the passions of -the diseased soul upon which He wishes to visit punishment, whether in -any way, perchance, it may turn to repentance, and He gives time for -amendment to those whose vices are not ineradicable and incurable. For, -knowing (as He does) what portion of virtue souls going forth from Him -to be born, carry with them, and how strong and ineffaceable is the -nobleness implanted in them, and that virtue yields to vice contrary to -its nature because corrupted by food and evil communications, and that -some, after undergoing a cure, again resume their former nature, He does -not inflict upon all a penalty equally severe. But him who is -incorrigible He removes forthwith from life and cuts off, because -constant association with wickedness is very harmful to others, and in -the highest degree harmful to the soul itself. On the contrary, to those -who from ignorance of the good rather than from a predilection for evil -and to whom it is only second nature to go astray, He gives time for -repentance. But if they remain obdurate He visits these also with -punishment, for, of course, He has no fear lest they may escape Him. -Consider also what transformations have taken place in the character of -men and in their life; for which reason also this change and character -(ἦθος) is called a turning (τρόπος) as habit (ἔθος) for the most part -shapes it and by laying hold of it controls it. I think, therefore, that -the ancients represented Kecrops dual in form (a combination of man and -dragon), not as some say, because, after he had been an excellent king -he became a cruel and ruthless tyrant, but for the opposite reason, -namely, that after having been unjust and merciless he turned out to be -gentle and kindly, when he had got into power. If this is not certain, -we know, at least, that Gelo and Hiero, both Sicilians, and Peisistratus -the son of Hippokrates, all men who had put themselves at the head of -affairs by base methods, used their power for the furtherance of -virtuous ends; and though they had attained power illegally, they -nevertheless became just and popular rulers. They promoted good order -and the cultivation of the soil; made temperate and industrious citizens -out of men who had been gossipers and idlers; and Gelo, after fighting -bravely and defeating the Carthaginians in a great battle, would not -make the peace with them which they sued for until they had pledged -themselves to cease from sacrificing their children to Kronos. In -Megalopolis, Lydiades was a usurper; but when at the height of his power -a change came over him and, having conceived a loathing for iniquity, he -gave a constitution to the citizens, then in a battle with the enemies -of his country met a glorious death. If some one had slain the usurper -Miltiades in the Chersonesus, or had prosecuted Kimon for incest with -his sister, or had driven Themistocles from the city by an indictment, -when he was indulging in drunken revelries and insulting people in the -market place, as was afterwards done with Alkibiades, would we not have -lost the heroes of Marathon, of the Eurymedon and fair Artemisium, -‘where the sons of the Athenians laid the glorious corner-stone of -liberty?’ Men cast in a large mold neither do anything in a small way, -nor do the vehemence and energy of their titanic natures suffer them to -be inactive; but they are tossed to and fro like a ship on the waves -until they settle down into a fixed and well-grounded character. Just as -a person who was ignorant of agriculture would not take a fancy to land, -if he saw it overgrown with weeds and brambles, full of wild animals, -running water and marshes; while to one who has learned to discriminate -and to judge, these very things show the strength and goodness of the -soil; so men cast in a large mold commit irregularities and follies—men -whose volcanic and vehement natures we cannot endure, and think they -ought to be cut off or kept in check. But the better judge, he who in -spite of these things discerns innate worth and nobility, waits until -age and maturity become the co-workers of reason and virtue, when nature -shall bring forth her proper fruit.” - -7. “So much, then, on this point. And do you not think certain of the -Greeks have done wisely in adopting the Egyptian law that forbids the -execution of a woman condemned to death during pregnancy, until after -her delivery?” “Most assuredly,” they said. “If then,” said I, “a person -is big, not with a child, but with a deed or a secret project which he -may in the course of time bring into the world and put into execution, -or if he might disclose some hidden crime, or be the author of some -judicious counsel or the discoverer of some useful invention, would it -not be better to await a seasonable time for removing him (than to do it -prematurely)? To me at least it seems so,” I said. “And to us also,” -replied Patrocleas. “Very good,” said I. “Now consider that if Dionysius -had been punished at the beginning of his usurped power, no Greek would -have settled in Sicily, though it had been laid waste by the -Carthaginians; nor would Greeks have settled in Apollonia or in -Anaktorium or in the peninsula of Leukadia, if Periander had not -received his punishment a long time after (his accession to power). And -I believe also that the day of reckoning for Kasander was postponed in -order that Thebes might be rebuilt. Of the mercenaries that had assisted -in plundering the temple here the greater part accompanied Timoleon on -an expedition to Sicily where they conquered the Carthaginians and -overthrew the tyrants; then the miserable wretches died a miserable -death. There is no doubt that the Deity sometimes employs certain men -after the manner of public executioners, to be the avengers of other -villains, then destroys them as I think He does most tyrants. For just -as the gall of the hyena and the beestings (or rennet) of the seal and -other parts of repulsive animals have a property that is useful for the -cure of diseases, so God inflicts on some persons who need a drastic -remedy and chastisement, a stern and hard tyrant; nor does He release -them from their grievous and melancholy state until He has cured their -disease and purified them. Such a medicine was Phalaris to the -Akragantines, and to the Romans, Marius. To the Sikyonians also the god -declared explicitly that their city needed a scourge for taking away -from the Kleonians the boy Teletias, crowned in the Pythian games, as -their own fellow-citizen, and putting him to death. So, sure enough, -when Orthagoras had become tyrant of Sikyon, and after him Myron and -Kleisthenes, he and his successors made an end of their lasciviousness; -the Kleonians, however, not receiving such curative treatment, sank into -insignificance. You know that Homer somewhere says, ‘From him, a far -baser father, was born a son better in all manner of excellence’; yet -that son of Kopreus performed no brilliant or even noteworthy exploit. -But the descendants of Sisyphus and of Autolycus and of Phlegyas were -conspicuous for the deeds and virtues of great kings. Pericles of -Athens, also sprang from a house on which rested a curse; while in Rome, -Pompey the Great was the son of Strabo whose corpse the Roman people, in -their hatred, cast out and trampled under foot. Why should it then be -thought strange, if, just as the husbandman does not dig up the thorns -lest he destroy the asparagus, and the Lydians do not burn the shrub -until they have gathered the gum from it; so God should in like manner -delay to extirpate the evil and corrupt root of an illustrious and -kingly house until the proper fruit has grown from it? It was better for -the Phokians to lose the countless herds of kine and horses belonging to -Iphitus, as also that much gold and silver should be taken from Delphi, -than not to have had Ulysses or Asklepias born among them, or the other -distinguished and noble-minded men whose ancestors had been evil-doers -and reprobates. - -8. Do you not think it better that retribution should come in due season -and in a fitting way, than immediately and all at once? As, for -instance, in the case of Kalippus, who, supposed to be the friend of -Dion, killed him with the same sword with which he was afterward -dispatched by his friends; and that of Mitias the Argive who had been -slain in a tumult and whose brazen statue in the market-place fell on -the slayer of Mitias during a dramatic performance and killed him. And -the stories of Bessus, the Paeonian, and of Aristo the Oetaean, the -leaders of the mercenaries, you, of course, know, Patrocleas.” “I do -not,” said he, “but I would like to hear them.” “Aristo,” I said, -“having taken away the ornaments of Eriphyle lying here (in this -temple), with the permission of the authorities, presented them to his -wife; but his son, angered at his mother from some cause, set the house -on fire and burned up all who were in it. And Bessus, as the story goes, -having killed his own father, was not found out for a long time, but -finally, going to a banquet with some friends and happening to strike a -nest of young swallows with his spear, knocked it down and killed the -fledglings. When those who were present said, as was natural, ‘Man, what -possessed you to do such an ill-omened deed?’ he replied, ‘Have they not -this long time been falsely accusing me and crying out against me for -killing my father’? The astonished company reported the remark to the -king, and after the case had been investigated Bessus received his just -deserts.” - -9. “We say these things,” I continued, “on the assumption that there is -a postponement of punishment for the wicked; on the other hand, it is -proper to hear what Hesiod says, who does not think with Plato that -punishment is a pain which follows injustice, but that it is something -of equal age with it; that it springs from the same root and place, for -he says, - -‘Evil counsel is most hurtful to him who has given it,’ and, - -‘He who lays plots for another, lays a plot against himself.’ - -The cantharis, you know, is said to contain within itself the antidote -(for the pain it inflicts), and villainy, by engendering within itself -both pain and punishment, pays the penalty for evil-doing, not at a -subsequent time, but in the outrage itself. Every malefactor who is -punished by the infliction of pain on his body bears his own cross, and -vice wreaks upon itself, out of itself, its own vengeance, because it is -in a sense a creator of the woes of life that it brings into existence, -together with the accompanying disgrace, many sorrows, fears and violent -passions and regrets and unceasing restlessness. Some people are in no -wise different from children, who, on seeing malefactors in the theaters -often clad in gilded and purple garments, crowned and dancing about, are -delighted and admire them as fortunate mortals, until they are seen -goaded and scourged, while the fire breaks forth from their splendid and -costly attire. For many of the wicked are the owners of fine mansions, -and, as they hold magistracies and other responsible positions, no one -is aware that they are undergoing punishment until they are put to death -or hurled from rocks. This, one ought not to call punishment, but the -consummation and fulfilment of punishment. For as Herodicus of -Selymbria, who had been attacked by consumption, an incurable disease, -was the first to combine gymnastics with the healing art, and of whom -Plato says, that (in so doing) he protracted his own death, and that of -all who were similarly diseased; so malefactors who are seen to have -escaped immediate punishment, expiate their crimes by a longer, not by a -shorter penalty; nor after a longer time but during a longer time; they -are not punished after they have grown old, but they grow old during -their punishment. And I say _a long time_ with reference to ourselves, -for to the gods the span of human life is nothing,—now, but not thirty -years ago is the same as to say, that in the evening, but not in the -morning, the malefactor, is to be tortured or hanged, especially since -man is shut up in this life just as in a prison from which there is no -migration to another place or escape, but which in the meanwhile allows -time for many enjoyments and the transaction of business, the bestowing -and receiving of honors and favors, and for diversions; just as persons -in prison are allowed to play at dice or draughts, though the noose is -all the while dangling above their heads. - -10. Moreover, what reason is there for saying that those who lie in -prison under sentence of death do not receive their punishment until -they are decapitated? or that he who has drunk the hemlock-juice, but is -still walking about waiting for the heaviness to get into his legs, -until he is seized by anaesthesia and the rigor of death, (has not -received his?) If we regard the consummation of the punishment as the -punishment itself, we overlook the intervening sufferings and fears, as -well as the apprehension and regret with which every evil-doer is -harassed. Is not this just as if we were to say of the fish that has -swallowed the hook, that it is not caught until we see it broiled or cut -up by the cooks? Every one who has committed a crime is firmly held by -justice and has then and there fastened within himself, like a bait the -sweet morsel of iniquity. Having an avenging conscience in his breast, -‘Like a frantic tunny he spins round in the sea.’ For the well-known -reckless audacity and over-confidence of vice is active and ardent until -the evil deed has been done; then the passion subsiding like a wind, -sinks down weak and cowed under the weight of fears and superstitions; -so that it is entirely in accordance with the event and the truth that -Stesichorus attributes a dream to Klytemnestra in about these words: -‘She thought a dragon with gory head approached her, and from it -Pleisthenades came forth.’ For visions by night and apparitions by day -and oracles and celestial portents and whatever other phenomenon is -regarded as caused by the direct interposition of God, cause anxieties -and fears to persons who have a guilty conscience. For example, it is -said, that Apollodorus once in a dream saw himself flayed by the -Scythians, then boiled, and heard his heart speaking from the caldron -and saying, ‘I am the cause of all this’; and that at another time he -saw his daughters all ablaze, their bodies encircled with flame, running -about him. Hipparchus also, the son of Peisistratus, a little before his -death saw Aphrodite flinging blood in his face from a kind of basin; and -the favorites of Ptolemy the Thunderer, saw him summoned before a -tribunal by Seleucus where vultures and wolves were the judges, -distributing many pieces of flesh among his enemies. Pausanias, -likewise, having caused a free maiden to be brought by force from -Byzantium in order to pass the night with her, but when she was come, -owing to some perturbation of mind and suspicion, had her put to -death—this maiden he frequently saw in a dream calling to him, ‘Hasten -to judgment; assuredly lust brings sorrow on men.’ As the apparition did -not cease to haunt him, it is said that he set sail for the oracle of -the dead at Heracleia where he called up the ghost of the damsel by -expiatory rites and libations. Appearing before him, she said that he -would be freed from his troubles when he came to Lacedaemon; but as soon -as he arrived there he died. - -11. If then the soul has no sensation after death, and dissolution is -the end of all rewards and punishments, one might rather say that the -divinity deals kindly and indulgently with the wicked who are speedily -chastised and die. For if we were to assert nothing more than that as -long as they live and during the present existence no evil befalls the -bad, but that when vice is exposed and is seen to be a fruitless and -barren thing, that it brings nothing good or worth an effort, in spite -of many severe agonies of mind—the recognition of these facts renders -life an uneasy one. A case in point is the story told of Lysimachus that -under stress of thirst he gave up his body and his dominions to the -Getae, but that when he had got into their hands and received a draught -he cried out, ‘Shame on my baseness for depriving myself of such a -kingdom for so short-lived a pleasure.’ Yet it is exceedingly difficult -to resist the needs of our physical nature; but when a man, either for -the sake of money or from avidity for political honors or influence, -commits a lawless and wicked act, and when, after the thirst and madness -of his passion have been allayed, he finds, in the course of time, that -the ignominy and the bitter sorrow for his crimes remain behind, and -that villainy has been neither advantageous nor necessary nor -profitable, must not the thought, so servile and mean, often occur to -him, that for empty glory or fleeting enjoyment he has trampled under -foot the dearest and highest rights of mankind, only to fill his life -with shame and confusion. For as Simonides jestingly said, that he -always found the chest he kept for money full and the one he kept for -gratitude empty; so wicked men, when they examine their own evil hearts, -discover that for the sake of a pleasure which directly proves to be an -empty one, they find them void of hope but full of sorrows and pain, -unpleasant memories, and anxiety for the future, but big with distrust -of the present. Just as we hear Ino crying out in the theater when -filled with regret for what she had done, ‘Dear women, how can I again -dwell in the house of Athamas? Would that I had done none of the deeds I -committed!’ So the soul of every villain ought to consider well and -reflect how it may rid itself of the memory of its iniquities and -exorcise a bad conscience, undergo a process of purification and live -life over again. When the bad is deliberately preferred, it shows a lack -of confidence and firmness and strength and stability—unless, forsooth, -we admit that evil-doers are a class of sages. Wherever there exists an -uncontrollable love of money and pleasure, and insatiable avarice -coupled with malice or a bad character, there you will find also, if you -look closely, latent superstitions and an aversion to labor and fear of -death and sudden gusts of passion and an eagerness to be talked about -joined to a penchant for boasting. Such men fear those who censure them -and are afraid of those who praise them as persons who have been wronged -by deception; they are particularly hostile to the wicked because they -freely praise those who have the reputation of being virtuous. For that -which hardens men in vice is like the brittleness in poor iron and is -easily shivered. Whence it comes that as they, in the course of time, -gain a deeper insight into the nature of things, are weighed down with -sorrow and become morose and abhor their own past life. It surely cannot -be but that a bad man who has restored a trust, or become surety for a -friend, or who from a love of glory or fame has given and contributed -something to his country, will forthwith regret what he has done, -because he is unstable in his ways and fickle in his purpose; sometimes -persons of this kind, even when applauded in the theaters, groan -inwardly because the love of money has supplanted the love of glory; nor -can it be that those who have sacrificed men for the attainment of -sovereignty or to carry out a conspiracy, as did Apollodorus, or who -have taken away money from their friends, as did Glaucus, do not repent, -nor hate themselves, and do not feel regret for what they have done. I, -for my part, do not believe, if I may say so, that there is need of any -god or man to punish the impious, but that their life, ruined and made -uneasy by vice, is fully sufficient.” - -12. “Consider, however,” I said, “whether we are not examining the -argument at greater length than its importance demands.” To this Timon -replied, “It may be, in view of what is yet to come and of what has been -omitted. For I shall now bring up as a sort of reserve the final -difficulty, since we have in a measure worked our way through those that -preceded. What Euripides alleges against the gods when he boldly charges -them with turning ‘the transgressions of the parents over to their -children,’ this, believe me, we also tacitly impute to them as an -injustice. For, if those who have committed offenses have themselves -expiated them, there is no further need of punishing those who have -committed none, since it is not just to punish a second time for the -same crime those who are innocent; or if through negligence they have -failed to punish the real criminals, and long after visit the penalty -upon the innocent, they do not justly make up for their tardiness by -injustice. Something of this kind is told of Aesop who, it is said, came -here (to Delphi) with gold from Crœsus in order to make a magnificent -oblation to the god and to distribute to each of the Delphians four -minae; but some difficulty arising, as it seems, and he having got into -a quarrel with the parties here, performed the sacrifice but sent the -money back to Sardis, alleging that the men were not worthy to receive -it; thereupon they trumped up a charge of temple-robbery against him and -put him to death by hurling him from the rock called Hyampeia. For this -the god is said to have become incensed at them and to have sent a -famine upon the land, together with all manner of strange diseases; so -that they went around to the Hellenic festivals proclaiming and making -known everywhere that whoever wished might wreak vengeance upon them for -the wrong they had done to Aesop. In the third generation came one -Iadmon, a man in no way related to Aesop, but a descendant of those who -had bought him in Samos; and to this man, having in some way made -satisfaction (for the wrong done to Aesop), the Delphians were released -from their calamities. After that date also, they say, the punishment of -temple-robbery was transferred to Nauplia from Hyampeia. Those who are -great admirers of Alexander, of which number we also are, do not commend -him for destroying the city of the Branchidae and putting them all to -death, without distinction of age or sex, because their forefathers had -betrayed the temple at Miletus. Agathocles, too, the usurper of -Syracuse, mockingly told the Corcyreans, in answer to the question why -he had laid waste their island, ‘That it most assuredly was because -their fathers had kindly received Ulysses.’ To the people of Ithaca he -likewise replied when they expostulated with him because his soldiers -carried off their sheep, ‘Your king also came to us and even blinded the -shepherd.’ And is not Apollo even more unreasonable if he is destroying -the present generation of Pheneatae by blocking up the barathrum and -inundating their entire territory, because a thousand years ago, as they -say, Hercules carried off the prophetic tripod and took it to Pheneus? -or when he foretold to the Sybarites a release from their ills, whenever -they had appeased the anger of the Leucadian Hera, by a demolition three -times repeated? And in truth, it is not long since the Lacedaemonians -ceased to send virgins to Troy ‘who without upper garments and with bare -feet, like slaves, at early dawn swept around the altar of Athena, -without the wimple, even though old age bore heavy upon them,’ on -account of the lasciviousness of Ajax. Where, pray, is the logic or -justice of these things? We do not approve the custom of the Thracians, -who even at the present day tattoo their wives for the purpose of -avenging Orpheus, nor that of the barbarians along the Po for wearing -black garments in token of mourning for Pentheus, as they say. And it -would have been still more ridiculous, I think, if the men who lived at -the time when Phaethon perished had not concerned themselves about him, -but those who were born five or ten generations after his death had -begun to change their garments for his sake and to put on mourning. -Nevertheless this is merely silly and has nothing pernicious or -irremediable about it. But with what reason does the anger of the gods -sometimes suddenly disappear like certain rivers, only to break out -afterwards against others in order to plunge them into the direst -misfortunes?” - -13. As soon as he ceased, I, fearing lest he might again proceed anew to -more and greater absurdities, spoke up and asked him: “Very well, but do -you accept all these things as true?” To which he replied, “Even if not -all, but only some of them are true, do you not think the question -presents the same difficulty?” “Perhaps,” said I, “and yet when persons -are suffering from a high fever, the same or nearly the same heat -remains whether they have on them one or more garments; nevertheless it -affords some relief (to the patient) to remove what is superfluous. -Still, if you do not wish to go on, we will let this matter pass; at any -rate, these stories look like fables and inventions; remember, however, -the festival of Theoxenia, recently celebrated, and the honorable place -the heralds assign to the descendants of Pindar; how imposing and -delightful the ceremony appeared to you. Who would not, I said, be -charmed with the bestowal of this honor, so entirely in harmony with the -spirit of Greek antiquity, unless his ‘black heart had been forged with -cold flame,’ to use one of Pindar’s own expressions? Then I forbear to -mention, I said, a proclamation similar to this in Sparta called, After -the Lesbian Bard, in honor and memory of Terpander the Ancient, for the -argument is the same. And you too, descendants of Opheltas, forsooth, -claim somewhat more consideration than others among the Boeotians and at -the hands of the Phokians because of Diophantus; besides, you were -present and were the first to support me when I upheld the traditional -honor of Herakles and the right to wear a crown which the Lycormae and -the Satilaiae laid claim to; for I said it was altogether proper that -the descendants of Herakles should enjoy unimpaired honors and benefits -for services which he had rendered to the Greeks, but for which he had -not himself received adequate recognition and requital.” “You have -recalled to my mind a noble contest,” he said, “and one well worthy of a -philosopher.” “Retract, then, my friend,” said I, “this serious charge, -and do not take it ill if the descendants of wicked or base men are -sometimes punished; or cease to speak with approval of the honors -conferred upon those who are of noble ancestry. For it is incumbent upon -us, if we are to requite to their descendants, the services of their -forefathers, as a matter of consistency not to think that punishment -ought to cease or be discontinued at once after the crime, but that it -ought to run along with it and render a recompense corresponding to it. -He who is pleased to see the family Kimon honored at Athens, but feels -sore and aggrieved when the descendants of Lachares or Aristo are -expelled, is very weak and inconsistent; or rather, he is captious and -hypercritical as regards the deity: for he finds fault if the -grand-children of a wicked and unjust man seem to meet with good -fortune, and he finds fault again, if the offspring of the vicious are -cut off and blotted out. He blames God equally whether the children of a -good man or a bad man fare ill.” - -14. “Let these things,” I said, “serve you as a sort of bulwark against -those over hasty and carping critics; but let us take up again, as one -may say, the beginning of the thread of this obscure problem concerning -the Deity, with its many windings and ramifications, and let us follow -them up with care but without fear, to what is probable as well as what -is reasonable; this at least is clear and well established, that even in -those things which we ourselves do, we cannot always give the reason. -For example, why do we direct the children of those who have died of -consumption or dropsy to sit with both feet in the water until the -corpse is buried? for it is believed that in this way the disease will -not pass to them or come near them. Again, for what reason does a whole -herd of goats stand still if one of their number gets eryngo in its -mouth, until the herdsman comes up and takes it out? And there are other -forces in nature that interact among each other and pass back and forth -with incredible swiftness through a great extent of space. Yet we are -surprised at intervals of time, but not those of space. With all that, -it is more wonderful if Athens is infected with a disease that had its -origin in Ethiopia and of which Pericles died and from which Thucydides -suffered than if the penalty for the crimes committed by the Delphians -or Sybarites should be carried down to and visited upon their children. -The forces of nature have certain connections, and inter-relations with -each other extending from their farthest endings to their very -beginnings, the cause of which, though unknown by us, silently produce -their proper effects. - -15. And, in truth, the wrath of the gods, when it falls upon a whole -city, has its justification. For a city is a unit and an entirety, just -like an animal, that does not lose its identity with the passing of the -years, nor is transformed from one thing into something different in the -course of time, but is always affected by like feelings and has a -character peculiar to itself. It merits all the praise and all the blame -for what it has done in its sovereign capacity, so long as the community -which makes it one and binds it together preserves its unity. To make -one city, in the course of time, consist of many cities, or rather, of a -countless number, is like dividing one man into many because he is now -older, but was formerly younger, and still earlier, a stripling. This is -altogether like the well-known argument of Epicharmus, the so-called -increasing syllogism, much used by the Sophists, that the man who had -incurred a debt some time ago does not owe it now as he has become -another man, and that he who was invited to a banquet yesterday comes -to-day an unbidden guest because he is another person. Advancing age -produces greater changes in each one of us than in the general character -of cities. Any one would recognize Athens if he saw it thirty years ago; -the customs of to-day, the motions, the sports, the occupations, the -likes and dislikes of the people are precisely the same they were in -former times; but a man whom a relative or a friend might chance to meet -after an interval of time, he would scarcely recognize, and the change -of character easily seen in every remark and occupation and in the -feelings and habits have, even for those who are about us all the time, -something strange and striking by their novelty. Nevertheless a man is -regarded as one person from his birth to his death; and in like manner -we think it right that the city, which remains the same, ought to be -held responsible for the transgressions of its former citizens with the -same show of reason that it shares in their glory and prestige; -otherwise we shall, without being aware of it, cast everything into the -river of Heracleitus into which he says nothing goes twice because -nature keeps all things in motion and changes their form. - -16. If then a city is a unit and a continuous thing, the same is -undoubtedly true of the family that springs from one and the same -beginning and engenders a certain power and a natural bond of sympathy -between all its members. That which is begotten is not as if it were the -handiwork of an artisan, separate from him who begets, for it is -something that proceeds out of him, not something framed by him; -consequently it possesses and bears within itself some portion of its -original that may rightfully be chastised or honored. If I were not -afraid I should be thought to be jesting I would say that the statue of -Kasander has suffered a greater wrong at the hands of the Athenians when -it was melted down, and the body of Dionysius when after death it was -carried beyond their boundary by the Syracusans, than their descendants -in paying the penalty for the deeds of these men. For in a statue of -Kasander there was no part of him, and the soul of Dionysius had left -the dead body long previously; but in the case of Nysaeus and of -Apollokrates and of Antipater and of Philip and of all other persons in -like manner who are the children of vicious parents, nature has -implanted this predominant principle and it is ever present with them; -is not dormant or inoperative, but they live in it and are nurtured by -it; with them it abides and it directs their actions. It is not cruel or -unreasonable if the children of these men share their destiny. All -things considered, here, as in the healing art, what is advantageous is -just, and he would make himself ridiculous who should affirm that in -diseases of the hip-joint it was wrong to cauterize the thumb, and in -the case of an ulcerated liver, to make an incision in the belly, and to -anoint the tips of the horns of cattle if their hoofs are soft. So in -the matter of punishments; he who thinks anything else is just than what -will cure vice, and is scandalized if the healing is affected on one -party for the sake of another,—like the opening of a vein to relieve the -eyes—evidently sees no farther than what is plain to the senses. He does -not take into account that even a schoolmaster, when he punishes one -pupil also corrects others, and that a general who decimates his army -punishes all his soldiers. Likewise, certain qualities, good as well as -bad, are transmitted not only from one body to another, but even more -readily from one soul to another. For in the one case it seems -reasonable that the same conditions should also produce the same change, -while in the other, the soul impelled by motives and impulses is -naturally inclined by boldness or timidity to become worse or better.” - -17. While I was yet speaking, Olympichus interrupting me, said, “You -seem, in your discourse, to proceed on a weighty assumption, namely, the -continued existence of the soul.” “You will surely grant this,” I -replied, “or rather, have granted it, for my argument has proceeded from -the beginning on the hypothesis that God distributes to us all rewards -and punishments according to our deserts.” - -Hereupon he replied, “Do you then think it follows of necessity, from -the fact that because the gods observe all our actions, and apportion -rewards and punishments, that souls are either altogether incorruptible, -or that they continue to exist for some time after death?” “My good -friends,” said I, “God is not impatient, or so occupied with trifles, -that if there were not something of the divinity in us, something at -least in a measure similar to Himself, but if, like unto leaves, as -Homer says, we are altogether transitory, and doomed to perish in a -little while, He would treat us with so much consideration—like those -women who plant the gardens of Adonis in fragments of pottery and bestow -pains on them—cherishing those ephemeral souls of ours, that dwell in a -frail body, and when they are sprung up have no firm root in life, but -are forever extinguished by any sudden calamity. But if you are agreed, -let us pass over the other gods and let us consider ours here (in -Delphi), whether you think, if he were aware that the souls of those who -have passed from life, forthwith dissolve into nothing, like clouds or -smoke, as soon as they leave the body, he would have instituted so many -ceremonies for the dead, and would still require large gifts and honors -for the deceased, merely to impose upon and delude the credulous. For my -part, I could never give up (my faith in) the immortality of the soul -unless some one should again, like another Herakles, take away the -tripod of the Pythia, and eradicate and destroy the oracle. So long as -even in our day many such oracular responses are rendered, as they say -were given to Korax the Naxian, it is impious to assert that the soul -can die.” Here Patrocleas asked, “What was the response and who was this -Korax? for to me both the name and the circumstance are unknown.” “Not -at all,” said I, “but I am to blame for using a cognomen instead of a -name. The man who slew Archilochus in battle was called Kalondas, as you -know; but he bore the eponym, Korax. Repelled at first by the Pythia for -killing a devotee of the Muses, he next had recourse to prayers and -humble supplications in order to secure his restoration to favor, then -was commanded to repair to the habitation of Tettix, in order to appease -the soul of Archilochus. This was at Taenarus, for thither, they say, -Tettix the Cretan came with his fleet, founded a city and settled near -an oracle of the dead. In like manner, also, an oracle came to the -Spartans, bidding them conciliate the soul of Pausanias, persons who -could evoke the dead having been sent for to Italy; these, after -offering sacrifice, conjured up the ghost of the dead man in the temple. - -18. This, then is one argument which establishes the providence of God -and at the same time the immortality of the soul, and it is not possible -to reject the one and accept the other. Now if the soul survives after -the death of the body, it is also quite reasonable that it shares the -rewards and punishments (of the latter). For in this life it is engaged -in a contest, like an athlete, and when the contest is ended it receives -its deserts. To the rewards and punishments meted out when existing -there by itself (separate from the body) for the deeds of the previous -life, the living attach no importance; they are concealed from our -knowledge, and discredited. But those that are transmitted to children -and through successive generations, being plainly evident to all who -live here, turn many bad men from their ways and hold them in check. -There is no more grievous chastisement, and none that reaches more to -the quick, than for men to see their descendants in misfortune on their -account; and when the soul of an impious and unjust man beholds, after -death, not statues overturned and honors annulled, but children and -friends and his own household overwhelmed with calamities and paying the -penalty for crimes that he has himself committed,—there is no one who -would again be unjust, or who would yield to his unbridled passion, for -the honors of Zeus. I have also a story to tell that I recently heard, -but I hesitate to do so lest you think it a fable, I will therefore keep -to what is probable. “By no means,” said Olympichus, “but repeat it -entire.” When the others also joined in the request, I said, “Permit me -to repeat what is probable in the story and afterward, if you like, we -will take up the fable, granting, of course, that it is a fable.” - -19. Now Bion says for a god to punish the children of bad men would be -more ridiculous than if a physician were to administer medicine to the -son or grandson, for the disease of the grandfather, or the father. In -one respect the conditions are unlike, in another they are alike, or -similar. Administering medicine to one man for the disease of another -does not, it is true, cure the patient, and a person who is suffering -from a disease of the eyes, or a fever, does not get better when he sees -another annointed or having a plaster put on him; but the punishments of -the wicked make it evident to all men that it is the purpose of -wisely-directed justice to restrain some by the correction of others. In -what respect the comparison made by Bion is pertinent to the inquiry, he -himself failed to notice; for suppose, now, a man falls sick of a -painful but by no means incurable disease, then gives himself up to -intemperance and effeminate habits, and dies; and suppose, again, that -his son does not have the same disease but only a predisposition to -it,—would not a physician, or a trainer, or even a careful master, on -learning this fact, put him on a frugal diet, and keep him from dainties -and pastry, from drink and women, and by enjoining the continuous use of -remedies and the exercise of the body in gymnastics, scatter and -eradicate the little germ of a big disorder, before it had reached the -serious stage? Forsooth, do not we admonish those who are born of -diseased fathers or mothers, to take heed to themselves, and to be on -their guard against neglecting themselves, and forthwith to expel the -inbred evil while its germ is yet undeveloped, and thus take the danger -by the forelock? “Most assuredly,” said they. “Then,” replied I, “we are -not doing an absurd but a necessary thing; not something ridiculous but -something useful, when we recommend to the children of epileptics and -hypochondriacs and gouty persons, physical exercise and wholesome diet -and medicaments, not because they are sick, but to the end that they may -not become sick. The body that is born of an unsound body does not need -chastisement but medical treatment and good regimen. If anybody calls -the interdiction of pleasures and the imposition of toil and labor, -punishment, he does so because he is inept and effeminate, and no -attention need be paid to him. Shall we say, then, that a body born of -an unsound body is worthy of care and attention, but the congenital -seeds of vice that germinate and spring up in the young character, we -are to let alone and wait and dally, until the evil passions break forth -openly,—‘show forth the malignant fruit of the heart,’ as Pindar says? - -20. Of a truth, in this matter is the Deity any wiser than Hesiod when -he exhorts and advises us ‘Not when returned from the sorrowful burial, -to propagate the race, but after the feast of the immortals?’ on the -ground that not only vice and virtue, but sorrow and joy and all -qualities, are transferred to the offspring in procreation; that at such -a time men should be jocund and in good spirits and merry. But it does -not follow, according to Hesiod, nor is it the work of human wisdom, but -of God, to see through and understand similarities and differences of -human nature, before they have led to great crimes and are thus made -plain to all men. For while the cubs of bears and the whelps of wolves -and monkeys immediately disclose their inborn nature because there is -nothing to conceal or disguise it, the natural disposition of man -conforms to customs and opinions and laws, and thus frequently puts a -mask on what is evil and imitates the good. In this way it altogether -expunges or eradicates the inborn taint of vice, or hides it for a long -time by cunningly disguising itself under the cloak of virtue; inasmuch -as we hardly take note of any particular act of villainy, unless it -falls upon us or strikes us; or, rather, we are for the most part -accustomed to regard men as bad only when they do a bad deed, licentious -when they indulge their lusts, and cowards when they run away. This is -doing as if we believed scorpions had a sting only when they strike, and -serpents were poisonous only when they bite,—a foolish notion, verily! -The man who proves to be a villain does not become so just at the moment -he is found out, but he had in him from his birth the germs of iniquity, -the thief merely seizing the opportunity or using his power to steal, -and the tyrant to override the law. But God, depend upon it, is not -ignorant of the inclinations and nature of any man because He looks to -the soul rather than the body; He does not wait to punish deeds of -violence, until they are done with the hands, or impurity until it is -uttered with the tongue, or lasciviousness until it is committed with -the sexual organs. He does not take vengeance on the evil-doer from any -wrong he has himself suffered, neither is He incensed at the robber, -because he has been roughly handled, nor does He hate the adulterer -because of the disgrace; yet, for the sake of betterment, He often -punishes the adulterer and the miser and the unjust man, thus cutting -off vice, as if it were an epilepsy, before it becomes firmly rooted. - -21. A little while ago we expressed our ill-will at the late and tardy -punishment of the wicked; now we find fault because in some cases, even -before they perpetrate any evil deed, God checks the natural bent and -disposition of men, though we are aware that the future is often worse -and more to be feared than the past, and what is dormant than what is -apparent. We are not able to fathom the reasons why it is sometimes -better to let men commit crimes and sometimes better to anticipate them -while they are merely deliberating and contriving; just as some -medicines are not adapted to certain patients, though helpful to others -who are not actually sick, and yet in a worse condition than the former. -For this reason the gods do not ‘turn all the transgressions of the -parents upon their offspring,’ but if a virtuous son is begotten by a -wicked father, as it were, a sound man, by one who is diseased, he -averts the penalty from the house, the offspring of one being, so to -speak, adopted into another. But it is fitting that a young man who -conforms himself to the likeness of a corrupt family should also share -the chastisement of its villainies as a debt incurred by inheritance. -Antigonus was not punished on account of Demetrius, any more than the -heroes of the olden time, Phyleus and Nestor, for the sake of Augeas and -Neleus; since these men, though sprung from wicked fathers, were -themselves good men. But those who cherish and take naturally to the -baseness that is born in them must also expect to be pursued to the end -by that justice which the likeness of vice demands. For just as warts -and livid spots and freckles that fathers sometimes have, are not on -their sons, but afterwards reappear on the grandsons, and -granddaughters; and a certain Greek woman who had given birth to a black -child for which she was charged with adultery until she proved that she -was descended from an Ethiopian in the fourth generation; and one of the -sons of Pytho of Nisibis, who recently died, and who was said to be -sprung from the Sparti, was born with the print of a spear on his -body—in which case the family likeness reappeared and came to the -surface as out of the deep, after such a long space of time,—so in like -manner the character and passions of the soul are often concealed in the -first generations and remain unknown, but some time afterward and in -other persons nature springs up and asserts its power, either for virtue -or vice.” - -22. When he had spoken thus he held his peace, whereupon Olympichus -said with a smile, “We do not give you our approval lest we shall seem -to excuse you from telling the story, on the ground that the case has -been sufficiently proved; but we shall only then render our verdict -when we have heard that.” In this wise I accordingly began: -“Thespesius of Soli, a kinsman and friend of the Protagenes who spent -some time here with us, having passed the first part of his life in -great dissoluteness, and having speedily squandered all his patrimony, -now pressed by the exigencies of his situation, for some time led a -vicious life; besides repenting of his bad management, he also sought -in every way to recover what he had lost, and acted just like those -libertines who care nothing for their wives so long as they are in -possession of them, but after they are divorced and married to other -men, basely try to corrupt them. Accordingly, by holding aloof from no -act of meanness that brought either gratification or gain, he acquired -in a short time not only very great possessions, but also the -reputation of being a thorough scoundrel. Above all, an oracle brought -from Amphilochus gave him a bad name; for having asked the god through -a messenger, as we are told, whether he would lead a better life in -the future, the answer came back that it would be better with him -after he was dead. And in a measure this turned out to be true, not -long after. For happening to fall on his head from a height he lay -like one dead from the shock alone, for he had received no wound, and -on the third day was already carried forth for burial. Then all at -once recovering strength and coming to himself, he showed a most -astonishing change in his manner of life; for the Cilicians know of no -man of his time more just in dealings between man and man, none more -reverent toward the gods, none more dreaded by his enemies, or more -faithful to his friends. Consequently all who knew him were eager to -hear the cause of this transformation, as they thought such an -alteration of character could not be a mere matter of chance—which was -in fact the case, as he himself related to Protagenes and other -equally intimate friends. For when he lost consciousness,—(literally, -when his rational soul left his body)—he at first experienced about -the same sensation as the result of the change that a pilot would feel -who should be hurled from a ship into the deep; afterwards, having -recovered a little, he thought he had entirely regained his breath and -was able to see on every side with his soul opened as if it were all -one eye. Yet he beheld none of the former things, but the objects he -recognized were stars of immense magnitude at immeasurable distances -from one another, and a radiance proceeding from them, surprising in -its brilliancy and color, in which his soul moved about with facility -just as a man in a calm moves a ship in any direction, easily and -quickly. Though he omitted most of what he saw, he said that the souls -of the dead, rising from below, made flame-like bubbles as they -displaced the air before them; then, as each bubble noiselessly burst, -the souls came forth, human in form but of a smaller size. Their -movements, however, were not alike, for some started forth with -surprising fleetness and darted straight up, while others whirled -round in a circle just like spindles, and whisking, now upward, now -downward, with a kind of confused and aimless motion, they came to -rest only after a long time and with great difficulty. Respecting most -of the souls, however, he was in ignorance as to who they were; but -recognizing two or three of his acquaintances, he tried to approach -and address them, yet they neither heard him nor were in their right -mind, but beside themselves and dazed, trying to avoid all notice and -intercourse, moving aimlessly about, at first alone by themselves, -then encountering many who were in a like condition, they joined -themselves to these, and, tossed about in a disorderly manner in all -directions, they uttered unintelligible cries that sounded like -mingled screams of lamentation and fear. Others, again, were seen at -the very summit of the upper air, radiant with joy, frequently -approaching each other with signs of affection, but avoiding the -disorderly ones and testifying their aversion, as he thought, by -drawing themselves together, but their delight and satisfaction, by -expanding and extending themselves. Here, he said, he recognized the -soul of one of his kinsmen, though not quite distinctly, for he had -died when yet very young; but drawing near it saluted him with, ‘Hail, -Thespesius!’ When he, in surprise, rejoined that his name was not -Thespesius, but Aridaeus. ‘Formerly, it is true,’ replied the spirit, -‘that was thy name, but henceforth it is Thespesius (the Divine). For -thou didst not die, but through the interposition of God art come -hither in the full possession of thy faculties; the other part of thy -soul thou hast left behind in thy body, as it were an anchor; and let -this be a token to thee both, now, and henceforth, that the souls of -the departed neither cast a shadow nor move the eyelids.’ On hearing -this, Thespesius, who had by this time somewhat recovered -consciousness, looked and beheld a kind of faint line about himself, -while the rest were completely encircled with a radiance and -diaphanous, though not all in the same manner, for some, like the moon -in her brightest splendor, had a uniformly smooth and even color, -while others were marked with a kind of spots or faint weals; others -again were all variegated and strange to look upon; while still others -were marked with livid fleckings like vipers, and some even showed -slight scarifications. The kinsman of Thespesius explained these -things in detail (for there is nothing to hinder us from calling the -souls of men by the name they themselves bore during life) by reciting -that Adrastea, the daughter of Necessity and Zeus, had been placed in -the highest seat as the avenger of all crimes, and that there is no -wicked man so powerful or so insignificant as to be able, either by -craft or by force, to escape her. Three attendants wait upon her to -each of whom has been assigned a different mode of inflicting -punishment: those who are to be chastised while yet in the body and by -means of the body, swift Poena (Punishment) seizes, though in a rather -mild way that still leaves behind many things needing expiation; those -whose cure is a matter of greater difficulty on account of their -vices, the daemon hands over, after death, to Dike (Justice), while -those that Dike gives up as entirely incorrigible, the third and most -terrible of the attendants of Adrastea, Erinys (the Fury), pursues, -and after hounding them as they rush about trying to escape her in one -way or another, she puts them all out of sight in a pitiless and awful -way by thrusting them into a nameless and invisible abyss. Of the -other punishments, said he, that inflicted by Poena in this life is -like those of the non-Greeks. For as among the Persians the clothes -and tiaras of those who are undergoing chastisement are pulled off and -they are scourged, while the culprits beg with tears that their -castigation may be ended; so the punishments suffered in body or -estate are no severe affliction, nor do they touch vice itself, but -are chiefly for appearance sake and for the outward sense. But him who -comes hither from there, unpunished and unpurged, Dike seizes and -exposes his soul in all its nakedness, and there is no place where it -can hide or go into concealment or cover up its baseness, but it is -completely seen on all sides and by everybody. At first Dike shows -this soul to honest parents, if such he had, or to ancestors, as a -detestable creature and unworthy (of such ancestry); but if they were -likewise wicked, he sees them undergoing chastisement, while he is in -turn beheld by them receiving his deserts and expiating, for a long -time, each of his evil passions with pains and torments which as far -exceed in sharpness those endured in the flesh as the reality exceeds -in distinctness the mere vision (before you). The stripes and weals -for each of the passions remain on some a longer, on others a shorter -time.” ‘Observe also,’ said he, ‘the variegated and party-colored -appearance of the souls; the darkish and filthy hue is the mark of -fraud and avarice, while the blood-red and flame-colored indicates -cruelty and ugliness of temper; where the soul has a bluish color, a -lack of self-control as against lust has not been wholly eradicated -from it; inherent malevolence combined with envy give out the violet -color and festering appearance underneath, just as the cuttle-fish -sets free its black fluid. For yonder (in the world), vice, when the -soul is changed by its passions and changes the body, occasions a -variety of colors, but here (in the realm of departed spirits) there -is an end of purification and punishment, and when the passions are -purged out, the soul recovers entirely its native luster and uniform -color. Until this takes place, paroxysms of passion break forth, -causing relapses and heart-throbs, in some cases faint and easily -recovered from, in others exceedingly violent. Some of the souls, -after undergoing repeated castigations resume their natural character -and disposition; others again are carried away into the bodies of -animals by the force and power of ignorance and the innate love of -sensual gratification; for, owing to the weakness of the reasoning -faculty and a disinclination to discursive thought, one is impelled by -its active principle to procreation, while another, though lacking an -instrument of sensual gratification, yet longs to satisfy its desires -with worldly pleasures and to attain its ends by means of the body, -for in this place there is only a kind of imperfect shadow and vision -of joys that can have no reality.’ When the spirit had thus spoken, it -conducted him (Thespesius) swiftly through boundless space, as he -thought, easily and without deviation, borne up by the beams of light -as if on wings, until he came to a wide and deep chasm where the power -that supported him gave way; he saw, too, that the other souls had a -like experience at that place, for these, crowding together like -birds, and darting downward, flew about the chasm,—for they dared not -venture to pass directly across it—which he saw was decorated within -like the grottoes of Bacchus, with shrubbery and plants and with all -sorts of green twigs bearing flowers; it also sent forth a gentle and -agreeable breeze which was singularly pleasant and which produced the -same effect that wine does on those who are addicted to it, for the -souls that inhaled these fragrant odors were in ecstasies of joy and -embraced one another. All around this place there was revelry and -laughter, together with every kind of enjoyment and merry-making. He -said that here Dionysus had ascended and had afterwards fetched up -Semele and that it was called the place of Forgetfulness (Lethe). -Here, too, Thespesius desired to tarry, but his conductor would not -allow it, and hurried him forcibly away, at the same time telling him -that the rational soul is melted and dissolved under the influence of -pleasure, but that the irrational and carnal part, moistened and -clothed in flesh, revives the memory of the body, and as a result of -this reminiscense, a desire and a concupiscence that incites to -procreation; for which reason it is called an _inclination toward the -earth_ because the soul is weighed down with moisture. Passing next -over another way of equal extent, he thought he saw a huge goblet into -which streams flowed, of which one was of a whiter color than the foam -of the sea or snow; another, purple like the iris; while others again -showed, from afar, different hues, each of which shone with its own -particular luster, yet when he came near, the ambient air became more -and more rarified, the colors became fainter, and the goblet lost its -brilliant tints, except the white. Here he saw three supernatural -beings (daemons) sitting by one another in the form of a triangle, -mixing together the streams with certain measures. The conductor of -the soul of Thespesius said that to this point Orpheus had advanced -when he was following after the soul of his wife, but because his -memory partly failed him he brought back to men an incorrect account -when he said that the oracle at Delphi was the common property of -Apollo and Night, when in sooth, there is nothing in common between -Apollo and Night. ‘But this oracle,’ the spirit said, ‘is common to -night and the moon; it gives response nowhere upon the earth and has -no fixed abode, but roams about everywhere among men, in dreams and -apparitions; and emanating from it, as thou seest, dreams mixed up -with the plain and simple truth, spread abroad trickery and fraud. But -that of Apollo thou didst not see,’ it said, ‘nor wilt thou be able to -see it, for the earthly part of the soul neither strives toward what -is higher nor does it release (the spiritual part), but it tends -downward as long as it is joined to the body.’ At the same time the -spirit leading him (Thespesius) nearer tried to show him the light -issuing from the tripod which, as he said, passed through the bosom of -Themis and reached as far as Parnassus. Though greatly desiring to see -it, he was not able to do so because of its brilliancy; but as he -passed by he heard the shrill voice of a woman chanting in verse some -other things, and the time of his death, as he thought. The -supernatural being (daemon) said it was the Sibyl, and that she -foretold future events as she was whirled about on the face of the -moon. Though wishing to hear more, he was carried round to the -opposite side by the rotary motion of the moon and caught but a few -words; among which was the prediction about Mount Vesuvius and the -impending destruction of Dicaearchea by fire, and a verse about the -reigning emperor, thus: - -‘Though he is good, disease shall end his reign.’ Next in order they -turned to look upon those who were undergoing punishments. From the very -first they beheld nothing but repulsive and pitiable sights; then -Thespesius quite unexpectedly came upon kindred and acquaintances and -former companions who were in terrible sufferings and undergoing -horrible torments and pains, and who besought him with loud lamentations -to have pity on them. Finally, he recognized his own father coming up -from a kind of abyss, all covered with marks and wounds, stretching out -his hands to him; nor did those who directed his castigations suffer him -to hold his peace, but they compelled him to confess that he had been -guilty of a base crime against some guests, for their gold, by taking -them off with poison, and that, though the deed was unknown to everybody -in the world above, it was known to those below. (He also said) that he -had already undergone some torments, but was being dragged away to -suffer others. Smitten with fear and horror he durst not offer -supplications and intercessions for his father; but wanting to turn -about and flee, he no longer saw his kind and familiar guide, and felt -himself urged forward by other beings horrible to look upon, by whom he -was compelled to pass among and behold the chastisements of others of -his acquaintances who had openly led a wicked life, though the shade of -those who had been punished in the world was less grievously tormented -than the rest, and not in the same way, as they were merely condemned to -severe toil for the irrational nature and the passions. On the other -hand, those who had worn the garb and assumed the name of virtue, but -had in secret led corrupt lives, were forced by other tormentors, with -severe exertion and great pain, to turn the inner parts of the soul -outward; which action being so contrary to their nature, they performed -it with wrigglings and contortions like those made by the marine -scolopendra when they have swallowed the hook; some, their tormentors -flayed and laid open in order to show how corrupt and flecked they were, -and that their iniquity had its root in the reason which is the noblest -part of the soul. Other souls, he also said, he observed coiled about -each other by twos and threes and even more, gnawing one another on the -score of old grudges for the deeds of malice they had suffered or -committed in life. And he noticed further, some lakes alongside of each -other, one of which was of seething gold, another of exceeding cold -lead, and still another of hard iron; that over these stood certain -demons who in turn, like smiths, seized with tongs the souls of those -who had been guilty of insatiable greed and avarice, drawing them out -and thrusting them in. When they had become heated through and -diaphanous in the gold from the effects of the burning, they were -plunged into the sea of lead; having become congealed here and hard as -hailstones, they were next thrust into the lake of iron, where they -turned completely black, and were then twisted round and round because -of their hard-heartedness, and rubbed together until they lost all -semblance of their former selves. They were then put once more into the -lake of gold to undergo, as he said, awful torments by the change. But -he said those endured the keenest anguish, who, supposing they had been -released by Justice (Dike) were seized anew: these were the souls of -those for whose transgressions their descendants or children had to pay -the penalty. For whenever one of these arrived and encountered the -other, he fell upon the shade in great wrath, uttering loud cries and -showing the marks of what he had endured, at the same time execrating -and pursuing it while it endeavored to flee away and hide itself, yet -could not. For swiftly did the avengers of justice pursue such, dragging -them back again amid loud lamentations because they foreknew their -impending doom. To some of the souls, he said, many of their descendants -at the same time attached themselves like bees or bats, uttering shrill -cries and falling into transports of rage at the recollection of what -they had endured for their sakes; and last of all he saw the souls of -those who were undergoing the preparation for a second birth by a forced -transformation into all sorts of animals, and by metempsychosis at the -hands of those who were appointed to the task. These, by the use of -certain tools, and with blows, hammered together entire members, turned -others round, scraped down or removed others entirely in order to adapt -them to different modes of life, among which also appeared the soul of -Nero that had already undergone the other castigations, and had been -transfixed with red-hot nails. When the workmen had begun to prepare the -figure of a Pindaric viper, in which it was destined to live after it -had been conceived and had eaten its way out of its mother, he said that -a great light appeared and a voice came out of the light commanding that -it be transformed into some more gentle creature and made over into an -animal that is wont to chant around marshes and ponds, as he had already -expiated his crimes, and some consideration was due him at the hands of -the gods for freeing Greece, the land in which dwelt the best and most -god-favored of his subjects. Thus far now Thespesius was an eyewitness; -but when he was about to turn back, he got into the utmost perplexity -through fright; for a woman, imposing by her stature and beauty, taking -hold of him, said, ‘Pray come hither, my friend, in order that you may -the better remember everything’ (you have seen). And as she was about to -apply to him a little red-hot iron rod such as the painters in encaustic -are wont to use, another woman interfered. But he himself was carried -away all at once by a sudden and very violent gust of wind, as if blown -through a tube, and so lighting again in his own body, he was restored -to life, as it were, on the very brink of the grave.” - - -NOTES. - - -A few notes of general character are here appended. Biographical and -mythological details may be found in classical dictionaries. They are, -however, rarely necessary to make clear the object of the author’s -allusions. A word or a phrase not in the original has, in a few cases, -been inserted in the translation to preclude the necessity of a note. - - Τοῦ θείου of the title. It is not clear from the writings of - Plutarch to what extent he was a monotheist. He uses θεὸς both with - and without the article. In some cases his meaning is perfectly - clear; in others not. The New Testament writers, whose monotheism is - beyond question, frequently use the article before the name of God. - In like manner proper names sometimes have the article and sometimes - are without it. Thus we have Παῦλος and ὁ Παῦλος, Πιλᾶτος usually - has the article while Τίτος never has it, etc. - - CHAP. 3. The thought here expressed regarding the mills of the gods - has been put into the form of a couplet by Longfellow in his Poetic - Aphorisms, thus: - - “Though the mills of God grind slowly - yet they grind exceeding small; - Though with patience He stands waiting, - with exactness grinds He all.” - - The purport of the passage is plain, but the parallelism between the - fact and the figure is not very close. The idea is much older than - Plutarch. - - CHAP. 4. “The ingle-side” or ancestral hearth. According to the - ancients the hearth was the center and beginning of the family and - the state. The expression, which is often used by Plato and others, - is equivalent to the _remotest beginning_. Compare also the Roman - Vesta. - - 5. “God having placed Himself,” etc. The following extract from the - Timaeus of Plato will serve to illustrate our author’s meaning. “Let - me tell you then why the Creator made this world of generation. He - was good, and the good can never have any jealousy of anything. And - being free from jealousy, he desired that all things should be as - like himself as they could be. This is in the truest sense the - origin of creation and of the world, as we shall do well in - believing on the testimony of wise men. God desired that all things - should be good and nothing bad, so far as this was attainable. - Wherefore also finding the whole visible sphere not at rest, but - moving in an irregular and disorderly fashion, out of disorder he - brought order, considering that this was in every way better than - the other. Now the deeds of the best could never be or have been - other than the fairest and best; and the Creator, reflecting on the - things which are by nature visible, found that no unintelligent - creature taken as a whole was fairer than the intelligent taken as a - whole; and that intelligence could not be present in anything which - was devoid of soul. For which reason, when he was framing the - universe, he put intelligence in soul, and soul in body, that he - might be the creator of a work which was, by nature, fairest. - Wherefore, using the language of probability, we may say that the - world became a living creature, truly endowed with soul and - intelligence by the providence of God.” - - 6. “Souls going forth from him.” The idea here is, that the human - soul existed previous to its incarnation in the human body, and that - it is a direct emanation from the Deity. This doctrine is fully - expounded by Plato. How to establish the immortality of the soul, if - it comes into existence with the body, was a serious problem with - the ancients. Plutarch seems to have regarded both the soul and the - body as eternal and uncreated, but the latter without form until it - was united with the soul. Or we may put the case otherwise by saying - that the soul, upon entering into a conscious existence, shapes the - hitherto formless body into an abode for itself. He also holds that - the soul consists of two parts: The one part seeks after truth and - has an affection for the beautiful; the other is subject to the - passions and under the dominion of error. “For which reason,” the - author here assumes that the words ἔθος and ἦθος are from the same - root. The former means, use and wont; the latter was originally - applied to the haunts or abodes of animals; then the manners, - habits, and dispositions of men. Aristotle says, ἡ δ᾽ ἠθικὴ ἐξ ἔθους - περιγίνεται, ὅθεν καὶ τοῦνομα ἔσχηκε μικρὸν περικλῖνον ἀπὸ τοῦ - ἤθους. (Ethical is from ἔθος, for which reason the word differs but - slightly from ἤθος.) Plutarch himself says that custom is second - nature. It is easy to trace the connection between a man’s acts and - the psychical forces, the character, that produces them. - - 8. “An ill-omened deed.” It was a prevalent belief in antiquity that - misfortunes fell upon those who were concerned in disturbing a - swallow’s nest. - - 10. Near the end. The Greeks ventured to consult oracles of the dead - only on rare and extraordinary occasions. They probably borrowed the - custom from the East. - - 11. The story of Glaucus is told at length by Herodotus in the third - book of his history and is often alluded to by later writers. The - ethical import of the anecdote is far-reaching. - - 17. “Gardens of Adonis.” Shakespeare probably had these in mind when - he wrote (King Henry VI. Part 1, scene sixth): “Thy promises are - like Adonis’ gardens, That one day bloomed and fruitful were the - next.” At Taenarus, the most southern point of the Peloponnesus, - there was believed to be an entrance to the lower world. - - 22. “None more dreaded by his enemies.” To return good for good and - evil for evil was a fundamental article of Greek ethics. It is more - than once alluded to in the Anabasis, and is found in nearly all - Greek writers. Socrates, however, takes a firm stand against the - principle and maintains that whatever is intrinsically wrong can - never under any circumstances become right. - - “An inclination toward the earth.” The author here assumes that - γένεσις, procreation, beginning, is both in fact and etymologically, - connected with νεῦσις ἐπὶ γῆν, an inclination or tendency toward the - earth. It need hardly be said that his idea is pure fancy. - - This eruption of Vesuvius, as is well known, took place in the year - 79. Decaearchea or Puteoli was one of the cities destroyed together - with Herculaneum, Pompei and others. Vespasian was one of the few - Roman emperors, who, up to his time, died a natural death. - - What is meant by a Pindaric viper is not known. Plutarch is - evidently of the opinion that its young gnaw their way out of the - mother’s womb instead of being born in the natural way, and the - allusion to Nero’s treatment of his mother is plain. Nero’s love for - music and his proficiency in the musical art are evidently held up - to ridicule in this passage. - - - - - APPENDIX. - - -A list of Plutarch’s works in the order of Bernardakis’ edition. -Lipsiae, 1888-96. - - -VOLUME I. - - _De liberis educandis_, (On the education of children). - - _Quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat_, (How a young man ought to - hear poems). - - _De recta ratione audiendi_, (How one ought to hear lectures). - - _Quomodo adulator ab amico internoscatur_, (How one may distinguish - a flatterer from a friend). - - _Quomodo quis suos in virtute sentiat profectus_, (How one may know - whether he is making progress in virtue). - - _De capienda ex inimicis utilitate_, (How one may profit by his - enemies). - - _De amicorum multitudine_, (On the abundance of friends). - - _De fortuna_, (On good and ill fortune). - - _De virtute et vitio_, (On virtue and vice). - - _Consolatio ad Apollonium_, (Consolation for Apollonius). - - _De tuenda sanitate præcepta_, (Precepts on the preservation of - health). - - _Conjugalia præcepta_, (Precepts on matrimony). - - _Septem sapientum convivium_, (The banquet of the seven sages). - - _De superstitione_, (On superstition). - - -VOLUME II. - - _Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata_, (Memorable sayings of kings - and commanders). - - _Apophthegmata Laconica_, (Memorable sayings of Spartans). - - _Instituta Laconica_, (The ancient customs of the Lacedaemonians). - - _Lacænarum apophthegmata_, (Memorable sayings of Spartan women). - - _Mulierum virtutes_, (Heroic deeds of women). - - _Ætia Romana_, (A list of topics, Roman). - - _Ætia Græca_, (A list of topics, Greek). - - _Parallela Græca et Romana_, (A collection of Greek and Roman - historical parallels). - - _De fortuna Romanorum_, (On the good fortune of the Romans). - - _De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute, oratio I et II_, (On the - good fortune or valor of Alexander the Great, discourses I and II). - - _Bellone an pace clariores fuerint Athenienses_, (Were the Athenians - more distinguished in war or in wisdom)? - - _De Iside et Osiride,_ (Concerning Isis and Osiris). - - -VOLUME III. - - _De E apud Delphos_, (On the E at Delphi). - - _De Pythia oraculis_, (On the cessation of the Pythian oracles in - meter). - - _De defectu oraculorum_, (On the cessation of oracles). - - _An virtus doceri possit_, (Can virtue be taught)? - - _De virtute morali_, (On moral virtue). - - _De cohibenda ira_, (On the control of the temper). - - _De tranquillitate animi_, (On peace of mind). - - _De fraterno amore_, (On fraternal love). - - _De amore prolis_, (On the love of offspring). - - _An vitiositas ad infelicitatem sufficiat_, (Does vice of itself - make men unhappy)? - - _Animine an corporis affectiones sint peiores_, (Are the sufferings - of the mind more grievous than those of the body)? - - _De garrulitate_, (On talkativeness). - - _De curiositate_, (On meddlesomness). - - _De cupiditate divitiarum_, (On the love of riches). - - _De vitioso pudore_, (On excess of modesty). - - _De invidia et odio_, (Concerning envy and hatred). - - _De se ipsum citra invidiam laudando_, (On praising one’s self - without reproach). - - _De sera numinis vindicta_, (Concerning those whom God is slow to - punish). - - _De fato_, (On fate). - - _De genio Socratis_, (On the tutelary deity of Socrates). - - _De exilio_, (On exile). - - _Consolatio ad uxorem_, (A letter of condolence to his wife). - - -VOLUME IV. - - _Questionum convivialium libri IX_, (Nine books of table-talk). - - _Amatorius_, (A dialogue on love). - - _Amatoriae narrationes_, (Love stories). - - -VOLUME V. - - _Maxime cum principibus philosopho esse disserendum_, (On the - proposition that the philosopher ought chiefly to converse with - rulers). - - _Ad principem ineruditum_, (To an uneducated ruler). - - _An seni res publica gerenda sit_, (Should an old man hold a public - office)? - - _Praecepta gerendae rei publicae_, (Political precepts). - - _De unius in re publica dominatione, populari statu et paucorum - imperio_, (On monarchy, democracy, and oligarchy). - - _De vitando aere alieno_, (On avoiding debts). - - _X oratorum vitae_, (The lives of the ten orators). - - _De comparatione Aristophanis et Menandri epitome_ (Abstract of a - comparison between Aristophanes and Menander). - - _De Herodoti malignitate_, (On the malice of Herodotus). - - _De placitis philosophorum libri V_, (Five books of maxims of the - philosophers). - - _Aetia physica_, (Problems in physics). - - _De facie quae in orbe lunae apparet_, (Concerning the face that - appears on the moon’s disk). - - _De primo frigido_, (On the origin of cold). - - -VOLUME VI. - - _Aquane an ignis sit utilior_, (Is fire or water the more useful)? - - _Terrestriane an aquatilia animalia sint callidiora_, (Are water or - land animals the more cunning)? - - _Bruta animalia ratione uti_, (On the use of reason by brutes). - - _De esu carnium, orationes duo_, (On the eating of flesh, two - discourses). - - _Platonicae quaestiones_, (Platonic questions). - - _De animae procreatione in Timaeo_, (On the origin of the soul in - the Timaeus). - - _Epitome libri de animae procreatione in Timaeo_, (Abstract of the - book on the origin of the soul in the Timaeus). - - _De Stoicorum repugnantiis_, (On contradictions of the Stoics). - - _Compendium libri cui argumentum fuit, Stoicos absurdiora poetis - dicere_, (Synopsis of the book the argument of which was, The Stoics - utter greater absurdities than the poets). - - _De communibus notitiis adversus Stoicos_, (Concerning the common - conceptions against the Stoics). - - _Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum_, (That it is not - possible to live pleasurably according to Epicurus). - - _Adversus Coloten_, (Against Colotes). - - _An recte dictum sit latenter vivendum esse_, (Is it a true saying - that one ought to live in seclusion)? - - _De musica_, (On music). - - -VOLUME VII. - - _De fluviorum et montium nominibus et de iis quæ in illis - inveniuntur_, (On the names of rivers and mountains and those things - that are found in them). - - _De vita et poesi Homeri, Lib. I et II_, (On the life and poetry of - Homer). - -The two treatises last named fill more than one-third of the volume, the -remainder being chiefly taken up with fragments, some of them only a few -lines in length. It also contains the so-called catalogue of Lamprias -which, including the Parallel lives, assigns 227 different works to -Plutarch. Volume seven concludes with an index of names. As these -treatises are usually cited by their Latin titles, they only are given -above. A complete edition of Plutarch’s Morals, with an introduction by -R. W. Emerson was published in Boston about twenty-five years ago, under -the editorial supervision of Professor Goodwin of Harvard University. -The translations were made by a number of English scholars near the -close of the seventeenth century. In their revised form they are in the -main correct and some of them are vigorous and readable. - - - - - ● Transcriber’s Notes: - ○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. - ○ Typographical errors were silently corrected. - ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only - when a predominant form was found in this book. - ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). - ○ Footnotes have been moved to follow the sections in which they are - referenced. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Between Heathenism and Christianity, by -Charles William Super and Plutarch and Seneca - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BETWEEN HEATHENISM AND CHRISTIANITY *** - -***** This file should be named 60831-0.txt or 60831-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/0/8/3/60831/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll -have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using -this ebook. - - - -Title: Between Heathenism and Christianity - Being a translation of Seneca's De Providentia, and - Plutarch's De sera numinis vindicta, together with notes, - additional extracts from these writers and two essays on - Graeco-Roman life in the first century after Christ. - -Author: Charles William Super - Plutarch - Seneca - -Translator: Charles William Super - -Release Date: December 2, 2019 [EBook #60831] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BETWEEN HEATHENISM AND CHRISTIANITY *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This -book was produced from images made available by the -HathiTrust Digital Library.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class='figcenter id001'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_on'>on</span> -<img src='images/cover.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c000' /> -</div> -<div> - <h1 class='c001'>Between Heathenism and Christianity</h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c000'> - <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span><span class='xxlarge'><b>Between Heathenism and Christianity:</b></span></div> - <div class='c000'><b>Being a Translation of Seneca’s De Providentia, and Plutarch’s</b></div> - <div><b>De Sera Numinis Vindicta, together with Notes, Additional</b></div> - <div><b>Extracts from these writers and Two</b></div> - <div><b>Essays on Graeco-Roman Life in the</b></div> - <div><b>First Century after Christ.</b></div> - <div class='c002'><span class='large'><b>BY</b></span></div> - <div><span class='xxlarge'><b>CHARLES W. SUPER, Ph. D., LL. D.,</b></span></div> - <div class='c000'><b>Ex-President of the Ohio University, and Professor of Greek, ibidem; translator</b></div> - <div><b>of Weil’s Order of Words, and author of a</b></div> - <div><b>History of the German Language.</b></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c003'>“He who distrusts the light of reason will be the first to follow a more -luminous guide; and if with an ardent love for truth he has sought her in -vain through the ways of this life, he will but turn with the more hope to -that better world where all is simple, true, and everlasting: for there is no -parallax at the zenith; it is only near our troubled horizon that objects deceive -us into vague and erroneous calculations.”</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY</div> - <div>Chicago, New York, Toronto</div> - <div>1899</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span><i>Copyrighted 1899, by Fleming H. Revell Company</i></p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span> - <h2 id='preface' class='c005'>PREFACE.</h2> -</div> -<p class='c006'>It is admitted by students of history of every shade -of belief that the origin of Christianity and its rapid -spread over the ancient world is the most remarkable -fact in the recorded annals of the human race. When -we remember that it was, from the first, more or less -closely identified with the despised religion of the -despised Jews; that largely for this reason it had to -make its way against a united front, presented by the -learned and intelligent in the whole gentile world, -while the Jews themselves almost unanimously repudiated -it; that the most efficiently organized -government that had existed until then, was indifferent -or hostile; that it set before the heathen -world a condition of society in which all current -economic ideas were transformed, and that it demanded -a complete renunciation of its time-honored -creeds, we may well ask in amazement, “How came -these things to pass?”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Second in order among the great facts of ancient -history is the growth of the Roman Empire. Here -we see a people at first occupying a few square miles -of territory, compelled for nearly fifteen generations -to exert themselves to the utmost to keep their enemies -at bay, suddenly bursting the barriers that confined -them and in less than half this time bringing under -their scepter almost the whole of the then known -<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>world. Rome’s conquests have been exceeded in -rapidity, but they have never been equalled in permanence.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The triumphs of Christianity and those of Roman -arms stand in a certain relation to each other, notwithstanding -the fact that the latter were gained with -material, the former with spiritual, weapons. When -the conquests of the one were ended, the other began. -When material forces had spent themselves, men -began to turn, reluctantly indeed, to spiritual agencies -and undertook to subdue the powers of darkness that -had so long held sway in the human breast. While the -arms of Rome were engaged in overcoming the martial -opposition of her enemies, Greece was occupied -with the effort to subjugate the passions of men by the -weapons of the intellect. By the time Roman conquests -had reached their limits it had been demonstrated -that Greece, too, could go no farther. But -Greece did not fail because there were no more -worlds to conquer: it was because men had learned -that her weapons were powerless to compass the end -in view. “He that ruleth his own spirit is mightier -than he that taketh a city,” was the lesson that the -best of the Greek philosophers strove to impress -upon men, but strove in vain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It will always remain a matter of interest to study -the intellectual sphere in which the old doctrines and -the new faith conflict. What was the best that -Greek thought had to offer to the world, and for what -reasons did the world reject it?</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>In the following pages I have attempted to put before -my readers a solution of some of the problems -to which this question gives rise. No one will deny -that Seneca stood on the threshold of Christianity, -while in the opinion of many he had already passed -within; yet all will admit that, at best, he fell far -short of the standard Christianity sets up for its converts. -Plutarch is not claimed by Christians, but he -exemplifies many of their virtues, and commends -many of the precepts they endeavored to put in practice. -These two men best represent the strong and -the weak points of characters formed under the -stimulus of earnest effort to lead upright lives and to -discharge faithfully their duties to themselves, their -fellow men, and the higher power that controlled their -destinies. I have selected a typical work from the -writings of both as a nucleus around which to group -such reflections and facts as seem best fitted to illustrate -the environment in which they lived and the intellectual -inheritance to which they had fallen heir, -while I have allowed each to speak for himself on -one of the profoundest problems that has ever engaged -the serious attention of man.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Surely, it cannot be a merely accidental coincidence -that a Greek at Delphi, a Roman in his adopted city, -a Jew in Alexandria, and another Jew in Palestine, -who had been converted to Christianity and had -adopted the profession of a traveling evangelist, -should at the same time, yet almost or quite independently -of each other, maintain the doctrine of a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>divine Providence or preach a gospel that recognized -it as a fundamental dogma. The treatise of Philo, -though no longer extant in the original Greek, is -more extensive than the tracts here brought together. -The three united in a single volume would make a -remarkable trinity in the history of human thought. -The feeling was evidently widespread, both consciously -and unconsciously, that God had never before -been so near to men, though but a few had -learned that the Word had become flesh and dwelt -among them, full of grace and truth.</p> - -<p class='c007'>C. W. S.</p> - -<p class='c007'><i>Athens, O., Thanksgiving Day, 1898.</i></p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CONTENTS.</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'><span class='sc'>Preface</span> <a href='#preface'>5</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>List of the Principal Works used or consulted on -Seneca</span> <a href='#works'>10</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Seneca: His Character and Environment</span> <a href='#chap1'>11</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>List of Seneca’s Extant Works</span> <a href='#chap2'>60</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Selections from the Writings of Seneca</span> <a href='#chap3'>63</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Concerning Providence</span> <a href='#chap4'>78</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Notes</span> <a href='#chap5'>104</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Plutarch and the Greece of his Age</span> <a href='#chap6'>108</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>List of the Principal Works used or consulted in -the Study of Plutarch</span> <a href='#chap7'>160</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Concerning the Delay of the Deity in Punishing -the Wicked</span> <a href='#chap8'>162</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Notes</span> <a href='#chap9'>214</a></p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Appendix. List of Plutarch’s Works</span> <a href='#appendix'>218</a></p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span> - <h2 id='works' class='c005'>THE PRINCIPAL WORKS USED OR CONSULTED ON SENECA.</h2> -</div> -<p class='c006'>The following are the principal works used or consulted -in preparing the matter relating to Seneca:</p> - -<p class='c008'><i>Oeuvres complètes de Senèque. Par Charpentier et Lemaistre. 4 -tomes. Paris, 1885.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Oeuvres complètes de Senèque. Publiées sous la direction de M. -Nisard. Paris, 1877.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>L. Annaeus Seneca des Philosophen Werke übersetzt von Pauly -und Moser. Stuttgard, 1828-32.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Christliche Klänge aus den griechischen und römischen Klassikern. -Von R. Schneider. Leipzig, 1877.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Lucius Annaeus Seneca und das Christenthum. Von Michael -Baumgarten. Rostock, 1895.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>La Religion romaine. Par Gaston Boissier, 2 tomes. Paris. 1892.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>History of the Romans under the Empire. By Charles Merivale. -7 vols. New York, 1863-5.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>L. Annaei Senecae opera quae supersunt. Ed. Frid. Haase. Voll. I, -II, III. Lipsiae, 1871-62-53.</i></p> - -<p class='c009'>The two Paris editions have the Latin text and the -French translation on the same page. Both translations -are characteristically French, and consequently -very smooth and agreeable to read. But they preserve -few of the salient features of the original, and -render the thoughts rather than the style of Seneca. -To the translation is accorded the place of honor -both in type and position. The German version -holds very close to the text and errs, perhaps, somewhat -at the other extreme as compared with the -French. The work of Baumgarten is thorough and -painstaking. It is not endorsing all the author’s -views to say that it is the best recent book on Seneca -and his times.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span> - <h2 id='chap1' class='c005'>SENECA: HIS CHARACTER AND ENVIRONMENT.</h2> -</div> -<p class='c006'>Lucius Annaeus Seneca, surnamed the Philosopher -to distinguish him from his father the Rhetorician, -was born in Corduba,<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c010'><sup>[1]</sup></a> in Spain, about 4 <span class='fss'>B. C.</span>—authorities -differ by several years as to the precise -date. When quite young he was brought to Rome -by his father. He devoted himself with great zeal -and brilliant success to rhetorical and philosophical -studies. In the reign of Claudius he attained -the office of quaestor and subsequently rose to -the rank of senator. In the year 41 he was banished -to the island of Corsica on a charge that is admitted -to have been false, but the nature of which is -not clearly understood.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In this barren and inhospitable island he was compelled -to remain eight years. He was then recalled -to Rome and entrusted with the education of the -young Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, who afterwards -became emperor of Rome, and notorious as the -monster Nero. For five years after his accession to -the principate, the young emperor treated his former -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>teacher with much deference, consulted him on all -important matters, and seems to have been largely -guided by his advice. He also testified his regard -for him by raising him to the rank of consul. In -course of time, however, the feelings and conduct of -the prince underwent a change. The possession of -unlimited power by a character that was both weak -and vain; the adulation of the conscienceless favorites -with whom he surrounded himself; the intrigues or -cabals to whom the high morality of the philosopher -was a standing rebuke; and the naturally vicious -temper of Nero, all conspired to prepare the way for -the downfall of Seneca. When the conspiracy of -Calpurnius Piso against the monarch was discovered, -the charge of participation, or at least of criminal -knowledge, was brought against Seneca, and he was -condemned to die. Allowed to choose the means of -ending his life, he caused a vein to be opened -and thus slowly bled to death. It was his destiny -to be compelled to take his departure from this -world in the way he had so often commended to -others; indeed it is probable that his reiterated -encomiums upon suicide as an effectual remedy -against the ills of this life, was not without its influence -upon his executioners. They probably wanted -to give him the opportunity to prove by his works -the sincerity of his faith.</p> - -<p class='c007'>During the closing scene he told his disconsolate -friends that the only bequest he was permitted to -leave to them was the example of an honorable life; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>and this he besought them to keep in faithful remembrance. -He implored his weeping wife to restrain -the expression of her grief, and bade her seek in the -recollection of the life and virtues of her husband a -solace for her loss.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It was the fortune of Seneca not only to be well -born, but also to be well brought up and carefully -educated. That he appreciated the high worth of his -mother is evident from the words, “best of mothers,” -with which he addressed her in the Consolation to -Helvia. His father, though wealthy, was a man of -rigid morality, of temperate habits, of great industry, -and possessed very unusual literary attainments. -His older brother, better known as Junius Gallio -from the name of the family into which he was -adopted, was for some time proconsul of Achaia, -in which capacity he is mentioned in the Acts, xviii, -12-17. Seneca’s younger brother was the father of -Lucan, the well-known author of the poem, Pharsalia. -Both his mother and his aunt,—he was an -especial favorite of the latter—were not only women -of exalted character, but they had acquired an intellectual -culture that was very uncommon for their -sex in their day.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Our authorities for a life of Seneca and for an estimate -of his character are fairly ample and have -been variously interpreted. Nothing can be gained -by taking up the controversy anew. To some of his -contemporaries even, he was more or less of an -enigma. Others, again, regarded him as a time-server, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>a hypocrite, a man whose professions were belied by -his actions. Still others,—and they are largely in the -majority—are more lenient in their judgment; though -they cannot exculpate him from inconsistencies, they -excuse them by pointing to the extremely difficult position -in which he was placed during the greater part of -his life. He has strong partisans who are attracted -and charmed by the sublime sentiments scattered -so profusely through his writings; his enemies, in -forming their opinions, lay the chief stress on what -they regard as the inexcusable deeds of his life. It -is too late to add anything to the evidence either pro -or contra. All that it is proposed to do in this essay is -to place before the reader a picture of the man, -mainly from his own writings, as the chief exponent -of the highest philosophy reached by the ancient -world before this philosophy was supplanted by the -new religion that was destined to take its place -in the thought of mankind. Seneca was next -to Cicero, or rather along with Cicero, the most -distinguished Roman philosopher; but as a philosopher -he has received the far greater share -of attention. Both were Romans at heart; both -were earnestly engaged in the search for the -supreme good; both were guilty of conduct inconsistent -with their professions; both tried and tried -in vain to combine a life devoted to reflection with -with an active career in the service of the state; and -both failed. But Seneca not only had a higher ideal -than Cicero; he also came nearer attaining it. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>He was less vain, less hungry for public honors -and applause, and attached less importance to mere -outward display. As a thinker Seneca has more -originality than Cicero, is less dependent upon books, -knows better the motives that underlie human conduct. -Both were essentially Roman in their views -of life, and it is only by keeping this in mind that we -are able to explain, if not to excuse, the lack of harmony -between what they said and what they did; -between what they preached and what they practised.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Like that of Cicero, Seneca’s was no adamantine -soul, no unyielding barrier against which the vices -of his time beat in vain. He had the Roman liking -for what is practical. He tried to be a statesman -and was somewhat of a courtier when to be a courtier -and an upright man was impossible. He was no -Socrates to whom virtue, the fundamentally and intrinsically -right, was more important than anything -else, than all else, even abstention from the political -turmoil of his time.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When a long and acrimonious strife is carried on -over a man it is evidence that he is no ordinary person. -This has been the fate of Seneca in an eminent -degree. During the Middle Ages, and even -after their close, a great deal of attention was paid to -his reputed correspondence with St. Paul. The -National Library in Paris contains more than sixty -MSS. of this pseudo-correspondence. That he was -claimed as a Christian need surprise no one. The poet -Virgil shared a similar fate; yet there is far less in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>writings of Virgil to mark him a Christian, or rather -as a writer who was in a sense divinely inspired, -than there is in Seneca to stamp him as a man who -had accepted the new faith. The rise and persistence -of such a literature is not an anomaly in the -history of thought. It is not out of harmony with -the spirit of an age when the church was supreme in -everything; when all questions were viewed from the -theological standpoint, and when every means were -employed to gain support for the existing ecclesiastical -organization. It was honestly believed that the -practice or profession of a high morality, except -under the sanction and guidance of the church, was -impossible. It was taken as a matter of course, that -a good man, one who eloquently preached righteousness, -who seemed to be conscious of a struggle within -himself between the flesh<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c010'><sup>[2]</sup></a> and the spirit, must -have been enlightened from on high. Given the internal -evidence of Seneca’s own writings, it was not -difficult to supply the complementary external testimony.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This all-embracing and all-absorbing power of the -church lasted about a thousand years and ended with -the Reformation, though it had begun to decline -some two centuries earlier. For this condition of -things the Roman empire had prepared the way. It -was the prototype to which, in part unconsciously -and in part consciously, ecclesiastical authority was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>made to conform. Notwithstanding the fact that the -Gospel was first widely proclaimed in Greek lands -and the body of its doctrine formulated in the Greek -tongue, when the church began to aspire to universal -dominion it naturally assumed the garb of Roman -secular authority. The Eastern Empire was regarded -as an offshoot from, rather than as a continuation of, -the empire that had so long ruled the world from the -great city on the banks of the Tiber. The natural -consequence was that the Latin language in time -supplanted the Greek, and ecclesiastical thought -flowed in the channels worn by the political thought -that had preceded it. The struggle in later times for -the supremacy of the state as against the church was -merely the effort to return to a condition of things -that had existed before the establishment of the -church. The Greeks were not less patriotic than -the Romans. The state occupied just as prominent -a place in their minds as it did in the minds of -the Romans. But it was their misfortune to appear -upon the scene of history, broken up into a large -number of small polities of nearly equal strength, and -the Greek mind never got beyond the particularism -thus inherited. It was their fundamental concept -of government. Rome represented a more advanced -type of political development than Greece, and if it had -been permitted to work out its own salvation without -external interference,—for the city at its worst was -hardly more corrupt than many a modern capital—it -might be in existence to-day. The Roman empire -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>endured so long because it was upheld by the patriotism -of its citizens. This was often narrowly selfish, -and frequently grossly unjust to foreigners, but it -was effectual in maintaining the supremacy of Rome -against all attempts from within or without to subvert -it. The Romans that were drawn toward philosophy -pursued it in a half-hearted manner because the -state occupied the first place in their minds. To -serve the state was the ultimate goal of their ambition. -The emperors, even the most corrupt, still represented -the government and as such received the -homage of good men. If we keep this fact in mind -we shall be able to understand the bravery and devotion -to duty of many of the officers and even soldiers -in the imperial forces. More or less out of reach of -the contaminating influences that were so powerful in -the capital, they performed the services expected of -them as became Romans.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Long, long afterward, and when Rome was nominally -a Christian city, a German monk left its walls -as he was returning to his northern home, a far less -zealous churchman than he had entered it. Strange -coincidence! The city that had become the head of a -spiritual empire was no less corrupt and corrupting -than it had been as the head of a temporal empire. -More than sixteen centuries of experience, some of it -of the bitterest kind, had wrought no perceptible -change. The Christian followed in the footsteps of -the heathen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For us who have been brought up in the belief that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>morality and right and justice have a claim to our -services for their own sake, without accessory support -and under all circumstances, the devotion of the -Roman to his government, even the most unworthy, -is not easy to understand. Rome owed her greatness -more to the bravery of her citizens in war than to any -other cause. To this virtue they always accorded the -foremost place, and to those who displayed it, the -highest honors the state could bestow.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But Seneca was a man of peace. This fact had -without doubt something to do in producing the unfavorable -estimate some of his contemporaries formed -of him. Tacitus, too, was not a military man; yet he -looks with a certain disdain upon those who devoted -themselves to the arts of peace rather than to the -profession of arms. He regards with less favor the -man who has wisely administered a province than -him who had extended the boundaries of the empire.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We naturally incline to the opinion that no man -who respected himself could accept service under -such a ruler as Nero, or Caligula, or Domitian, unless -it were in the hope that he might mitigate a ferocious -temper or avert calamity from personal friends. -And yet, many tyrants since the dissolution of the -Roman empire have been served by honorable men; -and they have usually requited their services in the -same way, with exile, or confiscation of goods, or an -ignominious death.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The readiness with which many of the best Romans -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>resorted to self-destruction as a release from misfortune -strikes us with surprise. Suicide is often mentioned -in the writings of Seneca, and always with approval. -It is not hard to understand this attitude of -mind if we recollect the relation the Roman regarded -as existing between himself and the state. The government -was in a sense a part of himself, and an -essential part. To the Greek there was still something -worth living for after the loss of country and -citizenship. He could devote himself to literature, or -philosophy, or to some more ignoble means of gaining -a livelihood. To the Roman such a thing was -well-nigh impossible, especially if he was a member -of one of the ruling families. Exile, exclusion from -service in the state, was to him the end of every thing. -Many Romans of whom one would have expected -better things are inconsolable so long as they are -compelled to live away from the capital with no certain -prospect of return. Need we wonder that to -many others life was no longer worth living, and that -they freely put an end to it with their own hand. -Often the best men sought surcease of sorrow in this -unnatural way. Those in whom the moral sense was -weak, plunged recklessly into debauchery and sensual -gratification. Literature, too, was corrupted to minister -to their corrupt tastes. We know little of the life -of the average Roman citizen; but there is sufficient -evidence within reach of the modern reader to prove -that the ruling class had few redeeming traits. The -downward tendency is plainly discernible in the last -<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>days of the Republic. Julius and Augustus Cæsar -were men of depraved appetites and low morals. Their -talents as military captains and administrators, their -patronage of letters, and their tastes as literary men, -have somewhat put their moral delinquencies into the -background. There is no doubt that the example of -these and such men, accelerated the evil propensities -to which the Roman people were only too prone. -When the lowest depth of moral degradation was -reached, as in the declining years of Seneca, crime -and debauchery held high carnival in the imperial -household. There was no wickedness so flagrant, no -species of immorality so bestial, no deed so horrible, -that men shrank from it. For, had they not more -than once the example of the prince himself? It is -sometimes charitably said that Nero was insane. -There are men who think it too degrading to human -nature to hold it responsible for his crimes and indecencies. -Yet Nero’s excesses were the natural -results of unlimited power in irresponsible hands, -when the hands were servants of a heart that was -thoroughly corrupt, and a character that was weak, -and vain as it was weak. The same things have often -been repeated within the last eighteen hundred years; -but never was vice so rampant and so unblushing, on -such a large scale, as it was in Rome in the days of -Seneca.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We must not believe, however, that there was no -decency, no regard for morality, no love of culture, to -be found in the Roman empire even in its worst -<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>estate. There were always groups and coteries of -noble men and women who kept themselves free from -the prevailing corruption. There was always a saving -remnant that remained uncontaminated. Quintillian -was the center of such a group, and what he -was in Rome, Plutarch was in another part of the -empire, for they were almost exactly contemporaries. -The belief in God, in the immortality of the human -soul, and in man’s personal responsibility to a higher -power, kept some, perhaps many, who were not directly -under the degrading influence of the court, or -who had the moral strength to resist it, from deviating -very far from the path of rectitude. There were -slaves of whom better things could be said than of -their masters. But what were these among so many?</p> - -<p class='c007'>Seneca and other writers of his time frequently -express contempt for those men who professed to be -philosophers, and whose lives brought only disgrace -upon the fair name of philosophy. He does not seem -to be aware that, in a measure at least, he is recording -an unfavorable verdict upon himself. Does he think -that his abstemiousness, his untiring industry, his devotion -to study ought to cover his shortcomings? It -looks so. He commends solitude, yet always remained -in the noonday of publicity. He inveighs -against riches, yet was the possessor of vast estates, -and was not above lending money at usurious rates of -interest. He teaches men to bear with fortitude the -inevitable ills of life, and ends by commending -suicide as a final resort. Compared with Socrates, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>to cite but a single name, Seneca was a very unworthy -exponent of practical philosophy. The former -took philosophy seriously, so seriously that he not -only wanted to live for it but was willing to die for it. -He kept aloof from politics because he felt that a -public career would interfere with a duty he owed to -a higher power. He, too, believed in a Providence, -but with him this belief amounted to a conviction. -All his reported words and deeds testify to this, while -Seneca acts and writes as if trying to convince himself -quite as much as others. Socrates had an abiding -faith in a personal God who not only watched over -his life, but cared for him in death. Duty was to him -a thing of such supreme importance that he never -hesitated to perform it, no matter what the consequences -to himself might be. Socrates taught nothing -he did not himself practice; Seneca, much. Socrates -feared neither God nor man; Seneca was afraid of -both. Socrates expected nothing of others that he did -not exact of himself; Seneca sets up a higher standard -of morals than he, under all circumstances, attained. -His precepts are better than his practice. -His fatal mistake lay in trying to do two things that -have always been found incompatible: to be a successful -politician and an upright man. There were -others besides Socrates, before the days of Seneca, in -whose life and character philosophy had had more -consistent exponents and faithful devotees than in -him. But when they found that philosophy and a -career in the service of the state were incompatible -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>and reciprocally exclusive, they unhesitatingly gave -up the latter. Seneca can always admire high ideals, -but he cannot always imitate them. He is fascinated -when he gazes on the lofty heights to which virtue -had sometimes attained, and he often makes heroic -efforts to follow after; but he is only now and then -successful. It is no wonder, then, that Socrates had -even in his lifetime many ardent admirers and -enthusiastic disciples that remained true to his memory, -while Seneca had none.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Canon Farrar is mistaken when he calls Seneca a -“seeker after God.” God was in no man’s thoughts -oftener than in his. Nor has any uninspired writer -given utterance to a larger number of noble sentiments -and lofty precepts than he. It is easy to extract -from his writings a complete code of morals, a -breviary of human conduct, that would differ but little -from that contained in the New Testament. He -is a conspicuous example of the heathen of whom -Paul says, they are without excuse. But while Seneca -is not a seeker after God he can with justice be called -a seeker after Christ. He is an earnest inquirer after -the peace that passeth understanding; after that serene -confidence that sustained the greatest and the -least of the Apostles, and the noble army of martyrs -no less. He lacks that Christian enthusiasm that -comes only through faith in a living Christ and in -His atonement.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Seneca now and then caught a glimpse of that universal -kingdom which the company of believers expected -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>would one day be established upon the earth. -He says, “No one can lead a happy life who thinks -only of himself and turns everything to his own use. -If you would live for yourself, you must live for -others. This bond of fellowship must be diligently -and sacredly guarded,—the bond that unites us all to -all and shows to us that there is a right common to -all nations which ought to be the more sacredly cherished -because it leads to that intimate friendship of -which we were speaking.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is hard to see how he could write the following -striking passage without thinking of himself; for, -though guiltless of some of the vices he condemns, -there are others of which he cannot be acquitted. -After defining philosophy as nothing else than the -right way of living, or the science of living honorably, -or the art of passing a good life, and denouncing -the fraudulent professors of it, he proceeds: -“Many of the philosophers are of this description, -eloquent to their own condemnation; for if you hear -them arguing against avarice, against lust and ambition, -you would think they were making a public disclosure -of their own character, so entirely do the censures -which they utter in public flow back upon -themselves; so that it is right to regard them in no -other light than as physicians whose advertisements -contain medicine, but their medicine-chests, poison. -Some are not ashamed of their vices; but they invent -defenses for their own baseness, so that they may -even appear to sin with honor.”</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>To the same effect is the testimony of Nepos: “So -far am I from thinking that philosophy is the teacher -of life and the completer of happiness, that I consider -that none have greater need of teachers of living than -many who are engaged in the discussion of this subject. -For I see that a great part of those who give -most elaborate precepts in their school respecting -modesty and self-restraint, live at the same time in -the unrestrained desires of all lusts.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Both Seneca and Plutarch are firmly convinced that -man is the arbiter of his own happiness; but the former -found great difficulty in making a practical application -of the doctrine to his own case. Notwithstanding -the sorry spectacle presented to the world by -many professed philosophers, neither lost faith in -philosophy. It was the court of last resort. For the -man to whom philosophy will not bring happiness -there is no happiness in this world. To the importance -and benign influence of this culture of mind, -Seneca reverts again and again. He contends that -“He who frequents the school of a philosopher ought -every day to carry away with him something that -will be to his profit: he ought to return home a wiser -man. And he will so return, for such is the power of -philosophy that it not only benefits those who devote -themselves to it, but even those who talk about -it.” “You must change yourself, not your abode. -You may cross the sea, or as our Virgil says, ‘Lands -and cities may vanish from sight, yet wherever you -go your vices will follow you.’ When a certain person -<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>made the same complaint to Socrates that you -make, he answered, ‘Why are you surprised that your -travels do you no good, when you take yourself with -you everywhere?’ If we could look into the mind -of a good man, what a beautiful vision, what purity, -we should behold beaming forth from its placid -depths! Here justice, there fortitude; here self-control, -there prudence. Besides these, sobriety, continence, -frankness and kindliness, and (who would believe -it?) humaneness, that rare trait in man, shed -their luster over him.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Though Seneca’s life was full of contradictions and -inconsistencies when measured by the standard of -his own writings, it would be unjust to charge him -with hypocrisy. He was, within certain limits, a man -of moods; a man in whose mind conflicting desires -were continually striving for the mastery. It seems -to have been a hard matter for him to attain settled -convictions on a number of important questions. -Even the immortality of the soul, a subject upon -which he has much to say, and which to Plutarch is -an incontestable dogma, is to Seneca hardly more -than a hope. His mind matured early and there is -almost no evidence of development or change of views -or of style in his writings. He was such a man as nature -made him, and he was on the whole pretty well -satisfied with the product. Though he now and then -seems to be conscious of a certain lack of constancy, -and on the point of confessing his sins, he generally -ends by excusing them or by trying to show that they -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>are venial. Yet the fact that he at times acknowledges -a kind of moral weakness is perhaps the chief reason -why Seneca has been so often claimed as a Christian, -while no such claim has ever been made for Plutarch -who sees no defects either in himself or his doctrine.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The chief problem of philosophy has at all times -been, how to make the judgment supreme in all matters -that present themselves before the mind and how -to make the will carry out the decisions of the critical -faculty. When the poet says, “Video meliora proboque, -Deteriora sequor,” he is thinking of this irrepressible -conflict. Paul himself was not a stranger to -it, for he exclaims in a moment of self-abasement when -writing to Seneca’s fellow citizens, “The good which -I would, I do not; but the evil which I would not, -that I practice.” He, too, finds within himself a -“law,” a fact of human experience, that the flesh -wars against the spirit; that the appetencies are hard -to reconcile with the judgment. Seneca’s own writings -furnish abundant evidence that many who professed -to be philosophers used their intellects solely, -or chiefly, in devising means for gratifying their desires. -To men of his way of thinking the Epicureans -were a constant object of attack; yet the Epicureans -were generally consistent from their point of view -and in accordance with the postulates of their system. -The all-important question with every man who is in -the habit of giving an account to himself of his life -is how to get the most out of it,—how to formulate -a system of complete living. If the individual is the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>goal, considered solely from the standpoint of his -earthly life, it is evident that he will act differently -in the same circumstances from him whose aim is the -good of society considered as an undying entity, or -the happiness of the individual regarded as an immortal -soul. The disagreements of philosophers have -always hinged on these fundamental problems and -it is strange that so little note has been made of -them. It is too often taken for granted that the -mere use of the reasoning faculties, that is, philosophy -<i>per se</i>, and without reference to the highest -good, is able to make men as nearly perfect as they -can become in this life, both as individuals and as -members of the community. It was the conviction -that philosophy had run its course; that it was -“played out,”—to use a phrase more expressive than -elegant—that made so many of the best men, in the -first Christian centuries, turn from it and seek refuge -in Christianity. They had become weary of the -ceaseless and acrimonious discussions of the different -philosophical schools. Disgusted with contradictions -and inconsistencies, they turned to the Gospel as -offering a solution of problems at which so many acute -thinkers had labored for centuries in vain.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It has often been remarked that the Roman world -had grown old. Every experiment had been tried, -every theory had been suggested that might lead to -complete living; all had ended in failure and disappointment -for those who had the good of their fellow -men at heart. He who would perform a successful -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>experiment in physics or chemistry must see to it -that all the necessary conditions have been provided. -If this is not done, no amount of care in manipulation -will bring about the desired result. The mere -presence of the proper ingredients, however pure, -will not insure success. So in society, the existence -and vitality of social forces will avail the reformer in -no wise unless he knows how to put a motive force -into men’s minds and hearts that will induce them to -aid him in bringing about the changes he proposes. -Some good men have been made so by a noble system -of philosophy, to the practical exemplification of -which they have devoted their lives. Both Greece -and Rome furnished not a few such. On the other -hand there have been many bad men who were made -so by following the tenets of a vicious philosophy.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There are two reasons why Seneca has, for more -than eighteen hundred years, engaged the attention of -thinking men. No doubt the most important is his -extraordinary ability. The world will not willingly -forget the words of a great man, nor suffer his life to -pass into oblivion. It clings to thoughts and deeds -that are worthy to survive. Seneca not only had -something to say that men wanted to hear, but he -knew how to say it in such a way that they were glad -to listen. Great as has been the evil in the world at -all times it has never lacked many men who felt that -they were made for something better than the daily -concerns that occupied their time and labor. In -their better moments they found pleasure in listening -<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>to the voices that spoke to them of something -more abiding than the fleeting affairs of this transitory -life.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Seneca, too, was intensely human. He frequently -furnishes evidence of extraordinary mental strength -while now and then he sinks down in sheer exhaustion. -His mind ranges freely along the whole -scale of mental experiences; and though he dwell, -longest on the higher parts, he does not always do so. -The record of such an experience has an attraction for -many men. They see in it a counterpart of their -own struggles, and are rarely without hope that its -triumphs may be an earnest of their own.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The scholar in politics is a character of whom we -hear a good deal, but as a matter of fact, scholarship, -in the true sense of the word, and successful politics, -as the world understands success, are a combination -that has rarely been made. Again, an ecclesiastical -statesman, strictly speaking, is an equally rare phenomenon -and has been since the days of the supremacy -of the Romish church. The greater the -success of the ecclesiastic in statecraft, the farther he -departed from the prescriptions of the church, or at -least of the Gospel. How often has the experience of -Wolsey been anticipated or repeated; and many men, -both laics and priests, have felt the truth of Shakespeare’s -thoughts, if they have not expressed them in -his words:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c011'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Had I but served my God with half the zeal</div> - <div class='line'>I served my king, he would not in mine age</div> - <div class='line'>Have left me naked to mine enemies.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>We still hope to find a place for the scholar in -politics, but we have given up the search so far as -the ecclesiastic is concerned. Yet in Seneca we have -a man who had mastered all the knowledge of his -time; who was by no means an unsuccessful preacher -of righteousness, and who, nevertheless, was a successful -courtier and statesman during part of his life. -He might have been both to the ending of his days -in peace, had it not been his fate to serve one of the -worst rulers that ever lived. The secret of his undying -fame then is his ability and his whilom position -at the court that ruled the greatest empire of the -world. It is probable that the cause of his exile, at an -age when he had as yet not written very much, so far -as we know, was his prominence in a way that was -distasteful to the emperor Claudius. While there -was nothing in his past life or present conduct to -justify putting him to death, his removal from Rome -seemed desirable to the reigning monarch and his -most influential advisers. But even in exile Seneca -was not a man calmly to permit his enemies to forget -him; nor would his friends suffer him to be forgotten.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Notwithstanding his sudden elevation to a position -of great importance in the empire, he seems never to -have lost sight of the fact that he was standing on -the edge of a precipice from which he might be -thrust at any moment, and that he still had need of -all the consolation his philosophy could afford. Boissier -rightly says, “Though praetor and consul he remained -<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>not the less a sage who gives instruction to -his age; while he was governing the Romans he -preached virtue to them.” And he might have added, -“to himself,” for it is evident from many passages in -his works that he had himself in view no less than -others. He strove to fortify his own soul against -temptations by giving expression to the tenets of -his philosophy, just as men find relief in sorrow by -recording the thoughts that pass through their minds. -We may be certain, too, that to his contemporaries -his speech often sounded bolder and freer than to us -with our inadequate knowledge of the inner life of -the Roman court-circle, and accustomed as we are to -the freedom of criticism to which all our public characters, -not excepting sovereigns, are subject. They -doubtless saw in many of his pithy sayings, allusions, -whether always intentional or not, does not matter, to -occurrences to which we no longer have the key. -And we may be sure that he was not without an abundance -of enemies and detractors. A few of these -have left themselves on record for us. There were, -doubtless, also many persons who were wont to sneer -at the man who professed to find the highest good in -a contemplative life; in devotion to an ideal that differed -so widely from the reality in which he lived; and -who could yet maintain his influence at a court of -which little that was good could be said. Every society -contains a certain number of members who regard -all who endeavor to lead a better life than they -themselves do, or whose ideals are higher than their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>own, as offering a sort of personal challenge or directing -a rebuke at them which they must needs resent. -Seneca was himself conscious that his life and professions -were sometimes irreconcilable. He says: “To -the student who professes his wish and hope to rise -to a loftier grade of virtue, I would answer that this -is my wish also, but I dare not hope it. I am preoccupied -with vices. All I require of myself is, not -to be equal to the best, but only to be better than the -bad.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the much-debated question of Seneca’s responsibility -for the vices of Nero, Merivale is probably right -in saying that he must soon have become aware that -it was impossible to make even a reasonably virtuous -man out of his pupil. Under such circumstances it -was natural for him to conclude that the best thing -to be done was to allow the youth to indulge in private -vices in order to keep him from injuring others. -The morality he impressed upon Nero, the modern -writer sums up in these words: “Be courteous and -moderate; shun cruelty and rapine; abstain from -blood; compensate yourself with the pleasures of -youth without compunction; amuse yourself, but hurt -no man.” This principle was a dangerous one, as we -now know; but it is easy to be wise after the event. -A philosopher ought to have known that it is never -safe to make a compromise with vice. Our philosopher -did not know it, or, knowing it, was willing to -take the risk.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is doubtless some of his detractors that he has in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>mind in his defense of riches. He can see no harm -in large possessions when they have been honestly, or -at least lawfully, acquired and are properly used. It -may help us to understand his attitude in this matter -if we compare it with that of some of the ministers -of our own day, and with some of the ecclesiastical -dignitaries of the past. Seneca’s philosophy did not -come to him as a divine command. It was the fruit -of his own cogitation in the search for the supreme -good. But there are men in our day, as there have -always been, who are not only members of the church -but preachers of the Gospel, who are both rich -themselves and apologists of the rich. Yet they profess -to be followers of the Son of God; of Him who -taught that it is exceedingly difficult for a rich man -to enter the kingdom of heaven. Seneca did not -profess to seek this kingdom. His search was after -the kingdom of earthly felicity, and he could not see -why riches should be an obstacle to his entering it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Seneca was a good exemplar of the truth of a saying -quoted by Xenophon in his Memorabilia of Socrates -to the effect that even an upright man is sometimes -good, sometimes bad. His writings convey the -impression that their author is always under stress. -The philosophical composure of which he has much to -say, is an aspiration and a hope, not a fruition. When -he speaks of the passions he sees them in their intensity. -He seems to regard all men as either very good or -very bad, and finds the latter class to include the great -body of mankind. He fails to realize that the majority -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>belong to neither extreme. The theater on -which he saw the game of life played probably never -had its counterpart in the world. He stands at one -extreme and Plutarch at the other, just as the social -circle in which each moved and knew best is the antipode -of the other. Both looked too intently and exclusively -upon the merely external. Though Plutarch -judges the average man more correctly, neither -possessed sufficient penetration of intellect to fathom -all the passions that dominate or agitate the soul. -Plutarch was most familiar with the man who is concerned -with the ordinary affairs of life; Seneca knew -best the corrupt crowd that sought to ingratiate itself -into the favor of those who controlled the destinies -of all about them, and, in a measure, of the entire -world. Both were much in the public eye, but the -public was a widely different one. Plutarch sought -to make an impression by the arts of persuasion alone; -Seneca, by all the arts that are within the power of a -resourceful intellect. How much he was in the public -eye is evident from the statement of Tacitus that -his last words were written down and at once made public. -His friends no less than his enemies desired this: -his enemies, because they were eagerly watching for a -final opportunity to prove that this famous preacher -of an exalted philosophy would, after all, prove to be -nothing more than a maker of fine phrases when the -crucial test came; his friends, in order to furnish indubitable -evidence that he had been true to his teachings -to the end.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>It is a noteworthy fact that should always be kept -in mind in the study of the writings of the ancients, -and the career of their statesmen, that there existed -no universal conscience to which men could appeal. -Even the separate states were without any considerable -party among their citizens who shared the conviction -that there exist eternal principles of justice -that demand the recognition of rights for all living -beings, for slaves as well as for brutes, whether they -are in position to enforce these rights or not. There -was an interminable struggle of class with class, each -striving to wrest from the other the privileges they -withheld as long as they could, and finally granted -only so far as they could no longer be withheld. The -political economy of the ancients did not concern -itself with making the public burdens bear as lightly -as possible on each member of the body politic, and -compelling even the most refractory to contribute -their share; the problem was almost invariably how -to raise the largest amount of public revenue. Only -a part,—often but a small part, especially under the -later republic—found its way into the imperial -fisc. Most of it flowed into the coffers of -the farmers of the revenue, and for this reason -their representatives, the publicans or tax-gatherers, -were so thoroughly detested. Their relation to the -citizens was entirely different from the modern officers -of the government who perform the same functions. -Every privilege or alleviation granted by the -governing class was usually wrung from it by force -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>or threats on the part of the subject. Generally -speaking, the empire was more lenient than the republic -because the emperors needed the support of -the mass of their subjects against the turbulent and -avaricious nobility. The spirit of altruism that is -such a powerful force in our day is of very modern -growth. It was introduced into the world by Christianity, -but its development was not rapid. Sociology -as a scientific term is but little older than the present -generation; nor does the study of political economy -as a science extend far into the last century. That -remarkable people, the Jews, have from time immemorial -recognized the claims of a brother in the faith, -upon every other, for aid and sympathy. Their voluntary -contributions for the maintenance of the temple -at Jerusalem and its ritual, no matter how widely -scattered they might be, is the earliest indication of a -spirit of altruism, the recognition of an obligation that -was coextensive with the faith. The Jews, however, -made but a faint impression upon the thought of antiquity. -This is evident from the way they are treated -by Greek writers without exception. They were perhaps -never more numerous or more influential than -during the last two or three centuries <span class='fss'>B. C.</span> and the first -century after Christ, until the destruction of Jerusalem. -Yet Plutarch, who was the most widely read -man of his time, and who might easily have obtained -his knowledge of their doctrines almost at first -hand from the Septuagint, does not show in a single -line that he ever thought this knowledge worth the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>trouble. When he mentions the Jews it is only -to disparage them, and to betray the grossest ignorance -of their religion and their nationality. The -same is true of Seneca and the other Roman writers. -Tacitus, who professes to give an account of their -origin and of some of the tenets of their religion, -shamefully misrepresents both, while he holds the -people up to the scorn of his countrymen. So little -are the most intelligent men often aware of the -occult forces at work in the world, and so ready are -they to pour contempt upon everything that does not -accord with their preconceived opinions!</p> - -<p class='c007'>The early Christians, as is well known, were reluctant -to believe that the new doctrines were intended -for Gentiles as well as Jews. Both the -New Testament and some of the church fathers -testify to this fact. Merivale makes it clear that -Tertullian believed that Christianity must always, to -some extent, stand apart from the ordinary march of -events, and that the true faith could only be held by -a chosen few. He does not intend his words to be -understood in their spiritual significance, that many -are called but few chosen, and he makes this plain by -adding that the Roman emperors might themselves -have been Christians, if governments could become -Christian; in other words “mankind in general were -equally incapable of moral renovation and spiritual -conversion.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Though Seneca was, during almost his whole life in -the public eye and lived amid the toil and turbulence -<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>of the busiest city in the world, he professed a distaste -for crowds. He tries to dissuade those who -value their peace of mind, but especially those who -are truly devoted to philosophy, from seeking popular -applause. He loves to be the center of a circle of -choice spirits, to associate on intimate terms with -men of like aims and tastes with his own. It is almost -exclusively against the vices of the rich and the great -that he declaims. Only in “good society” is he at -home; in fact he seems to know no other, has nothing -in common with any other. He is profoundly ignorant, -with Plutarch, of the fact that society cannot be -reformed from the top or from within. Yet the refinements -of luxury are hateful to him, and from -boyhood to the end of his days he lived a frugal life.</p> - -<p class='c007'>How easy it is for Seneca to talk, to express himself -in words whether with tongue or pen, becomes -evident not only from a glance at the subjects upon -which he writes, some of which are of the same tenor -with those discussed by his equally fluent predecessor, -Cicero, but from his own direct testimony. At the beginning -of the Fifth Book on Benefits he tells his readers -that he has virtually exhausted the subject. Yet -he runs on through three more Books, apparently for -no other reason than because he finds pleasure in discussing -every question that has the remotest connection -with the main theme. The result is that the portion -which he considers irrelevant is almost as long -as the treatise proper.</p> - -<p class='c007'>I have once or twice in the present essay, touched -<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>upon the most prominent feature of the Roman character, -but the phenomenon is so important, contributes -so much to a proper estimate of the career of -Seneca, and goes so far toward reconciling the apparent -or real inconsistencies between his life and his -doctrines, between his words and his deeds, that it is -necessary to dwell upon the point at greater length. -The Romans were, above everything else, men of the -world; men who laid the greatest possible stress on -practical activity in the service of the state; men who -were wholly out of their sphere when this outlet for -their energies was closed to them. Greece gave birth -to many individuals who lived entirely, or at least -chiefly, in the realm of their thoughts; or as Jean -Paul says of the Germans, the air was their domain. -The precincts of abstract speculation lay in a region -never entered by a Roman. A few trod the outer -courts under the guidance of Greeks, but not one -ever penetrated farther. The Romans had no literature -of their own, no music, no pictorial or plastic -arts, no architecture. Though so long under the intellectual -tutelage of Greece, their taste was not refined, -nor was a genuine love of culture inherent in -the nation. It saw no use for these things because -they were not practical; could not be employed in the -service of the government. The occasional efforts of -the emperors and of some of the leading families to -elevate the national taste produced but meager -results. Such being the case, what was there for the -average Roman to do when he had become rich, or -<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>had no public duty to perform, and wanted to “have -a good time”? There is abundant evidence within -our reach to enable us to answer this question. He -plunged headlong into debaucheries so shameful -that the modern pen shrinks from describing them, -and the mind from contemplating them. Fortunes -were sometimes spent on a single banquet. The -Roman baths ministered equally to luxury and licentiousness. -In short, it seems as if all the ingenuity -of the empire had at times been exerted to -the utmost to devise new methods of sensual gratification.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But he could not indulge incessantly in bacchanalian -orgies; the jaded body needed some relaxative -that could be found neither in sleep nor in such -business that could not be delegated to a subordinate. -There he regaled himself with the sight of blood. -The huge structures erected for the gladiatorial combats -testify to the Roman passion for these cruel -sports. Every living creature that could be induced -to fight was exhibited in the arena where men and -women took equal delight in the bloody spectacle. -Lecky, in his History of European Morals, sets -forth in graphic colors the pomp and circumstance -with which these horrible exhibitions were given. I -cannot do better than to transcribe his words: “The -gladiatorial games form, indeed, the one feature of -Roman society which to a modern mind is almost inconceivable -in its atrocity. That not only men, but -women, in an advanced period of civilization—men -<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>and women who not only professed, but very frequently -acted upon, a high code of morals—should -have made the carnage of men their habitual amusement; -that all this should have continued for centuries, -with scarcely a protest, is one of the most -startling facts in moral history. It is, however, perfectly -normal, and in no degree inconsistent with the -doctrine of natural moral perceptions, while it opens -out fields of ethical enquiry of a very deep, though -painful interest.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>“The mere desire for novelty impelled the people -to every excess or refinement of barbarity. The simple -combat became at last insipid, and every variety -of atrocity was devised to stimulate the flagging interest. -At one time a bear and a bull, chained together, -rolled in fierce contest along the sand; at another, -criminals dressed in the skins of wild beasts, -were thrown to bulls, which were maddened by red-hot -irons, or by darts tipped with burning pitch. -Four hundred bears were killed in a single day under -Caligula; three hundred on another day under Claudius. -Under Nero, four hundred tigers fought with -bulls and elephants; four hundred bears and three -hundred lions were slaughtered by his soldiers. In -a single day, at the dedication of the Colosseum by -Titus, five thousand animals perished. Under Trajan, -the games continued for one hundred and twenty-three -successive days. Lions, tigers, elephants, rhinoceroses, -hippopotami, giraffes, bulls, stags, even -crocodiles and serpents, were employed to give novelty -<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>to the spectacle. Nor was any form of human suffering -wanting. The first Gordian, when edile, gave -twelve spectacles, in each of which from one hundred -and fifty to five hundred pair of gladiators appeared. -Eight hundred pair fought at the triumph of -Aurelian. Ten thousand men fought during the -games of Trajan. Nero illumined his gardens during -the night by Christians burning in their pitchy -shirts. Under Domitian, an army of feeble dwarfs -was compelled to fight, and more than once female -gladiators descended to perish in the arena.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>“So intense was the craving for blood, that a prince -was less unpopular if he neglected the distribution of -corn than if he neglected the games; and Nero himself, -on account of his munificence in this respect, -was probably the sovereign who was most beloved by -the Roman multitude.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>“It is well for us to look steadily on such facts as -these. They display more vividly than any mere -philosophical disquisition the abyss of depravity into -which it is possible for human nature to sink. They -furnish us with striking proofs of the reality of the -moral progress we have attained, and they enable us -in some degree to estimate the regenerating influence -that Christianity has exercised in the world. For the -destruction of the gladiatorial games is all its work. -Philosophers, indeed, might deplore them, gentle -natures might shrink from their contagion, but to the -multitude they possessed a fascination which nothing -but the new religion could overcome.”</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>How deeply the virulent poison of inhumanity and -the insatiable thirst for blood had infected the -Roman people is further evident, not only from the -means employed to make these sanguinary spectacles -as fascinating as possible, but also from the impress -they made upon the current phraseology. Lecky says -further: “No pageant has ever combined more powerful -elements of attraction. The magnificent circus, -the gorgeous dresses of the assembled court, the contagion -of a passionate enthusiasm thrilling almost -visibly through the mighty throng, the breathless silence -of expectation, the wild cheers bursting simultaneously -from eighty thousand tongues, and echoing -to the fartherest outskirts of the city, the rapid alternations -of the fray, the deeds of splendid courage -that were manifested, were all well fitted to entrance -the imagination. The crimes and servitude of the -gladiator were for a time forgotten in the blaze of -glory that surrounded him. Representing to the -highest degree that courage which the Romans -deemed the first of virtues, the cynosure of countless -eyes, the chief object of conversation in the metropolis -of the universe, destined, if victorious, to be immortalized -in the mosaic and the sculpture, he not -unfrequently rose to heroic grandeur.... -Beautiful eyes, trembling with passion, looked down -upon the fight, and the noblest ladies of Rome, even -the empress herself, had been known to crave the -victor’s love. We read of gladiators lamenting that -the games occurred so seldom, complaining bitterly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>if they were not permitted to descend into the arena, -scorning to fight except with the most powerful antagonists, -laughing aloud at their wounds when -dressed, and at last, when prostrate in the dust, calmly -turning their throats to the sword of the conqueror. -The enthusiasm that gathered round them was so intense -that special laws were found necessary, and -were sometime insufficient, to prevent patricians from -enlisting in their ranks, while the tranquil courage -with which they never failed to die, supplied the -philosopher with his most striking examples. The -severe continence that was required before the combat, -contrasting vividly with the licentiousness of -Roman life, had even invested them with something -of a moral dignity; and it is a singularly suggestive -fact, that, of all pagan characters, the gladiator was -selected by the fathers as the closest approximation -to a Christian model. St. Augustine tells us how -one of his friends, being drawn to the spectacle, endeavored -by closing his eyes to guard against a fascination -that he knew to be sinful. A sudden cry -caused him to break his resolution, and he never -could withdraw his gaze again.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Roman people clung with amazing tenacity -to this gruesome sport. Nero instituted, in a private -way, games after the Grecian model, and Hadrian -made a similar effort on a larger scale; but the public -took little interest in them while sturdy Romans -protested against these Hellenic corruptions.</p> - -<p class='c007'>I have dwelt somewhat at length on this singular -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>institution, both because it was peculiar to ancient -Rome and because, above everything else, it throws -light on the character of its populace. It is true -that men of kindly natures like Virgil and Cicero -condemned these atrocious pastimes, or at least took -no pleasure in them, but their influence produced no -effect on public opinion. Nothing that Seneca has -written is more to his credit than the vigorous language -he employs in denunciation of the gladiatorial -combats.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A life devoted to study and speculation was to a -Roman citizen impossible. Cicero, who did more than -any of his countrymen to naturalize Greek philosophy -on Roman soil through the medium of the Latin -language, was a practical statesman. When forced -to retire from the service of the state he longed to -return to its labors, notwithstanding the dangers to -be incurred. Livy and Virgil devoted their lives -almost exclusively to the glorification of the past in -extolling the heroes by whose toil, endurance, and -self-sacrifice, the Rome of their day had become -what it was. Though in a sense living in retirement, -their thoughts were none the less upon the state; -their time and talents not the less devoted to its -service. To a Roman the state embodied almost -everything worth living for; asceticism was impossible -for him. Even when not actively engaged -in public affairs he found pleasure in observing, at -close range, the machinery of government in action. -He longed to live and move in the strife and turmoil -<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>of the capital. We need not wonder that Ovid, in -exile, was ready to submit with cheerful alacrity to -any moral indignity, and to humiliate himself in the -dust before his emperor, would he but permit him to -return to the city which his spirit had never left. -Seneca’s conduct, when in banishment, was even less -to his credit than that of Ovid, inasmuch as he professed -to be governed by far higher principles. He -thought he was a philosopher, yet when compelled to -live in Corsica where he had all his time to devote to -study and meditation, he was wretched in the extreme; -belittled himself by the most degrading exhibition -of servility; did not scruple to stoop to the -most shameful falsehoods and the most disgusting -flattery in order to bring about his recall. His encomium -on solitude, and his aversion to crowds, if -they are anything more than mere theory, are the -result of larger experience and of deeper insight into -the human heart. Yet it is hardly open to doubt -that he could have gone into voluntary retirement at -any period of his life, except perhaps near its close.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It has been said of the emperor Marcus Aurelius, -that his mind was more Greek than Roman. While it -is true that he loved philosophy, and studied it daily, -he did so in the belief that in this way he could the -better prepare his mind and heart to perform the -duties which his exalted station imposed upon him. -He seems never to have seriously entertained the -thought that it was in his power at all times to lay -down his official burdens in order to follow his natural -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>inclinations. His highest ideal of virtue was to -cultivate and strengthen his sense of duty; but this -duty was primarily political.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is little doubt that the conspicuous place -occupied by the state in the mind of every Roman -citizen prepared the way for the deification of the -emperors, a form of adulation that in the course of -time wrought untold mischief, and led to the most -abject servility on the part of men of whom one -would have expected better things. Baumgarten -devotes many pages to a discussion of this curious -feature of Roman politics. In the nature of the -case this deification had no regard whatever to the -personal character of the sovereign. It elevated him -to the skies, solely as the personification of the largest -possible power entrusted to a mortal. When in -the course of time all the functions of the government -were concentrated in the hands of a single -individual, it was natural that he should become an -object of worship, at least in a sense, even during his -lifetime, and as a matter of course placed among the -gods at his death. We shall find this transition -easy if we consider further the character of the gods -of antiquity. They were not distinguished from -mortals by higher attributes, but only by the possession -of greater power. A god, in the popular -estimation, was not necessarily any better than a -man—he was only stronger. His good-will was to -be gained and his ill-will averted by precisely the -same means that were employed in the case of men. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>The Roman gods were, in a far larger measure than -those of the Greeks, personifications of abstract -qualities. There was thus a wide scope for projecting -into their character the salient traits of the -worshiper.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The gods, then, being an abstraction, and the state -being the mightiest visible representation of human -power, it required no great effort of the imagination -to regard its head as divine, in the sense which the -Romans attached to the term. The unthinking multitude -naturally fell in with the ideas of their leaders, -and even the better class of men rarely protested -because they considered the ceremony of little moment, -or because protests would have been unavailing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Strangely, too, the belief in fate, in an inevitable -destiny, did much to paralize the free action of many -of the bravest men. The fate of the republic, the -destiny of the Roman people, regarded as an immutable -law of nature, the utter insignificance of the -individual either expressed or implied, are ideas that -figure prominently in the literature of ancient Rome. -It has been truly said that Rome attained its greatness -without great men. Almost from its remotest -beginnings it was like an organism in which each -separate cell, though incapable of life by itself, performs -its function as part of a whole and contributes -to its life and growth. In this case the cell, as we -may designate each individual moral entity, though -conscious in a sense of a life apart, was powerless to -modify the whole organism.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>To what extent the Roman emperors took their -apotheosis seriously we have scant means of knowing. -It is well established that a few of them regarded it -as a huge joke. But it is beyond question that on -the great mass of the people it had a most deleterious -effect. How could it be otherwise, when some of -them reached the lowest depths of degradation to -which human nature could sink? When the monarch -in his official capacity was recognized not only as -the political and military head of the government -but also its divine head, it is easy to imagine what -the effect of such a recognition must be upon the -average Roman, in contracting his spiritual outlook. -As long as the gods were mere abstract qualities, -or even to some extent personal beings like those -of the Greeks, there was a sort of indistinctness -in which they were veiled that did not invite -imitation. But a deified emperor was, or had been, -a creature of flesh and blood; no matter what he -might do, there would be many ready to tread in -his footsteps, so far as they could. The pernicious -influence of the ancient mythology engaged the -attention of thoughtful men from the remotest times. -How much worse, then, would this influence be when -the vilest that tradition reported of the gods was -actually done by men in flesh and blood. “Like -priest, like people,” is a true saying even when both -priest and people are pagans.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Aside from the restraints of religion, there is, in -modern times, in all civilized countries, a certain restraining -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>influence exercised by public opinion that -keeps the rich, who are inclined to a lax personal -morality, within reasonable bounds. But so far as we -can discover, the inhibitive force of public opinion in -Rome upon the individual in the matter of ethics -was very slight, especially under the empire. It is -plain then where a debauched public sentiment -placed no check upon any form of vice from without, -and but few individuals yielded to moral restraints -from within, the condition of society was such that it -could hardly have been worse.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We are sometimes inclined to wonder that so few -protests were made by enlightened Romans against -the deification of the emperors. The explanation -may be found in the prevailing rationalism of the -age. To the majority of those men one religion was -just as good as another, and all religions were but -forms of superstition. The persecutions directed -against the early Christians were urged on the -general ground that the failure to follow the multitude -was a mark of treason against the government, -and for this reason the best men were naturally the -instigators. To perform the religious functions enjoined -by the state was regarded as a mark of loyalty; -to refuse, the badge of disloyalty. It is not necessary -to go back to ancient Rome and to heathen religions -to find parallels for treating the externals of worship -as matters of indifference, or for requiring the subject, -under penalties, to conform to the creed of the -sovereign.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>When we come to speak of the relation of Seneca -to Christianity, but especially of his conversion by -St. Paul, a thesis laboriously defended by more than -one modern writer, we cannot do better than to -transcribe a passage from Merivale setting forth -clearly the courses that led men into a very natural -error. After calling attention to the fact that both -Seneca and Paul were moral reformers, he proceeds: -“There is so much in their principles, so much even -in their language, which agrees together, so that one -has been thought, though it must be allowed without -adequate reason, to have borrowed directly from the -other. But the philosopher, be it remembered, discoursed -to a large and not inattentive audience, and -surely the soil was not all unfruitful on which this -seed was scattered, when he proclaimed that <i>God -dwells not in temples of wood or stone, nor wants -the ministration of human hands; that He has no -delight in the blood of victims; that He is near to all -His creatures; that His spirit resides in men’s -hearts; that all men are truly His offspring; that -we are members of one body, which is God or nature; -that men must believe in God before they can approach -Him; that the true service of God is to be -like unto Him; that all men have sinned, and none -performed all the works of the law; that God is no -respecter of nations, ranks, or conditions, but all, -barbarian and Roman, bond and free, are alike under -His all-seeing providence.</i> St. Paul enjoined -submission and obedience even to the tyranny of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>Nero, and Seneca fosters no ideas subversive of political -subjection. Endurance is the paramount virtue -of the Stoic. To forms of government the wise -man was wholly indifferent; they were among the -external circumstances above which his spirit soared -in serene self-contemplation. We trace in Seneca -no yearning for a restoration of political freedom, -nor does he ever point to the senate, after the manner -of the patriots of the day, as a legitimate check to -the autocracy of the despot. The only mode, in his -view, of tempering tyranny is to educate the tyrant -himself in virtue. His was the self-denial of the -Christians, but without their anticipated compensation. -It seems impossible to doubt that in his -highest flights of rhetoric—and no man ever recommended -the unattainable with a finer grace—Seneca -must have felt that he was laboring to build up a -house without foundations; that his system, as Caius -said of his style, was sand without lime. He was -surely not unconscious of the inconsistency of his -own position, as a public man and a minister, with -the theories to which he had wedded himself; and of -the impossibility of preserving in it the purity of his -character as a philosopher or a man. He was aware -that in the existing state of society at Rome, wealth -was necessary to men high in station; wealth alone -could retain influence, and a poor minister became -at once contemptible. Both Cicero and Seneca -were men of many weaknesses, and we remark them -the more because both were pretenders to unusual -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>strength of character: but while Cicero lapsed into -political errors, Seneca cannot be absolved of actual -crime. Nevertheless, if we may compare the greatest -masters of Roman wisdom together, the Stoic will -appear, I think, the more earnest of the two, the -more anxious to do his duty for its own sake, the -more sensible of the claims of mankind upon him for -such precepts of virtuous living as he had to give. -In an age of unbelief and compromise, he taught that -Truth was positive and Virtue objective. He conceived, -what never entered Cicero’s mind, the idea of -improving his fellow creatures; he had, what Cicero -had not, a heart for conversion to Christianity.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Notwithstanding the many points of contact between -the doctrines of the New Testament and the -teachings of Seneca, no competent judge now holds -that he was a Christian. The wonder is that there -should ever have arisen any serious controversy on -the subject. The very fact that Seneca’s faith underwent -no change from first to last ought to be decisive. -He did not pass through the experience of -conversion; he shows no vicissitudes of intellectual -or moral growth; he never wavered in his faith in philosophy, -and in the power of man to attain the supreme -good by mere force of will. Yet Seneca is, to -the Christian, unquestionably, the most interesting -personality that heathen antiquity has produced. His -philosophy and his morality show, in a striking way, -that a man may approach very close to the boundary -line of Christianity without crossing it; without even -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>knowing what is before him. The best thought of -the age clearly proves that Greek philosophy had, in -a sense, prepared a few noble minds for the reception -of the ethical and altruistic precepts of the Gospel; -but it was in no sense the harbinger of its spiritual -doctrines.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It remains yet to consider briefly an institution -which, while not peculiar to Rome, was, nevertheless, -here characterized by some features that were unique -in their influences for evil. Slavery rested like a -horrible incubus upon the ancient world, though few -persons seem to have been aware of it. It placed a -curse upon labor and almost prevented the development -of the mechanic arts. It seriously impeded the -growth of the moral sentiments by the hindrances it -placed in the way of free discussion, and by the opportunities -it afforded the basely inclined for the -gratification of carnal lusts. It placed a large part -of the population virtually beyond the range of human -sympathy by branding the expression of such -sympathy as a symptom of treason. While it did -these things everywhere, in Rome it made a people -that were naturally coarse and brutal still more so, -by placing within the easy reach of every slave-owner -helpless objects upon which he could vent his rage, -and whose services he could exploit in the most unfeeling -manner. A lurid light is thrown on the barbarity -of the Romans toward their slaves by an occurrence -that took place in the later years of Seneca. -A plain statement of the facts is more impressive -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>than many pages of theory. A prefect of the city, -Pedanius Secundus by name, was murdered by one -of his slaves and the criminal could not be apprehended. -According to law, all the bondmen of the -murdered man, four hundred in number, were to be -put to death. The populace, to their honor be it -said, more humane than the senators, raised a tumult -of protest against the execution of the sentence. -Their sympathy availed nothing; the unhappy victims -were led away to die. One of the senators even -proposed a decree that all the freedmen belonging to -the household of the late prefect should be transported -beyond the confines of Italy. But the emperor, -and that emperor was Nero, more humane than -the optimates, alleged that the laws were already -severe enough, and that it would be cruel to add to -their severity by fresh enactments. The decree of -expulsion was not passed. Yet Tacitus, from whom -this narrative is taken, a writer who never tires of -lamenting the degeneracy of his age, has not a word -of compassion for the unfortunate sufferers, nor a -syllable of condemnation for an atrocious law.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Still it must be said that some of the Roman philosophers, -especially Cicero and Seneca, lay stress in -their writings, upon the universal brotherhood of -man. They have much to say about the intrinsic -worth of the human soul. While these ideas are -largely borrowed from the Greeks, or at least suggested -by Greek philosophers, the Romans are singularly -eloquent in proclaiming them. But slavery is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>never attacked by name. It is doubtful whether a -passage can be found in any Greek or Roman writer -explicitly asserting that it is wrong for one man to -hold another in bondage. This may be due to the -conviction that such a doctrine would be extremely -dangerous among a large servile population, even if -the government allowed entire freedom of speech. -The New Testament is almost silent about slavery. -Its authors did not wish to give utterance to any views -that could be used by their enemies as the basis for a -charge of disaffection with the “powers that be.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Again, slavery in some form was universal. Servitude -was held to be the proper condition of a large -part of the human race. No man who lived during -the existence of the Roman empire would have ventured -to predict the ultimate downfall of slavery. It -is interesting to note in this connection that Basil -Hall, writing as late as 1828, while admitting everything -that could be alleged on the evils of slavery, -thought that to do away with it seemed “so completely -beyond the reach of any human exertions -that I consider the abolition of slavery as one of the -most profitless of all possible subjects of discussion.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>On the supposition, then, that slavery must continue -indefinitely, if it could ever be abolished, it -was the duty of the philanthropist to do what he -could to ameliorate the condition of the servile class -by educating their masters in the principles of a humane -philosophy, rather than to incur the risk of -making it worse by the suggestion of emancipation. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>If the good man is kind to his beast, he cannot fail -to treat kindly his bondman. It does not seem inconsistent -with the general tenor of Seneca’s writings -to assume that he thought the best way to mitigate -the condition of the slaves was to indoctrinate their -owners with a philosophy that would accord to them -kind treatment, rather than to seek to bring about -their liberation.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Besides, the slaves themselves were not often conscious -of their unfortunate legal status. The best -they desired for themselves was that they might fall -into the hands of a good master. That such men -were not altogether wanting, even among the Romans, -is evident from the many instances of rare devotion -shown by their slaves.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is one of the surprising things in the history of -mankind that the progress of the anti-slavery sentiment -was so rapid when the cause of the slave had -obtained a hearing before the bar of public conscience. -Slavery had existed from time immemorial. -The wrongs it condoned, the evils entailed upon its -victims, attracted but little attention until the close -of the last century. Within less than a hundred -years after the agitation had begun there was not a -slave recognized as such by law in Christendom. -The contemplation of this fact may well teach political -prophets to be careful in their predictions as to -what will or will not happen in the future.</p> - -<hr class='c012' /> - -<p class='c007'>In the foregoing essay I have, for the most part -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>omitted such biographical data as may be found in -any encyclopedia, and have confined myself chiefly -to a study of the society in which Seneca moved, -and to a consideration of some of the leading characteristics -of the age in which he lived. Every man -should be judged by his times, for no man is uninfluenced -by them. It is only men of the strongest -character that rise far above the manners and -thoughts of their contemporaries. Seneca was not -one of these. Though endowed with a penetrating -intellect and strong moral convictions he sometimes -yielded to temptations against the protest of his -better judgment. He compelled his intellect to -sanction or at least to excuse conduct that he felt to -be unworthy of the philosophy he professed and -taught. Yet after making all due allowance for his -shortcomings, I am persuaded that one cannot -long study his writings and his career without reaching -the conviction that among the great men of -Rome none towered above him in moral grandeur -and but few surpassed him in intellectual stature. -If I may be allowed to express a personal opinion -I do not hesitate to affirm that in the first thousand -years of its history no more interesting and attractive -character lived and died in the City of the -Seven Hills than the philosopher Seneca.</p> - -<p class='c004'><a id='chap2'></a> -The following is a list of Seneca’s extant works:</p> - -<p class='c008'><i>De Providentia</i>, (On Providence).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Constantia Sapientis</i>, (On the Constancy of the Sage).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Ira</i>, (On Anger).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Vita beata</i>, (On a happy life).</p> - -<p class='c003'><span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span><i>De Otio</i>, (On Leisure).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Tranquillitate Animi</i>, (On Peace of Mind).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Brevitate Vitae</i>, (On the Shortness of Life).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Beneficiis</i>, (On Beneficence).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Clementia</i>, (On Clemency).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Ad Marciam de Consolatione</i>, (A Letter of Condolence to Marcia).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Ad Polybium de Consolatione</i>, (A Letter of Condolence to Polybius).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Ad Helviam matrem de Consolatione.</i> (A Letter of Condolence to -his mother Helvia).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Apocolocynthosis</i>, (Pumpkinfication, as it may be translated by -a parody on Deification; or we may call it Pumpkinosis to -correspond with Apotheosis).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Epistolae Morales ad Lucilium</i>, (Letters to Lucilius on the Conduct -of Life).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Quaestiones Naturales</i>, (Questions relating to Physical Phenomena). -This is the only work of the kind belonging to Latin -literature. During the Middle Ages it was much used as a -text-book.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In the Charpentier-Lemaistre edition the letters to -Lucilius fill the first volume and a little more than -half of the second. The first Book on Beneficence is -in the third volume; the remainder with the Problems -in Physics fill the fourth and last. The smaller -treatises occupy the rest of the four volumes. A -number of Tragedies with Greek titles are also attributed -to our Seneca, probably with justice.</p> - -<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>Note:—To translate Seneca adequately is not an easy task. -While his meaning is usually plain, the modern reader is not in -all cases certain that he clearly apprehends the exact signification -of his words when taken separately. He is thus in danger -of reading into them ideas that savor more of modern theology -than the author intended,—a common fault of interpreters. -It has been demonstrated that Seneca knew nothing of the -Gospels directly, yet he has often been claimed as a Christian. -Evidently, then, there must be a good deal in his writings that -can be used to support such a claim. Attention has already -been called to his use of <i>caro</i>. He seems also to be the first -Roman who uses Providentia to designate an intelligent guide -and guardian of the affairs of the world. There are other -terms to which he gives a signification not found in the profane -writers of ancient Rome.</p> - -<p class='c003'>But the chief obstacle the translator has to contend against -is his diction. This is highly rhetorical and very difficult to -transfer into another language, unless the translator has at -command all the resources of his mother tongue. Such a -wealth of resources, I do not hesitate to confess, is not within -my reach. If a translation is to make the same impression on -the reader or hearer that is made by the original, it is as -important to preserve the peculiarities of a writer’s style as to -render accurately the meaning of the separate words. While -I flatter myself that I have been fairly successful in the interpretation -of Seneca’s words, I am not equally sanguine as to -his diction. I believe, however, that I have in no case strayed -very far afield and that the reading of the following pages will -convey not only a fairly correct idea of what Seneca thought -on many important problems, but also of the manner in which -he expressed himself. I hope at some future time, if life and -health are vouchsafed to me, to prepare a complete translation -of Seneca’s moral writings.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span> - <h2 id='chap3' class='c005'>SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF SENECA, TO WHICH PASSAGES MORE OR LESS CLOSELY AKIN OCCUR IN THE SCRIPTURES.</h2> -</div> -<h3 class='c013'>FROM THE LETTERS TO LUCILIUS.</h3> -<p class='c006'>A holy spirit dwells within us, the observer and -keeper of the evil and the good; it treats us just as it -is treated by us.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If you do what is right, let all men know it; if -what is wrong, does it matter that no one knows it, -since you know it yourself? O what a wretched man -you are if you disregard such a witness!</p> - -<p class='c007'>The human mind has come down from the spirit -that dwells on high.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Fortune exempts many from punishment; from -fear, no one.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is natural for those who have done wrong to be -afraid.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The light is irksome to a bad conscience.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The guilty have sometimes the good fortune not to -be found out; never the certainty of it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Good precepts, if you often reflect upon them, will -profit you equally with good examples.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If thou wouldst gain the favor of the gods, be good.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He adequately worships the gods who imitates them.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>It suffices God that he be worshiped and loved; love -cannot be mixed with fear.</p> - -<p class='c007'>What thou hast learned, confirm by doing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A great and holy spirit, it is true, holds converse -with us, but it cleaves to its origin.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Let the young reverence and look up to their teachers.</p> - -<p class='c007'>How wisely you live is an important matter: not, -how long.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is not a good thing to live; it is, to live wisely.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He who would live for himself must live for others.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He who has much covets more.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No one is worthy of God save him who contemns -riches.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Dare to contemn riches and thus to make thyself -worthy of God.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The shortest road to riches is to contemn riches.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Not he who has little but he who covets more is -poor.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Thin is the texture of a lie; it is easily seen through -if closely examined.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The praise is not in the deed but in the way it is -done.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To be master of one’s self is the greatest mastery.</p> - -<p class='c007'>One cause of the evils of our time is that we live -<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>after the example of others. We are not guided by -reason but led astray by custom.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Money never made anybody rich.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Why did God create the world? He is good; a -good being feels no aversion to anything that is good. -Therefore He made the world as good as possible. -<i>Quoted from Plato.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'>Some of our time is filched from us, some is stolen -outright, some passes unnoticed. But most reprehensible -of all things is to lose it by mere negligence; and -if you will note carefully, men spend a great part of -life in doing evil, the greatest part in doing nothing -the whole of it doing something else than they ought. -Whom will you name that places any value on time? -Who prizes a day? Who realizes that he is dying daily? -For we err when we regard death as something in the -future; a great part of it has already passed; the portion -of our life that is behind us, death holds. Do, -therefore, Lucilius, what you write that you are doing, -husband every hour; you will be less dependent upon -to-morrow if you seize to-day. Everything else belongs -to others, time only is ours.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is a great difference between not wanting to -sin and not knowing how.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If thou wouldst get rid of thy vices keep out of -bad company.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He worships God who knows Him.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No one commits wrongs for himself alone; he communicates -<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>them to others and is in turn led astray by -others.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Our minds are dazzled when they look upon truth.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No virtue remains hidden, and it suffers no damage -by having been hidden.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Nature has given to all the fundamental principles -and seeds of virtue.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Nature does not make us virtuous; it is an art to become -good.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If what you are doing is right, all men may know it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The reward of all the virtues is in the virtues -themselves. The recompense of a good deed is to -have done it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Virtue alone brings lasting and sure happiness.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He errs who thinks the gods intentionally inflict -injuries on any one; they cannot do so; they can -neither receive nor do injury.</p> - -<p class='c007'>So live with men as if God saw thee; so talk with -God as if men heard thee.</p> - -<p class='c007'>God has no need of ministering servants: He Himself -ministers to men; is present everywhere and in -everything.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The gods extend a helping hand to those who -would rise. Do you wonder that man goes to the -gods? God comes to men, and what is more, He -comes into men. No mind is good without God.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>All men, if they are traced to their first origin, are -from the gods.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Every day, every hour, reminds us of our nothingness -and, by some fresh admonition, warns those of -their frailty who are prone to forget it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Give heed to each day as if it were your whole life. -Nothing will so much enable you to exercise control -over yourself in all things as to think often of the -uncertainty and brevity of life.</p> - -<p class='c007'>You will grant that the greatest piety toward the -gods is a characteristic of a good man; and so whatever -may befall him he will bear with equanimity, -for he will know that it has happened in harmony -with that divine law by which all things are governed.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No one is strong enough to rise by his own strength; -every man needs some one to extend a hand, some -one to lead him.</p> - -<p class='c007'>So let us live, so let us talk, that our destiny may -find us prepared and ready to follow it. Great is the -soul that has yielded itself to God; on the other -hand, that one is cowardly and degenerate that resists, -that finds fault with the order of the world, and is -more ready to set the the gods right than itself.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We ought to have before our minds some one -whom we revere; some one whose influence makes -even our most secret thoughts holier.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>Long is a way by precepts; short and effectual, by -examples.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Weaker minds, however, have need of some one to -go before who shall say, “This avoid, this do.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>The community of which we form a part is very -much like an arch built of stone; it would at -once fall down if one did not support another.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We are members of an immense body. Nature -begat us as kinsmen, since it formed us of the same -elements and for the same end.</p> - -<p class='c007'>What is it that draws us in one direction when we -would go in another, that urges us on when we want -to resist, that strives against our desires and does -not permit us to do what we purpose?</p> - -<p class='c007'>If thou wishest to be loved, love!</p> - -<p class='c007'>No one is free that is the slave of his body.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We ought to live in this thought: I was not born -for a corner only; my country is this entire world.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The beginning of salvation is the knowledge of sin. -<i>Quoted from Epicurus.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'>Philosophy sheds its light upon all men.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is so difficult for us to get well because we do not -know that we are sick.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is the strongest evidence that our mind is directed -toward its own improvement when we see -faults that we had not before observed.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>It is an infirmity of mind not to be able to bear -riches.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To live right is in the power of everybody.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The acknowledgement of a fault is the beginning -of a better life.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He who does not admit his proneness to do wrong -has no desire to be corrected. You must recognize -your errors before you can correct them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The ancients held the first requisite of repentance -to be an examination of one’s self, especially since -without this, life would not be worth living.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is no vice without some excuse.</p> - -<p class='c007'>You ask me what you should particularly avoid. -(I answer,) a crowd. You cannot with safety to yourself -mingle in a large company. I must verily confess -my own weakness. I never bring back the same -character that I took with me; something which I -had banished, returns; something else that I had -quieted, is aroused.... But nothing is so damaging -to a good character as to spend much time at public -spectacles, for with the pleasure we receive vices the -more easily creep in unawares.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is a large part of goodness to desire to become -good.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is a certain fitness in the feeling of sorrow; -this the sage ought to heed, and just as in everything -else so in grief there is a proper mean.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>What fate did not give it did not take away.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To obey God is liberty.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No one is out of the reach of the temptation -of vice unless he has banished it wholly from his -breast; and no one has banished it wholly until he has -put wisdom in its stead.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Great is the praise if man is helpful to man. We -admonish you to extend a hand to the shipwrecked; to -point out the way to the lost; to share your bread -with the hungry.</p> - -<p class='c007'>No one ever renders a service to another without -also rendering a service to himself.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Often what is given is a small matter; what follows -from it, a great one.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When we reason upon the immortality of the soul, -we do not regard as of little weight the universal -belief of men who either fear or revere the gods of the -lower world.</p> - -<p class='c007'>That day which thou dreadest as if it were thy last -is the day of the birth into eternity.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A time will come that shall unite us and bring us -into each other’s company.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Then shall our soul have reason to rejoice because, -freed from this darkness in which it is involved, it -shall see the light, no longer with feeble vision, but -in all the brightness of day, and it will have returned -to its own heaven since it will again occupy the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>place which belongs to it by right of birth. Its -origin calls it on high.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Let another begin a quarrel, but let reconciliation -begin with thee.</p> - -<p class='c007'>What else is nature than God and the divine reason -that permeates the whole world and all its parts. -Whithersoever thou turnest thou wilt see Him before -thee; there is no place where He is not; He Himself -fills all His work.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Every crime is committed before the deed is done.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The human mind has come down from the spirit -that dwells on high.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Believe me, the creator of this vast universe, whoever -he may have been, whether it was a god, master -of everything, whether it was an incorporeal intelligence -able to bring forth the most brilliant marvels, -whether it was a divine spirit diffused with equal energy -in the smallest and the largest things, whether -it was destiny and an immutable concatenation of -causes linked together: this sovereign potentate did -not wish to leave us dependent upon any one else -even in the smallest matters.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Stars shall impinge upon stars and all matter that -now delights us with its beautiful order will burn in -one huge conflagration.</p> - -<p class='c007'>How often he who refuses pardon to others begs it -for himself!</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is base to say one thing and mean another; it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>is baser to write one thing and mean another.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A wise man will pardon an injury, though it be -great, and if he can do it without breach of piety and -fidelity, that is, if the whole injury pertains to himself.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As far as thou canst, accuse thyself, try thyself, discharge -the office, first of a prosecutor, then of a judge, -lastly of an intercessor.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We can never quarrel enough with our vices, which, -I beseech thee, persecute perpetually. Cast from -thee everything that corrupts the heart; and if thou -canst not otherwise get rid of it, spare not the heart -itself.</p> -<h3 class='c014'>FROM DE BENEFICIIS.</h3> -<p class='c006'>Nature is not without God nor is God without nature. -Both are the same and their functions are the -same. So, too, nature, destiny, fortune, are all the -names of the same God.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is the mark of a noble and generous soul to be -helpful, to do good; he who confers favors, imitates -the gods.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Beneficence always makes haste; what one does -willingly one does quickly.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We owe no thanks for a favor that has for a long -time adhered to the hands of the giver, as it were; -which he seems to have let go with reluctance and -which one might almost say had been wrested from -him.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>Those favors are most gratifying to us that are deliberately -and willingly offered, and in connection -with which the only hesitancy is on the part of the -recipient.</p> - -<p class='c007'>I do not make the favors I confer a matter of public -record.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He who intends to be grateful ought to think -about requiting a favor as soon as he receives it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>This is the law of beneficence between two persons: -the one should forthwith forget that he has -given; the other should never forget that he has received.</p> - -<p class='c007'>You buy from the physician a thing that is above -price, life and health; from the teacher of belles-lettres, -acquaintance with the liberal arts. Yet it is not the -value of these things that you pay for but their pains, -because when they are serving us they give up their -private business to devote themselves to us.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The sun rises for the evil also.</p> - -<p class='c007'>God has given certain benefactions to all men, and -from which none are excluded.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Who is so wretched, so despised, who born to so -hard and sorrowful a destiny that he has never perceived -the munificence of the gods? Seek out even -those who bewail their fate and who are always complaining, -you will not find among the entire number -one who has not experienced the beneficence of heaven; -there is not one for whom there has not flowed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>something from the most inexhaustible of all fountains.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Add, now, that external circumstances do not coerce -the gods, but their sempiternal will is their law. -They have established an order of events which they -do not change. The gods never repent of their first -purpose.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Beneficence consists not in what is done or given, -but in the spirit of the doer or giver.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is a most glorious work to save even the unwilling -and refractory.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The door to virtue is closed to no one; it is open to -all, admits all; virtue invites everybody, free-born, -freedmen, slaves, kings and exiles. It selects neither -class nor condition, it seeks the man only.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Nature directs us to do good to all men whether -bond or free, free-born or emancipated slaves. Wherever -there is a human being, there is a place for -beneficence.</p> - -<p class='c007'>He who reasons thus (like Epicurus), does not hear -the voices of supplicants and the prayers offered -everywhere, in public and private, with hands outstretched -toward heaven. This could not be, nor is it -possible that all men should have willingly consented -to the folly of addressing deaf divinities and powerless -gods, if they had not recognized their benefactions, -sometimes given spontaneously, sometimes in -answer to prayer, always great, timely, averting by -their intervention impending disasters.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span> - <h3 class='c013'>FROM VARIOUS SOURCES.</h3> -</div> -<p class='c006'>It is easy to form the mind while it is still tender; -but it is difficult to root out those vices that have -grown up with it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is a great thing to know when to speak and when -to be silent.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The vices of others we have before our eyes; our -own, behind our backs.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Use your ears oftener than your tongue.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Nothing is more out of place in him who is inflicting -punishment than anger.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is not the issue of a thing that ought to be -taken into account, but the purpose.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Every crime is committed before the deed is done.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To cupidity nothing is enough; to nature even a -little is enough.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Vice takes possession of us unconsciously; virtue -is difficult to find, and we need a guide and teacher. -Vices are learned without a teacher.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Stars shall impinge upon stars and all matter that -now delights us with its beautiful order shall burn -in one huge conflagration.</p> - -<p class='c007'>All that is best can neither be given to men nor -taken from them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There are two things, the most precious of all, -that attend us whithersoever we turn our steps: common -nature and personal virtue. These things are -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>so, believe me, because they were so willed by the -creator of the universe, whether it is that God who -controls everything, or incorporeal reason, the artificer -of great works, or the divine spirit that pervades -equally the greatest and the smallest things.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If the dead have any feeling, the soul of my -brother, now set free from a long imprisonment, is at -length in the full enjoyment of his freedom and his -majority; he beholds with delight the nature of -things and looks down upon human affairs from his -high abode; but things divine, the causes of which -he so long sought out in vain, he now beholds at -close range. Why then do I pine away in sorrow for -him who is either blessed or not all? To mourn for -one who is in bliss is envy; for one who is not, folly.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Borne on high, he soars among beatified spirits, -and a sanctified company welcomes him—the -Scipios, the Catos, released by the beneficence of -death. There thy father devotes himself to his -grandson, resplendent in the new light even though -in that place all are known to each. He explains to -him the motions of the stars around him; not from -conjectures, but, versed in the knowledge of all things, -he gladly inducts him into the arcana of nature.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If you will believe those who have looked more -deeply into the truth, our whole life is a punishment.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For those who sail this sea so stormy, so exposed to -every tempest, there is no harbor except death.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>He now enjoys a serene and cloudless heaven. -From this humble and low abode, he has sped swiftly -into that region, wherever it may be, where souls, -freed from their chains, are received into the abode of -the blest. He now roams about at will, and beholds -with supremest delight all that is good in the universe.... -He has not left us; he has gone -before.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span> - <h2 id='chap4' class='c005'>DE PROVIDENTIA SIVE QUARE ALIQUA INCOMMODA BONIS VIRIS ACCIDANTCUM PROVIDENTIA SIT.</h2> -</div> -<p class='c015'><span class='sc'>Note</span>:—This monograph is addressed to the same Lucilius, -procurator of Sicily, to whom Seneca also dedicates his letters -and his Problems in Physics. The date of composition is not -known, but it probably belongs to the later years of the -author’s life. The opening sentences seem to make it a part of -a larger work on ethics, or rather of a theodicy, which was either -never completed or has not come down to us. This is a serious -loss both to us and to Seneca: to us, because such a work would -doubtless have placed before us a complete theory of human -conduct as conceived by a man who was thoroughly conversant -with the motives that dominate men; to Seneca, because -it would in all probability have explained if not justified some of -the inconsistencies that have so sadly marred his career. Indeed -the fundamental proposition of the essay is inconsistent, -since the conclusion does not follow from the premises. For if -the patient endurance of tribulation is the supreme test of a -good man, how is he justified in avoiding that test, as our author -proposes, by taking his own life?</p> -<h3 class='c013'>I.</h3> -<p class='c006'>You have asked me, Lucilius, why it is, if the -world is governed by a Providence, that so many misfortunes -befall good men. To this an answer would -more properly be given in a work in which I should -undertake to prove that a Providence presides over -the affairs of men, and that God dwells among us. -But since you deem it best to take a small portion of -the whole subject, and to settle this single disputed -question, the main proposition meanwhile being left -<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>untouched, I shall undertake a case of little difficulty: -I shall plead the cause of the gods.</p> - -<p class='c007'>2. It is superfluous to show at the present time -that so great a work does not stand fast and firm -without an overseer; that the regular course of the -heavenly bodies is not a fortuitous concourse of atoms; -that those objects which chance puts in motion are -subject to frequent disturbances and sudden collisions; -that this harmonious velocity is under the -sway of an eternal law governing everything on land -and sea, no less than the brilliant luminaries which -shine according to a prearranged plan; that this order -is not the result of elements moving about at random, -neither can fortuitous aggregations of matter -cohere with such art that the immense mass of the -earth remains motionless while beholding the rapid -gyrations of the heavenly bodies about itself; that -the seas poured into the valleys to fructify the soil -never feel any increase from rivers; or that enormous -vegetation grows from the minutest seeds.</p> - -<p class='c007'>3. Not even those things that appear to be uncertain -and without regularity—I mean rains and clouds -and the bolts of lightning darting from the clouds, -and fires poured from the cleft summits of mountains, -and the quakings of the tottering ground, and such -other disturbances of the earth about us—are without -a rational explanation, unforeseen though they -be. These things, too, have their causes, not less -those which, when they appear in unexpected places, -are regarded as prodigies, such as warm springs among -<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>the billows or new insular lands rising up in the vast -expanse of the sea.</p> - -<p class='c007'>4. Moreover, if one has observed the beach laid -bare by the waves of the retiring sea and covered -again within a brief space of time, does he believe -that the waves have been contracted and drawn inward -by a kind of blind restlessness, to burst forth -again to seek with a mighty onset their accustomed -seats, especially since the waters increase at regular -intervals and move according to a fixed day and hour -just as the lunar star attracts them more or less, -under whose influence the ocean regulates its ebb and -flow? However, these questions had better be reserved -for their proper place, since you do not deny -the existence of a providence, but only bring complaints -against it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>5. I wish to reconcile you with the gods since -they regard the best men with the most favor. For -in the nature of things, what is good can never harm -the good. Between good men and the gods a friendship -exists, virtue being the bond of amity. Friendship, -do I say? nay, more; it is a near relationship -and likeness, since the good man differs from God -only in time; he is His pupil and imitator, His true -offspring, whom his august father, no lenient trainer -in the virtues, brings up somewhat rigorously after -the manner of stern parents.</p> - -<p class='c007'>6. Accordingly, when you see good men, the -favorites of the gods, toiling, sweating, ascending by -hard paths, and the bad living in licentious indulgence -<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>and growing effeminate in luxury, consider -that we too are gratified with the sobriety of our sons, -but with the wantonness of our household slaves; -that the former gain greater self-control by the -sterner discipline, the latter are confirmed in their -presumption. The same thing is true in regard to -God; He does not support the good man in enervating -ease; He tries him, hardens him, prepares him for -Himself.</p> -<h3 class='c013'>II.</h3> -<p class='c006'>“Why do the good meet with so many adversities?” -(you ask). No evil thing can befall a good man; -things in their nature contradictory may not be commingled. -Just as so many rivers, so much water -falling from the clouds above, so great a number -of springs impregnated with mineral substances, -do not change the saltness of the sea, do not even -dilute it; so the assaults of adversity produce no -change in the spirit of a brave man. He remains -steadfast, and whatever betides he gains for his colors, -for he is stronger than all external circumstances. I -do not, it is true, say, that he is insensible to them, -but that he triumphs over them, and, moreover, remains -calm and serene in spite of obstacles. All untoward -events he regards as so much drill. Besides, -is there any man who is only an admirer of noble -deeds, that is not eager for honest toil, or ready to do -his duty with alacrity even in the face of danger? To -what industrious man is not inactivity a punishment? -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>We see athletes, whose purpose is to develop their -bodily strength, matching themselves with the most -doughty antagonists, and requiring those who prepare -them for a contest to use all their strength -against their pupils; they allow themselves to be -smitten and buffeted, and if they do not find suitable -single antagonists they pit themselves against several -at the same time.</p> - -<p class='c007'>3. When virtue has no antagonist it becomes enervated; -then only does it appear what its true character -is, how strong, how virile it is when patient -endurance shows what it can accomplish. You surely -know that good men must do the same thing, to the -end that they may not fear what is hard or formidable, -nor complain about fate. Whatever happens, let the -good bear it patiently and turn it to good uses. Not -what we bear but how we bear it, is the important -thing. Do you not see how differently fathers and -mothers show their love for their children? The -former want their sons to be aroused early in order -that they may betake themselves to their studies; -their vacations even they would not have them pass -in idleness, and they draw sweat and sometimes even -tears from the youths; but mothers want to fondle -them on their bosom, keep them in the shade; they -would never have them weep, never be sad, never undergo -toil.</p> - -<p class='c007'>4. God has a father’s feelings toward good men -and ardently loves them, and says: “By labors, sorrows, -privations, let them be tried in order that they -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>may gain real strength.” Animals that are being -fattened grow languid by their inactivity, and by the -weight of their own bodies become incapable not only -of work, but of movement. Unalloyed felicity cannot -withstand any shock, but a constant struggle against -obstacles hardens a man against injuries, and he does -not succumb to any disaster, for even if he falls, he -fights on his knees.</p> - -<p class='c007'>5. Are you surprised if God, who is a most devoted -friend of the good, and who wishes them to -attain the highest degree of perfection, assigns them -a place in which they are to be disciplined? Verily, -I am not surprised that sometimes a desire seizes the -the gods to behold great men struggling against some -misfortune. To us mortals it at times affords pleasure -to see a courageous youth await with the hunting -spear, the onset of some wild beast, or if with unblanched -cheek he thrusts back the attack of a lion; -and the spectacle is agreeable in proportion to the -rank of him who exhibits it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>6. These are not the sights that attract the attention -of the gods, but childish pastimes and the -pleasures of men who have no serious aims. Behold -a spectacle worthy of a god who is intensely interested -in his work; behold a pair of champions worthy -of god, a brave man pitted against adverse fortune, -especially if he himself be the challenging party. -I do not see, I say, what more agreeable sight on -earth Jupiter can look upon, if he turns his attention -thither, than to behold Cato, after his party had been -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>more than once defeated, standing erect, nevertheless, -amid the ruins of the republic.</p> - -<p class='c007'>7. Said he, “Though everything has yielded to -the behests of one man; though the lands be guarded -by legions and the seas by fleets and the soldiers of -Caesar keep watch at our gates, there is a way of escape -for Cato. Single-handed will he make a broad -way for liberty; this sword, pure and untarnished -even in civil strife, shall at length perform a worthy -and noble deed; the liberty it could not give to his -country, it shall give to Cato. Perform my soul, a -deed long meditated, free thyself from earthly concerns!</p> - -<p class='c007'>8. Already Petreius and Juba have turned their -swords against each other and lie dead, slain with -mutual hands. A brave and glorious covenant to -die was that, but one that was unworthy of my -greatness; it is as ignoble for Cato to beg for -death at the hands of another as (to beg for) life.” I -am sure the gods looked with keen satisfaction when -that hero, the intrepid liberator of himself, takes -counsel for the safety of others and provides a way of -escape for the fugitives; when he pursues his studies -far even into that final night; when he thrusts the -sword into his own sacred breast; when he disembowels -himself and sets free with his own hand that -purest spirit unworthy to be contaminated with a -sword.</p> - -<p class='c007'>9. Hence I would fain believe that the thrust was -badly directed and the wound not fatal; it was not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>enough for the immortal gods to have beheld Cato -once only; his courage was restrained and called back -that it might show itself in a more difficult part. -For death may be said not so much to have come -upon so great a soul as to have been sought by it. -Why should they not rejoice to see their favorite -pass from life in a way so glorious and memorable? -Death deifies those whose departure fills with admiration -even those who stand aghast at the manner of it.</p> -<h3 class='c013'>III.</h3> -<p class='c006'>But as I proceed with my discourse, I shall show -that not all those things which seem to be evils are -such. For the present, I affirm that the conditions -you call hard, adverse, and terrible, are in the first -place best for those very persons whom they befall; -and in the second, for all men, since the gods are -more concerned for mankind as a whole than for the -individual; and lastly; that they happen either with -their approval, or to men who are worthy of them, if -without their approval. To these propositions I shall -add that such things take place in the fixed order of -the world and rightly happen to the good, in virtue -of the same law which makes them good. From this -point of view I shall then convince you that you -never need feel pity for the good man; for though he -may be called unfortunate, he never is so.</p> - -<p class='c007'>2. The most difficult of the affirmations I have -made seems to be the first, to wit, that it is for our -own good these very things happen which we dread -<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>and shudder at. Is it good for anybody, you say, to -be driven into exile, to see his children reduced to -want, to bear a wife to the grave, to be disgraced, -maimed? If you are surprised that this should result -in good to any one, then you will be surprised -that persons are sometimes cured by cutting and -burning not the less than by hunger and thirst. But -if you will reflect that as remedial measures, the -bones have to be laid bare or taken out, veins to be -extracted, and even members to be amputated, because -they cannot be allowed to remain attached -to it without detriment to the whole body; you -will also admit that some unpleasant things are an -advantage to those whom they befall, no less than that -some things which are accounted good and are sought -after, are an injury to those who find pleasure in -them, such as eating and drinking to excess and -other things that kill by the gratification they afford.</p> - -<p class='c007'>3. Among the many noteworthy sayings of our -friend Demetrius there is one that is fresh in my -mind and keeps sounding and ringing in my ears. -“There is no being,” says he, “more unfortunate than -the man who never felt adversity.” For he has never -had an opportunity to test himself. Though everything -may have come to him when he wished it or -even before he wished it, the gods have nevertheless -not thought well of him. They have adjudged him -unworthy of a struggle with adversity lest he be overcome -by it, for it avoids all cowards as if saying, -Why should I choose such an antagonist? he lays -<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>down his arms forthwith; there is no need of all my -strength against him; he is beaten by a feeble onset; -he cannot bear even a look.</p> - -<p class='c007'>4. Let another be selected for the struggle. It is -a shame to fight with a man who wants to be beaten. -A gladiator regards it as a disgrace to be pitted -against an inferior antagonist for he knows there is -no glory in overcoming one who is vanquished without -danger. Adversity does likewise; it seeks out -foemen worthy of their antagonist and passes by -some with disdain. It always attacks the doughtiest -and boldest for a trial of its strength.</p> - -<p class='c007'>5. It tries Mucius with fire, Fabricius with poverty, -Regulus with torture, Socrates with poison, Cato -with death. It is misfortune alone that finds noble -examples. Is Mucius to be commiserated because he -put his hand into an enemy’s fire and punished himself -for his mistake? because he vanquished with a -burned hand a king whom he could not vanquish -with it armed? Would he have been happier if he -had warmed it in the bosom of a mistress?</p> - -<p class='c007'>6. Is Fabricius to be pitied because he tilled his -own field when not engaged in public duties? because -he waged war against riches as well as against -Pyrrhus? because he ate, by his own fireside, the -same roots and herbs that his triumphant old age -pulled up on his farm? Can we say that he would -have been happier if he had filled his stomach with -fish from a far off strand and with exotic birds? or if -he had stimulated his jaded and nauseated stomach -<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>with oysters from the Upper and the Lower sea? or if -he had encircled with a huge pile of different fruits, -the finest game captured at the cost of many a huntsman’s -life?</p> - -<p class='c007'>7. Is Rutilius unfortunate because those who condemned -him decided a case against themselves for all -time to come? because he was more willing to be deprived -of his country than to be recalled from exile? -because he alone dared to deny anything to the -dictator Sulla, and when invited to return, not only -refused, but fled farther? “Let those manage affairs,” -said he, “whom thy good fortune keeps in Rome! Let -them look upon the pool of blood in the Forum and -the heads of senators floating on the Servilian lake,—for -that was the field of carnage of those proscribed -by Sulla—and the bands of assassins roaming through -the city, and the many thousands of Roman citizens -slain in one place after pledges of immunity had -been given, yes, because of those very pledges! Let -those look upon these things who are not able to endure -exile.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>8. Shall we say that Sulla is to be congratulated -because, when he descends to the Forum, a way is -opened for him with the sword? because he allows -the heads of men of consular rank to be shown him -in public, and paid the price of their slaughter by the -hand of the quaestor and from the fisc? And he -who did these things is the same man that enacted -the Cornelian law! Let us return to Regulus. What -injury did his destiny do him by making him, the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>well-known exemplar of good faith, an exemplar of -patient endurance? Nails pierce his skin, and whatever -way he lays down his weary body he lies on a -wound, while his open eyes doom him to perpetual -wakefulness.</p> - -<p class='c007'>9. The greater the anguish, the greater will be the -glory. Wouldst thou know how little he regretted -the high value he set on fortitude? Heal his wounds -and send him back to the senate—he will give the -same advice (as before). Dost thou think Maecenas -happier when a prey to the torments of love and when -grieving over the daily repulses of a wayward wife, -he courts sleep amid the sound of symphonies softly -sounding in the distance? Though he stupify himself -with wine, and seek diversion in the murmur of -waters, or trick his troubled mind with a thousand -pastimes, he lies awake on his bed of down no less -than the other on his bed of torture. But for the -former there is the solace that he is enduring hardness -for a noble purpose, and he can look away from -his pain to its cause; the latter, surfeited with pleasures, -weighed down by an excess of good fortune, is -more tormented by the cause of his sufferings than -by the sufferings themselves.</p> - -<p class='c007'>10. Not yet has vice so completely taken possession -of the human race as to make it doubtful that -the majority, if they had the choice of their lot, -would prefer that of Regulus to that of Maecenas. -Or, if there should be anybody who had presumption -enough to say that he had rather be born a Maecenas -<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>than a Regulus, the same person, even though he -might not openly admit it, would also rather be born -a Terentia. Do you pronounce Socrates unfortunate -because he drained the executioner’s cup as if it had -been the draught of immortality, and discoursed about -death up to the moment it overtook him? Was his -lot an unhappy one because his blood congealed and -his vital force stopped by the gradually advancing -rigor of death?</p> - -<p class='c007'>11. How much more is he to be envied than those -who are served from goblets studded with gems, for -whom a male prostitute, accustomed to submit to -every kind of abuse, whose virility is gone or at least -doubtful, dissolves the snow that floats in a golden -chalice? Whatever they drink they vomit up, to -their chagrin, and taste again mixed with bile; but he -willingly and with joy drains the poisonous draught. -For Cato it is sufficient that the unanimous verdict of -mankind has raised him to the pinnacle of felicity; -him destiny selected as one who was fitted to contend -against everything that is to be dreaded.</p> - -<p class='c007'>12. Is the enmity of the powers that be a serious -matter? let him be opposed at the same time by -Pompey, Caesar, Crassus. Is it hard to bear when -one is less honored than worse men? let him be sacrificed -for Vatinius. Is it a hard thing to be involved -in civil wars? throughout the whole world let him -fight for the good cause, equally renowned for his -misfortunes as for his bravery. Is it hard to take -one’s own life? let him do it. What do I wish to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>prove by these things? I would have all men know -that those vicissitudes of which Cato was deemed -worthy, cannot be regarded as evils.</p> -<h3 class='c013'>IV.</h3> -<p class='c006'>Prosperity comes to ordinary people and to men of -mean abilities, but it is the prerogative of a great -man to overcome the calamities and terrors that -frighten mortals. In truth, to be always happy and -to pass one’s life without mental anxiety, is to be -ignorant of half of man’s destiny. Thou art a great -man; yet how am I to know it unless fate gives thee -an opportunity to show thy worth?</p> - -<p class='c007'>2. Thou didst enter the Olympian games as a contestant; -if there was none beside thyself, thou hast -the crown, thou hast not the victory. I congratulate -thee, not as a brave man, but as one who has gained -the consulship or the praetorship: thou hast won -political honors. I can say the same thing to a good -man, unless some more than ordinary emergency has -given him an opportunity to show his strength of -soul.</p> - -<p class='c007'>3. Unhappy do I adjudge thee, if thou hast never -been unhappy; thou hast passed thy life without an -adversary. No one knows what thou mightest have -done; thou dost not even know it thyself. We need -to be tried that we may find out what we are; what a -man can do can be ascertained only by trial. For -this reason men have sometimes voluntarily encountered -obstacles that seemed to evade them and sought -<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>an opportunity for demonstrating to others the virtue -that was passing into oblivion.</p> - -<p class='c007'>4. I assert that great men sometimes rejoice in -tribulation like valiant soldiers in battles. I heard -Triumphus, a gladiator under Caius Caesar (Caligula) -complain because he had so little to do. “How my -best days are speeding away,” said he! Courage is -eager for danger and looks to the end in view, not at -what it is likely to encounter, for the reason that what -it encounters is part of the glory. Warriors are -proud of their wounds; joyfully they point to the blood -it was their good fortune to shed. Those who return -from the combat unscathed may have been just -as brave—it is the wounded man that is the observed -of all eyes.</p> - -<p class='c007'>God shows his good will to those whom he would -have attain the highest excellence every time he gives -them an opportunity to display courage and endurance; -this is possible only in some contingency beset with -difficulties. You form your opinion of a pilot in a -storm; of a soldier, in battle. By what test am I -to know how thou wilt bear up against poverty, if -thou aboundest in wealth? By what test am I to -know how thou wilt bear up under ignominy and -disgrace and popular hatred, if thou growest old -amid public applause? if a strong and unswerving -popular partiality supports thee in all thou doest?</p> - -<p class='c007'>6. How am I to know with what equanimity thou -wilt bear the loss of children, if thou seest about -thee all those thou hast begotten? I have listened -<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>to thee when thou wert offering consolation to others; -then should I have seen thee when thou wert thyself -in need of consolation; when thou wert trying to -restrain thyself from sorrowing. Do not, I beseech -thee, shrink from these things which the immortal -gods send upon thee as stimuli to thy courage. A -disaster is an occasion of virtue. Those persons one -can rightly call wretched who grow effeminate in -superabounding prosperity; whom a dead calm bears -along, as it were, in a motionless sea.</p> - -<p class='c007'>7. No matter what befalls them, they are unprepared -for it. Hardships bear heaviest on those who -have never known them; heavy lies the yoke on the -neck that has not felt it. The mere thought of a -wound makes the raw recruit turn pale; the veteran -looks without blanching upon his own blood because -he knows that he has often gained a victory at the -price of it. Then it is that God trains and hardens -those whom he has chosen, whom he loves and -wishes well to; but those whom he seems to treat -with indulgence, whom he spares, he keeps tender -for the evils to come. For you are mistaken if you -conclude that any one is exempt; he who has long -basked in the sunshine of fortune will have his -turn.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Every one that thinks he is discharged has been -placed among the reserves. (You ask) why does -God afflict every good man with ill health or sorrow -or other misfortune? Because in camp-life the -most perilous duties are also laid on the bravest; the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>commander sends picked men to fall upon the enemy -from a nocturnal ambuscade, or to explore a route, -or to carry by assault an outpost. No one of those -who go forth says, “The general has a poor opinion -of me,” but, “He has judged wisely and well,” And -so let all say who are ordered to undergo what to the -coward and the slothful seem to be painful experiences: -God has accounted us worthy to be used as -examples by which to show how much human -nature can endure. Flee from pleasure, from that -unmanly felicity in which the active powers of -the mind grow torpid, unless something intervenes -to recall man’s lot, by a sort of perpetual intoxication.</p> - -<p class='c007'>9. Him whom glass windows protect against every -breath of air; whose feet are kept warm by fomentations -periodically renewed; whose dining-rooms are -made always comfortable by heat within the walls and -under the floor—such a person, not even a gentle -breeze passes over without danger. Though everything -that transcends the bounds of moderation is -hurtful, the most perilous intemperance is that of -good fortune. It excites the brain, awakens idle -fancies in the mind, puts dense darkness between the -false and the true.</p> - -<p class='c007'>10. Which is better, to bear up under continuous -misfortune that incites us to do our best, or to be -crushed under unbounded and inexhaustible riches? -Death comes gently when the stomach is empty; it -is from repletion that men die like beasts. Accordingly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>the gods follow the same method with good -men that teachers follow with good pupils—they require -the hardest labor from those of whom they -cherish the highest hopes. Dost thou believe that it -is out of hatred for their children that the Lacedaemonians -try, by public scourgings, what stuff they -are made of? Their own fathers exhort them to bear -bravely their flagellations, and ask them, when bleeding -and half dead, to proffer unflinchingly their -wounds for fresh wounds.</p> - -<p class='c007'>11. Why is it strange if God sends severe trials -upon noble spirits? a test of one’s courage is never -an easy matter. Is it destiny that scourges and -lacerates us? let us endure it; ’tis not wanton cruelty, -it is a contest; the oftener we enter it, the -stronger we shall become. The solidest part of the -body, frequent use has made so. We must be subjected -to the buffetings of fortune in order that in -this way we may become callous to it. Little by -little, fortune makes us a match for itself; contempt -of dangers results from often braving them. In this -way sailors inure their bodies to the sea; the hands -of the husbandman are calloused; the arms of the -soldier are strong from hurling javelins; the limbs of -runners are agile. That part of everybody is the -strongest that has exercised the most.</p> - -<p class='c007'>12. The soul acquires the strength to brave misfortune -by patient endurance; what it can effect in -us thou mayst know, if thou dost but consider what -hardship does for those peoples that go about without -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>clothing and are strong by their very indigence. -Consider all the nations over whom the sway of Rome -does not extend, I mean the Germans and every -nomad tribe along the Danube. Perpetual winter, -a severe climate, bear hard upon them, a sterile soil -grudgingly supports them, a hut or branches of trees -protect them against the rain, they roam over marshes -hardened by frost, for food they capture wild beasts.</p> - -<p class='c007'>13. Dost thou think them wretched? No one is -wretched when he performs what habit has made -second nature to him; for by degrees we find pleasure -in doing what we began to do from necessity. These -peoples have no houses and no resting place except -as weariness finds them from day to day; their food -is cheap and obtained only as wanted; their naked -bodies are exposed to the terrible extremes of a -horrid climate; what thou regardest as a frightful -calamity is the whole life of many peoples.</p> - -<p class='c007'>14. Why dost thou wonder that good men are -called upon to undergo violent shocks to the end that -they may stand the more firmly? A tree does not -take deep root, or grow strong, unless it is frequently -shaken by the wind; for as a result of violent agitation -its fiber is toughened and its roots more firmly -set. Those are fragile that grow up in sheltered valleys. -It is therefore a boon to good men, as it makes -them fearless amid danger, to become familiar with -hardships and to bear with equanimity those things -that are not ills, except when they are borne with an -ill grace.</p> -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span> - <h3 class='c013'>V.</h3> -</div> -<p class='c006'>Add, now, that it is best for all that every good man -should, so to speak, be always under arms and in action. -It is the purpose of God, just as if He were a -wise man, to demonstrate that those things which the -average man longs for, which he fears, are neither -good nor evil; but it will be evident that those things -are good that are sent upon good men, and those evil, -that fall upon the bad. Blindness would be dreadful, -if nobody had lost his sight except those who deserved -to have their eyes put out. Accordingly, let Appius -and Metellus be deprived of eyesight. Riches are -not a good.</p> - -<p class='c007'>2. And so even the procurer Elius is rich in order -that money to which men have given a sacred character -in temples may also be found in a brothel. In no -way is God better able to expose to contempt those -things that men covet than by bestowing them -upon the vilest and taking them from the worthiest. -“But,” sayst thou, “it is unjust that a good man -should suffer mutilation, or be crucified, or be bound -in fetters, while the bad strut proudly at large and -live in luxury.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>3. What then? is it not also unjust when brave -men are required to take up arms, to pass the night -in camps and to defend the outposts, though the -bandages are still on their wounds, while in the city, -eunuchs and debauchees by profession go about in -security. What further? is it not unjust that the -noblest virgins should be aroused at night to perform -<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>their sacred duties while impure women are enjoying -sound sleep? Toil claims the best men. The senate -is often in session during the entire day, when at the -same time all the vilest men are either taking their -ease in the Campus Martius, or loitering in eating-houses, -or wasting their time in idle gossip. It is -just so in the world at large—good men toil, sacrifice -themselves or are sacrificed, and willingly at that. -They are not dragged along by destiny, they follow it -and keep pace with it; had they known whither it -would lead them, they would have preceded it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>4. I remember also to have heard these encouraging -words from that noblest of men, Demetrius. “This -one complaint,” said he, “I have to make against you, -ye immortal gods: it is that ye did not sooner make -known to me your will; for of my own accord I would -have come to those things to which I am now summoned. -Do you wish to take away my children? -For you I have brought them up. Do you wish any -portion of my body? Take it. No great thing it is -that I am offering you; soon I shall resign it entirely -to you. Do you wish my life? Why not? I shall not -be slow to give back to you what ye have entrusted -to my keeping; ye shall find me willing to give up -anything ye ask. Still I should rather have proferred -it to you than given it up. What need was there to -take what you could have had as a gift. Yet not -even now do ye need to constrain me, since that is -not taken from a man which he does not try to retain. -I am in no sense the victim of constraint or violence, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>nor am I God’s slave, but I am in accord with Him, -and this all the more cheerfully because I know that -everything takes its course in accordance with an -immutable law established from all eternity.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>5. The fates lead us, and our lot is assigned to us -from the very hour of our birth. Cause depends upon -cause; an unbroken chain of events links together -public and private affairs. We ought therefore to -bear with fortitude whatever befalls us because everything -takes place, not as we think, by chance, but in -its due order. A long time in advance, all our pleasures -and our pains have been determined, and although -in the great diversity of individual lives, one -life may seem to stand apart, it all comes to this: -transitory beings ourselves we have entered into a -transitory inheritance.</p> - -<p class='c007'>6. Why then does this disquiet us? Why indulge -in complaints? it is the law of our existence. -Let nature use our bodies, which are its own, as it -wishes; let us cheerfully and bravely meet whatever -comes, bearing in mind that what we lose is not our -property. What is the duty of a good man? To resign -himself to his destiny. It is a great consolation -to share the fate of the universe. Whatever it -be that decrees how we are to live, how to die, it -binds even the gods by the same inexorable law; an -irresistible current bears along terrestrial and celestial -things.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The creator and governor of the universe has indeed -prescribed the course of events, but He Himself -<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>follows them; He obeys always, He commanded but -once.</p> - -<p class='c007'>7. “But why was God so unjust in the destinies he -prescribed for mortals, as to send upon good men -poverty, wounds, and cruel deaths”? The artisan -cannot change matter; it is passive. There are some -things that cannot be separated from others; they -are bound together and indivisible. Sluggish natures -and such as are prone to sink into slumber or -into a state closely akin to slumber, are conjoined of -inert elements; to form a man who is really worthy -of the name a more heroic destiny is needed. His -path will not be smooth; he must go up-hill and -down-hill, be tossed on the waves, and guide his -bark through turbid waters; in spite of changing fortune, -he must hold on his way.</p> - -<p class='c007'>8. He will meet many obstacles hard to remove or -surmount, but he will himself remove them and -smooth his path. Gold is tried by fire; brave men -by misfortune. Behold to what heights virtue may -climb; thou shouldst know that it cannot go by ways -that are free from dangers.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c011'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Hard is the way at first: though drawn by prancing steeds,</div> - <div class='line'>Slow, up the sky, the shining car proceeds;—</div> - <div class='line'>On land and sea I gaze from heaven’s high crest;</div> - <div class='line'>Fear and emotion fill my heaving breast.</div> - <div class='line'>Steep is the downward way, and with tight rein</div> - <div class='line'>I must the ardor of my steeds restrain;</div> - <div class='line'>E’en Tethys, wont to greet me ’neath the waves,</div> - <div class='line'>Fears lest we plunge headlong to wat’ry graves.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>9. When the high-spirited youth heard these words -he said, “I like the way; I shall ascend it even though -<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>I fall forthwith in so doing.” The sun-god still tries -to dissuade him from his rash purpose by exciting -his fears:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c011'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Hold straight thy course nor turn for aught aside,</div> - <div class='line'>Through Taurus’ horns adverse thy coursers guide,</div> - <div class='line'>And Haemon’s bow and Leo’s searching face.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>To this he replied, “Yoke the steeds to the chariot; -by the very words which you seek to deter me, you incite -me. I long to stand where Sol himself quakes -with fear; it is only ignoble and weak souls that journey -on safe roads; courage ventures on giddy -heights.”</p> -<h3 class='c013'>VI.</h3> -<p class='c006'>“But why does God suffer any evil to befall the -good”? Verily, He does not suffer it. He wards off -from them all evils, crimes and misdeeds and impure -thoughts and avaricious designs and unbridled -passions and lust after other men’s property; He -watches over and protects them. Will any one in addition -to this demand of God that He shall also bear -the luggage of good men (as if He were a slave)! -They themselves cast this burden upon God; mere -externals they make light of. Democritus threw -away his riches, thinking them a fardel upon his noble -soul. Why do you wonder that God sometimes -suffers that to come upon a good man which he himself -desires?</p> - -<p class='c007'>2. “Good men sometimes lose their children.” -Why not, when they sometimes even put them to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>death? “They are sent into exile.” Why not, when -they sometimes leave their country, voluntarily, never -to return? “They are put to death.” Why not, when -they sometimes lay violent hands on themselves? -“Why do they suffer many hardships?” That they -may teach others to suffer patiently; they are born to -be examples.</p> - -<p class='c007'>3. Think of God as speaking to them thus: “What -right have ye to complain of me, ye who take pleasure -in doing right? Other men I have encompassed -with seductive pleasures and their torpid souls I have -lulled into a long and delusive sleep; gold, silver and -ivory I have lavished upon them; yet at heart they are -good for nothing. Those men whom you look upon -as fortunate, if you regard them, not with respect to -what is external but what is concealed, are wretched, -unclean, deformed, adorned on the outside after -the similitude of their own walls. Their good fortune -is not substantial and unalloyed; it is a mere -crust and a thin one at that.</p> - -<p class='c007'>4. Accordingly, as long as they are allowed to -stand and to show themselves as they wish to appear, -they make a brilliant and imposing display; but when -something occurs that disarranges their plans and -discloses their true character, then it becomes apparent -how real and deep their foulness. To you I have given -a genuine, an abiding good; the more one turns it -about and looks at it from every side, the greater and -better it appears. I have given you the strength to -contemn what other men fear; to make of little account -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>what others long for. You do not shine because -of externals; it is the kingdom within you that -is your highest good. Thus does the world disdain -what is on the outside because happy in the contemplation -of itself; within you have I placed all real -good; not to need happiness is your happiness.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>5. “But many sad occurrences take place, things -from which we shrink in terror, and which are hard -to bear.” “Because I am not able to ward them off -from you, I have armed you against all changes of -fortune. Endure bravely; in this you may surpass -God: He is exempt from suffering, you are superior to -it. Contemn poverty; no one lives so poor as he is -born. Contemn pain; either it will end or you. Contemn -fortune; I have given to it no weapon with -which to wound the soul. Contemn death; it either -ends your existence or transfers it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>6. Before all things, I took care that no one should -keep you here against your will; the way for your -departure is open. If you do not want to fight, you -can run away. Therefore, with all the restrictions I -have placed upon you, I have made nothing easier -for you than death. Only look and you will see how -short and easy is the way to liberty. I have made -the way shorter for those who wish to go out of the -world than for those who are entering it; besides, destiny -would have had great power over you, if it were -as hard for a man to die as to be born.</p> - -<p class='c007'>7. Every moment of time, every place, can teach -you how easy it is to quit nature’s service and to return -<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>to her her gift. At the very foot of the altar and -amid the solemnities of those who are offering sacrifices -for the preservation of life, learn to know death. -The huge bodies of bulls drop from the effects of a -little wound, and beasts of enormous strength are -felled by a blow from a human hand; with a little -piece of iron the jointures of the vertabrae are -severed, and when the ligature that binds the head -and neck is cut asunder, the huge mass falls dead to -the ground.</p> - -<p class='c007'>8. The breath does not lurk in some secret hiding -place, nor must it necessarily be sought out with -the sword; there is no need of piercing the vitals -with a deep wound; death is close at hand. I have -not designated any particular place for the fatal -thrust, it may enter anywhere. What is called death, -that time in which the spirit leaves the body, is so -brief that its fleetness cannot be perceived. Whether -it be a noose that strangles you, or water that suffocates -you, or a fall upon the hard earth that dashes -the life out of you, or fire drawn in with the breath -that cuts off its return—whatever it be, its effect is -speedy. Are you not ashamed to fear so long what -may be done so quickly?”</p> -<p class='c006'><a id='chap5'></a> -NOTES.</p> -<p class='c006'>A few notes have been added to the translation. -They bear chiefly on obscure allusions in Seneca’s -treatise, as the necessary biographical data may be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>found in almost any encyclopedia. The notes are -placed by themselves so as not to interrupt the -reader, who may omit them, if he chooses.</p> -<p class='c015'>I.</p> -<p class='c015'>2. It was held by some of the Greek philosophers, notably -Epicurus, that the universe was built up by a fortuitous -concourse of atoms.</p> - -<p class='c003'>4. Some texts have <i>quaeris</i>, you are seeking information.</p> - -<p class='c003'>6. <i>Vernae</i> were slaves born in the household of their masters, -sometimes his own children by a female slave. The -<i>licentia vernularum</i> was proverbial in Rome. The <i>vernae</i> and -<i>vernulae</i> were allowed privileges not accorded to slaves obtained -by purchase.</p> -<p class='c015'>II.</p> -<p class='c015'><i>In suum colorem</i>, to its colors. The parties represented in -the race-course were distinguished by different colors. The -significance of the expression is therefore evident. Another -less probable explanation of the passage is that the author -has reference to the effect of red wine when mixed with liquids -of another color.</p> - -<p class='c003'>3. As the holidays in Rome were very numerous much -time was lost by those who spent all of them in idleness.</p> - -<p class='c003'>7. Cato, surnamed Uticensis, is here meant. He was the -patron saint of the Roman Stoics.</p> - -<p class='c003'>9. The sentence here translated, “For death,” etc., may -also mean, “For it requires less courage to meet death (once) -than to seek it a second time.”</p> -<p class='c015'>III.</p> -<p class='c015'>6. The wild boar roasted whole was generally placed on the -center of the table. Around it were piled fruits, vegetables, -etc.</p> - -<p class='c003'>7. <i>Tua felicitas.</i> Sulla called himself <span class='sc'>Felix</span>, and in the -next section we find this epithet applied to him. The atrocities -he committed are familiar to every reader of Roman history.</p> - -<p class='c003'>8. The Cornelian law. The Roman Legal Code was greatly -modified under the inspiration of Sulla. The statute here referred -<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>to, fixed the penalty for homicide and similar crimes. -It bore its author’s gentile name.</p> - -<p class='c003'>The familiar story of Regulus was accepted as true by -the Romans, and, in fact, by the world generally, until recent -times. It is interesting as showing the high estimate placed -upon patriotism by the Romans from their point of view. -Though narrow it was intense and played a conspicuous part -in the growth of the Roman state.</p> - -<p class='c003'>9. Maecenas the well-known Premier of the emperor Augustus -was passionately attached to his wife Terentia; but her -fidelity was more than suspected, a condition of things that led -to many quarrels with her husband.</p> - -<p class='c003'>11. The writer refers here to the disgusting practice of the -Romans, who, at their feasts, frequently ate and drank to -excess, then produced vomiting in order to be able to begin -eating and drinking over again.</p> - -<p class='c003'>12. Vatinius was a worthless fellow who defeated Cato in -the contest for the praetorship.</p> -<p class='c015'>IV.</p> -<p class='c015'>12. The Romans were wilfully blind as to the climate and -soil of Germany. It was a case of “sour grapes.” After vainly -endeavoring to conquer its inhabitants, they decided that they -were not worth the trouble of conquest.</p> -<p class='c015'>V.</p> -<p class='c015'>6. “Whatever it be” etc. The First Cause, about which -Seneca is in some doubt, whether it is personal or impersonal, -material or immaterial; whether matter exists of necessity or -is created. In 4 he uses <i>mundus</i> in a personal sense. He is -also inconsistent in his attitude toward suicide; for after assuring -us in the strongest language, that it is every man’s duty -to endure whatever Providence or Fate or Destiny or Chance -sends upon him, he ends by telling him that if the service is -too hard he is at perfect liberty to run away from it. Gréard -rightly says, “He confuses God with the world, Providence -with destiny; he admits and does not admit the immortality -of the soul; he proclaims the freedom of the will, and denies it.”</p> - -<p class='c003'>8. 9. Dr. Lodge, (1614) translates the two extracts from -Ovid’s Metamorphoses as follows:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c016'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>“The first which with unwearied steeds I clime,</div> - <div class='line'>Is such a iourney that their ceaseless toyle</div> - <div class='line'>Can scarcily reach before the morrowes prime;</div> - <div class='line'>The next is highest heau’n from whence the soyle</div> - <div class='line'>And spacious seas, I see with dreadfull eye</div> - <div class='line'>And fearfull heart; the next whereto I hie</div> - <div class='line'>Is steep and prone and craues a cunning guide;</div> - <div class='line'>And then dothe Thetis shake herselfe for dread,</div> - <div class='line'>Lest headlong I should fall and downward glide,</div> - <div class='line'>And burie in her waues my golden head.”</div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“And that thou mayst continue in the way,</div> - <div class='line'>Be carefull lest thy posting steeds doe stray;</div> - <div class='line'>Yet shalt thou pass by Taurus, who will bend</div> - <div class='line'>His hornes to cross thee, whither thou dost tend;</div> - <div class='line'>Th’ Aemonian Archer and the Lion fell</div> - <div class='line'>Shall stay thy course and fright thee where they dwell.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>See also the classical dictionary under Phaethon.</p> -<p class='c015'>VI.</p> -<p class='c015'>6. An inclined plane down which an object may be easily -started to roll.</p> - -<p class='c003'>8. The final sentence more literally translated would read, -Are you not ashamed? what is so quickly done you fear so -long?</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span> - <h2 id='chap6' class='c005'>PLUTARCH AND THE GREECE OF HIS AGE.</h2> -</div> -<p class='c006'>Ever since I have known enough about Greek -literature to form an opinion of my own on its merits, -it has been a matter of surprise to me that the authors -who flourished in the century or two immediately -preceding and succeeding the Christian era, are -treated with so much neglect. The histories of -Greek literature, whose name is legion, frequently -end with Grecian independence; or if they continue -the subject some centuries longer, treat the later -periods in a half-hearted and perfunctory manner, as -if they were deserving of nothing better. While it is -true, that in some departments the field is relatively -infertile, there are many writers well worth a careful -study, and several eminently so. The storm and -stress period is over; the centuries of vigorous productions -well-nigh past; yet the Greek mind is not -dead; the field of authorship still bears many fine -ears and occasionally a large sheaf for the careful -gleaner. The times that could produce a Polybius, a -Plutarch, an Epictetus, an Arrian, a Dion Chrysostomus, -a Lucian, to say nothing of Josephus and -Philo, together with others, a score or more in number, -cannot justly be charged with intellectual stagnation. -If the form in which the later writers express -their thoughts has no longer the elegance, nor -the thoughts themselves the profundity, of their predecessors, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span> they are far from being unworthy of painstaking -study. If men reflected less, they did more, -or were at least active in a larger sphere. Greeks -were now to be found in all parts of the civilized -world; they still provided its intellectual nourishment; -Athens was still its university and it is of the -Greeks of these centuries more than of the earlier -that Horace could say,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c011'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Graeca capta ferum victorem cepit et artes</div> - <div class='line'>Intulit agresti Latio.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Greek culture had become so widespread that a -sojourn in Athens was no longer necessary for those -who were ambitious to learn the language in its -purest form. Though this city was still looked upon -with a certain filial regard, half a score of rivals had -sprung up in three continents that at times seriously -threatened its prestige. The centuries that meet at -the birth of Christ are the link that unites the golden -age of Greek literature with the Renaissance. In -them was coined much of the small change of Greek -thought, which was by reason of its form the more -widely circulated. That much of it was silver, so to -speak, only made it the more generally available.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But while the writings of these three or four centuries -have suffered greatly from neglect at the hands -of the moderns, the language in its narrower sense, -except that of the New Testament, has been almost -wholly ignored. It needs but a brief examination of -the current Greek dictionaries to convince the student -that here is an ample field for profitable work. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>Even the great Thesaurus of Stephanus often leaves -one sadly in the lurch; besides, it is both too extensive -and too expensive for general use. What we -need is a careful lexicographical and grammatical -study of the individual authors and the presentation -of the results in as succinct a form as possible.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is a pleasure to note the signs of a revival in this -quarter—for that it is not a misnomer to speak of a -revival will be evident to those who know that the -reader of some of the authors above named, together -with others, is largely compelled to rely on texts that -are more than half a century old, in some cases much -more. In this laudable work of rediscovery, Professor -Mahaffy in Great Britain, and Professor Krumbacher -in Germany, may be regarded as the leaders. The -former, by his various works upon the Greeks under -Roman sway, and the latter by his masterly <i>Geschichte -der Byzantinischen Litteratur</i> and his <i>Byzantinische -Zeitschrift</i> have done more than any two writers in -the present century to awaken an interest in a subject -that has long been in a comatose condition. The -present volume, though bearing upon the general -theme, is concerned with but a small portion of it. I -have tried to throw a little light upon two authors, in -whose writings are many passages that put them in -some sort of relation to nascent Christianity. While -it is almost absolutely certain that neither Seneca -nor Plutarch had any knowledge of the new doctrines -first preached in their time, it ought surely to be a -matter of interest to every thinking man to note how -<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>closely the best that is in the old philosophy approached -the new religion; or, to state the case somewhat -differently, that the old philosophy and the new -religion are in many points identical.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The French have, almost from the beginning of -their national literature, been ardent admirers of -Plutarch. Amyot reduced some of his precepts to -rhyme in order that they might the more readily be -taught to children, and regarded his writings as more -profitable than any other except the Scriptures. -Gui-Patin makes Pliny, Aristotle, Plutarch, and -Seneca constitute an entire family,—father, mother, -older and younger brother—and thus in a sense -represent the whole circle of literature. Rollin copies -his Parallel Lives almost literally into his Ancient -History. Rousseau cites him among the few authors -that he read in his old age. He is the last consolation -of St. Pierre. Laharpe regards him as by nature -the most moral man that ever lived; and Joubert -calls him the Herodotus of Philosophy, and deems -his Lives the wisdom of antiquity in its entirety. -Montaigne says, “I never settled myself to the reading -of any authors but Plutarch and Seneca.” Again, -“Plutarch had rather we should applaud his judgment -than commend his knowledge, and had rather -leave us with an appetite to read more, than glutted -with that we have already read. He knew very well -that a man may say too much even upon the best -subjects, and that Alexandrides did justly reproach -him who made very elegant but too long speeches to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>the Ephori, when he said: ‘O stranger, thou speakest -the things thou oughtest to speak, but not after the -manner thou shouldst speak them.’” Elsewhere he -recurs to the subject with these words, “As to what -concerns my other reading that mixes a little more -profit with the pleasure and whence I learn how to -marshal my opinions, the books that serve me to this -purpose are Plutarch and Seneca. Both of them -have this great convenience suited to my humor, that -the knowledge I there seek is discoursed in some -pieces that do not require any great trouble of reading -long, of which I am incapable.” In his Essays, -Montaigne refers to or quotes Plutarch more than -two hundred times, and Seneca almost as often. So -far as Plutarch’s Lives are concerned, the translation -published by Jacques Amyot, bishop of Auxerre, -in 1559, is still regarded as a masterpiece. This version -is of special interest to English-speaking people, -because from it Sir Thomas North made his translation, -published some twenty years later, and Shakespeare, -in turn, took the material for his plays dealing -with antique life. Of later English translations, that -of the Langhorne is undoubtedly the most popular, -though the one known as Dryden’s, albeit he had -little to do with it, as revised by A. H. Clough, is -much read. That of Stewart and Long is not generally -known. There seems to be no English translation -of Plutarch’s Moral Writings except that made -by a number of Oxford scholars some two centuries -since and edited by Professor Goodwin. The German -<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>version made by Kaltwasser just one hundred -years ago, is an excellent piece of work. The Lives -have been frequently translated.</p> - -<p class='c007'>About sixty miles northwest of the city of Athens -near the road leading from Delphi to Lebadeia, midway -between the gulf of Corinth and the northern -end of the Euripus, lies to-day the town of Chaeroneia, -or rather its modern representative, Capraena. -Though never a municipality of much importance, its -inhabitants, before the time of Plutarch, had been the -spectators of many stirring events. Epaminondas -called the plain near it the dancing-plot of Ares, an -epithet that was abundantly justified by preceding -and succeeding occurrences. Lying in a measure -between northern and southern Greece it was rich in -historical reminiscences and in traditions. Already -known to Homer as Arne, it subsequently witnessed -the countless hosts of Dareius and Xerxes pass beneath -its walls. Near it Philip of Macedon completely -overthrew the allied Thebans and Athenians, -<span class='fss'>B. C.</span> 338. In Plutarch’s time the mound erected in -honor of the king’s soldiers who lost their lives here, -was still in a fair state of preservation, and the oak -under which Alexander had erected his tent was yet -standing. In 279 the Gauls passed over the plain of -Chaeroneia leaving desolation in their track. Twenty-eight -years later the Boeotians were defeated near -the town in a battle with the Aetolians. Still later, -by a century and a half, Sulla inflicted a crushing -blow on his enemies, for the most part Greeks, under -<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>the command of Archelaus, the lieutenant of Mithridates. -It was two citizens of Chaeroneia who performed -for the Roman general a service similar to -that rendered to Xerxes by Ephialtes. In order to -leave a memorial of his success he erected a trophy -on the summit of an adjacent hill. Another trophy, -dating from this time and of special significance to -the Chaeroneans, was the statue of Lucius Lucullus, -a Roman commander, that stood in their marketplace. -They had become involved in a quarrel with -their old enemies, the Orchomenians, on the charge -of having caused the death of a Roman officer and -several of his attendants; but through the interposition -of Lucullus had obtained a verdict from the -home government in their favor.</p> - -<p class='c007'>But the pen is mightier than the sword. Posterity -is not greatly interested in wars and battles in which -no great principles are involved; besides, all sanguinary -conflicts are of more or less local significance. -Hence it is that Chaeroneia is chiefly known, not because -of the two hundred thousand men who lost -their lives or limbs near it, but as the birthplace and -lifelong residence of one of the best-known characters -in the literary history of the world. About half a -score of years after the crucifixion, this august yet -kindly personage, first saw the light in what was, even -for Greece, an obscure town, but which he never left -for any considerable time, until the day of his death, -at a ripe old age. The visible remains of the first -great battle fought here in historic times are the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>fragments of a colossal lion erected to commemorate, -not a victory, but the valor of those who fell fighting -for their country and for what they believed to be its -freedom. There is also a village of some fifty houses, -a church, a schoolhouse and a stone seat which its -inhabitants fondly imagine to have been the property -of their illustrious fellow townsman, and which they -eagerly show as such, to the traveler. Small as the -village is to-day, it can never have been a place of -much importance, a fact that is attested by the scant -remains of its ancient theater, one of the smallest in -Greece.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In Plutarch’s time the chief industry of his native -town consisted in its trade in oil and the manufacture -of perfumes and unguents from the numerous -flowers and herbs that grew in the vicinity. In conformity -to ancient usage, this business was chiefly -carried on by slaves, while its citizens, having no -political affairs to engage their attention, and but -little interest in philosophical discussion, gave themselves -up largely to gossip and other equally profitless -ways of passing time.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch was descended from one of the most prominent -families of his native town. He received an -excellent education, according to the standard of his -day. He also seems to have given instruction informally -and without pay, as he shared the prejudices -of his countrymen against receiving compensation for -such service. We do not know much of his private life -or of his family connections. Living as he did the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>quiet life of a peaceable man, absorbed in his books -and his studies and only appearing in public when -his duties as a good citizen called him forth, there -was little in his career to attract the attention of a -biographer. Almost all that we know about him has -to be gleaned from occasional references in his own -writings. It has been aptly said of him that the -prince of biographers is himself without a biographer. -His father’s name is not recorded. That of his -grandfather was Lamprias. We do not know how -many brothers and sisters he had, though he speaks -of two brothers with whom he lived on the most -amicable terms. Of these, Timon is an interlocutor -in the dialogue De Sera. His wife’s name was Timoxena. -By her he had four sons and one daughter. -The latter and the oldest son died when quite young.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch’s wife seems to have been an excellent -woman and to have shared her husband’s views as to -the proper conduct of life. She was plain in dress -and appearance, averse to show and parade, devoted -to her husband, her children, and her household affairs.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch made some journeys beyond the bounds -of his native land; one at least as far as Alexandria -in Egypt. He spent some time in Rome where he -gave lectures in Greek; for as he himself tells us he -never learned the Latin language well. He went -thither on public business, and is thought to have -visited other parts of Italy on a similar errand. His -fame had preceded him to the imperial city where he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>was already known by reputation to some of the literati, -and he embraced the opportunity to enlarge the circle -of his acquaintances. Athens he visited a number of -times, and Sparta at least once. Yet, notwithstanding -his celebrity in his lifetime, and in striking contrast -to his fame in modern times, he is not quoted by any -extant Roman writer, and but rarely by his own -countrymen.</p> - -<p class='c007'>As a patriotic citizen and an admirer of all that was -venerable and worthy of preservation in the history -no less than in the traditions of Greece, Plutarch felt -it incumbent upon him to discharge both civil and -religious duties as occasion called him. He was a -priest of Apollo to whose worship he was ardently devoted -and to whom he frequently refers in his -works, among others in the De Sera. As a consequence -he interested himself greatly in the religious -festivals that occurred so frequently in Delphi near -by. It is also plain from his writings that he kept -open house. People who desired to learn, and all who -took life seriously, were always welcome. In some of -the young men who came to him for enlightenment, -whom, nevertheless, we cannot regard as his pupils -except in the Socratic sense, he took a lifelong interest. -The choice of many of the subjects discussed -in his lectures was probably accidental. They were -proposed by persons who visited him, talked over at -the time, but afterwards more fully investigated and -the results written out. It this way light was thrown -upon them both by the oral contributions of an intelligent -<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>company and also by the aid of books, of -which he had a large collection.<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c010'><sup>[3]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch was a man who strove not only to make -others wiser, but also to become wiser himself. His -aim was to be a living exemplar of the doctrines he -professed and taught. He was a firm believer in plain -living and high thinking. He disliked as strongly as -he disliked anything the costly and luxurious banquets -so much affected by the rich Romans of his -day. The little company that so frequently came together -under his hospitable roof met, not to eat and -drink, but to engage in serious and profitable conversation. -The viands were plain—a secondary matter; -the chief thing was the discussion. This often -turned on the most trivial subjects, for the host seems -to have thought with Terence:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c011'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Homo sum, et nihil humani a me alienum puto.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Practical politics for a Greek of Plutarch’s day did -not mean serious business, especially for the citizen of -a small municipality like Chaeroneia. He had therefore -ample time for studying, lecturing and formulating -his numerous writings. He was not only so -fortunate as to have a good memory, but he began at -<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>an early age to take notes on what he read; in this -way he accumulated the large stock of quotations so -profusely scattered through his writings. In fact this -practice of depending upon others for his information -must have done a good deal toward weakening his -power of original thought, and he usually enforces a -precept by an apt quotation rather than by arguments -that he has himself elaborated. On the other hand, -his frequent reference to older authors has given a -special value to his writings in the eyes of the -moderns. Though not quoted by any extant Roman -writer and rarely by a Greek he must have been much -read soon after his death, and at no time was he -wholly forgotten. His early and continued popularity -doubtless contributed not a little to the preservation -of so large a portion of his writings; but it also -put into circulation under his name a number of spurious -works—just how many cannot be determined. -Yet it is certain that some genuine writings have been -lost. Among the earliest printed books were portions -of Plutarch.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch is a prolix but not a pedantic nor a tedious -writer. Though he displays immense erudition -he does so without effort. An apt quotation from -one of the poets, a telling anecdote of some celebrated -man or woman, or historical incident seems always -ready to his hand, and waiting for a suitable place to -be used. He is completely master of the extensive -stock of knowledge stored up in his mind or his notes. -He is a capital story-teller. He knows how to seize -<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>the salient features of a situation, and can place them -before the reader in the most effective light. A large -proportion of the anecdotes of illustrious men, belonging -to a remoter antiquity, current in modern literature, -have found their way into it through the medium -of his writings. He often reminds one of Herodotus -notwithstanding his antipathy to this author, -and whose veracity he vigorously impeaches in one -of his essays—assuming, of course, that De Malignitate -is really the work of Plutarch. Like Herodotus, -he often wanders from the main theme of his narrative, -but never loses sight of it, and always returns -to it without unduly distracting the reader’s attention. -Like Herodotus, he is often reminded of a “little -story” that he forthwith proceeds to tell; and, as in -the case of Herodotus, the reader feels that something -of value has been added to the narrative by the -story. Like Herodotus, too, he exhibits a strange -mixture of credulity with sterling good sense. So it -happens that the Father of History and the man -whom Jean Paul Richter calls the Biographical -Shakespeare of Universal History often meet on common -ground, in spite of the aversion of the one to -the other. Of course the canvas on which the historian -paints is much larger; the interests he discusses -are much more momentous; but he does -not treat them with greater seriousness than does -the biographer and moralist.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Perhaps the most succinct statement of Plutarch’s -creed is a passage in Isis and Osiris. He says: -<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>“For God is not a being that is without intelligence, -without a soul, and subject to men, but we regard -these as gods who constantly and in sufficient measure -furnish us these fruits, and there are neither -different gods among different peoples, some barbarian -some Greek, some northern, some southern; but -just as the sun and moon, heaven and earth and sea -are common to all, but are differently designated by -different peoples, so there is but one intelligence -that arranges all those things about us in order and -one Providence to which other powers that direct all -things are made subordinate, some of which have, by -custom, received different honors and appellations -among different peoples. The initiates also employ -different symbols, some clearer, others more obscure, -that lead the mind to what is divine, though not without -risk (of being misunderstood). For some, being -altogether led astray, fall into superstition; others -again, having steered clear of superstition, as if it were -a bog, fall into atheism as from a precipice. On this -account it is especially important to take reason that -is born of philosophy, as a guide through these mysteries, -in order that we may comprehend rightly -everything that is said and done, in its true significance.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch is a philosopher in the sense that every -man of sound mind may be a philosopher; but he is -not, strictly speaking, a philosophical thinker. He -does not hold to any carefully elaborated and consistent -system. While he has much to say about character -<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>and conduct, he rarely attempts to fathom the -motives that underlie and influence conduct. He is -at times inconsistent with himself because his views on -transcendental problems have not been systematically -wrought out and firmly fixed. If he can quote the -authority of some great name in support of a position -he takes, it generally suffices him. Not unfrequently -he cites contradictory authorities both for facts and -opinions, then declares which he prefers without -giving a reason for his preference.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch’s Moralia or Moral Writings are so called -for the reason that they are more or less concerned -with ethical problems. But they also treat incidentally -of matters religious, political, literary, psychological, -physical and metaphysical or philosophical. -Many of his treatises are in the form of dialogues, -in which he doubtless had before his mind’s -eye his great prototype Plato, little as he is able to -fathom his speculative profundity. Sometimes his -discussions are addressed to a real or imaginary -interlocutor, who has, however, little to say. His discourses -may be regarded as sermons or lectures -addressed to a small circle of interested listeners, or -even to a single person, though in reality intended -for a larger public. The homiletic character of many -of Plutarch’s discourses is also attested by the fact -that he regards morals as closely connected with -religion. He is the bitter enemy of atheism, because, -as he maintains, it leads to a dissolute and aimless -life. He was, however, in no sense an innovator, but -<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>ardently attached to the traditions of his countrymen. -He seeks to discover a hidden meaning in the popular -myths and cults, and to explain them on philosophical -grounds. His attitude in this respect has -contributed a good deal to the popular interest in the -man. He is a self-consecrated priest of the established -religion which he defended, not because it was to his -personal profit to do so, but from conviction. As he -will not or can not discard the cults of his day, or -treat them as founded on mere figments of the imagination, -it is incumbent upon him to explain them as -best he can. And he seems to be convinced that he -has been entirely successful.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Not only is he an avowed foe of atheism, but -he is an equally vigorous opponent of superstition. -Yet it is often impossible to see where he draws the -line between what he regards as rational faith and -mere credulity; between his own creed and that of -the populace. In truth, the task is not an easy one -for anybody. The German nicely designates the -close proximity of faith and credulity by the two -terms <i>Glaube</i> and <i>Aberglaube</i>. There was hardly -a man in the ancient world of whom we have any -considerable knowledge, even though he may have -been an avowed atheist, who was wholly without -superstition. The destiny of individuals and nations -was so often decided by influences so mysterious and -inscrutable that it might well be attributed to the -miraculous interposition of the gods. Even in our -day, when the laws of nature are better understood -<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>than ever before, men still feel themselves the sport -of unseen forces and powers that often seem to be -malevolent or benevolent for no discoverable reason, -and which, it is hard to believe, are not controlled by -a supernal will.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch’s merits as a historical writer are seriously -impaired by his readiness to believe everything that -comes to him through tradition or record. Still one -ought not to blame him for not being what he does -not profess to be. His main purpose is not to attain -historical truth, but to discover what will “point a -moral, or adorn a tale.” Had he been other than he -was he would never have been so assiduously read.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch fully recognized the importance of the -family in the social fabric. This is the more to his -credit for the reason that the trend of public opinion -was against him in this respect. All the evidence -we have goes to show that he was a judicious father, -a loving husband, a dutiful son, and an affectionate -brother. He is thus a zealous defender of the virtues -he himself exemplified. A knowledge of his character, -as shown by his conduct, contributes not -a little to the pleasure the modern reader finds in -the perusal of his pages. How often, alas! do we -discover on closer examination a great gulf between -what men write and what they do! How often does -a knowledge of the private life of a great writer mar -the interest we take in what he writes!</p> - -<p class='c007'>Though a man of kind heart and polished manners, -judged by the standard of his time, Plutarch was no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>reformer. Indeed, no reform was possible by means -of his didactic method. He does not denounce -vigourously the corruptions of his time. He is far -from employing the drastic speech of his Roman -contemporaries. It is probable that in his secluded -home he did not know or even suspect the moral -degradation of the world around him; it is certain -he had not fathomed it. He knows something of the -Jewish religion, and might have known more, had he -cared to inform himself. He might have heard -Paul’s preaching; and Christianity had gained a firm -foothold in Greece before Plutarch’s death. But he -was too much of a Greek to take any interest in what -had no relation either to Greek religion or tradition. -The new faith in virtue of its origin, was foolishness -to him. He considered the Hellenic religion good -enough for anybody and everybody. It might indeed -need purification from some of its grosser elements -and exotic excrescences; but more than this was -wholly unnecessary.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Nothing that Plutarch says exhibits in a more -striking light the humaneness of his disposition -than his exhortations to the kind treatment of brutes. -He believes that the good man is kind to his beast. -He regards it a duty to care for the horse and the -dog that have served him well, when they become old -and useless. He seems to think that animals are -not without a measure of reason and that they have -to a limited extent, the power to decide between -right and wrong. Though possessed of only a modicum -<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>of intelligence, this at least cannot be entirely -denied to them, any more than it can be denied to a -bad man. A certain measure of reason is the gift of -nature; perfect and virtuous reason is the result of -practice and instruction. The reasoning powers of -many animals are, to an extent, on a level with those -of man; they differ not so much in quality as in -quantity. It is right, therefore, to use but not to -abuse them. Cruelty to animals is evidence of a -base heart. Those who treat them harshly usually -accentuate their bad traits in their dealings with men. -Our treatment of animals is, therefore, in some sort -and often to a considerable extent, an index of how -we treat our fellow beings. Plutarch finds the lower -animals in some respects more rational than men. -They never eat or drink more than enough to satisfy -hunger and thirst; nor do they give way to any unnatural -or excessive appetites. He is somewhat -inclined to condemn the use of animal food; but, at -any rate, animals must not be cruelly dealt with to -make them more palatable, nor put to death by -lingering and inhuman methods. He had in view -more particularly some of the practices prevalent in -Rome in his day,—practices that were, in truth, horrible -in the extreme. It is no wonder that he names -them only to condemn them. The extreme modernness -of Plutarch in this matter becomes the more -strikingly evident when we remember that classical -antiquity not only very seldom has a kind word for -irrational creatures, but was wont to treat them with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>extreme harshness. This was particularly the case -among the Romans.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch regards the soul as composed of two parts. -One part seeks after truth and light; the other is -under the influence of the passions, and liable to -error. The first is divine, the second carnal. In so -far as a man heeds the monitions of the former he -will follow the path of virtue. Practical virtue, virtue -in action, is wisdom; vice is error. In order to be -virtuous it is only necessary to listen to the voice of -reason. Plutarch does not doubt that virtue can be -taught. To teach virtue consists largely in making it -attractive to the young. Reason does not annihilate -the passions; it merely directs them toward a goal -that it has marked out. Virtue consists in “the -golden mean”—μηδὲν ἄγαν—in doing neither too -much nor too little. Bravery is a virtue whose place -is between cowardice and rashness. Mildness or -kindness is a virtue: its place is between stolidity and -cruelty, just as the place of liberality is midway between -the extremes, stinginess and prodigality. He -adduces a number of proofs to establish the position -that the passions are corporeal and the reason supersensuous; -in a correct system of pedagogy a proper -use is to be made of the latter for controlling and -wisely directing the former toward rational ends. It -is in every man’s power to be virtuous under all circumstances, -but happiness, or rather good fortune, is -dependent upon many things. A virtuous man may -enjoy peace of mind at all times, while the largest -<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>possessions are of no real value to a bad man. Vice -is an anomaly in the constitution of society. Tranquillity -of mind, calmness of soul, are not to be -sought in a state of inactivity and in retirement. The -affirmative of this proposition has led many people -into error. Disgusted with the world, they seek peace -by withdrawing from its turmoil and hurly-burly, too -often only to meet with disappointment. There is -not a condition in life from which no consolation can -be extracted, and it is the province of reason to discover -how this may be done. In what way this is -possible he shows by a number of examples from -biography. What many persons at first looked upon -as misfortunes not unfrequently turned out to be a -blessing to themselves and to the world. On the -other hand, many persons who were regarded by -almost every one as among the most fortunate, were -found to have a skeleton in their closet. When the -sage suffers a loss, he does not grieve over it, but -places a higher value on what is left to him. No -man is so poor, no man has lost so much, but that -there remains in his possession something for which -he can felicitate himself. Neither is any one so -destitute but that he might be still worse off, and the -most wretched are certain to meet with others more -needy than themselves. On the physical side of our -nature we are all subject to what, for want of a better -name, may be called <i>chance</i>; but this is not true of -our moral and intellectual side. It is therefore within -our power to secure indestructible and inalienable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>possessions: insight, love of knowledge, virtue, the -consciousness of being and doing right. Not even -the fear of death disquiets the good man, for he knows -that after his dissolution he shall enter into a better -state of existence than this life; the bad man clings -to life because of the dread uncertainty before him -after death. As a last resource, if a man’s sufferings -become too great to be endured, he can make an end -of them with his own hand.</p> - -<p class='c007'>To Plutarch, no riches, no purely external possessions, -are so conducive to peace of mind and cheerfulness -of heart, as a soul that has kept itself free -from evil thoughts and acts. For a soul that has -held itself aloof from contamination every day is a -festival; the world, a temple in which God dwells and -which he has adapted to the fulfilment of man’s -wants. By the proper use of reason men may control -their passions and find satisfaction in the enjoyment -of what is within their reach. They may reflect -with complacency on the past and look forward to -the future with hope. A man’s unhappiness is caused -rather by the pains of the soul than those of the -body. Diseases of the body are due to its nature, -but disease of the soul is man’s own work. Moreover -the maladies of the soul are curable, a condition -of things that ought to afford us much consolation. -Though the sufferings and diseases to which the -body is subject take many forms, those that a corrupt -heart and a debased soul send forth, as from a -perennial fountain, are much more numerous. Again, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>corporal diseases may be detected by their external -symptoms; the maladies of the soul are hidden. -They are the more dangerous from the fact that, in -most instances, the patient himself is not aware of -them. The greatest malady of the soul is the want -of reason and good sense, because they disqualify -men from recognizing their own baseness and the -remedies necessary for a cure. Few persons who are -guilty of wrong-doing realize that they have committed -transgressions; oftentimes they even think -they have acted wisely and judiciously. They call -their anger, bravery; their envy and jealousy, emulation; -their cowardice, prudence; while it never occurs -to them to seek the aid of a philosopher for the -diseases of the soul until they are incurable and have -become so virulent that they drive the patient to the -commission of the most diabolical crimes.</p> - -<p class='c007'>From these premises there follows the inevitable -conclusion that the chief end of man is progress in -virtue, or, we might better say, in all the virtues, -though virtue in reality is but one. Our progress in -philosophy is the result of constant and uninterrupted -effort. Parallel to this is our progress in virtue; -if we relax our efforts for a moment we incur -the danger of letting vice get a hold upon us. He -who is always in conflict with vice, with his evil -passions, may rest assured that he is making progress -in virtue. But our love for virtue must partake of -the nature of a passion; in it we ought to find our -highest gratification, so that if we are interrupted in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>our pursuit we shall long to return to it. The aim -and purpose of our philosophy must be practical, and -it is chiefly in our activity as a citizen and a man in -all the multiplex relations of life, that we may test -our love for it. Yet, the true philosopher is not -ostentatious, and it makes little difference to him -whether the world recognizes him as such or not. -He ought to seek internal satisfaction, not public -acknowledgement. Herein Plutarch takes his stand -in opposition to many of his countrymen who aspired -to the name and title of philosophers, but did little -to deserve them. How men of sense regarded them -has been pointed out elsewhere.</p> - -<p class='c007'>We may also measure our progress in philosophy, -that is, in virtue, by our love of the beautiful and the -good; by our attitude towards praise and blame. -We ought neither to seek the one nor avoid the -other. If we really desire to correct our faults and -shortcomings, we will be ready at all times to listen -to advice and to heed criticism; nor will we conceal -any part of our nature or cover up any of our acts in -order to seem what we are not. Nevertheless, when -we are firmly convinced that we are in the right, it is -our duty to go forward in the course we have marked -out for ourselves, no matter what others may think -or say.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is no stronger incentive to noble deeds and -an upright life than the lives of the great and the -good of all ages. It was mainly under the impulse -of this belief that Plutarch compiled his parallel -<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>biographies. In the nature of the case their value as -truthful records is greatly impaired by the standpoint -from which they were written; but it is this -fact that has given them an attractiveness and a currency -such as no other works of their kind have -equalled. Plutarch’s Lives have for centuries been -the monitors of youth and the solace of the aged. -They have been read and admired wherever men have -honored courage, fortitude, intrepidity, self-control, -patriotism, humaneness—in short, every trait of -character that can be classed among the virtues. -Greeks and Romans, ancients and moderns, learned -and illiterate, rich and poor, have been fascinated by -them, and it is on them that their author’s fame -chiefly rests. To many persons, in fact to the great -majority of readers, Plutarch is known only as the -writer of charming biographies; yet these constitute -a good deal less than half his extant works.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch holds that men find the path of virtue -and continue to walk in it, by reflection, deliberation, -introspection; by a systematic, rigid and continued -self-examination—in other words, by a practical application -of the methods that philosophy points out. -Man is sane and sound only so long as he puts into -practice the principles of virtue. So long as he is -the slave of his passions he is in need of a physician. -Philosophy is the sanitation of the soul; the genuine -philosopher is the real physician of the soul. In -pursuance of his chosen vocation, Plutarch wrote a -number of essays for the purpose of giving instruction -<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>upon the best methods of controlling the different -passions to which men are subject. Their purport -easily becomes evident from a glance at their titles. -They show that he has carefully observed and studied -men, at least those that constitute the various higher -classes and give the prevailing tone to society. Many -of these essays are still of interest and well repay -perusal. They contain many acute observations and -piquant remarks.</p> - -<p class='c007'>For Plutarch the old mythology is sufficient as a -basis for a religious belief. Like most of the Greek -philosophers who incline toward theism, he maintains -that myths are, to a greater or less extent, corruptions -of primitive verities. These originated in -the popular mind and received artistic form at the -hands of the poets. Underlying them all there is -truth enough and beauty enough to show the aspiration -of the soul after higher things, and they form -the basis of a purely theistic belief. Plutarch’s unbounded -faith in human reason leads him to believe -that it alone is entirely sufficient to enable any and -every man to lead a virtuous life. His advice to -every one is, in substance: get all the light you can; -use the reason you are endowed with by the creator; -acquire additional knowledge and wisdom every day; -make your inward life an object of daily study and -reflection,—if you do these things you will lead a virtuous -life. Those persons who have no love for the -beautiful and the good, no desire to become virtuous, -fail because they neglect to cultivate the reason with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>which every man is originally endowed. They grope -in the darkness cast about them by their own passions, -and refuse to follow the lamp that reason holds -up before them. Plutarch’s optimism; his faith in -the power of the intellect to make the world better, is -especially remarkable in view of the fact that his -countrymen, notwithstanding their general intelligence, -notwithstanding the large number of great -men in almost every department of knowledge born -in Greek lands, in spite of the fact that Greece was -the native hearth of philosophy, had for centuries -been retrograding morally, intellectually and politically. -So hard is it to divorce most men from a -theory to which they have attached themselves. His -mistake arose from his seeing all men in the mirror -of his own thoughts. He believed that the whole -human race could be influenced by the motives that -influenced himself, and that all could, if they wished, -be constantly engaged in the search for light and -wisdom in the way he sought them. This radical -error he inherited from his master, Plato, and it is -strange that he did not detect it. He seems never to -have suspected that he might be mistaken.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch’s religion is wholly without enthusiasm -and his morality has in it not a tinge of emotion. -Do right always, because by such a course of life -you will enjoy the largest measure of mundane happiness -that can fall to the lot of a mortal, and be a -benefactor to all who come within the circle of your -influence. Make the best of every situation in which -<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>you may be placed. Do not take too seriously the -hindrances to a virtuous life that you may find in -your way, because you can remove them if you will. -No matter what your station in life, do not expect -your path to be always a smooth one. If you keep -these things in mind you will probably live long,—you -are sure to live happily.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Plutarch’s views regarding the education of -women are far in advance of his age. He follows his -master, Plato, in vindicating for them the same -virtues that belong to men. His treatise often designated -The Virtues of Women is chiefly a record of -heroic deeds that have been performed by the so-called -weaker sex. He admits that the worth or -efficiency of women is not necessarily of the same -quality as that of men, but he contends that its -ethical value is equal and its intrinsic merit in no -wise inferior. The woman who has performed a -noble deed is entitled to just as much credit as a -a man. He takes issue with Thucydides for saying -that the best woman is the one of whom least is -said either for good or evil. He also takes issue with -the thoroughly Greek sentiment, though perhaps -more pronounced in Athens than elsewhere, that -woman is at most little else than a plaything and a -convenience for man; and that her highest function -is to bear legitimate male children. According to -Plutarch the wife is to be the equal partner in the -management of the household. When it is well conducted -she deserves equal commendation with the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>husband. He would open a wider sphere for women; -train them intellectually, and awaken in them an -interest in the larger affairs of life. Consistently with -these views, Plutarch assigned to his wife an honorable -place in his household. She received guests in -her husband’s absence; sat at table with him and interested -herself in public as well as private affairs. -While this was in contravention of the custom of his -day, it was in harmony with a faintly discernible -trend of public opinion, probably the result of Roman -influence. That the innovation made slow progress -is plain not only from the later history of Greece but -also from Greek social usages in our own day. When -we take cognizance of the unhappy state of his country -we are inclined to wonder at Plutarch’s uniform -serenity of mind. He never indulges in satire or -sneer, while many of his contemporaries did both. -But we must remember that his philosophy had, above -and beyond everything else, a practical purpose, and -that in a rather material sense. Men’s misfortunes -are their own fault and therefore preventible; or they -are not their own fault and therefore unavoidable. -In either case nothing is gained by grieving over them.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It will be evident from a perusal of the De Sera -that optimism is the basis of Plutarch’s philosophy. -Men can do right if they will, and if they do right -they can not fail to be happy. There is a superintending -Providence that in the end rectifies all -wrong and injustice. He seems to hold with Goethe -that “Every sin is punished here below,” though the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>punishment does not end in this life. Retribution -is not delayed until after death; it visits the sinner in -this world. Or if he is so fortunate as to end his -days in peace, so far as mortals can see, he entails a -curse upon his descendants. The iniquities of -the fathers are visited upon the children unto the -third and fourth generation. But the punishment of -the wicked does not end with this life. The soul -bears the imprint of its crimes after it has left the -body. That God sometimes permits a wicked man to -end his days in peace but that He has fastened a curse -on his offspring, is a prominent article in the creed -of many of the older Greek writers. It is often referred -to by Herodotus. So firmly convinced is he -that all wrong-doing must be atoned for that when he -finds an instance where the law does not appear to -hold good he confesses himself at a loss to account -for the failure of its operation. Not only individuals -but nations as well must expiate crimes committed -and wrongs done by their representatives in an -official capacity. And there is no doubt that the influence -of this belief was most wholesome. Much of -what Plutarch says on this point is probably fanciful, -especially when he appeals to the testimony of -history; but what he records is in keeping with -his philosophy and has therefore a strong personal -interest. Moreover, he furnishes us with some interesting -testimony as to the prevalence of a belief in -rewards and punishments among men outside the -pale of Christianity.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>Plutarch’s ideal of duty is a high one. The fulfilment -of some duty is incumbent upon every man -so long as he lives. It is as imperative in old age as -in early life. When a man is quit of his obligations -to his children, he owes a service to his country and -to his fellow citizens in a narrower sense. From -this service, only the impairment of his facilities or -death may release him. As every man is born into -the state, and as, in a certain sense, he is a man only -in so far as he discharges his obligations to the state, -he has no choice in the matter. Herein lies a duty -from which there is no possible escape. But the -mere holding of an office is not the only or even the -chief test of the good citizen. His duties in a private -capacity are no less important, and if less conspicuous -are equally far reaching. The good citizen -is the philosopher in his true sphere: good citizenship -is philosophy in action—applied philosophy. -It is only in actual life that the philosopher can put -his theories to the test. The form of government is -a matter of minor importance. Plutarch regards -monarchy, as on the whole, the best, but he is not -radical. In this he agrees with the majority of -Greek philosophers, most of whom were generally -more or less dissatisfied with the turbulent Athenian -democracy. That monarchy is best where the head of -the state is what Plutarch would have him be, a philosopher. -But even the most absolute monarch should -not regard himself above law; he is to be its executor. -Moreover, it is his duty not only to obey cheerfully -<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>the written law that binds prince and people alike, -but also that unwritten law that reason has implanted -in the soul of every man of sound mind. Rulers are -in a sense the servants of God whose duty it is to apportion -rewards and punishments according to their -deserts, to all that are under their authority.</p> - -<p class='c007'>After all, man’s first and chief duty is to himself. -His quest for light, for knowledge, for truth is never to -be intermitted. He is to take his bearings, as it were, -frequently, in order to see what progress he is -making. If his aims are noble, his purposes -right, and his motives pure, he will not only -make daily progress in virtue, but when he is -called to leave this world he can depart in peace because -he will have the consciousness that it is the -better for his having lived in it.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Having thus given a short sketch of Plutarch as a -man and a citizen let us proceed to examine briefly -the times in which he lived as supplementary to what -has already been said under this general head in -treating of Seneca. What had Roman rule done for -his country? What was the social and economic condition -of Greece and Greek lands in the first century -of the Christian era? Unfortunately our information -on these points is exceedingly scanty. In fact, political -economy is a recent science; in ancient times -the lot of the poor was little taken note of. It was -everywhere a hard one, and the care of the indigent, -so much insisted on in the New Testament, is almost -the first sign of an awakening in this respect. But -<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>it did not originate with the government; that had -other ends in view. That the Roman policy toward -the proletariat in the imperial capital only made -matters worse, is well known. When we remember -how much has been done in recent years by legislation -in every civilized country for the amelioration of -the condition of the lowest classes and how much -still remains to be done, we can picture to ourselves -the state of society where all this was omitted.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When we remember further that up to a comparatively -recent period commerce, trade and manufactures -flourished, in so far as they can be said to have flourished, -not because they were fostered by governments, -but almost in spite of them, it is not surprising that -they received little attention at the hands of the -Greeks and Romans, either individually or collectively. -It has already been stated that the sole object -of the ruling powers was to raise the largest amount -of revenue, not to equalize the burdens on all the -subjects. On no question is ancient thought so crude -as upon economics. The blight of slavery that made -free labor to a certain extent disgraceful, and a condition -of things that hindered the establishment of -manufacturies on a large scale, tells the sorrowful -story.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In his attitude toward slavery, Plutarch does -not seem to hold as advanced views as Seneca -and some of the better men of his age and preceding -times. Yet he did not endorse the prevalent -opinion, embodied in legislation, that a slave is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>a soulless thing, though the justice of emancipation -occupied his attention but little. Here again we find -his practical ideas in the foreground. He is concerned -to make the best of the situation as he finds -it. Slavery exists, is an ineradicable element of organized -society and is coextensive with the human -race. The best that the philosopher can do is to -make sages of slave-holders, to the end that they treat -their bondmen with justice and humaneness. Compare -the anecdotes of Plato and Archytas in De Sera, -Chap. 5. According to Plutarch slaves have souls -like other human beings, and are capable of mental -and moral improvement; consequently masters have -duties to perform toward them that are just as plain -and just as imperative as those due to persons -on the same social level with themselves.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The prosperity of nations rests mainly upon the -numbers and intelligence of its middle classes. It -can everywhere be measured by the rise of this -class. What wonder then that the nations were -poor among whom it scarcely existed? Rome could -not go on plundering interminably, and the riches -of its provinces in time became exhausted because -not replenished. All that the ancient world has -left upon record for us, proceeds upon the assumption -of a large body of slaves and a small body of free -citizens, and breathes a contempt for labor and trade. -In most of the Greek states the commercial and -manufacturing class consisted chiefly of resident -aliens who were also slave-holders, and no citizen was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>so poor that he did not own at least one slave. To be -a slave-owner was a badge of respectability even for -those who were not citizens. In the Greek states, so -long as they were free polities, war and religion occupied -all the time and attention of the citizens, except -that small body that were interested in philosophical -pursuits. When they were no longer free -and no longer had serious affairs in which to employ -their time, they spent most of it in idle gossip or as -the Acts tell us, “in hearing or telling some new -thing.” What legislation they were still permitted -to engage in never concerned matters of grave import. -They decreed crowns and statues to real or supposed -benefactors, only to annul their decrees when -those whom they were intended to honor happened -to incur the displeasure of the legislators or to -fall into disgrace with the higher powers. Then -there were deputations between different states about -boundary disputes, about festivals, about claims and -counter claims of all sorts, the sending of which was -often debated with a solemnity that makes us wonder -how the participants could themselves fail to see their -farcical character. Generally the game at stake was -the favor of the emperor, each party striving to outbid -the other in professions of loyalty or to outvie it -in the length of its bill for services rendered. When, -as was frequently the case, these delegations did not -find the emperor in Rome, they had, of course, to follow -him into provinces or to await his return. This required -time that, we may be sure, was in most cases -<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>ungrudgingly given. Instead of directing their energies -into channels of activity and trying by honest -work to better their worldly condition it was talk, -talk with the Greeks, and talk without end.</p> - -<p class='c007'>There is no stronger evidence of their fondness for -discussion and for listening to the spoken word than -Greek literature itself. The historians are in the -habit of stating the case of opposing parties by harangues -which they put into the mouth of a representative -of each. Greek poetry consists in a great -measure of dialogue. Philosophy was chiefly developed -by means of oral discussion. Comedy, even -after it was no longer represented on the stage, still -appears as dialogue and not in the usual form of the -satire. Among its richest legacies to posterity is its -oratory, and in it we have the spoken word in its -most effective form; but it still represents words -rather than deeds, and belongs for the most part to -the declining age of Greece. A solitary thinker like -Kant was wholly foreign to Greek ideas. So persistently -has this trait remained a characteristic of -the Hellenes that many of their best friends deplore -their fondness for petty politics; their sleepless anxiety -to assist in the management of the government -instead of turning their attention to bettering their -material condition by a steady devotion to private -business. Many of the rich and well-to-do Greeks -live outside the kingdom of Greece where their lingual -activity is circumscribed and they are compelled -by circumstances to turn their energies into more -<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>profitable channels. Rarely has a man, distinguished -for eloquence alone, profoundly influenced the course -of human events. Contemporaries are unanimous in -ascribing to Julius Caesar oratorical gifts of the -highest order; but he preferred to make his mark as -a doer of deeds rather than as a maker of phrases.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In Rome the economic conditions were somewhat -different from those prevailing in Greece and the -East, yet Rome was not a commercial state. It was -founded on military power, extended by valor and -endurance in war, and when there were no more -worlds to conquer, the forces that had been turned -against external enemies began to be turned against -herself. Rome was rich while she had other countries -to plunder; when this was no longer possible her -decay began. And these countries, by which we -mean all the provinces outside of the city, were rich -so long as the fertility of their soil continued and -their mines were productive. That Rome’s moral -decline antedated her economic retrogression by -centuries is familiar to every reader of ancient history, -but it is only the latter that we are concerned with here.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Money was not used for purposes of production, -but for the purchase of articles of luxury and display. -Much of what had been accumulated in the capital -flowed eastward and disappeared. Italy gradually -passed into the hands of a small number of largelanded -proprietors, whose vast estates were cultivated by -persons who had no interest in maintaining their -fertility. Great numbers of free citizens flocked to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>Rome to enjoy the doles distributed to the populace -at stated intervals; to feast their eyes on the bloody -spectacles, so frequently and so magnificently given; -and to die, only to leave room to be filled by the constantly -inflowing stream. The empire existed for -the City, its capital. We have already spoken of the -strange fascination it exercised over all who had once -been under its spell. We may safely assume that of -the eighty thousand Romans put to death by Mithridates -in his dominions, a considerable portion had -gone abroad in the hope of enriching themselves in -order to spend their gains in the capital. Doubtless, -too, so far afield, trade was less despised than at the -seat of government. The empire built, and for a -time kept in repair, those magnificent highways that -are still the admiration of all who see them. But they -served military purposes almost exclusively. When -no longer needed they were suffered to fall into decay. -They were not constructed to facilitate commercial -intercourse, and contributed little to the economic -welfare of the empire. When the lack of -local improvements was sufficiently felt and the people -were not too much impoverished, which was seldom -the case, to bear the necessary financial burdens -these were undertaken by the local authorities. But -there is reason to believe that some of the provinces, -notably the Grecian, became poorer and poorer from -year to year. The capital drained the province; the -people lost heart, and gave themselves up to the apathy -of indifference or despair.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>It was the evil destiny of the Greek polities that -they could never be brought to act together for any -length of time; nor did all of them ever act together -in any common enterprise. And they learned nothing -from experience. The misfortunes resulting from -this centripetal tendency were pointed out time and -again by writers and orators, but to no purpose. -Local pride always outweighed the dictates of reason -or even of common prudence. Had Greece presented -a united front, under competent leadership, it would -have been a hard task for even Rome to subdue it. -But it was impossible for the different states to forget -their reciprocal animosities: the increasing prosperity -of one was usually the signal for others to -turn their arms against it. In this way all of them -were gradually weakened and thus became a comparatively -easy prey to any strong foreign foe that -might choose to attack them. Their subjugation by -Rome was by far the greatest misfortune that ever -befell them. Philip of Macedon and his successors -were at least more than half Greeks, and had a good -deal of sympathy with Greek ideas. The Romans -had none whatever. Still, cruelly as they carried out -the work of subjugation in certain localities, when -their first animosity was appeased they seem not to -have interfered systematically with existing municipal -administrations. Yet the financial pressure became -harder as the people grew poorer, and matters -went from bad to worse. The wickedness of Corinth, -the most Roman of Greek cities after it had been rebuilt -<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>under imperial auspices, affords striking evidence -of what Roman influence meant on the morals -of a Greek polity.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is a matter of common knowledge what Roman -internecine war brought upon Italy. To a certain -extent the same evils were shared by Greece. Three -of the fiercest battles between the contestants for the -principate were fought in or near Greece. The -Greeks were always on the losing side, though her -soldiers were not numerously represented in the -Roman armies. These battles did but accelerate a -retrograde movement that had been quite marked at -least since the Mithridatic war, though it did not -begin then. The population was rapidly decreasing. -Plutarch says that in his time all Greece could not -furnish three thousand heavy-armed soldiers. This -statement must not be taken too literally; it can -hardly mean that there were not this number of able-bodied -men in the whole of Greece; it must mean -that it did not contain three thousand citizens sufficiently -well-to-do to enable them to support themselves -in the field. In the days of their glory some -of the smallest Greek states were better off than this -would indicate. It is certainly proof positive of -poverty, if not of a very sparse population. But -this, too, had greatly decreased in some places. In -the time of Augustus, Thebes had ceased to be anything -more than a large village—the same Thebes -that had played so prominent a part in legend and -history. With a few exceptions, the larger Boeotian -<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>towns were in the same sad plight. Cities without -inhabitants, or only a few; cattle grazing in the deserted -streets, and even in the market-place, seem to -have been a common sight. What had become of -the inhabitants? We only know that they were gone, -most of them, doubtless, to their graves.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In Greece, Sparta excepted, slavery was of a rather -mild type, and it was unusual for a Greek to sell a -slave to a foreigner. Neither did gladiatorial combats -flourish among the Greeks. Even Corinth, that -in later times contained a large admixture of Romans, -could not acclimate them. While it is true that the -Greeks made light of human life and took it upon -the slightest pretext, it was rarely done by the cruel -methods of the Romans. With all their faults and -frailties they belonged to a distinctly higher type of -men, and their civilization at a very early period -began to move along lines afterward followed by the -progressive nations of the world. How infinitely -better were their peaceful contests than the bloody -spectacles that were the delight of Rome!</p> - -<p class='c007'>Just as the Greeks were reluctant to admit foreigners -to citizenship, they were also reluctant to admit -exotic gods into their pantheon. In both, their policy -was diametrically opposed to that of Rome. Their -exclusiveness in the former regard was due to their -belief in their own superiority; in the latter, to the -conviction that their national gods were sufficient for -all human needs. Friedlaender is probably right in -his contention that the period here under consideration -<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>shows no decay in what we may call religion, -either in Greece or Rome. Its external forms and -traditional rites were sedulously kept up and scrupulously -maintained. Plutarch likewise bears testimony -to this condition of things. Scoffers and infidels -had become more numerous, mainly because -the Romans were more tolerant in such matters than -the Greeks. To the ruling class all cults were alike; -consequently they made no objections to anything -that was spoken or written, so long as their authority -was not directly or indirectly attacked. In the various -controversies about religion mentioned in the -New Testament, the attitude of the government is -always one of indifference except as to the maintenance -of public order.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Greeks, generally speaking, preferred, like -Plutarch, the limited sphere of local political activity -to the larger one offered at Rome. The provincials -who came to honor on the other side of the Adriatic -were few in number.</p> - -<p class='c007'>In the main the provinces fared better under the -imperial government than under the republic. There -was a higher degree of probability that wrongs would -be redressed. A case in point is that of the apostle -Paul who appealed to Caesar even when the Caesar -was Nero.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is a well-known fact of ancient history that property -in transit, either by land or sea, was at no time -particularly safe at a distance from the centers of population. -The thief and the robber are familiar figures -<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>in both sacred and profane writings. Pompey’s extensive -crusade against the pirates that infested all -parts of the Mediterranean forms an important -episode in the records of the Roman navy. Even in -the cities, the unlighted streets afforded frequent opportunities -for plunder and murder to those who had -no scruples about taking life or property. As domestic -affairs from time to time engrossed the attention -of the imperial administration, the outlying -provinces were not carefully looked after; roads were -neglected and became insecure; the police force -lacked efficiency, and commercial intercourse between -the different parts of the empire was reduced to a -minimum. The people were driven to agriculture as -their only means of support, which, in Greece particularly, -was never a profitable industry. Nothing -affords a more striking contrast between the police -system of ancient and modern times than the frequency -with which robberies are mentioned in the -former and their rarity in the other. Paul tells us -that he had been in peril by robbers; we know, too, -from the writings of Josephus and others that the -conflicts between this class of outlaws and the Roman -government were by no means infrequent. -Those who had been engaged in rebellion, or who -were among the vanquished in battle, or who had become -voluntary or compulsory exiles, often felt that -they had a right to prey on orderly society.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is a recognized fact that the monarchical system -of the East tended to encourage immorality, a condition -<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>of things that usually exists where there is no -strong and wholesome public opinion. The usurpers -in the Greek cities, and later, the Roman provincial -governors, were, with rare exceptions, men of loose -morals if not worse. The private life of its representatives -was a matter with which the home government -did not concern itself, and the subjects were -constrained to be dumb. Now and then one of these -petty sovereigns ruled wisely according to the standards -of the time, and the public was satisfied, -especially if they knew how to maintain brilliant -courts, and to adorn their capitals with imposing -structures. It was so easy to trump up the charge of -sedition against persons who refused to be servile -flatterers, that only the most courageous dared to -stand aloof. Finlay, though somewhat given to painting -in strong colors, is probably not far wrong when -he says: “It is difficult to imagine a society more -completely destitute of moral restraint than that in -which the Asiatic Greeks lived. Public opinion was -powerless to enforce even an outward respect for -virtue; military accomplishments, talents for civil administration, -literary eminence and devotion to the -power of an arbitrary sovereign, were the direct roads -to distinction and wealth; honesty and virtue were -very secondary qualities. In old countries or societies -where a class becomes predominant, a conventional -character is formed, according to the exigencies of -the case, as the standard of an honorable man; and it -is usually very different indeed from what is really -<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>necessary to constitute a virtuous or even an honest -citizen.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>The student of Greek history is often inclined to -believe that the bane of Hellenic statesmanship was -the bitter rivalry that always existed between the -different polities. From the standpoint of the philosopher -this view is correct. If the energies devoted -to the means and methods of mutual destruction -had been expended on the arts of peace, not only -Greece, but the entire world would, to-day, present a -widely different aspect. However much the moralist -may deplore the existing conditions, the man who -takes the world as it is cannot fail to see that the utmost -strength of a nation is always put forth in war -and for warlike purposes. It was so with the Greeks. -Political rivalry was the strongest stimulus under -which they acted. It was their life and growth, and -to a large extent the measure of their prosperity. -When political rivalries were extinguished by Alexander, -and more effectually by the Romans, the spirit -of Greece, too, died out. The Romans, especially -in their first contact with Greece, were too much -barbarians to have any sympathy with the best that -Greece had to offer. A genius for government is not -necessarily a mark of advanced civilization. It is -true there were at all times men among the Romans -able to appreciate the proud preeminence of the -Greeks in arts and letters, but their numbers were too -few to make any general impression. The leading -families, including most of the emperors, were familiar -<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>with the Greek language and used it with ease; -but there were few Romans who did not despise the -Greeks and regard them as inferiors. Nations, like -individuals, feel more or less contempt for those whose -tastes are different from their own; and in the case -before us, the Greeks being the weaker, were the chief -sufferers. But just as rich men sometimes buy books -and statuary of which they do not know the value, -and collect libraries which they cannot read, because -intelligent people take pleasure in these things, so a -certain class of Romans affected a fondness for Greek -art and literature and philosophy. An enormous -quantity of works of Greek art was transported across -the Adriatic by the Romans with small advantage to -the pillagers or to the nation. Notwithstanding the -predilection of some of the leading families for Greek -culture, their influence made no deep and lasting -impression on Roman thought, in the better sense. -Rome always showed itself much more receptive -toward what is debasing than for what was ennobling.</p> - -<p class='c007'>After this hasty survey of the condition of Plutarch’s -countrymen we are more than ever inclined -to be surprised at his optimism. Yet the explanation -is not far to seek, and is consistent with his -philosophy. He had an abiding faith in a divine -Providence who orders all things for the best. He -holds that men are free and therefore responsible. -The ills that afflict them are chiefly of their own -making; why then should a wise man grieve over -them? It is man’s chief business to free himself -<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>from unholy desires; to control the volcanic and perturbing -impulses of his nature by means of philosophy, -which when rightly apprehended is divine. As -man is in the last analysis an ethical being, the fundamental -problem of philosophy is how to carry out -in practice those ethical principles in the observance -of which man only can be truly happy. If, then, -men’s misfortunes are the natural consequence and -result of their own perverseness, there is no reason -why we should grieve over them. So far as political -conditions are concerned, he doubtless felt that the -rule of the Roman emperors had at last given peace -to his long distracted country, on as favorable terms -as could be expected.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It has been said of Plutarch that there is not a -new thought in all his writings,—and this by way of -disparagement. The charge is probably true. The -men who have put new ideas into the world are few -indeed. The world is far less in need of instruction -than of reminding. Besides, there is no reason why -an artist should not deal with a familiar subject in -his own way. If he can tell an old story so as to -give it a new interest, or treat a well-worn theme so -as to make it seem fresh, he is not the least among -his brethren. It is especially writers upon ethics -that are apt to be tedious. The more honor to him -who can make his preaching attractive and interesting.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Perhaps the chief charm of Plutarch’s writings is the -assumption on his part that he is a reasonable man -himself and is talking to reasonable men; for as we -<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>have already seen, he has always hearers in mind -rather than readers. We can imagine him ever and -anon saying, You either know what is right, what -your duty is, or you want to know. The rules of conduct -are plain and simple; you have but to obey -them and you will be happy. Perform the duties -incumbent upon you, to the gods, to your fellow citizens, -to the members of your family, to yourself, and -you will be content with the present order of things, -and your fellow men with you. If you want to lead -a moral life, be humane, be truthful, be sympathetic, -be chaste, deal honestly with your fellow men, follow -your rational nature rather than your emotions, and -you will have no reason to regret that you have -lived; your fellow men will be glad that you have for -a time sojourned among them, and have left behind -you the light of your example to shine for those who -come after you.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Lecky in his History of European Morals, already -cited, has some interesting passages on the relation of -Seneca and Plutarch to certain phases of the thought -of their time, a few of which may properly find a -place here. He says: “A class of writers began to -arise, who, like the Stoics, believed virtue rather than -enjoyment, to be the supreme good, and who acknowledged -that virtue consisted solely of the control -which the enlightened will exercises over the desires, -but who at the same time gave free scope to the benevolent -affections, and a more religious and mystical -tone to the whole scheme of morals.”</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>“Plutarch, whose fame as a biographer has, I think, -unduly eclipsed his reputation as a moralist, may be -justly regarded as the leader of this movement, and -his moral writings may be profitably compared with -those of Seneca, the most ample exponent of the sterner -school. Seneca is not unfrequently self-conscious, -theatrical, and over-strained. His precepts have -something of the affected ring of a popular preacher. -The imperfect fusion of his short sentences gives his -style a disjointed and, so to speak, granulated character, -which the emperor Caligula happily expressed -when he compared it to sand without cement; yet he -often rises to a majesty of eloquence, a grandeur -both of thought and expression, that few moralists -have ever rivaled. Plutarch, though far less sublime, -is more sustained, equable and uniformly pleasing. -The Montaigne of antiquity, his genius coruscates -playfully and gracefully around his subject; he delights -in illustrations which are often singularly -vivid and original, but which by their excessive multiplication -appear sometimes rather the texture than -the ornament of his discourse. A gentle, tender spirit, -and a judgment equally free from paradox, exaggeration, -and excessive subtilty, are characteristics of all -he wrote. Plutarch excels most in collecting motives -of consolation; Seneca in forming characters that -need no consolation. There is something of the woman -in Plutarch; Seneca is all man.<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c010'><sup>[4]</sup></a> The writings -<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>of the first resemble the strains of the flute, to which -the ancients attributed the power of calming the -possessions and chasing away the clouds of sorrow, -and drawing men by gentle suasion into the paths of -virtue; the writings of the other are like the trumpet -blast which kindles the soul with heroic courage. The -first is more fitted to console a mother sorrowing -over her dead child; the second to nerve a brave -man, without flinching and without illusion, to -grapple with an inevitable fate. The elaborate letters -which Seneca has left us on distinctive tenets of the -Stoical school, such as the equality of the vices, or -the evil of the affections, have now little more than -an historic interest; but the general tone of his -writings gives them a permanent importance, for they -reflect and foster a certain type of excellence which, -since the extinction of Stoicism, has had no adequate -expression in literature. The prevailing -moral tone of Plutarch, on the other hand, being -formed mainly on the prominence of the amiable -virtues has been eclipsed or transcended by the -Christian writers, but his definite contribution to -philosophy and morals are more important than -those of Seneca. He has left us one of the best -<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>works on Superstition, and one of the most ingenious -on Providence, we possess. He was probably the first -writer who advocated very strongly humanity to animals -on the broad ground of universal benevolence, -as distinguished from the Pythagorean doctrine of -transmigration, as he was also remarkable, beyond all -his contemporaries for his high sense of female excellence, -and of the sanctity of female love.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Seneca, Plutarch, and the Apostle Paul were in a -sense contemporaries. All three did what they could -to make the world better in their time and after them. -All three were preachers of righteousness, each in his -way. All three wrote much that has engaged the -attention of the world, and stimulated its thought. -But how great the contrast between the projects of -these men, especially the two last! Plutarch was -wholly lacking in Paul’s devotion to an idea. He -would have scouted the suggestion that a man should -give up friends, social position, country, kindred, -everything, to go forth to preach a new doctrine. -How widely apart, how almost diametrically opposite -the methods of two men who are in a sense seeking -the same end! The thoughts of the philosopher, his -intellectual vision, was turned toward the setting sun. -At most he could only hope, as we now see, to prolong -the dim twilight that still hovered over the earth. -The world had well-nigh lost faith in the power of -human reason to regenerate mankind. The spiritual -eyes of the Christian were on the rising sun. Though -he saw that it was as yet shining but dimly, he had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>no doubt that in time it would rise to noonday splendor. -The pillar of fire that led and lighted the way for -the saint; the beatific vision that always stood before -his enraptured gaze; the world-embracing panorama -that kept growing larger and larger as the little -Christian colonies were planted one after another in -Asia Minor, in Greece, in Rome, had no existence -for the philosopher. He has, it is true, a belief in an -overruling Providence, but it lacks clearness, because -weakened by a polytheistic creed, or at least by the -remnants of such a creed. To it he still tenaciously -clings, though it may be half unconsciously. He too -had a belief in an existence after death; but it was -not of the sort that made him feel that all the tribulations -of this world which were but for a moment -were not to be compared with the glory that should -follow.</p> - -<p class='c007'>If we would personify Christianity and Philosophy -as they met each other at the close of the first century -of our era, we may designate the one as the young -man, who, though poor in this world’s goods, is strong -in hope, in faith, in himself and in his cause. His -superb physique, his capital digestion, make him -ready for any enterprise, any sacrifice that shall -promise success. Any field in which he may display -his splendid energies is welcome to him, for he lives -not in the past, but in the future. The other is the -old man who has, in the main, lived a useful and -honorable life, who has performed some noble deeds, -and whose chief anxiety is to give the rising generation -<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>the benefit of the wisdom that has come to him -in a life of study and observation. But, as is usually -the case with the aged, his advice has become commonplace -and the rising generation passes him by -almost unheeded. Few have now any confidence in -his teachings, while many of his former disciples -have deserted him. It is his sad fate, to see himself -jostled at first and finally thrust aside by the passing -stream of humanity.</p> - -<hr class='c012' /> -<p class='c006'><a id='chap7'></a> -The principal works used in the study of Plutarch -here placed before the reader are the following:</p> - -<p class='c008'><i>Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia. Edidit Daniel Wyttenbach. -8 voll. Oxonii, 1795-1821.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>R. Volkmann. Leben und Schriften des Plutarch von Chaeronea. -Berlin, 1869.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>O. Grèard. De la Morale de Plutarque. Cinquiéme edition. Paris, -1892.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Plutarch’s Werke übersetzt von Klaiber, Bähr, u. A. Stuttgart, -1837-57.</i></p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia. Recognovit Gregorius N. Bernardakis. -Lipsiae, 1888-96. 7 voll.</i></p> - -<p class='c009'>The last named contains a revised text only; -from it my translation of the De Sera was made. -The German translation of Bähr, the well-known -Heidelberg professor, in the collection above cited, -follows the original very closely and has been of -much service to me by its interpretation of obscure -passages.</p> - -<p class='c007'>A complete catalogue of Plutarch’s Moralia is given -in the appendix. The list is borrowed from the -edition of Bernardakis and the question of authenticity -is not taken into account.</p> - -<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span><span class='sc'>Note</span>:—To translate Plutarch is a very different task from -that of translating Seneca. The style of the latter is terse and -epigrammatic; clauses and sentences often follow each other -without connectives, and are in the main short. That of the -former is the reverse. Most of his sentences are long, many -of them very long. These, as well as clauses and words, are -often strung together with the participles καὶ and γὰρ, -or other connectives, until the reader sometimes wonders -whether they will ever end. Seneca is full of pithy sayings -well suited for quotation; in Plutarch they are rare. The -style of both writers is highly rhetorical, but, if we except -the evident striving after effect, they have little else in common.</p> - -<p class='c003'>As in the case of Seneca, it has been my aim to preserve for -the English reader the peculiarities of the Greek, so far as -possible. There is much to be said in favor of making a -translation, above everything else, readable; but in the effort -to do so, the translator is constantly exposed to the danger of -displacing the style of the original with his own. I hope I -have in a measure, at least, succeeded in putting before the -English reader, not only what Plutarch said in the following -Tract, but also how he said it.</p> - -<p class='c003'><span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>“Because sentence against an evil work is not executed -speedily, therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in -them to do evil.”</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 id='chap8' class='c005'>CONCERNING THE DELAY OF THE DEITY IN PUNISHING THE WICKED.</h2> -</div> -<p class='c006'>DRAMATIS PERSONAE.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='sc'>Plutarch.</span> <span class='sc'>Patrocleas</span>, his son-in-law. <span class='sc'>Timon</span>, his brother. -<span class='sc'>Olympichus.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'>The scene is the portico of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. -The tract is dedicated to a certain Quintus, whose name seems -to indicate that he was a Roman, but of whom nothing definite -is known.</p> - -<p class='c009'>When Epicurus had thus spoken, O Quintus, and -before any one had replied, he went hurriedly away, -as we were now at the end of the porch. We stood for -some time in speechless wonder at the strange conduct -of the man and looking at one another, then -turned back to resume our walk. Thereupon Patrocleas -first broke the silence: “Pray, what shall we -do?” said he, “Shall we drop the inquiry, or shall -we answer the arguments of the speaker who is not -present as if he were?” “It would not be fitting to -leave the dart he discharged, as he departed, sticking -in the wound. Brasidas, as we are told, drew the -shaft from his body, and with the same weapon slew -the man who had hit him. It is not worth our while, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>of course, to defend ourselves against all those who -assail us with ill-grounded or fallacious arguments, -but it will suffice us if we cast them from us before -they become firmly fixed in our minds.” “What was -there then,” said I, “in what he said that most -impressed you? For many things and without any -order, one here, another there, the man kept charging -against Providence, with anger and vituperation at -the same time.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>2. Hereupon Patrocleas said: “The tardiness and -delay of the Deity in punishing the wicked seems to -me a matter of special importance; and now, by the -arguments that have been advanced, I have been led -anew and, as it were, a stranger, to the question; but -long ago I was offended when I read in Euripides,</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘He procrastinates, and this is the manner of the -Deity.’ Yet God ought, least of all things, to be slack -towards the wicked, as they are neither slack nor dilatory -about doing evil, but are impelled by their unrestrained -passions to acts of injustice. And in truth, -the retribution, which Thucydides says follows close -upon the commission of a crime, forthwith bars the -way for those who usually prosper in successful villainy. -For there is no debt like overdue justice that -makes him who has been wronged so faint-hearted -and discouraged, while it emboldens the wicked man -in his audacity and violence; but the punishments that -follow close upon the commission of crimes are restraints -upon those who are meditating wrongs -against others, and there is the greatest consolation -<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>in this for those who have suffered injustice. So, then, -the remark of Bias often troubles me when I reflect -upon it; for he said, according to report, to a certain -reprobate, that he did not fear lest he might not suffer -the punishment of his misdeeds, but only that he -might not himself (Bias) live to see it. What profit -was it to the Messenians, who were long since dead, -that Aristokrates was punished for betraying them at -the battle of Taphros, when the matter remained undiscovered -for more than twenty years, during which -time he had been king of the Arcadians, though he -was finally detected and punished, when they were no -longer alive? Or what consolation was it to the -Orchomenians who had lost children and friends and -kinsmen through the treason of Lykiscus, that he -was seized a long time afterwards by a disease which -gradually ate up his body?—this man who was always -dipping his feet into the river to wet them and calling -down a curse upon himself, praying that he might rot -if he had betrayed and wronged them. And the casting -forth of the bodies of the accursed from Athens -and their transportation beyond the boundaries was -an act that not even the children of those who had -been slain were permitted to behold. Wherefore, -Euripides inappropriately uses these lines to deter -men from the commission of crime, ‘Fear not lest -injustice overtake thee and smite thee down, unjust -man; but in silence and with slow step it will overtake -the wicked when the time is ripe.’ For verily, -no other consideration but just such as these, the bad -<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>will naturally use to encourage themselves and take -as pledges of security in villainy, on the ground that -wrong-doing brings forth early and evident fruit, -while the penalty comes late, and long after the satisfaction -(that arises from success in crime).”</p> - -<p class='c007'>3. When Patrocleas had concluded his remarks, -Olympichus spoke up and said, “To what great absurdities -do the delays and postponements of the Deity -in such matters lead! Because this tardiness destroys -faith in Providence, and the fact that retribution does -not closely follow each particular act of wrong-doing -but is later, thus making room for chance, men, by -calling it a misfortune, not a penalty, are they in any -wise bettered? Even though they may be grieved at -what has befallen them, do they feel regret at what -they have done? For just as the immediate stroke -of the whip or the spur laid quickly to the horse that -makes a false step or stumbles brings it to a sense of -duty, but all the subsequent jerking and tugging at -the reins and shouting seem rather to be done for -some other reason than correction, because they -produce pain but not betterment; so vice, if lashed -and beaten for each act of villainy committed, would -speedily become repentant and humble and fearful of -God who beholds men’s acts and sufferings, if He did -not postpone justice. And justice that according to -Euripides procrastinates and with slow pace overtakes -the wicked, seems more like an affair of chance than -of Providence, because there is about it so much uncertainty, -delay and lack of system. The result is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>that I do not see what use there is in the saying that -the mills of the gods grind late, both because they obscure -justice and take away the fear of evil-doing.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>4. Thereupon in reply to these remarks and while -I was still absorbed in reflection, Timon said: “Shall -I now add to the discussion the climax of my own -perplexity or shall I pass it over until after the disposal -of the main argument?” “What is the use,” -said I, “of sending along a third wave to wash away -the subject-matter, if it be found impossible to refute -and invalidate the first objection? First, then, -beginning, as we say, at the ingle-side and with the -caution of the philosophers of the Academy in regard -to the divinity, let us beware of assuming that we -know just what to say on this subject. In truth, an -affair of more serious moment is the consideration of -supernal and divine things, for us who are human beings, -than when one who has no ear for music discusses -this art, or when one who has never served in -the army discourses on military affairs; because, -though ignorant of the plan of the artificer, we assume -to be able to fathom his designs from what we -suppose to be probable and fitting. It is not hard for -one unacquainted with the healing art to comprehend -the reasoning of a physician as to why he did not -sooner perform a certain amputation rather than later, -or why he ordered a bath yesterday and not to-day; -in respect to God, on the other hand, it is not easy for -a mortal to say any thing positive except that, knowing -best the proper occasion for curing a man of his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>vices, He administers to each person chastisements -as medicaments, but not equally severe in all cases -nor at one and the same time. For that the healing -art when applied to the soul is called right and righteousness -and is the greatest of all arts, Pindar in addition -to thousands of others, affirms, when he calls God -the ruler and custodian of the whole universe, the -‘master builder,’ for the reason that He is the guardian -of justice according to which it shall be determined -when and how and to what degree every -wicked man is to be punished. And of this art Plato -says that Minos the son of Jove was a student, as it -is not possible to properly dispense justice, or to -recognize what is just unless one has learned and -acquired a knowledge of the same. Not even the -laws that men enact have always their clear and -plain justification and some enactments even seem at -first sight ridiculous. For instance, in Lacedaemon, -the ephors, immediately upon taking office, issue an -edict that no one is to wear a mustache and that -the laws are to be obeyed in order that none may feel -their severity. The Romans inflict a slight blow -with a twig upon those whom they intend to emancipate; -and when they make a will they bequeath their -property to some persons as their heirs, but sell it to -others,—which seems to be absurd. But most absurd one -would think the law of Solon to be to the effect that -he shall be deprived of civil rights, who, when there -are parties and factions in the state, take sides with -neither. In short, one could name many anomalies -<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>in law, if he did not know the intentions of the law-maker, -and did not understand the reason for every -single part of the decrees that have been issued. -What wonder is it then, if, when it is so hard to see -through human purposes, that it is not easy to say -with respect to the gods for what reason they punish -some transgressors later, others sooner.</p> - -<p class='c007'>5. These things are no excuse for shunning an investigation, -but a plea for indulgence, so that the -discussion, looking as it were, toward a harbor and -port of refuge, may move forward with the greater -confidence, in the midst of perplexities. Then consider -first this fact, that according to Plato, God -having placed Himself in the midst of all that is enchantingly -fair, as a sort of model, gives to human -worth, which is in some measure an image of Himself, -an exemplar which all are to follow so far as -they are able. For the universe, being in its natural -state devoid of order, began to change and to be -transformed into a cosmos when it participated in, -and became assimilated to, the divine idea and virtue. -This same man also says that nature kindles in -us the germ of vision so that by beholding the -heavenly bodies borne along in their courses, and by -admiration of the same, the soul becomes habituated -to take pleasure in and to love what is orderly -and systematically arranged, but that it hates all disorderly -and uncontrolled passion, and shuns the -purposeless and hit-or-miss as being the origin of all -vice and discord. It is impossible for man, by his very -<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>nature, to have a completer enjoyment of God than -when seeking and earnestly striving after virtue by -imitating everything that is good and noble. For -this reason also God punishes the wicked in due time -and with deliberation; not because He is Himself -afraid of making a mistake by chastising any one too -soon or because He might repent of it, but in order -to remove from us what is brutal and hasty in the infliction -of punishment, and to teach us not to chastise -in anger nor when greatly excited and indignant, -‘rage o’erleaps the bounds of reason’; as if, in order -to satisfy our hunger or quench our thirst we -rushed upon those who have done us an injury, but -imitating His goodness and long-suffering and taking -time as our adviser, that gives least room for repentance, -we should proceed to inflict punishments in -accordance with justice. For, as Socrates said, it is -less mischievous to drink murky water, heedlessly, -than when one is in a perturbed state of mind and -under the influence of anger and has lost the power -of self-control before the mind has become calm -and clear, to vent one’s wrath on the person of a -kinsman or friend. For vengeance does not belong -close upon the inquiry, as Thucydides says, but is -most in place when as far from it as possible. Since -anger, according to Melanthius ‘commits terrible -deeds when it has displaced self-control’; so, likewise, -reason does what is just and fitting when it has -put aside anger and excitement. Further also, men -are made humane by the example of others when -<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>they learn, for instance, that Plato, after raising his -staff to strike his slave, remained standing for a long -time, as he himself says, in this way chastening his -anger. And Archytas, on learning that his servants -were negligent and disorderly in his fields, but -noticing that he was greatly angered and incensed -at them, did nothing but remark as he walked away, -‘You are lucky that I am very wroth at you.’ If, -therefore, the reported sayings of men, treasured up -for us, deter us from harshness and the violence -resulting from passion; much more does it become us, -as we look upon God who lacks nothing and who -knows no repentance for any deed, yet postpones -punishment to the future and bides His time, to be -on our guard in such matters. We ought also to -look upon mildness and long-suffering as the divine -part of the virtue which God Himself exemplifies -(in His dealings with men), and to remember that -few are made better by swift chastisement, but that -many are profited and admonished by tardiness in -punishing.</p> - -<p class='c007'>6. In the second place, let us remember that -punishments among men, having regard solely to the -infliction of injuries to others, cease with the -malefactor and go no further; therefore, like a -barking dog they (the penalties) cling to the heels -of the transgression and follow up actions closely. -But God, as seems reasonable, discerns the passions -of the diseased soul upon which He wishes to -visit punishment, whether in any way, perchance, it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>may turn to repentance, and He gives time for amendment -to those whose vices are not ineradicable and -incurable. For, knowing (as He does) what portion -of virtue souls going forth from Him to be born, -carry with them, and how strong and ineffaceable is -the nobleness implanted in them, and that virtue -yields to vice contrary to its nature because corrupted -by food and evil communications, and that some, after -undergoing a cure, again resume their former nature, -He does not inflict upon all a penalty equally severe. -But him who is incorrigible He removes forthwith -from life and cuts off, because constant association -with wickedness is very harmful to others, and in the -highest degree harmful to the soul itself. On the -contrary, to those who from ignorance of the good -rather than from a predilection for evil and to whom -it is only second nature to go astray, He gives time -for repentance. But if they remain obdurate He visits -these also with punishment, for, of course, He has -no fear lest they may escape Him. Consider also -what transformations have taken place in the character -of men and in their life; for which reason also -this change and character (ἦθος) is called a turning -(τρόπος) as habit (ἔθος) for the most part shapes it -and by laying hold of it controls it. I think, therefore, -that the ancients represented Kecrops dual in -form (a combination of man and dragon), not as -some say, because, after he had been an excellent -king he became a cruel and ruthless tyrant, but for -the opposite reason, namely, that after having been -<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>unjust and merciless he turned out to be gentle and -kindly, when he had got into power. If this is not -certain, we know, at least, that Gelo and Hiero, both -Sicilians, and Peisistratus the son of Hippokrates, -all men who had put themselves at the head of affairs -by base methods, used their power for the furtherance -of virtuous ends; and though they had attained -power illegally, they nevertheless became just -and popular rulers. They promoted good order and -the cultivation of the soil; made temperate and industrious -citizens out of men who had been gossipers -and idlers; and Gelo, after fighting bravely and defeating -the Carthaginians in a great battle, would not -make the peace with them which they sued for until -they had pledged themselves to cease from sacrificing -their children to Kronos. In Megalopolis, Lydiades -was a usurper; but when at the height of his -power a change came over him and, having conceived -a loathing for iniquity, he gave a constitution to the -citizens, then in a battle with the enemies of his -country met a glorious death. If some one had slain -the usurper Miltiades in the Chersonesus, or had -prosecuted Kimon for incest with his sister, or had -driven Themistocles from the city by an indictment, -when he was indulging in drunken revelries and insulting -people in the market place, as was afterwards -done with Alkibiades, would we not have lost the -heroes of Marathon, of the Eurymedon and fair -Artemisium, ‘where the sons of the Athenians laid the -glorious corner-stone of liberty?’ Men cast in a large -<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>mold neither do anything in a small way, nor do the -vehemence and energy of their titanic natures suffer -them to be inactive; but they are tossed to and fro -like a ship on the waves until they settle down into a -fixed and well-grounded character. Just as a person -who was ignorant of agriculture would not take a -fancy to land, if he saw it overgrown with weeds and -brambles, full of wild animals, running water and -marshes; while to one who has learned to discriminate -and to judge, these very things show the strength and -goodness of the soil; so men cast in a large mold commit -irregularities and follies—men whose volcanic -and vehement natures we cannot endure, and think -they ought to be cut off or kept in check. But the -better judge, he who in spite of these things discerns -innate worth and nobility, waits until age and maturity -become the co-workers of reason and virtue, when -nature shall bring forth her proper fruit.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>7. “So much, then, on this point. And do you -not think certain of the Greeks have done wisely in -adopting the Egyptian law that forbids the execution -of a woman condemned to death during pregnancy, -until after her delivery?” “Most assuredly,” they -said. “If then,” said I, “a person is big, not with a -child, but with a deed or a secret project which he -may in the course of time bring into the world and -put into execution, or if he might disclose some -hidden crime, or be the author of some judicious -counsel or the discoverer of some useful invention, -would it not be better to await a seasonable time for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>removing him (than to do it prematurely)? To me -at least it seems so,” I said. “And to us also,” replied -Patrocleas. “Very good,” said I. “Now consider -that if Dionysius had been punished at the beginning -of his usurped power, no Greek would have -settled in Sicily, though it had been laid waste by -the Carthaginians; nor would Greeks have settled in -Apollonia or in Anaktorium or in the peninsula of -Leukadia, if Periander had not received his punishment -a long time after (his accession to power). -And I believe also that the day of reckoning for -Kasander was postponed in order that Thebes might -be rebuilt. Of the mercenaries that had assisted in -plundering the temple here the greater part accompanied -Timoleon on an expedition to Sicily where -they conquered the Carthaginians and overthrew the -tyrants; then the miserable wretches died a miserable -death. There is no doubt that the Deity sometimes -employs certain men after the manner of public executioners, -to be the avengers of other villains, then -destroys them as I think He does most tyrants. For -just as the gall of the hyena and the beestings (or -rennet) of the seal and other parts of repulsive animals -have a property that is useful for the cure of diseases, -so God inflicts on some persons who need a drastic -remedy and chastisement, a stern and hard tyrant; -nor does He release them from their grievous and -melancholy state until He has cured their disease and -purified them. Such a medicine was Phalaris to the -Akragantines, and to the Romans, Marius. To the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>Sikyonians also the god declared explicitly that their -city needed a scourge for taking away from the -Kleonians the boy Teletias, crowned in the Pythian -games, as their own fellow-citizen, and putting him -to death. So, sure enough, when Orthagoras had become -tyrant of Sikyon, and after him Myron and -Kleisthenes, he and his successors made an end of -their lasciviousness; the Kleonians, however, not receiving -such curative treatment, sank into insignificance. -You know that Homer somewhere says, ‘From -him, a far baser father, was born a son better in all -manner of excellence’; yet that son of Kopreus performed -no brilliant or even noteworthy exploit. But -the descendants of Sisyphus and of Autolycus and -of Phlegyas were conspicuous for the deeds and virtues -of great kings. Pericles of Athens, also sprang -from a house on which rested a curse; while in Rome, -Pompey the Great was the son of Strabo whose -corpse the Roman people, in their hatred, cast out -and trampled under foot. Why should it then be -thought strange, if, just as the husbandman does not -dig up the thorns lest he destroy the asparagus, and -the Lydians do not burn the shrub until they have -gathered the gum from it; so God should in like manner -delay to extirpate the evil and corrupt root of an -illustrious and kingly house until the proper fruit has -grown from it? It was better for the Phokians to -lose the countless herds of kine and horses belonging -to Iphitus, as also that much gold and silver should -be taken from Delphi, than not to have had Ulysses -<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>or Asklepias born among them, or the other distinguished -and noble-minded men whose ancestors had -been evil-doers and reprobates.</p> - -<p class='c007'>8. Do you not think it better that retribution -should come in due season and in a fitting way, than -immediately and all at once? As, for instance, in -the case of Kalippus, who, supposed to be the friend -of Dion, killed him with the same sword with which -he was afterward dispatched by his friends; and that -of Mitias the Argive who had been slain in a tumult -and whose brazen statue in the market-place fell on -the slayer of Mitias during a dramatic performance -and killed him. And the stories of Bessus, the -Paeonian, and of Aristo the Oetaean, the leaders of -the mercenaries, you, of course, know, Patrocleas.” -“I do not,” said he, “but I would like to hear them.” -“Aristo,” I said, “having taken away the ornaments -of Eriphyle lying here (in this temple), with the -permission of the authorities, presented them to his -wife; but his son, angered at his mother from some -cause, set the house on fire and burned up all who -were in it. And Bessus, as the story goes, having -killed his own father, was not found out for a long -time, but finally, going to a banquet with some -friends and happening to strike a nest of young -swallows with his spear, knocked it down and killed -the fledglings. When those who were present said, -as was natural, ‘Man, what possessed you to do such -an ill-omened deed?’ he replied, ‘Have they not this -long time been falsely accusing me and crying out -<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>against me for killing my father’? The astonished -company reported the remark to the king, and after -the case had been investigated Bessus received his -just deserts.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>9. “We say these things,” I continued, “on the -assumption that there is a postponement of punishment -for the wicked; on the other hand, it is proper -to hear what Hesiod says, who does not think with -Plato that punishment is a pain which follows injustice, -but that it is something of equal age with it; that -it springs from the same root and place, for he says,</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘Evil counsel is most hurtful to him who has given -it,’ and,</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘He who lays plots for another, lays a plot against -himself.’</p> - -<p class='c007'>The cantharis, you know, is said to contain within -itself the antidote (for the pain it inflicts), and villainy, -by engendering within itself both pain and -punishment, pays the penalty for evil-doing, not at a -subsequent time, but in the outrage itself. Every -malefactor who is punished by the infliction of pain -on his body bears his own cross, and vice wreaks upon -itself, out of itself, its own vengeance, because it is in -a sense a creator of the woes of life that it brings into -existence, together with the accompanying disgrace, -many sorrows, fears and violent passions and regrets -and unceasing restlessness. Some people are in no -wise different from children, who, on seeing malefactors -in the theaters often clad in gilded and purple -garments, crowned and dancing about, are delighted -<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>and admire them as fortunate mortals, until they are -seen goaded and scourged, while the fire breaks forth -from their splendid and costly attire. For many of -the wicked are the owners of fine mansions, and, as -they hold magistracies and other responsible positions, -no one is aware that they are undergoing punishment -until they are put to death or hurled from -rocks. This, one ought not to call punishment, but -the consummation and fulfilment of punishment. -For as Herodicus of Selymbria, who had been attacked -by consumption, an incurable disease, was the -first to combine gymnastics with the healing art, and -of whom Plato says, that (in so doing) he protracted -his own death, and that of all who were similarly -diseased; so malefactors who are seen to have escaped -immediate punishment, expiate their crimes by a -longer, not by a shorter penalty; nor after a longer -time but during a longer time; they are not punished -after they have grown old, but they grow old during -their punishment. And I say <i>a long time</i> with reference -to ourselves, for to the gods the span of human -life is nothing,—now, but not thirty years ago is the -same as to say, that in the evening, but not in the -morning, the malefactor, is to be tortured or hanged, -especially since man is shut up in this life just as in -a prison from which there is no migration to another -place or escape, but which in the meanwhile allows -time for many enjoyments and the transaction of -business, the bestowing and receiving of honors and -favors, and for diversions; just as persons in prison -<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>are allowed to play at dice or draughts, though the -noose is all the while dangling above their heads.</p> - -<p class='c007'>10. Moreover, what reason is there for saying -that those who lie in prison under sentence of death -do not receive their punishment until they are decapitated? -or that he who has drunk the hemlock-juice, -but is still walking about waiting for the heaviness -to get into his legs, until he is seized by anaesthesia -and the rigor of death, (has not received his?) -If we regard the consummation of the punishment as -the punishment itself, we overlook the intervening -sufferings and fears, as well as the apprehension and -regret with which every evil-doer is harassed. Is not -this just as if we were to say of the fish that has swallowed -the hook, that it is not caught until we see it -broiled or cut up by the cooks? Every one who has -committed a crime is firmly held by justice and has -then and there fastened within himself, like a bait -the sweet morsel of iniquity. Having an avenging -conscience in his breast, ‘Like a frantic tunny he -spins round in the sea.’ For the well-known reckless -audacity and over-confidence of vice is active and -ardent until the evil deed has been done; then the -passion subsiding like a wind, sinks down weak and -cowed under the weight of fears and superstitions; so -that it is entirely in accordance with the event and -the truth that Stesichorus attributes a dream to -Klytemnestra in about these words: ‘She thought a -dragon with gory head approached her, and from it -Pleisthenades came forth.’ For visions by night and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>apparitions by day and oracles and celestial portents -and whatever other phenomenon is regarded as -caused by the direct interposition of God, cause -anxieties and fears to persons who have a guilty -conscience. For example, it is said, that Apollodorus -once in a dream saw himself flayed by the Scythians, -then boiled, and heard his heart speaking from the -caldron and saying, ‘I am the cause of all this’; and -that at another time he saw his daughters all ablaze, -their bodies encircled with flame, running about him. -Hipparchus also, the son of Peisistratus, a little -before his death saw Aphrodite flinging blood in his -face from a kind of basin; and the favorites of -Ptolemy the Thunderer, saw him summoned before a -tribunal by Seleucus where vultures and wolves were -the judges, distributing many pieces of flesh among -his enemies. Pausanias, likewise, having caused a -free maiden to be brought by force from Byzantium -in order to pass the night with her, but when she was -come, owing to some perturbation of mind and -suspicion, had her put to death—this maiden he frequently -saw in a dream calling to him, ‘Hasten to -judgment; assuredly lust brings sorrow on men.’ As -the apparition did not cease to haunt him, it is said -that he set sail for the oracle of the dead at Heracleia -where he called up the ghost of the damsel by expiatory -rites and libations. Appearing before him, -she said that he would be freed from his troubles -when he came to Lacedaemon; but as soon as he -arrived there he died.</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>11. If then the soul has no sensation after death, -and dissolution is the end of all rewards and punishments, -one might rather say that the divinity deals -kindly and indulgently with the wicked who are -speedily chastised and die. For if we were to assert -nothing more than that as long as they live and -during the present existence no evil befalls the bad, -but that when vice is exposed and is seen to be a -fruitless and barren thing, that it brings nothing -good or worth an effort, in spite of many severe -agonies of mind—the recognition of these facts renders -life an uneasy one. A case in point is the story -told of Lysimachus that under stress of thirst he -gave up his body and his dominions to the Getae, -but that when he had got into their hands and received -a draught he cried out, ‘Shame on my baseness -for depriving myself of such a kingdom for so -short-lived a pleasure.’ Yet it is exceedingly difficult -to resist the needs of our physical nature; but -when a man, either for the sake of money or from -avidity for political honors or influence, commits a -lawless and wicked act, and when, after the thirst and -madness of his passion have been allayed, he finds, -in the course of time, that the ignominy and the bitter -sorrow for his crimes remain behind, and that -villainy has been neither advantageous nor necessary -nor profitable, must not the thought, so servile and -mean, often occur to him, that for empty glory or -fleeting enjoyment he has trampled under foot the -dearest and highest rights of mankind, only to fill his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>life with shame and confusion. For as Simonides -jestingly said, that he always found the chest he -kept for money full and the one he kept for gratitude -empty; so wicked men, when they examine their -own evil hearts, discover that for the sake of a pleasure -which directly proves to be an empty one, they -find them void of hope but full of sorrows and pain, -unpleasant memories, and anxiety for the future, -but big with distrust of the present. Just as we -hear Ino crying out in the theater when filled -with regret for what she had done, ‘Dear women, -how can I again dwell in the house of Athamas? -Would that I had done none of the deeds I committed!’ -So the soul of every villain ought to consider -well and reflect how it may rid itself of the memory -of its iniquities and exorcise a bad conscience, undergo -a process of purification and live life over again. -When the bad is deliberately preferred, it shows a -lack of confidence and firmness and strength and -stability—unless, forsooth, we admit that evil-doers -are a class of sages. Wherever there exists an uncontrollable -love of money and pleasure, and insatiable -avarice coupled with malice or a bad character, -there you will find also, if you look closely, latent -superstitions and an aversion to labor and fear of -death and sudden gusts of passion and an eagerness -to be talked about joined to a penchant for boasting. -Such men fear those who censure them and are afraid -of those who praise them as persons who have been -wronged by deception; they are particularly hostile -<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>to the wicked because they freely praise those who -have the reputation of being virtuous. For that -which hardens men in vice is like the brittleness in -poor iron and is easily shivered. Whence it comes -that as they, in the course of time, gain a deeper insight -into the nature of things, are weighed down -with sorrow and become morose and abhor their own -past life. It surely cannot be but that a bad man -who has restored a trust, or become surety for a friend, -or who from a love of glory or fame has given and -contributed something to his country, will forthwith -regret what he has done, because he is unstable in -his ways and fickle in his purpose; sometimes persons -of this kind, even when applauded in the theaters, -groan inwardly because the love of money has supplanted -the love of glory; nor can it be that those -who have sacrificed men for the attainment of sovereignty -or to carry out a conspiracy, as did Apollodorus, -or who have taken away money from their -friends, as did Glaucus, do not repent, nor hate themselves, -and do not feel regret for what they have done. -I, for my part, do not believe, if I may say so, that -there is need of any god or man to punish the impious, -but that their life, ruined and made uneasy by -vice, is fully sufficient.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>12. “Consider, however,” I said, “whether we are -not examining the argument at greater length than -its importance demands.” To this Timon replied, -“It may be, in view of what is yet to come and of -what has been omitted. For I shall now bring up as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>a sort of reserve the final difficulty, since we have in -a measure worked our way through those that preceded. -What Euripides alleges against the gods -when he boldly charges them with turning ‘the transgressions -of the parents over to their children,’ this, -believe me, we also tacitly impute to them as an injustice. -For, if those who have committed offenses -have themselves expiated them, there is no further -need of punishing those who have committed none, -since it is not just to punish a second time for the -same crime those who are innocent; or if through -negligence they have failed to punish the real criminals, -and long after visit the penalty upon the innocent, -they do not justly make up for their tardiness -by injustice. Something of this kind is told of -Aesop who, it is said, came here (to Delphi) with -gold from Crœsus in order to make a magnificent oblation -to the god and to distribute to each of the -Delphians four minae; but some difficulty arising, as -it seems, and he having got into a quarrel with the -parties here, performed the sacrifice but sent the -money back to Sardis, alleging that the men were not -worthy to receive it; thereupon they trumped up a -charge of temple-robbery against him and put him to -death by hurling him from the rock called Hyampeia. -For this the god is said to have become incensed at -them and to have sent a famine upon the land, -together with all manner of strange diseases; so that -they went around to the Hellenic festivals proclaiming -and making known everywhere that whoever -<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>wished might wreak vengeance upon them for the -wrong they had done to Aesop. In the third generation -came one Iadmon, a man in no way related to -Aesop, but a descendant of those who had bought -him in Samos; and to this man, having in some way -made satisfaction (for the wrong done to Aesop), the -Delphians were released from their calamities. -After that date also, they say, the punishment of -temple-robbery was transferred to Nauplia from -Hyampeia. Those who are great admirers of Alexander, -of which number we also are, do not commend -him for destroying the city of the Branchidae and -putting them all to death, without distinction of age -or sex, because their forefathers had betrayed the -temple at Miletus. Agathocles, too, the usurper of -Syracuse, mockingly told the Corcyreans, in answer -to the question why he had laid waste their island, -‘That it most assuredly was because their fathers had -kindly received Ulysses.’ To the people of Ithaca he -likewise replied when they expostulated with him because -his soldiers carried off their sheep, ‘Your king -also came to us and even blinded the shepherd.’ And -is not Apollo even more unreasonable if he is destroying -the present generation of Pheneatae by blocking -up the barathrum and inundating their entire territory, -because a thousand years ago, as they say, Hercules -carried off the prophetic tripod and took it to Pheneus? -or when he foretold to the Sybarites a release -from their ills, whenever they had appeased the -anger of the Leucadian Hera, by a demolition three -<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>times repeated? And in truth, it is not long since -the Lacedaemonians ceased to send virgins to Troy -‘who without upper garments and with bare feet, -like slaves, at early dawn swept around the altar of -Athena, without the wimple, even though old age -bore heavy upon them,’ on account of the lasciviousness -of Ajax. Where, pray, is the logic or justice -of these things? We do not approve the custom of -the Thracians, who even at the present day tattoo -their wives for the purpose of avenging Orpheus, -nor that of the barbarians along the Po for wearing -black garments in token of mourning for Pentheus, -as they say. And it would have been still more ridiculous, -I think, if the men who lived at the time -when Phaethon perished had not concerned themselves -about him, but those who were born five or ten -generations after his death had begun to change -their garments for his sake and to put on mourning. -Nevertheless this is merely silly and has nothing -pernicious or irremediable about it. But with what -reason does the anger of the gods sometimes suddenly -disappear like certain rivers, only to break out -afterwards against others in order to plunge them -into the direst misfortunes?”</p> - -<p class='c007'>13. As soon as he ceased, I, fearing lest he might -again proceed anew to more and greater absurdities, -spoke up and asked him: “Very well, but do you accept -all these things as true?” To which he replied, -“Even if not all, but only some of them are true, do -you not think the question presents the same difficulty?” -<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>“Perhaps,” said I, “and yet when persons -are suffering from a high fever, the same or nearly -the same heat remains whether they have on them -one or more garments; nevertheless it affords some -relief (to the patient) to remove what is superfluous. -Still, if you do not wish to go on, we will let this matter -pass; at any rate, these stories look like fables -and inventions; remember, however, the festival -of Theoxenia, recently celebrated, and the honorable -place the heralds assign to the descendants of Pindar; -how imposing and delightful the ceremony appeared -to you. Who would not, I said, be charmed with the -bestowal of this honor, so entirely in harmony with -the spirit of Greek antiquity, unless his ‘black heart -had been forged with cold flame,’ to use one of Pindar’s -own expressions? Then I forbear to mention, I -said, a proclamation similar to this in Sparta called, -After the Lesbian Bard, in honor and memory of -Terpander the Ancient, for the argument is the -same. And you too, descendants of Opheltas, forsooth, -claim somewhat more consideration than -others among the Boeotians and at the hands of the -Phokians because of Diophantus; besides, you were -present and were the first to support me when I upheld -the traditional honor of Herakles and the right -to wear a crown which the Lycormae and the Satilaiae -laid claim to; for I said it was altogether proper -that the descendants of Herakles should enjoy unimpaired -honors and benefits for services which he had -rendered to the Greeks, but for which he had not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>himself received adequate recognition and requital.” -“You have recalled to my mind a noble contest,” he -said, “and one well worthy of a philosopher.” “Retract, -then, my friend,” said I, “this serious charge, -and do not take it ill if the descendants of wicked or -base men are sometimes punished; or cease to speak -with approval of the honors conferred upon those -who are of noble ancestry. For it is incumbent -upon us, if we are to requite to their descendants, -the services of their forefathers, as a matter of consistency -not to think that punishment ought to -cease or be discontinued at once after the crime, -but that it ought to run along with it and render a -recompense corresponding to it. He who is pleased -to see the family Kimon honored at Athens, but -feels sore and aggrieved when the descendants of -Lachares or Aristo are expelled, is very weak and inconsistent; -or rather, he is captious and hypercritical -as regards the deity: for he finds fault if the grand-children -of a wicked and unjust man seem to meet -with good fortune, and he finds fault again, if the -offspring of the vicious are cut off and blotted out. -He blames God equally whether the children of a -good man or a bad man fare ill.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>14. “Let these things,” I said, “serve you as a sort -of bulwark against those over hasty and carping critics; -but let us take up again, as one may say, the beginning -of the thread of this obscure problem concerning -the Deity, with its many windings and ramifications, -and let us follow them up with care but without fear, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>to what is probable as well as what is reasonable; -this at least is clear and well established, that even in -those things which we ourselves do, we cannot always -give the reason. For example, why do we -direct the children of those who have died of consumption -or dropsy to sit with both feet in the -water until the corpse is buried? for it is believed -that in this way the disease will not pass to them or -come near them. Again, for what reason does a -whole herd of goats stand still if one of their number -gets eryngo in its mouth, until the herdsman comes -up and takes it out? And there are other forces in -nature that interact among each other and pass back -and forth with incredible swiftness through a great extent -of space. Yet we are surprised at intervals of -time, but not those of space. With all that, it is -more wonderful if Athens is infected with a disease -that had its origin in Ethiopia and of which Pericles -died and from which Thucydides suffered than if the -penalty for the crimes committed by the Delphians or -Sybarites should be carried down to and visited upon -their children. The forces of nature have certain -connections, and inter-relations with each other extending -from their farthest endings to their very beginnings, -the cause of which, though unknown by us, -silently produce their proper effects.</p> - -<p class='c007'>15. And, in truth, the wrath of the gods, when it -falls upon a whole city, has its justification. For a city -is a unit and an entirety, just like an animal, that -does not lose its identity with the passing of the years, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>nor is transformed from one thing into something -different in the course of time, but is always affected -by like feelings and has a character peculiar to itself. -It merits all the praise and all the blame for what it -has done in its sovereign capacity, so long as the -community which makes it one and binds it together -preserves its unity. To make one city, in the course -of time, consist of many cities, or rather, of a countless -number, is like dividing one man into many because -he is now older, but was formerly younger, and -still earlier, a stripling. This is altogether like the -well-known argument of Epicharmus, the so-called -increasing syllogism, much used by the Sophists, -that the man who had incurred a debt some time ago -does not owe it now as he has become another man, -and that he who was invited to a banquet yesterday -comes to-day an unbidden guest because he is another -person. Advancing age produces greater changes in -each one of us than in the general character of cities. -Any one would recognize Athens if he saw it thirty -years ago; the customs of to-day, the motions, the -sports, the occupations, the likes and dislikes of the -people are precisely the same they were in former -times; but a man whom a relative or a friend might -chance to meet after an interval of time, he would -scarcely recognize, and the change of character easily -seen in every remark and occupation and in the feelings -and habits have, even for those who are about us -all the time, something strange and striking by their -novelty. Nevertheless a man is regarded as one person -<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>from his birth to his death; and in like manner we -think it right that the city, which remains the same, -ought to be held responsible for the transgressions of -its former citizens with the same show of reason that -it shares in their glory and prestige; otherwise we -shall, without being aware of it, cast everything into -the river of Heracleitus into which he says nothing -goes twice because nature keeps all things in motion -and changes their form.</p> - -<p class='c007'>16. If then a city is a unit and a continuous thing, -the same is undoubtedly true of the family that -springs from one and the same beginning and engenders -a certain power and a natural bond of sympathy -between all its members. That which is begotten -is not as if it were the handiwork of an artisan, -separate from him who begets, for it is something -that proceeds out of him, not something framed by -him; consequently it possesses and bears within -itself some portion of its original that may rightfully -be chastised or honored. If I were not afraid I -should be thought to be jesting I would say that the -statue of Kasander has suffered a greater wrong at -the hands of the Athenians when it was melted down, -and the body of Dionysius when after death it was -carried beyond their boundary by the Syracusans, -than their descendants in paying the penalty for the -deeds of these men. For in a statue of Kasander -there was no part of him, and the soul of Dionysius -had left the dead body long previously; but in the -case of Nysaeus and of Apollokrates and of Antipater -<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>and of Philip and of all other persons in like -manner who are the children of vicious parents, -nature has implanted this predominant principle and -it is ever present with them; is not dormant or inoperative, -but they live in it and are nurtured by it; -with them it abides and it directs their actions. It is -not cruel or unreasonable if the children of these -men share their destiny. All things considered, here, -as in the healing art, what is advantageous is just, -and he would make himself ridiculous who should -affirm that in diseases of the hip-joint it was wrong -to cauterize the thumb, and in the case of an ulcerated -liver, to make an incision in the belly, and to -anoint the tips of the horns of cattle if their hoofs -are soft. So in the matter of punishments; he who -thinks anything else is just than what will cure vice, -and is scandalized if the healing is affected on one party -for the sake of another,—like the opening of a vein to -relieve the eyes—evidently sees no farther than what -is plain to the senses. He does not take into account -that even a schoolmaster, when he punishes -one pupil also corrects others, and that a general -who decimates his army punishes all his soldiers. -Likewise, certain qualities, good as well as bad, -are transmitted not only from one body to another, -but even more readily from one soul to another. -For in the one case it seems reasonable that -the same conditions should also produce the same -change, while in the other, the soul impelled by -motives and impulses is naturally inclined by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>boldness or timidity to become worse or better.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>17. While I was yet speaking, Olympichus interrupting -me, said, “You seem, in your discourse, to -proceed on a weighty assumption, namely, the continued -existence of the soul.” “You will surely -grant this,” I replied, “or rather, have granted it, -for my argument has proceeded from the beginning -on the hypothesis that God distributes to us all -rewards and punishments according to our deserts.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>Hereupon he replied, “Do you then think it follows -of necessity, from the fact that because the gods -observe all our actions, and apportion rewards and -punishments, that souls are either altogether incorruptible, -or that they continue to exist for some time -after death?” “My good friends,” said I, “God is -not impatient, or so occupied with trifles, that if there -were not something of the divinity in us, something -at least in a measure similar to Himself, but if, like -unto leaves, as Homer says, we are altogether transitory, -and doomed to perish in a little while, He would -treat us with so much consideration—like those -women who plant the gardens of Adonis in fragments -of pottery and bestow pains on them—cherishing -those ephemeral souls of ours, that dwell in a -frail body, and when they are sprung up have no -firm root in life, but are forever extinguished by any -sudden calamity. But if you are agreed, let us pass -over the other gods and let us consider ours here (in -Delphi), whether you think, if he were aware that -the souls of those who have passed from life, forthwith -<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>dissolve into nothing, like clouds or smoke, as -soon as they leave the body, he would have instituted so -many ceremonies for the dead, and would still require -large gifts and honors for the deceased, merely to -impose upon and delude the credulous. For my -part, I could never give up (my faith in) the -immortality of the soul unless some one should again, -like another Herakles, take away the tripod of the -Pythia, and eradicate and destroy the oracle. So long -as even in our day many such oracular responses are -rendered, as they say were given to Korax the Naxian, -it is impious to assert that the soul can die.” Here -Patrocleas asked, “What was the response and who -was this Korax? for to me both the name and the -circumstance are unknown.” “Not at all,” said I, -“but I am to blame for using a cognomen instead -of a name. The man who slew Archilochus in battle -was called Kalondas, as you know; but he bore the -eponym, Korax. Repelled at first by the Pythia for -killing a devotee of the Muses, he next had recourse -to prayers and humble supplications in order to secure -his restoration to favor, then was commanded to repair -to the habitation of Tettix, in order to appease the -soul of Archilochus. This was at Taenarus, for -thither, they say, Tettix the Cretan came with his -fleet, founded a city and settled near an oracle of the -dead. In like manner, also, an oracle came to the -Spartans, bidding them conciliate the soul of Pausanias, -persons who could evoke the dead having been -sent for to Italy; these, after offering sacrifice, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>conjured up the ghost of the dead man in the temple.</p> - -<p class='c007'>18. This, then is one argument which establishes -the providence of God and at the same time the -immortality of the soul, and it is not possible to -reject the one and accept the other. Now if the soul -survives after the death of the body, it is also quite -reasonable that it shares the rewards and punishments -(of the latter). For in this life it is engaged -in a contest, like an athlete, and when the contest is -ended it receives its deserts. To the rewards and -punishments meted out when existing there by itself -(separate from the body) for the deeds of the previous -life, the living attach no importance; they are -concealed from our knowledge, and discredited. But -those that are transmitted to children and through -successive generations, being plainly evident to all -who live here, turn many bad men from their ways -and hold them in check. There is no more grievous -chastisement, and none that reaches more to the quick, -than for men to see their descendants in misfortune -on their account; and when the soul of an impious -and unjust man beholds, after death, not statues overturned -and honors annulled, but children and friends -and his own household overwhelmed with calamities -and paying the penalty for crimes that he has himself -committed,—there is no one who would again be -unjust, or who would yield to his unbridled passion, -for the honors of Zeus. I have also a story to tell -that I recently heard, but I hesitate to do so lest you -<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>think it a fable, I will therefore keep to what is probable. -“By no means,” said Olympichus, “but -repeat it entire.” When the others also joined in -the request, I said, “Permit me to repeat what is probable -in the story and afterward, if you like, we will -take up the fable, granting, of course, that it is a -fable.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>19. Now Bion says for a god to punish the children -of bad men would be more ridiculous than if a physician -were to administer medicine to the son or -grandson, for the disease of the grandfather, or the -father. In one respect the conditions are unlike, in -another they are alike, or similar. Administering -medicine to one man for the disease of another does -not, it is true, cure the patient, and a person who is -suffering from a disease of the eyes, or a fever, does -not get better when he sees another annointed or having -a plaster put on him; but the punishments of the -wicked make it evident to all men that it is the purpose -of wisely-directed justice to restrain some by -the correction of others. In what respect the comparison -made by Bion is pertinent to the inquiry, he -himself failed to notice; for suppose, now, a man falls -sick of a painful but by no means incurable disease, -then gives himself up to intemperance and effeminate -habits, and dies; and suppose, again, that his son does -not have the same disease but only a predisposition -to it,—would not a physician, or a trainer, or even a -careful master, on learning this fact, put him on a -frugal diet, and keep him from dainties and pastry, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>from drink and women, and by enjoining the continuous -use of remedies and the exercise of the body -in gymnastics, scatter and eradicate the little germ -of a big disorder, before it had reached the serious -stage? Forsooth, do not we admonish those who -are born of diseased fathers or mothers, to take heed -to themselves, and to be on their guard against -neglecting themselves, and forthwith to expel the -inbred evil while its germ is yet undeveloped, and -thus take the danger by the forelock? “Most -assuredly,” said they. “Then,” replied I, “we are -not doing an absurd but a necessary thing; not -something ridiculous but something useful, when we -recommend to the children of epileptics and hypochondriacs -and gouty persons, physical exercise and -wholesome diet and medicaments, not because they -are sick, but to the end that they may not become -sick. The body that is born of an unsound body -does not need chastisement but medical treatment -and good regimen. If anybody calls the interdiction -of pleasures and the imposition of toil and labor, -punishment, he does so because he is inept and -effeminate, and no attention need be paid to him. -Shall we say, then, that a body born of an unsound -body is worthy of care and attention, but the congenital -seeds of vice that germinate and spring up -in the young character, we are to let alone and wait -and dally, until the evil passions break forth openly,—‘show -forth the malignant fruit of the heart,’ as -Pindar says?</p> - -<p class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>20. Of a truth, in this matter is the Deity any wiser -than Hesiod when he exhorts and advises us ‘Not -when returned from the sorrowful burial, to propagate -the race, but after the feast of the immortals?’ on the -ground that not only vice and virtue, but sorrow and -joy and all qualities, are transferred to the offspring -in procreation; that at such a time men should be -jocund and in good spirits and merry. But it does -not follow, according to Hesiod, nor is it the work of -human wisdom, but of God, to see through and -understand similarities and differences of human nature, -before they have led to great crimes and are thus -made plain to all men. For while the cubs of bears -and the whelps of wolves and monkeys immediately -disclose their inborn nature because there is nothing -to conceal or disguise it, the natural disposition of -man conforms to customs and opinions and laws, and -thus frequently puts a mask on what is evil and imitates -the good. In this way it altogether expunges -or eradicates the inborn taint of vice, or hides it for -a long time by cunningly disguising itself under the -cloak of virtue; inasmuch as we hardly take note of -any particular act of villainy, unless it falls upon us -or strikes us; or, rather, we are for the most part -accustomed to regard men as bad only when they do -a bad deed, licentious when they indulge their lusts, -and cowards when they run away. This is doing as -if we believed scorpions had a sting only when they -strike, and serpents were poisonous only when they -bite,—a foolish notion, verily! The man who proves -<span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>to be a villain does not become so just at the moment -he is found out, but he had in him from his birth -the germs of iniquity, the thief merely seizing the -opportunity or using his power to steal, and the tyrant -to override the law. But God, depend upon it, -is not ignorant of the inclinations and nature of any -man because He looks to the soul rather than the -body; He does not wait to punish deeds of violence, -until they are done with the hands, or impurity until -it is uttered with the tongue, or lasciviousness until -it is committed with the sexual organs. He does not -take vengeance on the evil-doer from any wrong he -has himself suffered, neither is He incensed at the -robber, because he has been roughly handled, nor -does He hate the adulterer because of the disgrace; -yet, for the sake of betterment, He often punishes -the adulterer and the miser and the unjust man, -thus cutting off vice, as if it were an epilepsy, before -it becomes firmly rooted.</p> - -<p class='c007'>21. A little while ago we expressed our ill-will at -the late and tardy punishment of the wicked; now we -find fault because in some cases, even before they -perpetrate any evil deed, God checks the natural -bent and disposition of men, though we are aware -that the future is often worse and more to be feared -than the past, and what is dormant than what is -apparent. We are not able to fathom the reasons -why it is sometimes better to let men commit crimes -and sometimes better to anticipate them while they -are merely deliberating and contriving; just as some -<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>medicines are not adapted to certain patients, though -helpful to others who are not actually sick, and yet -in a worse condition than the former. For this -reason the gods do not ‘turn all the transgressions of -the parents upon their offspring,’ but if a virtuous son -is begotten by a wicked father, as it were, a sound -man, by one who is diseased, he averts the penalty -from the house, the offspring of one being, so to -speak, adopted into another. But it is fitting that a -young man who conforms himself to the likeness of -a corrupt family should also share the chastisement -of its villainies as a debt incurred by inheritance. -Antigonus was not punished on account of Demetrius, -any more than the heroes of the olden time, -Phyleus and Nestor, for the sake of Augeas and Neleus; -since these men, though sprung from wicked fathers, -were themselves good men. But those who cherish -and take naturally to the baseness that is born in -them must also expect to be pursued to the end by -that justice which the likeness of vice demands. For -just as warts and livid spots and freckles that fathers -sometimes have, are not on their sons, but afterwards -reappear on the grandsons, and granddaughters; and -a certain Greek woman who had given birth to a -black child for which she was charged with adultery -until she proved that she was descended from an -Ethiopian in the fourth generation; and one of the -sons of Pytho of Nisibis, who recently died, and who -was said to be sprung from the Sparti, was born with -the print of a spear on his body—in which case the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>family likeness reappeared and came to the surface -as out of the deep, after such a long space of time,—so -in like manner the character and passions of the -soul are often concealed in the first generations and -remain unknown, but some time afterward and in -other persons nature springs up and asserts its -power, either for virtue or vice.”</p> - -<p class='c007'>22. When he had spoken thus he held his peace, -whereupon Olympichus said with a smile, “We do -not give you our approval lest we shall seem to excuse -you from telling the story, on the ground that the -case has been sufficiently proved; but we shall only -then render our verdict when we have heard that.” -In this wise I accordingly began: “Thespesius of Soli, -a kinsman and friend of the Protagenes who spent -some time here with us, having passed the first part -of his life in great dissoluteness, and having speedily -squandered all his patrimony, now pressed by the -exigencies of his situation, for some time led a vicious -life; besides repenting of his bad management, he -also sought in every way to recover what he had lost, -and acted just like those libertines who care nothing -for their wives so long as they are in possession of -them, but after they are divorced and married to -other men, basely try to corrupt them. Accordingly, -by holding aloof from no act of meanness that brought -either gratification or gain, he acquired in a short -time not only very great possessions, but also the -reputation of being a thorough scoundrel. Above all, -an oracle brought from Amphilochus gave him a bad -<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>name; for having asked the god through a messenger, -as we are told, whether he would lead a better -life in the future, the answer came back that it would -be better with him after he was dead. And in a -measure this turned out to be true, not long after. -For happening to fall on his head from a height he -lay like one dead from the shock alone, for he had -received no wound, and on the third day was already -carried forth for burial. Then all at once recovering -strength and coming to himself, he showed a most -astonishing change in his manner of life; for the -Cilicians know of no man of his time more just in -dealings between man and man, none more reverent -toward the gods, none more dreaded by his enemies, -or more faithful to his friends. Consequently all -who knew him were eager to hear the cause of this -transformation, as they thought such an alteration of -character could not be a mere matter of chance—which -was in fact the case, as he himself related to -Protagenes and other equally intimate friends. For -when he lost consciousness,—(literally, when his -rational soul left his body)—he at first experienced -about the same sensation as the result of the change -that a pilot would feel who should be hurled from a -ship into the deep; afterwards, having recovered a -little, he thought he had entirely regained his breath -and was able to see on every side with his soul -opened as if it were all one eye. Yet he beheld none -of the former things, but the objects he recognized -were stars of immense magnitude at immeasurable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>distances from one another, and a radiance proceeding -from them, surprising in its brilliancy and color, -in which his soul moved about with facility just as a -man in a calm moves a ship in any direction, easily -and quickly. Though he omitted most of what he -saw, he said that the souls of the dead, rising from -below, made flame-like bubbles as they displaced the -air before them; then, as each bubble noiselessly burst, -the souls came forth, human in form but of a smaller -size. Their movements, however, were not alike, -for some started forth with surprising fleetness and -darted straight up, while others whirled round in a -circle just like spindles, and whisking, now upward, -now downward, with a kind of confused and aimless -motion, they came to rest only after a long time and -with great difficulty. Respecting most of the souls, -however, he was in ignorance as to who they were; but -recognizing two or three of his acquaintances, he tried -to approach and address them, yet they neither heard -him nor were in their right mind, but beside themselves -and dazed, trying to avoid all notice and intercourse, -moving aimlessly about, at first alone by -themselves, then encountering many who were in a -like condition, they joined themselves to these, and, -tossed about in a disorderly manner in all directions, -they uttered unintelligible cries that sounded like -mingled screams of lamentation and fear. Others, -again, were seen at the very summit of the upper air, -radiant with joy, frequently approaching each other -with signs of affection, but avoiding the disorderly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>ones and testifying their aversion, as he thought, by -drawing themselves together, but their delight and -satisfaction, by expanding and extending themselves. -Here, he said, he recognized the soul of one of his -kinsmen, though not quite distinctly, for he had died -when yet very young; but drawing near it saluted -him with, ‘Hail, Thespesius!’ When he, in surprise, -rejoined that his name was not Thespesius, but -Aridaeus. ‘Formerly, it is true,’ replied the spirit, -‘that was thy name, but henceforth it is Thespesius -(the Divine). For thou didst not die, but through -the interposition of God art come hither in the full -possession of thy faculties; the other part of thy soul -thou hast left behind in thy body, as it were an -anchor; and let this be a token to thee both, now, -and henceforth, that the souls of the departed neither -cast a shadow nor move the eyelids.’ On hearing -this, Thespesius, who had by this time somewhat -recovered consciousness, looked and beheld a kind of -faint line about himself, while the rest were completely -encircled with a radiance and diaphanous, -though not all in the same manner, for some, like the -moon in her brightest splendor, had a uniformly -smooth and even color, while others were marked -with a kind of spots or faint weals; others again -were all variegated and strange to look upon; while -still others were marked with livid fleckings like -vipers, and some even showed slight scarifications. -The kinsman of Thespesius explained these things in -detail (for there is nothing to hinder us from calling -<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>the souls of men by the name they themselves bore -during life) by reciting that Adrastea, the daughter -of Necessity and Zeus, had been placed in the highest -seat as the avenger of all crimes, and that there is no -wicked man so powerful or so insignificant as to be -able, either by craft or by force, to escape her. Three -attendants wait upon her to each of whom has been -assigned a different mode of inflicting punishment: -those who are to be chastised while yet in the body -and by means of the body, swift Poena (Punishment) -seizes, though in a rather mild way that still leaves -behind many things needing expiation; those whose -cure is a matter of greater difficulty on account of -their vices, the daemon hands over, after death, to -Dike (Justice), while those that Dike gives up as -entirely incorrigible, the third and most terrible of -the attendants of Adrastea, Erinys (the Fury), pursues, -and after hounding them as they rush about -trying to escape her in one way or another, she puts -them all out of sight in a pitiless and awful way by -thrusting them into a nameless and invisible abyss. -Of the other punishments, said he, that inflicted by -Poena in this life is like those of the non-Greeks. -For as among the Persians the clothes and tiaras of -those who are undergoing chastisement are pulled -off and they are scourged, while the culprits beg -with tears that their castigation may be ended; so -the punishments suffered in body or estate are no -severe affliction, nor do they touch vice itself, but -are chiefly for appearance sake and for the outward -<span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>sense. But him who comes hither from there, unpunished -and unpurged, Dike seizes and exposes his -soul in all its nakedness, and there is no place where -it can hide or go into concealment or cover up its -baseness, but it is completely seen on all sides and -by everybody. At first Dike shows this soul to -honest parents, if such he had, or to ancestors, as a -detestable creature and unworthy (of such ancestry); -but if they were likewise wicked, he sees them undergoing -chastisement, while he is in turn beheld by -them receiving his deserts and expiating, for a long -time, each of his evil passions with pains and torments -which as far exceed in sharpness those endured -in the flesh as the reality exceeds in distinctness -the mere vision (before you). The stripes and -weals for each of the passions remain on some a -longer, on others a shorter time.” ‘Observe also,’ -said he, ‘the variegated and party-colored appearance -of the souls; the darkish and filthy hue is the -mark of fraud and avarice, while the blood-red and -flame-colored indicates cruelty and ugliness of temper; -where the soul has a bluish color, a lack of self-control -as against lust has not been wholly eradicated -from it; inherent malevolence combined with -envy give out the violet color and festering appearance -underneath, just as the cuttle-fish sets free its -black fluid. For yonder (in the world), vice, when -the soul is changed by its passions and changes the -body, occasions a variety of colors, but here (in the -realm of departed spirits) there is an end of purification -<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>and punishment, and when the passions are -purged out, the soul recovers entirely its native luster -and uniform color. Until this takes place, paroxysms -of passion break forth, causing relapses and heart-throbs, -in some cases faint and easily recovered from, -in others exceedingly violent. Some of the souls, -after undergoing repeated castigations resume their -natural character and disposition; others again are -carried away into the bodies of animals by the force -and power of ignorance and the innate love of sensual -gratification; for, owing to the weakness of the -reasoning faculty and a disinclination to discursive -thought, one is impelled by its active principle to -procreation, while another, though lacking an instrument -of sensual gratification, yet longs to satisfy its -desires with worldly pleasures and to attain its ends -by means of the body, for in this place there is only -a kind of imperfect shadow and vision of joys that -can have no reality.’ When the spirit had thus -spoken, it conducted him (Thespesius) swiftly through -boundless space, as he thought, easily and without -deviation, borne up by the beams of light as if on -wings, until he came to a wide and deep chasm where -the power that supported him gave way; he saw, too, -that the other souls had a like experience at that -place, for these, crowding together like birds, and -darting downward, flew about the chasm,—for they -dared not venture to pass directly across it—which -he saw was decorated within like the grottoes of -Bacchus, with shrubbery and plants and with all -<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>sorts of green twigs bearing flowers; it also sent forth -a gentle and agreeable breeze which was singularly -pleasant and which produced the same effect that -wine does on those who are addicted to it, for the -souls that inhaled these fragrant odors were in -ecstasies of joy and embraced one another. All -around this place there was revelry and laughter, together -with every kind of enjoyment and merry-making. -He said that here Dionysus had ascended -and had afterwards fetched up Semele and that it was -called the place of Forgetfulness (Lethe). Here, too, -Thespesius desired to tarry, but his conductor would -not allow it, and hurried him forcibly away, at the -same time telling him that the rational soul is melted -and dissolved under the influence of pleasure, but -that the irrational and carnal part, moistened and -clothed in flesh, revives the memory of the body, and -as a result of this reminiscense, a desire and a concupiscence -that incites to procreation; for which -reason it is called an <i>inclination toward the earth</i> -because the soul is weighed down with moisture. -Passing next over another way of equal extent, he -thought he saw a huge goblet into which streams -flowed, of which one was of a whiter color than the -foam of the sea or snow; another, purple like the -iris; while others again showed, from afar, different -hues, each of which shone with its own particular -luster, yet when he came near, the ambient air became -more and more rarified, the colors became -fainter, and the goblet lost its brilliant tints, except -<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>the white. Here he saw three supernatural beings -(daemons) sitting by one another in the form of a -triangle, mixing together the streams with certain -measures. The conductor of the soul of Thespesius -said that to this point Orpheus had advanced when -he was following after the soul of his wife, but because -his memory partly failed him he brought back -to men an incorrect account when he said that the -oracle at Delphi was the common property of Apollo -and Night, when in sooth, there is nothing in common -between Apollo and Night. ‘But this oracle,’ -the spirit said, ‘is common to night and the moon; it -gives response nowhere upon the earth and has no -fixed abode, but roams about everywhere among men, -in dreams and apparitions; and emanating from it, as -thou seest, dreams mixed up with the plain and simple -truth, spread abroad trickery and fraud. But that of -Apollo thou didst not see,’ it said, ‘nor wilt thou be -able to see it, for the earthly part of the soul neither -strives toward what is higher nor does it release (the -spiritual part), but it tends downward as long as it is -joined to the body.’ At the same time the spirit -leading him (Thespesius) nearer tried to show him -the light issuing from the tripod which, as he said, -passed through the bosom of Themis and reached as -far as Parnassus. Though greatly desiring to see it, -he was not able to do so because of its brilliancy; -but as he passed by he heard the shrill voice of a -woman chanting in verse some other things, and the -time of his death, as he thought. The supernatural -<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>being (daemon) said it was the Sibyl, and that she -foretold future events as she was whirled about on -the face of the moon. Though wishing to hear more, -he was carried round to the opposite side by the -rotary motion of the moon and caught but a few -words; among which was the prediction about Mount -Vesuvius and the impending destruction of Dicaearchea -by fire, and a verse about the reigning emperor, -thus:</p> - -<p class='c007'>‘Though he is good, disease shall end his reign.’ -Next in order they turned to look upon those who -were undergoing punishments. From the very first -they beheld nothing but repulsive and pitiable -sights; then Thespesius quite unexpectedly came -upon kindred and acquaintances and former companions -who were in terrible sufferings and undergoing -horrible torments and pains, and who besought -him with loud lamentations to have pity on them. -Finally, he recognized his own father coming up from -a kind of abyss, all covered with marks and wounds, -stretching out his hands to him; nor did those who -directed his castigations suffer him to hold his peace, -but they compelled him to confess that he had been -guilty of a base crime against some guests, for their -gold, by taking them off with poison, and that, -though the deed was unknown to everybody in the -world above, it was known to those below. (He -also said) that he had already undergone some -torments, but was being dragged away to suffer -others. Smitten with fear and horror he durst not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>offer supplications and intercessions for his father; -but wanting to turn about and flee, he no longer -saw his kind and familiar guide, and felt himself -urged forward by other beings horrible to look upon, -by whom he was compelled to pass among and behold -the chastisements of others of his acquaintances -who had openly led a wicked life, though the -shade of those who had been punished in the world -was less grievously tormented than the rest, and not -in the same way, as they were merely condemned to -severe toil for the irrational nature and the passions. -On the other hand, those who had worn the -garb and assumed the name of virtue, but had in -secret led corrupt lives, were forced by other tormentors, -with severe exertion and great pain, to turn -the inner parts of the soul outward; which action -being so contrary to their nature, they performed it -with wrigglings and contortions like those made by -the marine scolopendra when they have swallowed -the hook; some, their tormentors flayed and laid -open in order to show how corrupt and flecked they -were, and that their iniquity had its root in the -reason which is the noblest part of the soul. Other -souls, he also said, he observed coiled about each other -by twos and threes and even more, gnawing one another -on the score of old grudges for the deeds of -malice they had suffered or committed in life. And -he noticed further, some lakes alongside of each -other, one of which was of seething gold, another -of exceeding cold lead, and still another of hard iron; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>that over these stood certain demons who in turn, -like smiths, seized with tongs the souls of those who -had been guilty of insatiable greed and avarice, -drawing them out and thrusting them in. When -they had become heated through and diaphanous in -the gold from the effects of the burning, they were -plunged into the sea of lead; having become congealed -here and hard as hailstones, they were next -thrust into the lake of iron, where they turned completely -black, and were then twisted round and -round because of their hard-heartedness, and rubbed -together until they lost all semblance of their former -selves. They were then put once more into -the lake of gold to undergo, as he said, awful torments -by the change. But he said those endured -the keenest anguish, who, supposing they had been -released by Justice (Dike) were seized anew: these -were the souls of those for whose transgressions -their descendants or children had to pay the penalty. -For whenever one of these arrived and encountered -the other, he fell upon the shade in great wrath, -uttering loud cries and showing the marks of what -he had endured, at the same time execrating and -pursuing it while it endeavored to flee away and hide -itself, yet could not. For swiftly did the avengers of -justice pursue such, dragging them back again amid -loud lamentations because they foreknew their impending -doom. To some of the souls, he said, many -of their descendants at the same time attached themselves -like bees or bats, uttering shrill cries and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>falling into transports of rage at the recollection of -what they had endured for their sakes; and last of -all he saw the souls of those who were undergoing -the preparation for a second birth by a forced transformation -into all sorts of animals, and by metempsychosis -at the hands of those who were appointed -to the task. These, by the use of certain tools, and -with blows, hammered together entire members, -turned others round, scraped down or removed others -entirely in order to adapt them to different modes of -life, among which also appeared the soul of Nero -that had already undergone the other castigations, -and had been transfixed with red-hot nails. When the -workmen had begun to prepare the figure of a Pindaric -viper, in which it was destined to live after it -had been conceived and had eaten its way out of its -mother, he said that a great light appeared and a -voice came out of the light commanding that it be -transformed into some more gentle creature and -made over into an animal that is wont to chant -around marshes and ponds, as he had already expiated -his crimes, and some consideration was due -him at the hands of the gods for freeing Greece, the -land in which dwelt the best and most god-favored of -his subjects. Thus far now Thespesius was an eyewitness; -but when he was about to turn back, he got -into the utmost perplexity through fright; for a -woman, imposing by her stature and beauty, taking -hold of him, said, ‘Pray come hither, my friend, in -order that you may the better remember everything’ -<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>(you have seen). And as she was about to apply to -him a little red-hot iron rod such as the painters -in encaustic are wont to use, another woman interfered. -But he himself was carried away all at once -by a sudden and very violent gust of wind, as if -blown through a tube, and so lighting again in his -own body, he was restored to life, as it were, on the -very brink of the grave.”</p> -<p class='c006'><a id='chap9'></a> -NOTES.</p> -<p class='c006'>A few notes of general character are here appended. -Biographical and mythological details may -be found in classical dictionaries. They are, however, -rarely necessary to make clear the object of the -author’s allusions. A word or a phrase not in the -original has, in a few cases, been inserted in the -translation to preclude the necessity of a note.</p> - -<p class='c008'>Τοῦ θείου of the title. It is not clear from the writings of -Plutarch to what extent he was a monotheist. He uses θεὸς -both with and without the article. In some cases his meaning -is perfectly clear; in others not. The New Testament -writers, whose monotheism is beyond question, frequently use -the article before the name of God. In like manner proper -names sometimes have the article and sometimes are without -it. Thus we have Παῦλος and ὁ Παῦλος, Πιλᾶτος usually has -the article while Τίτος never has it, etc.</p> - -<p class='c003'><span class='sc'>Chap. 3.</span> The thought here expressed regarding the mills of -the gods has been put into the form of a couplet by Longfellow -in his Poetic Aphorisms, thus:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c011'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Though the mills of God grind slowly</div> - <div class='line in2'>yet they grind exceeding small;</div> - <div class='line'>Though with patience He stands waiting,</div> - <div class='line in2'>with exactness grinds He all.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>The purport of the passage is plain, but the parallelism -between the fact and the figure is not very close. The idea is -much older than Plutarch.</p> - -<p class='c003'><span class='sc'>Chap. 4.</span> “The ingle-side” or ancestral hearth. According -to the ancients the hearth was the center and beginning of -the family and the state. The expression, which is often -used by Plato and others, is equivalent to the <i>remotest beginning</i>. -Compare also the Roman Vesta.</p> - -<p class='c003'>5. “God having placed Himself,” etc. The following extract -from the Timaeus of Plato will serve to illustrate our -author’s meaning. “Let me tell you then why the Creator -made this world of generation. He was good, and the good -can never have any jealousy of anything. And being free -from jealousy, he desired that all things should be as like -himself as they could be. This is in the truest sense the -origin of creation and of the world, as we shall do well in believing -on the testimony of wise men. God desired that all -things should be good and nothing bad, so far as this was -attainable. Wherefore also finding the whole visible sphere -not at rest, but moving in an irregular and disorderly fashion, -out of disorder he brought order, considering that this was in -every way better than the other. Now the deeds of the best -could never be or have been other than the fairest and best; -and the Creator, reflecting on the things which are by nature -visible, found that no unintelligent creature taken as a whole -was fairer than the intelligent taken as a whole; and that intelligence -could not be present in anything which was devoid -of soul. For which reason, when he was framing the universe, -he put intelligence in soul, and soul in body, that he -might be the creator of a work which was, by nature, fairest. -Wherefore, using the language of probability, we may say that -the world became a living creature, truly endowed with soul -and intelligence by the providence of God.”</p> - -<p class='c003'>6. “Souls going forth from him.” The idea here is, that -the human soul existed previous to its incarnation in the human -body, and that it is a direct emanation from the Deity. -This doctrine is fully expounded by Plato. How to establish -the immortality of the soul, if it comes into existence with the -body, was a serious problem with the ancients. Plutarch -<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>seems to have regarded both the soul and the body as eternal -and uncreated, but the latter without form until it was united -with the soul. Or we may put the case otherwise by saying -that the soul, upon entering into a conscious existence, shapes -the hitherto formless body into an abode for itself. He also -holds that the soul consists of two parts: The one part seeks -after truth and has an affection for the beautiful; the other is -subject to the passions and under the dominion of error. -“For which reason,” the author here assumes that the words -ἔθος and ἦθος are from the same root. The former means, use -and wont; the latter was originally applied to the haunts or -abodes of animals; then the manners, habits, and dispositions -of men. Aristotle says, ἡ δ᾽ ἠθικὴ ἐξ ἔθους περιγίνεται, ὅθεν καὶ -τοῦνομα ἔσχηκε μικρὸν περικλῖνον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἤθους. (Ethical is -from ἔθος, for which reason the word differs but slightly from -ἤθος.) Plutarch himself says that custom is second nature. -It is easy to trace the connection between a man’s acts and the -psychical forces, the character, that produces them.</p> - -<p class='c003'>8. “An ill-omened deed.” It was a prevalent belief in -antiquity that misfortunes fell upon those who were concerned -in disturbing a swallow’s nest.</p> - -<p class='c003'>10. Near the end. The Greeks ventured to consult oracles -of the dead only on rare and extraordinary occasions. They -probably borrowed the custom from the East.</p> - -<p class='c003'>11. The story of Glaucus is told at length by Herodotus in -the third book of his history and is often alluded to by later -writers. The ethical import of the anecdote is far-reaching.</p> - -<p class='c003'>17. “Gardens of Adonis.” Shakespeare probably had these -in mind when he wrote (King Henry VI. Part 1, scene sixth): -“Thy promises are like Adonis’ gardens, That one day bloomed -and fruitful were the next.” At Taenarus, the most southern -point of the Peloponnesus, there was believed to be an entrance -to the lower world.</p> - -<p class='c003'>22. “None more dreaded by his enemies.” To return good -for good and evil for evil was a fundamental article of Greek -ethics. It is more than once alluded to in the Anabasis, and is -found in nearly all Greek writers. Socrates, however, takes a -firm stand against the principle and maintains that whatever -<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>is intrinsically wrong can never under any circumstances become -right.</p> - -<p class='c003'>“An inclination toward the earth.” The author here assumes -that γένεσις, procreation, beginning, is both in fact and -etymologically, connected with νεῦσις ἐπὶ γῆν, an inclination -or tendency toward the earth. It need hardly be said that his -idea is pure fancy.</p> - -<p class='c003'>This eruption of Vesuvius, as is well known, took place in -the year 79. Decaearchea or Puteoli was one of the cities -destroyed together with Herculaneum, Pompei and others. -Vespasian was one of the few Roman emperors, who, up to his -time, died a natural death.</p> - -<p class='c003'>What is meant by a Pindaric viper is not known. Plutarch -is evidently of the opinion that its young gnaw their way out -of the mother’s womb instead of being born in the natural -way, and the allusion to Nero’s treatment of his mother is -plain. Nero’s love for music and his proficiency in the musical -art are evidently held up to ridicule in this passage.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span> - <h2 id='appendix' class='c005'>APPENDIX.</h2> -</div> -<p class='c006'>A list of Plutarch’s works in the order of Bernardakis’ edition. -Lipsiae, 1888-96.</p> -<p class='c006'><span class='sc'>Volume I.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'><i>De liberis educandis</i>, (On the education of children).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat</i>, (How a young man -ought to hear poems).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De recta ratione audiendi</i>, (How one ought to hear lectures).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Quomodo adulator ab amico internoscatur</i>, (How one may distinguish -a flatterer from a friend).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Quomodo quis suos in virtute sentiat profectus</i>, (How one may -know whether he is making progress in virtue).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De capienda ex inimicis utilitate</i>, (How one may profit by his -enemies).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De amicorum multitudine</i>, (On the abundance of friends).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De fortuna</i>, (On good and ill fortune).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De virtute et vitio</i>, (On virtue and vice).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Consolatio ad Apollonium</i>, (Consolation for Apollonius).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De tuenda sanitate præcepta</i>, (Precepts on the preservation of -health).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Conjugalia præcepta</i>, (Precepts on matrimony).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Septem sapientum convivium</i>, (The banquet of the seven sages).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De superstitione</i>, (On superstition).</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='sc'>Volume II.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'><i>Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata</i>, (Memorable sayings of -kings and commanders).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Apophthegmata Laconica</i>, (Memorable sayings of Spartans).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Instituta Laconica</i>, (The ancient customs of the Lacedaemonians).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Lacænarum apophthegmata</i>, (Memorable sayings of Spartan -women).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Mulierum virtutes</i>, (Heroic deeds of women).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Ætia Romana</i>, (A list of topics, Roman).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Ætia Græca</i>, (A list of topics, Greek).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Parallela Græca et Romana</i>, (A collection of Greek and Roman -historical parallels).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De fortuna Romanorum</i>, (On the good fortune of the Romans).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute, oratio I et II</i>, (On the -good fortune or valor of Alexander the Great, discourses I -and II).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Bellone an pace clariores fuerint Athenienses</i>, (Were the Athenians -more distinguished in war or in wisdom)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Iside et Osiride,</i> (Concerning Isis and Osiris).</p> -<p class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span><span class='sc'>Volume III.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'><i>De E apud Delphos</i>, (On the E at Delphi).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Pythia oraculis</i>, (On the cessation of the Pythian oracles in -meter).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De defectu oraculorum</i>, (On the cessation of oracles).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>An virtus doceri possit</i>, (Can virtue be taught)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De virtute morali</i>, (On moral virtue).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De cohibenda ira</i>, (On the control of the temper).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De tranquillitate animi</i>, (On peace of mind).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De fraterno amore</i>, (On fraternal love).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De amore prolis</i>, (On the love of offspring).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>An vitiositas ad infelicitatem sufficiat</i>, (Does vice of itself make -men unhappy)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Animine an corporis affectiones sint peiores</i>, (Are the sufferings -of the mind more grievous than those of the body)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De garrulitate</i>, (On talkativeness).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De curiositate</i>, (On meddlesomness).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De cupiditate divitiarum</i>, (On the love of riches).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De vitioso pudore</i>, (On excess of modesty).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De invidia et odio</i>, (Concerning envy and hatred).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De se ipsum citra invidiam laudando</i>, (On praising one’s self without -reproach).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De sera numinis vindicta</i>, (Concerning those whom God is slow -to punish).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De fato</i>, (On fate).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De genio Socratis</i>, (On the tutelary deity of Socrates).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De exilio</i>, (On exile).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Consolatio ad uxorem</i>, (A letter of condolence to his wife).</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='sc'>Volume IV.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'><i>Questionum convivialium libri IX</i>, (Nine books of table-talk).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Amatorius</i>, (A dialogue on love).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Amatoriae narrationes</i>, (Love stories).</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='sc'>Volume V.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'><i>Maxime cum principibus philosopho esse disserendum</i>, (On the -proposition that the philosopher ought chiefly to converse -with rulers).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Ad principem ineruditum</i>, (To an uneducated ruler).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>An seni res publica gerenda sit</i>, (Should an old man hold a public -office)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Praecepta gerendae rei publicae</i>, (Political precepts).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De unius in re publica dominatione, populari statu et paucorum -imperio</i>, (On monarchy, democracy, and oligarchy).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De vitando aere alieno</i>, (On avoiding debts).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>X oratorum vitae</i>, (The lives of the ten orators).</p> - -<p class='c003'><span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span><i>De comparatione Aristophanis et Menandri epitome</i> (Abstract of -a comparison between Aristophanes and Menander).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Herodoti malignitate</i>, (On the malice of Herodotus).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De placitis philosophorum libri V</i>, (Five books of maxims of the -philosophers).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Aetia physica</i>, (Problems in physics).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De facie quae in orbe lunae apparet</i>, (Concerning the face that -appears on the moon’s disk).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De primo frigido</i>, (On the origin of cold).</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='sc'>Volume VI.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'><i>Aquane an ignis sit utilior</i>, (Is fire or water the more useful)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Terrestriane an aquatilia animalia sint callidiora</i>, (Are water or -land animals the more cunning)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Bruta animalia ratione uti</i>, (On the use of reason by brutes).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De esu carnium, orationes duo</i>, (On the eating of flesh, two discourses).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Platonicae quaestiones</i>, (Platonic questions).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De animae procreatione in Timaeo</i>, (On the origin of the soul in -the Timaeus).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Epitome libri de animae procreatione in Timaeo</i>, (Abstract of the -book on the origin of the soul in the Timaeus).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De Stoicorum repugnantiis</i>, (On contradictions of the Stoics).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Compendium libri cui argumentum fuit, Stoicos absurdiora poetis -dicere</i>, (Synopsis of the book the argument of which was, The -Stoics utter greater absurdities than the poets).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De communibus notitiis adversus Stoicos</i>, (Concerning the common -conceptions against the Stoics).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum</i>, (That it is not possible -to live pleasurably according to Epicurus).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>Adversus Coloten</i>, (Against Colotes).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>An recte dictum sit latenter vivendum esse</i>, (Is it a true saying -that one ought to live in seclusion)?</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De musica</i>, (On music).</p> - -<p class='c006'><span class='sc'>Volume VII.</span></p> - -<p class='c008'><i>De fluviorum et montium nominibus et de iis quæ in illis inveniuntur</i>, -(On the names of rivers and mountains and those things -that are found in them).</p> - -<p class='c003'><i>De vita et poesi Homeri, Lib. I et II</i>, (On the life and poetry of -Homer).</p> - -<p class='c009'>The two treatises last named fill more than one-third of the -volume, the remainder being chiefly taken up with fragments, -some of them only a few lines in length. It also contains the -so-called catalogue of Lamprias which, including the Parallel -lives, assigns 227 different works to Plutarch. Volume seven concludes -with an index of names. As these treatises are usually -<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>cited by their Latin titles, they only are given above. A complete -edition of Plutarch’s Morals, with an introduction by R. W. -Emerson was published in Boston about twenty-five years ago, -under the editorial supervision of Professor Goodwin of Harvard -University. The translations were made by a number of -English scholars near the close of the seventeenth century. In -their revised form they are in the main correct and some of them -are vigorous and readable.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c017'> - <div><span class='large'>Footnotes</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f1'> -<p class='c007'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. </span>It is a noteworthy fact that many of Rome’s great men were -Spaniards, while many others were not natives of the city. -Among the former were the emperors Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus -and Marcus Aurelius. The two Senecas, Lucan, Martial -and Quintillian were also Spaniards. Vespasian was born -at Reate; Livy, in Padua; Horace, at Venusia; Virgil, in Mantua; -Cicero, at Arpinum; the emperor Claudius, at Lugdunum; -the two Plinys, at Comum, etc.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f2'> -<p class='c007'><span class='label'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. </span>Seneca is generally regarded as the first Roman writer who -used <i>caro</i>, flesh, as distinct from, and opposed to, spirit.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f3'> -<p class='c007'><span class='label'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. </span>Students of German literature are reminded of a certain -moral and intellectual similarity between Plutarch and Gellert. -The latter, though a man of much less natural ability, had all of -Plutarch’s kindliness, moral and religious earnestness, sympathy -for those in distress, and the same popularity among all classes -from prince to peasant. Both were equally religious, though one -was a heathen and the other a Christian; both preserved the -same serenity of mind and cheerfulness of heart in a time of -national degradation and immorality.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f4'> -<p class='c007'><span class='label'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. </span>“When Plutarch, after the death of his daughter; was writing -a letter of consolation to his wife, we find him turning away -from all the commonplaces of the stoics as the recollection of -one simple trait of his little child rushed upon his mind:—‘She -desired her nurse to press even her dolls to her breast. She was -so loving that she wished everything that gave her pleasure to -share in the best she had.’” The statement that Seneca is all -man will be questioned by those who know that two of his Letters -of Condolence are addressed to women. These are almost -the only writings in Roman literature so addressed.</p> -</div> -<div> - - <ul class='ul_1 c017'> - <li>Transcriber’s Notes: - <ul class='ul_2'> - <li>Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. - </li> - <li>Typographical errors were silently corrected. - </li> - <li>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant - form was found in this book. - </li> - <li>Footnotes have been collected at the end of the text, and are linked for ease of - reference. - </li> - </ul> - </li> - </ul> - -</div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Between Heathenism and Christianity, by -Charles William Super and Plutarch and Seneca - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BETWEEN HEATHENISM AND CHRISTIANITY *** - -***** This file should be named 60831-h.htm or 60831-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/0/8/3/60831/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, David King, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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